Introduction
The armed conict on the Communist front is the longest-running Maoist
insurgency in the world (Corpus, 1989, pp. 2728). Led by the New Peoples
Army (NPA)the armed force of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP),
which was re-established as a Maoist party on 26 December 1968it was
launched on 29 March 1969 in Central Luzon. Its primary task is to wage a
protracted peoples war (PPW) to overthrow the government and replace it with
a national democratic system with a socialist perspective. It is a peoples
war because, together with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines
(NDFP)formed in 1973 as an umbrella for its mass organizationsthe
rebels aim to win over the majority of the population in overthrowing the
status quo. It is protracted because they recognize that it will take time to
build bases in the countryside before they can eventually take the cities and
seize power. There are three major stages in this PPW: the strategic defensive,
the strategic stalemate, and the strategic offensive. The PPW has been in the
strategic defensive stage since the late 1960s.
Though it wages a peoples war, the NPA is essentially a political rather
than a military force. Aside from armed struggle, its primary tasks are mass
base building and land reform. Its strategy is to set up barangay (village) organizing committees and barangay revolutionary committees, primarily in rural
areas (see Chapter 2), and to build support infrastructure in urban areas
through sectoral and other mass organizations. With enough rebel-inuenced
villages in the countryside, the NPAs ultimate goal is to encircle the cities
Part One Thematic Chapters
17
where the support forces await them to form a coalition transitional council
that will eventually become an alternative national democratic government
(Marks, 1996, pp. 98106).
This chapter presents a brief survey of the root causes of this internal armed
conict and provides an overview of its evolution, showing how political
changes at various junctures have inuenced the war. One political mechanism of particular interest is the peace negotiations of 19867, which have
continued intermittently since 1992. Prospects for a comprehensive agreement
between the government and the NPA are bleak since the government remains rmly opposed to what it views as demands for power sharing, while
the CPP is committed to its deeply ideological vision.
The chapter also looks at the longevity of the armed group, which has persisted despite changes in the national and international contexts, and a deep split
within the party in the early 1990s. As a result of the split, sections of the Communist Left have explored alternative paths to progressive social and political
change, including participation in elections. These other paths necessarily have
some bearing on the evolution of the conict on the Communist front.
Since 11 September 2001, the US-led global war on terror has impinged
upon peace negotiations and, of course, on the armed conict itself. The
chapter concludes with some insights on the human security and development panorama, asking whether and how the armed conict can be resolved
peacefully. It also highlights the role of the gun in the insurgency. Following
this chapter is a case study of the NPA in Bicol (Chapter 2), a region where the
NPA is particularly strong. The study looks at how the group operates in practice, providing details of its organizing and fund-raising techniques.
The key ndings of this chapter include:
s The quality and number of cadres has decreased since its heyday in the mid1980s, but the NPA is still attracting members, mainly poor people from
rural areas, for many of whom the NPA represents one of the few available
livelihood opportunities. Idealistic college students continue to join, though
in much smaller numbers than in the 1970s.
s Though suspended at present, peace talks could be resumed, but the potential for compromise on either side is slim. The NPAs aim is still to overthrow
18
the government, a demand that leaves little room for negotiation. The Arroyo
government has invested in defeating the group militarily.
s The United States, as part of its war on terror, has injected new fuel into the
governments anti-insurgency drive, both by listing NPA as a terrorist group
and by offering logistical support to the military.
s The direction of conict is dependent on the quality of democracy. If an
inclusive, participatory democracy can be established, then the NPAs struggle will seem anachronistic to its potential supporters and members. Neither
the government nor the NPA is likely to win a military victory.
19
particularly to the perceived logic, purity, and success of the Maoist revolution in China in an era of romanticized national liberation movements. They
joined peasants, workers, and sectors of the middle class in a protest movement for reform and democracy (Wurfel, 1988).
In 1970, shortly after the foundation of the CPP and NPA, the First Quarter
Storm student demonstrations erupted. Marcoss hard-line responsein
particular the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and, in
1972, the declaration of martial lawinadvertently served the NPAs recruitment drive. Even after CPP founder Sison and NPA commander Bernabe
Buscayno were captured in 197677, the national democratic movement expanded through massive organization, intensication of guerilla warfare in
the countryside, international solidarity work, and alliance-building with
groups and individuals who opposed the dictatorship. Following 13 years of
martial law, in 1985 the CPP proclaimed that it was in the advance substage
of the strategic defensive. In other words, the CPP thought it was close to
winning its PPW (CPP, 1993, pp. 3536, 44; PHDR, 2005, p. 85).
The panorama shifted for the group in 1986, when Corazon Aquino rose to
power by virtue of an aborted military coup and the EDSA People Power
uprising.2 Political prisoners were releasedamong them Sisonpeace talks
were in the ofng, and a ceasere was declared. But the Communist rebels
were unimpressed with the quality of the restored democracy on the grounds
that it was as elitist as it had been pre-Marcos, and were unhappy at calls for
the group to surrender. Talks collapsed after the military brutally dispersed
and killed peasants rallying for land reform in Manila in 1987, and the NPA
returned to arms. Aquino, acting under the advice of the United States,
launched a total war against the NPA, then at its peak of strength (May and
Collier, 2004, p. 406). The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) established
Oplan Lambat Bitag (literally net trap) of gradual constriction in 1988, which
succeeded in reducing the Communist force from 25,200 in 1987 to 14,800 in
1991 (Barabicho, 2003; Hernandez, 2006) through a combination of military
offensives and efforts to address the political, economic, and social causes of
the conict.
But it was not only external factors that weakened the NPA in this period.
The group was undermined by internal ideological disagreements about tacPart One Thematic Chapters
21
tics, starting with the decision not to participate in the successful EDSA protests and the CPPs boycott of the January 1986 snap presidential election.
Also damaging to the NPA were the brutal purges of the 1980s when combatants in Mindanao and southern Luzonmost of them innocentwere tortured and killed on suspicion of being military deep penetration agents
(DPA). This anti-DPA campaign demoralized and ultimately divided the
ranks, and the memory of its horrors continues to haunt the CPP. A split in
the group became inevitable after Sison initiated a Second Great Rectication
Movement. The main group reafrmed (RA) Sisons PPW and redeployed
the NPA to recover its mass base in the countryside. Membership of its mass
base had been reduced by almost 60 per cent and the number of barangays3
covered by guerilla fronts by 15 per cent, while NPA strength and tactical offensives continued on a steady decline from 1992, bottoming out in 1995.
The rejectionists (RJs) who were expelled or who resigned from the party
decried the Sison factions Stalinism and rejected its analysis of Philippine
society as being semi-colonial and semi-feudal. They saw a greater role for legal
parliamentary struggle and insurrectionism in the Philippine revolutionary
project, since by this time the looser post-martial law structure had provided
some democratic space for peaceful protest, and newly elected President Ramos
had initiated a comprehensive peace process (Caouette, 2004, p. 594). Some
rejectionist splinter groups formed their own parties, continued with armed
struggle in their own territories, or invested in peace negotiations, parliamentary struggle, trade unionism, NGOs, peoples organizations, cooperatives, and
other legal means of struggle for reforms.
Further splintered since 1992, RJ groups now have relatively small mass
followings and are prone to demobilization and co-option by the government.
Some of these groups are involved in peace talks with the government while
others are still at war with both the AFP and the CPP-NPA. Attempts have
been made to bridge the rift among the splinter groupsmost signicantly a
Democratic Left (DemLeft) dialogue in early 2006but unity between RA
and RJ forces is highly unlikely, given RA hostility. [See Part Two proles of
the following rejectionist groups: Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawa ng
Pilipinas (Revolutionary Workers Party of the Philippines) and its Revolutionary
Proletarian Army-Alex Boncayao Brigade (RPM-P/RPA-ABB); Rebolusyonar22
Male and female NPA combatants take part in a training drill. NDFP-Bicol
23
Figure 1.1
Trend in CPP-NPA strength nationwide, 19782006
30,000
25,000
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 05 06
Source: Esperon (2006)
25
intensive talks.11 The CPP-NPA-NDFP has lost all hope of a peace process with
the Arroyo government. Figure 1.2 shows the rise in the number of incidents
initiated by the CPP-NPA in recent years, which contrasts with a decrease in
the number of incidents initiated since 2000 by the two main Muslim armed
groups, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the Abu Sayyaf Group
(ASG) (though MILF-initiated incidents increased in 2008).12 Box 1.2 describes
an ongoing peace process with one of the Communist break-away groups, the
RPM-M.
Box 1.2 GRPRPM-M: building peace from the grass roots
The Peace Process between the GRP [Government of the Republic of the Philippines] and the
Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawa ng Mindanao (RPM-M)formerly the Central
Mindanao component of CPP-NPA-NDFPis one of six ongoing parallel peace processes in
the Philippines today. What makes it different from the others is its emphasis on the participation
of the various barangays (villages) and tribes in Mindanao through participatory local consultations aimed at determining and responding to development needs of the communities.
The process started on 19 July 2003, when President Gloria Arroyo created the GRP Panel for
Negotiations with the RPM-M. Rather than a process of complex, high-level political negotiations,
it aims for a local peace and development agenda that will have an immediate impact on the
ground and will be formulated by the communities and tribes of Mindanao. As part of this peace
process, a series of barangay and community-based consultations in areas with RPM-M presence
are being conducted to identify community problems and their solutionsincluding the controversial issue of land ownership.
The GRP and RPM-M signed the Formal Agreement for the General Cessation of Hostilities on
28 October 2005, thereby institutionalizing the participation of the communities and tribes affected
by the conict. Since then 97 barangays (including more than half of the barangays within ancestral domain claims) in ten municipalities in ve provinces in three regions of Mindanao have been
involved in local consultations.
The GRP-RPM-M Peace Process is proving to be a viable model for peace building, especially
in these times of political upheaval in the Philippines. Since its life and momentum are not purely
dependent on top-level talks, community-level activities can continue in the absence of a permanent Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process. Participants have found that the process has been
empowering for the communities involved since it has allowed them to win small victories. The
two sides (especially the principals) continue to meet and talk informally and a number of the
priority community-based projects identied during the local consultations as integral to the peace
process are being implemented with the support of international development agencies. The nal
resolution to the conict through a formal peace agreement between GRP and RPM-M is important and has yet to be reached, but peace building is happening along the way.
Author: Kaloy Manlupig, President of Balay Mindanaw, Head of the Independent Secretariat, GRPRPM-M Peace Process
27
Figure 1.2
Incidents initiated by the CPP-NPA, MILF, and ASG, 19972007
1,000
900
800
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
Notes: Incidents include ambuscades, raids, harassment, disarming, use of landmines, killing, kidnapping, robberies and holdups, bombing, sabotage, and arson.
Source of data: Figures from J2-AFP, Digest 4th Quarter 2006; graph by South-South Network.
29
Members of the NPA hike through the rural terrain where they have based their 40-year protracted peoples war. NDFP-Bicol
an authoritarian government. In urban areas, especially in progressive colleges and universities, intellectuals and idealists continue to nd in the CPPs
ideology a clear, coherent, and realizable alternative to oligarchic politics and
the abuses they see around them.
Meanwhile, the CPP-NPA-NDFP has responded to Arroyos all-out war
in kind, with new combat plans in a tit-for-tat struggle with little immediate
prospect of a cessation of hostilities. These plans include the deployment of hit
squads to target the masterminds and operatives of political killings, and the
shooting down of military planes (Sison, 2006; CPP Military Commission, 2006).
The rebels have learned from past mistakes, albeit slowly and at great social
cost to their mass base and their own ranks. The CPP was marginalized in
EDSA 1, but was a strong force in the popular uprising against President
Estrada in 2001. It eschewed parliamentary politics in the 1980s and NGOs in
the 1990s, condemning these as illusory and reformist, but is no longer so
reluctant to use these venues to support its revolution. Used to working in
temporary alliances with other actors, it is now forging ties with anti-Arroyo
forces, even among Arroyos own military.
Peace advocates and civil society groups continue to search for mutually
acceptable terms of reference such as human rights, international humanitarian law, and democracyissues that both sides pay at least lip service to.
30
Table 1.1
Cost of armed conict with the NPA
Indicator
Incidence
1,130*
3,552 combatants**
1,227*
Sources: * Esperon (2006), US dollar rate at 1 June 2006; ** PHDR (2005, p. 10)
31
It remains to be seen whether the CPP can achieve the required critical mass
of cadres and other forces for its planned qualitative leap to the strategic
stalemate stage of the PPW. The overriding objective of this new push includes
approach[ing] the goal of destroying the ruling system and replacing it with
the peoples democratic state. The plan includes a call to [d]evelop the guerrilla fronts toward becoming relatively stable base areas. Quantitatively, the
NPA guerrilla fronts must be increased to the level of 168, or one per congressional district in all provinces, including Moro provinces. Qualitatively, it seeks:
the emergence of relatively stable base areas from the increase, merger, integration or expansion of existing guerrilla fronts under a base area command, capable
of launching company-size tactical offensives on the scale of a province or several
provinces, if based on an inter-provincial border area.
In order to build up these base areas, the CPP must lead the NPA in suppressing
and driving away the oppressors and exploiters and dismantling the reactionary
organs of political power over extensive areas.
Note that the latter directive is not just to shadow or compete with but to
dismantle political bodies so they can be effectively replaced by revolutionary
political organs. The local ruling classes such as the big landlords are to be
suppressed and driven away by the NPA to make space for the maximum
level of revolutionary land reform whereby peasants organized by the CPPNPA take over the land. All told, one sees an intensied and accelerated CPPNPA-NDFP drive to assert what it perceives as its status of belligerency. As
has been noted elsewhere, this is a source of considerable violence and coercion
being committed in its name.
An escalation of revolutionary and counter-revolutionary violence can be
expected in the immediate or near future, as preparations for the 2010 elections get under way. The four-year impasse in the formal peace talks between
the GRP and NDFPfor which, true to form, it blames the Arroyo regimeis
likely to continue. The CARHRIHL, now more than ten years old, has been
prejudiced at a time when it is most needed. A weak civil society peace constituency has had little impact on the combative behaviour of either side in
the conict.
Part One Thematic Chapters
33
Endnotes
1
Foreign debt was PHP 1.81 trillion (USD 35 billion) in April 2006 (Pedroso, 2006). Transparency
International puts the Philippines in 117th place out of 159 countries in the world in terms of
corruption in 2005; the UN Development Programme estimates that 13 per cent of the governments annual budget is lost to corruption; and a Hong Kong consultancy rm declared
the Philippines under Arroyo to be the most corrupt in Asia (Mydans, 2006; Castaeda, 2006;
Cabacungan, 2006).
This uprising is named after EDSA, a main highway in Manila where more than a million
people confronted tanks and troops loyal to Marcos.
The barangay is the smallest government unit in the Philippines; each municipality or city
is subdivided into barangays.
Though the CPP is now legal, illegal possession of weapons and rebellion remain punishable
by law. Rebellion is considered a continuing crime and is subject to the death penalty in the
Philippines.
Around 33,000 military troops with around as many Citizen Armed Force Geographical Units
(CAFGUs, civilian auxiliaries to the AFP) battled guerillas in the 1990s. Though superior in
number and logistics, the AFP has not been able to defeat the mobile NPA rebels.
For example the AFP terminated the successful Lambat Bitag in 1995 and deactivated some of
its CAFGUs, which were used as holding units after clearing the area of guerillas (Barabicho,
34
2003, pp. 57). For more details on how the CAFGU are mobilized in counter-insurgency, see
Chapter 8.
9
Impressions of Kristian Herbolzheimer of the School for a Peace Culture after a visit to the
Philippines in May 2006.
10
The CPP claims belligerency status on the grounds that it leads another state.
11
Sec. Teresita Quintos-Deles, Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, at a meeting with
12
According to the MILF Coordinating Committee for the Cessation of Hostilities (CCCH), the
Surveys of the Social Weather Stations from 1993 to 2005 and results of the Bicol Kaiba Yahoo!
Groups poll on Who do you think killed Sotero Llamas, 31 May 2006, show that people are
polarized; the situation differs from town to town in the region with regions where the local
NPA is able to proselytize and organize tending to be more favourable towards the group. The
e-poll is limited to those who chose to answer the poll among those who belong to the e-group.
14
15
16
Kerkvliet has studied the pre-Second World War Communist armed group Hukbalahap extensively and says the Left may come back with more vigor and vitality and even become
a newer peoples army (1996, p. 26).
17
Among these groups are church organizations, the Philippine Coalition to Stop the Use of
Children as Soldiers (2006), which decried the impact of the war on children, and Sulong
CARHRIHL, a network of groups and individuals monitoring the observance of the CARHRIHL (<http://www.sulongnetwork.ph>). The CPP-NPA-NDF has been suspicious of the
concept of peace zones and civil society.
18
For more information see Philippine Campaign to Ban Landmines media monitoring reports
from 200305. The NPA made a series of raids on police armouries in 2006. See for example
Del Puerto and Pacate (2006, p. A2) and Napallacan and Gomez (2006).
19
This tacticdocumented in numerous media reports on the use of IEDsis also demonstrated in the cultural presentations of the NPA, such as the ambush scene in the skit Pakat
(Punla, 2004, p. 67).
20
Based on Abaya (2006a) and separate interviews with former Bicol Regional Party Committee head Sotero Llamas, Tabaco, Albay, 5 March 2006 and Gregorio Baares, NDF Bicol
spokesman, Camarines Sur, 34 June 2006.
21
This insight is attributed to Protestant Bishop Constante Claro of the United Churches of
Christ in the Philippines.
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