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the quarterly review of the Latin American Centre for Research in the Social
Sciences (Rio de Janeiro)
1O0CTG1967
Unesco 1967
SHC.67/I.79/A
international
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Published quarterly by Unesco
Vol. X I X , N o . 3, 1967
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and Susana Prates
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Meetings
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Social functions
ofeducation
Introduction:
sociologists and education
A n d r e w Pearse
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Andrew Pearse
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3i6
Andrew Pearse
society, and therefore from the other end, and which gives importance
less to the 'donor-host' relation and more to the interaction between a n
autonomous-expansive and a dependent-developing society. Gollin insists
that as prime requisite for the effective transfer of skills one must seek 'to
identify and influence, wherever possible, the institutional arrangements
which (the trainees) will confront, in ways favorable to their effective use
of training'. T h e full sociological implications of programmes of this kind
which seek to penetrate deeply into the other society are the subject of
Scherz's analysis.
3'7
schools and the necessity which weighs upon most working class students
at the university of working part-time, or intermittently full-time, so that
they are unable to devote so m u c h attention to their studies as those from
better-off families.
T h e third kind of explanation is in terms of values-consensus about
'learned culture' and stereotypes about social classes. T h e shunting of
working class students, for instance, into the faculties of science or engineering is not contrived but results from the coincidence of two stereotypes
in the traditional school ethos: that the crowning glory of scholarship is
literary and rhetorical brilliance, and the m a n a g e m e n t of abstractions;
and that the children born to peasants or industrial workers cannot b e
expected to have aptitude for these skills but rather for the kind of 'serious'
studies whose mastery require great diligence and ability to learn by heart.
These stereotypes are a bias to decision-making and action, and in so far
as there is consensus amongst the actors, the cumulative effect can mould
the whole process. It is not only that the administrators and school staff
w h o m a n a g e the mechanisms by which aptitudes are judged, believe in
them. Parents and students of the popular classes seem to share them too,
and their attitudes, which show themselves in apparently free decisions
about careers, are the manifestation of the 'internationalization' of a
destiny assigned to their class.
T h e appropriation of 'learned culture' by the dominant class and its
use as discriminatory insignia has widespread repercussions in the education system. A study of one of the n e w technical training centres showed
the effects 01" the dominance of this supreme value, and the w a y in which
it adjudicates prestige to occupations o n a scale running from the most
manual to the most literary. Even the trades taught in the centre are
ranked by these values, so that the pupils with most prestige are those w h o
do not produce objects or manhandle utensils but w h o read instruments.
Signs of a traditional craft-culture prizing quality in materials, or nurturing the value of 'fine workmanship' or of a 'good finish' were sought but
only found as rather apologetic values used by apprentices of the most
manual craft (e.g. the boilermakers) to defend themselves against the gibes
of their colleagues, and without weight in the true scale of prestige which
everyone was obliged to acknowledge.
These vestigial values, a sort of consolation prize to the lower skilled
occupations, are perpetuated in literary manuals used in the centres,
where the crafts are likened to the fine arts. T h e author suggests that, like
the traditional school, perhaps the centres have the function of instilling
into the children of the c o m m o n people destined to be workers a professional ethic which adds a consolatory whiff of culture to labours of purely
economic significance.
But the low prestige level of the establishment itself is an important
conditioner of the relations between the various groups involved in the
system, namely the apprentices, the teachers of technical operations, and
the teachers of liberal subjects, and produces the personal tensions of status
3i8
Andrew Pearse
39
U.S.S.R.
320
Andrew Pearse
321
322
Andrew Pearse
they like with', 1 After this point education systems must take their chance
in a very real social context which escapes the control of an individual
or corporate group with an articulate set of purposes. Performers are
recruited for roles in the system as parents, teachers, children, textbook
writers, supervisors, bureaucrats, etc., each with his o w n aims, each under
conflicting pressures, each with a series of competing roles subject to pressures inherent in his existing status. In the absence of strong state action,
the trajectory of the system deviates from its formal purposes and pursues
a line defined as an 'aggregate intention' or 'resultant', emerging from the
often conflicting intentions of groups of performers, whose performance is
a coming to terms with the existing norms, rather than their fulfilment.
Performance is characterized in accordance with the relative strength and
direction of the sectors in their use of the system. For this reason, the most
important relationship between the education system and the social structure is the degree of power which the different groups of performers are
able to draw from their status in the society. T h e greater the power of
the group, the m o r e weight carried in the aggregate intention or resultant
of the system. If some schooling reaches our powerless peasant, it is not
because their integration in the national society is one of the primary
education system's aims. In Ecuador the d e m a n d for schools for Indians
was due to the teachers, w h o needed jobs; the motive force in Brazilian
rural schooling w a s due to the appropiation of the system by the m u n i cipal political machine, and the practice of rewarding political followers
with teaching jobs for their daughters. T h e interest of the ecclesiastical
system provided the main motor for the rural education system in Colombia.2
T h e great m o v e m e n t of the last twenty years in Latin America has been
the political and social insurgence of the 'middle strata' and the exceptional
growth of education has resulted from it. A b o v e all the middle class has
sought in university education a certification of status which formerly only
birth could have conferred. Their pressure has m a d e most university
education free, but has held the barriers to the social ascent of the populace at the level of the secondary schools.
Comparison of the Latin American papers with the French shows marked differences. Education as a n institution in which all m e m b e r s of the
society participate is a novelty in Latin America, and its appearance on
the scene is very recent. Sociologists are not exercised by the continued
exclusion of the masses from the fuller enjoyment of it since the right of
access has not yet been fully w o n . T h e central problem is a peculiar version of the underdevelopment syndrome, affecting all classes.
T h e institutional conditions for social science research continue to be
1. Other contributions dealt with rural primary education in several countries, agricultural
education in Ecuador, university education in Central America, and more general papers
referring to the regional situation.
2. Andrew Pearse, 'La eficacia instrumental de sistemas educacionales en America Latina'
America Latina, ioth year, N o . i.
323
324
A n d r e w Pearse
Andrew Pearse is a British sociologist who has for many years worked in South America
where he has also undertaken missions for Unesco. He has published papers on a wide variety
of subjects, including different aspects of education, folk music and rural questions. He cha
the Round-table on Sociology of Education and Development at the Sixth World Congress
of Sociology in September ig66 and is at present with the Instituto de Capacitacin e Investi
gacin en Reforma Agraria in Santiago (Chile).
Three observations are dealt with, arising out of the study of a rapidly evolving industrial
society: the missing function of adolescence; extra-cultural determinants of behaviour; and
problems of emotional security. These are discussed by relating the educational system to social
demands and do not arise out of a systematic examination of the educational sector itself.
T h e author of the remarks which follow is neither an educationist by
training nor a sociologist whose work lies in thefieldof educational sociology. T h e form and content of the three sections into which the article is
divided are therefore limited by these considerations. T h e author's observations are not connected with any particular theory of education, nor are
they based on a study of the course and the educational effects of instruction
actually given at any specialized institution. In studying the particular
characteristics of the structure a n d culture of an industrial society, which
at an increasing tempo and to a n increasing extent are becoming those
of contemporary Polish society, the author c a m e to several conclusions
which m a y perhaps throw light o n the origin of certain difficulties which
are the object of constant warnings by contemporary educationists and the
educational press. It is with these considerations in mind that the author
puts forward his remarks.
\ ^ ,
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Zygmunt Bauman
becomes shorter and shorter. Consequently the period between the attainment of sexual maturity and the m o m e n t w h e n the maturity of the h u m a n
individual is socially acknowledged, e.g., w h e n social maturity is achieved
constitutes an unbridged gap and this gap is getting broader and broader.
It is called the period of 'adolescence', and the individuals in it are referred
to as 'adolescents'. In modern industrial societies the period of adolescence
has become greatly prolonged and the speed with which this change has
taken place, compared with the low rate of structural change and cultural
adaptation typical of past centuries, has been so rapid, if measured by
cultural-historical yardsticks, that our civilization, caught by surprise, has
been unable to keep u p with it and to provide cultural institutions, functionally relevant to the n e w social problem. Sherwood W a s h b u r n has
pointed this out in the following terms: ' M o d e r n medicine and diet have
accelerated puberty b y about three years over what it was in the beginning
of the nineteenth century. O n the other hand, social developments have
tended to postpone the age at which people take responsible positions. For
example, if puberty is at 15 and a girl is married at 17 there is a m i n i m u m
delay between biology and society. However, if puberty is at ia, and m a r riage at 20, the situation is radically different. . . . Nothing in our system
takes account of these facts.'1
In non-European cultures which are technologically and culturally
stable the m a x i m u m harmony between social and biological taxonomy
has been achieved in the past through m a n y centuries of continuous adaptation. T h e abundant data collected by anthropologists and ethnologists
all reveal one feature c o m m o n to the educational processes in relatively
stable societies: that the process of social training, e.g., preparing young
people for adult roles in society, is being completed m o r e or less at the same
time as full physical and sexual maturity is achieved. In these societies,
there is no period w h e n , because of their partial 'social illiteracy', young
but biologically mature individuals must still be subjected to the close vigilance and authority of adults; there is no period w h e n strict social prohibitions must curb these young people's natural drive to satisfy their m a n y
needs. Hence as a rule such relatively stable societies k n o w nothing of the
p h e n o m e n o n that is typical of our civilization, that is, the stormy, uneasy
period of adolescence, which is full of tensions and mental crises. For boisterous and rebellious attitudes are not at all inborn traits in adolescents,
but are rather the product of an inner cultural discord or of the breakdown
of reciprocal adaptation between cultural precepts and the functional
demands of the social structure. A n d these are p h e n o m e n a which are c o m m o n in developing, changing societies.
But the prolongation of adolescence also gives rise to conflicts that are
not confined to the relationship society-biology. Another perhaps even
m o r e important problem m a y be described as 'the missing social function
of adolescents'.
1. B . Berelson and G . A . Steiner, Human Behavior: an Inventory of Scientific Findings
N e w York, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1964, p. 83.
327
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Zygmunt Bauman
6; a 'pastuch' was a boy between the ages of 6 and io w h o looked after the
cows; a 'pastuch do bydla i koni', ora 'koski pastuch' was aged io-i6 and
looked after both cattle and horses, or horses alone; while a 'podparobcok'
or 'podparobek' was a youth aged 16-20; from the age of 20 or so up to the
time of his marriage a young m a n was called a 'parobek' or a 'parobcak'. 1
All these societiesin contradistinction to modern industrial society
attach extreme importance to the detailed distribution of functions according to age, and carefully introduce young people to their n e w duties
as they pass each succeeding age barrier. Such solicitude gave rise to a set
of rites which the Dutch anthropologist V a n Gennep called rites de passage,
most universal from the functional point of view, although extremely
diverse in form. In contemporary societies w e find only a functional relic
of these rituals in certain spheres of life (e.g. the award of P h . D . degrees).
But, and this is most important, w e are almost completely unaware of
their structural connexions. In modern societies emergence from the period
of childhood in the strict sense ofthat term is, if w e compare it with similar
transitions in other types of society, really a 'transition to nowhere', just
as the transition to adulthood m a y also in m a n y other respects be regarded
as a 'transition from nowhere'. August Hollingshead, one of the most
eminent specialists on American youth, after scrupulous research c a m e to
the conclusions that 'an ill-defined no-man's-land lies between the protected dependency of childhood, where the parent is dominant, and the
independent world of the adult, where the person is relatively free from
parental controls. This no-man's-land is a place where the maturing person
works out the extremely important developmental tasks of freeing himself
from the family, making heterosexual adjustments, selecting a vocation,
gaining an education and establishing a h o m e of his o w n . . . . T h e adolescent's ambiguous position in the society m a y be a product of the loss
of function for this age group in our culture'.2
H o w does our civilization try to fill this gap? W h e n the particular
social function attached to youth disappears, there are only two ways of
closing the gap between the period of childhood and the period of adulthoodeither by retarding the age limit of one of these periods or advancing that of the other. T h e information w e have about all industrial countries shows that of these two theoretically possible palliative alternatives,
the one that has actually been adopted is the tendency to keep moving
upwards, to older and older age categories, that social role which is traditionally associated with the period of childhood. This means that progressively older age groups are freed from the precisely delineated duties
which w e expect of adults; it means that society grants to progressively
older age groups the right to be completely dependent on their parents for
financial support, and services, and that w e are pushing further and further u p the age scale the m o m e n t w h e n w e begin to m a k e young people
1. D . Markowska, Rodzina w srodowisku wicjskim [The family in the rural environment],
Warsaw Ossolineum, 1964, pp. 50-1.
2. August B . Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth, N e w York, Wiley, 1945, p. 149.
329
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Zygmunt Bauman
In this paper I a m not concerned with the intensity of the effects of (a),
although I a m inclined to agree with the majority of those w h o study
modern educational institutions, that the violent changes which have
been taking place in civilization have taken educators by surprise and found
them unprepared, and that in consequence w e still have n o educational
patterns and methods relevant to the conditions of life they are supposed
to serve. Suffice it to mention the well-known difficulties which the mass
media m a y cause to even a very capable and qualified teacher, by supplying rival, m o r e up-to-date and more prestigious information. These
matters, however, still c o m e within the sphere of education in the traditional sense. T h e y should beand, m o r e important, can besolved
by educational practitioners or theorists, although in this case, too, they
will be unable to do without the aid of sociologists; for example, all teachers should read Komorowska's excellent study of the educational role
of television.1
T h e second problem is m o r e serious and the teaching profession alone
will definitely be unable to cope with its effects. T h e greater the role played
by external influences, the m o r e radically w e shall have to revise our ideas
as to what is and what is not education.
Roughly speaking, individual behaviour in a given situation is determined by factors of two types: (a) the pool of information, the required
behavioural and evaluative patterns deriving from the process of education
in the form of the 'socialization' of personality, or the 'internalization' of
skills applied in the social world in such a w a y as to match expectations
and postulates; these m a y be described as cultural determinants, since
their concrete form and direction are determined by the culture of the
given environment; (b) factors which are external to the individual not
only genetically but also at the time of action: for example, the availability
of things necessary for the realization of one of the alternatives, or the
system of rewards and punishments attached to diverse alternatives, or the
range of choice determined by the set of social influences; factors of this
latter type m a y be called structural determinants, since it is the social
structure which determines their form and the influence they exert on
behaviour.
For our purpose it is particularly important to note that in modern technical civilizationssignificant features of which are both the heterogeneity
of society (society as a system of interlocking and autonomous decisionmaking centres) and the multiplicity of forms of h u m a n dependence on
external factors (man's decreasing self-sufficiency owing to productive
activities beyond his direct control)the structural determinants are
becoming m o r e and m o r e influential u p o n individual h u m a n behaviour.
T h e role of internalized behavioural patterns is pushed into the background by the increased pressure of external necessities in conflict with
them. A p h e n o m e n o n occurs which is called 'breakdown of the dynamic
I. J. Komorowska, Felewizja w zyciu dzieci i mUdzie zy [Television in the Lives of Children and
Adolescents], Ldz-Warszawa, Polish Scientific Publications, 1963.
331
stereotype' by Pavlov or 'frustration neurosis' by contemporary psychologists, leading either to increased aggression or to apathy and escapism.
There are only two ways of avoiding such conflicts (or rather, of trying
to avoid them, for owing to the dynamism and heterogeneity of society,
it is probable that there will always remain a residuum of conflict proportional to the extent of social change) : either by adjusting the internalized
patterns tofitcurrent external necessities, or by taking the contrary course
of trying to manipulate these external necessities so as to bring their pressure into line with the direction of the cultural determinants. W h i c h of
these alternatives is chosen as the basis of educational strategy will, of
course, depend o n which is the accepted educational ideal not just on
which of the alternatives is pragmatically the m o r e effective.
T h e planning and direction of social processes is an integral feature of
socialism; for this very reason the second of the two theoretically possible
alternatives has been chosen in Poland. T h e building of socialism is mainly
an effort to mould a n e w type of m a n w h o will be m o r e noble, more worthy
of the h u m a n destiny than those types of personality produced by other
systems. But socialist societies, like all other m o d e r n societies are based
on a technical civilization, and bear all the attributes peculiar to such
civilizations. Therefore in socialist societies, too, it m a y be said that the
structural determinants are becoming more important in moulding h u m a n
behaviour
A few years ago I was struck most forcibly by the results of research on
success patterns amongst W a r s a w youth, confirmed by all other similar
studies. There was found to exist a fundamental discrepancy between the
ideals of those young people remaining at school and those w h o had already
left. Briefly, the ideals professed by attenders were largely activist, socially
committed, and showing optimism and conviction as to the great opportunities open to will and endeavour. T h e ideals of young people w h o had
already left school and were employed, and w h o were therefore subject
to the influence of the non-school environment, were m u c h m o r e minimalistic, egocentric, defensive; the impression one had was that these latter
young people were anxious above all to carve out for themselves from an
uncertain, incomprehensible and, most important, uncontrolled world
outside, a small private world, consisting of matters and things which were
certain and which they themselves could control. In the light of modern
psychology, one can almost certainly say that these attitudes to life are reactions to a suddenly-discovered discrepancy between structural determinants and the hitherto internalized patterns which w e called cultural
determinants.
It would almost be possible to prove deductively that the permanence of
the teacher's influence on the pupils' attitudes depends on h o w far the
ideals inculcated fit typical situations in which pupils find themselves
after leaving school. T h e fact that pupils of Eton or R u g b y bear all their
life the stamp of their schools impressed visibly o n their w a y of thinking
and their behaviour should be attributed not so m u c h to the ingenuity
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Zygmunt Bauman
333
to find a hole of the required dimensions.'1 This is, of course, only a planned model; it is all the m o r e significant that this planned model is based
on the rules of the market and on the role of education in regulating, 'suitability', and that it leaves the demands of life to mere chance. Even in Poland,
a country with planned development, the fate of h u m a n beings is still left
to the forces of the market. A n d the actual processes of mutual adaptation
between a young man's personal equipment and the demands of life o w e
m u c h more to chance than does the theoretical model.
But w e are not concerned solely with the employment of young people
after they leave school or college. W e have simply mentioned this as one
of the m a n y elements of a m u c h wider problem: the confrontation of the
cultural equipment offered to a young person by the school, with the structural determinants awaiting him w h e n he leaves school. A s soon as he
takes a job the young m a n w h o was brought u p by his school to admire n e w
ideas and to be courageous, at once encounters those bureaucratic barriers
to n e w ideas, which the school (sincerely anxious to preserve the young
man's optimism) neglected to tell him about, and he soon learns from his
o w n experience h o w little courage pays. T h e young m a n , w h o in school
was brought u p to follow the traditions of the romantic heroes, suddenly
awakes to find himself in extremely prosaic situations where romanticism
is of little use. Being determined to keep strictly to the rules of equality
and justice, the young m a n goes into retreat, helpless in the face of unexpected signs of indifference to h u m a n injustice and in face of other people's
strict observance of the differentiations of people's rights and duties. If
the school has managed to inject in him a friendly and frank relationship
toward people, the insensitivity and cynicism of his first superiors will
soon convince him that his ideas are nothing but illusions. T h e first experiences a young person has in his adult role, unless carefully controlled,
m a y easily destroy everything that his teachers have managed to teach him.
Thus, if cultural and structural determinants are not reconciled by the
very homogeneity of society or because the type of education is m a d e to
fit the type of situations which occur in life, then, at least in the socialist
countries, this concordance must be achieved by deliberately moulding
those situations which are the source of structural pressures on a m a n w h e n
he has ceased to be cared for by educational institutions in the strict sense.
Education, that is the deliberate moulding of a man's personality, must be
extended to cover as wide a ground as possible, and situations which do not
formally fall within the sphere of education. Thus educators must extend
their interest and their responsibility to their pupils'firstplace of employment, to the neighbourhood group which their pupils will join w h e n they
leave their family environment, and even the innumerable organizations
which help to satisfy the multifarious needs of the young m a n or w o m a n .
In extending their solicitude to such spheres, the educators must m a k e
334
Zygmunt Bauman
sure that the neccessities a n d possibilities of choice which they give to the
young confirm and consolidate, and d o not upset the conviction that values
absorbed at school are basically correct. In Poland, which is a planning
country, not only must the educator be a planner, but the planner must
also be an educator.
335
336
Zygmunt Bauman
337
Zygmunt Bauman occupies the Chair of General Sociology at the University of Warsaw.
He is the editor of the quarterly Studia Socjologioznc and the author of two recent books:
A n Outline of the Marxist Theory of Society (1964) and Culture and Society (ig66).
A previous contribution by him to this Journal, on economic growth, social structure and elite
formation in Poland, appeared in Volume XVI, No. s (1964.).
Systems of education
and systems of thought
Pierre Bourdieu
Like religion in primitive societies, scholarly culture provides a common framework of thought
which makes communication possible. By its very functioning, the school modifies the content
and spirit of the culture which it transmits. The connexion between schools of thought and
class cultures is analysed, especially by reference to the prominence given to certain aspects of
reality. In conclusion, there are some observations on the intellectual personality of a nation.
Speaking of the course of his intellectual development in A World on the
Wane, Claude Lvi-Strauss describes the techniques and rites of philosophy teaching in France:
'It was then that I began to learn h o w any problem, whether grave or
trivial, can be resolved. T h e method never varies. First you establish the
traditional "two views" of the question. Y o u then put forward a c o m monsense justification of the one, only to refute it by the other. Finally
you send them both packing by the use of a third interpretation, in which
both the others are shown to be equally unsatisfactory. Certain verbal
manoeuvres enable you, that is, to line u p the traditional "antitheses" as
complementary aspects of a single reality: form and substance, content and
container, appearance and reality, essence and existence, continuity and
discontinuity and so on. Before long the exercise becomes the merest verbalizing, reflection gives place to a kind of superior punning, and the
"accomplished philosopher" m a y be recognized by the ingenuity with
which he makes ever-bolder play with assonance, ambiguity and the use
of those words which sound alike and yet bear quite different meanings.
'Five years at the Sorbonne taught m e little but this form of mental
gymnastics. Its dangers are, of course, self-evident: the mechanism is so
simple, for one thing, that there is no such thing as a problem which cannot be tackled. W h e n w e were working for our examinations and, above
all, for that supreme ordeal, the leon (in which the candidate draws a
subject by lot, and is given only six hours in which to prepare a comprehensive survey of it), w e used to set one another the bizarrest imaginable
themes. . . . T h e method, universal in its application, encouraged the
student to overlook the m a n y possible forms and variants of thought,
339
devoting himself to one particular unchanging instrument. Certain elementary adjustments were all that he needed . . .'.x
This admirable ethnological description of the intellectual and linguistic
patterns transmittedimplicitly rather than explicitlyby French education, has its counterpart in the description of the patterns that direct the
thinking and behaviour of the Bororo Indians w h e n they build their villages to a plan every bit as formal andfictitiousas the dualistic organization of the agrgation exercises, patterns whose necessity or, to put it another
w a y , whose function is recognized in this case by the ethnologist, probably
because he is, at once, more detached and more intimately involved:
'. . . T h e wise m e n of the tribe have evolved a grandiose cosmology which
is writ large in the lay-out of their villages and distribution of their homes.
W h e n they met with contradictions, those contradictions were cut across
again and again. Every opposition was rebutted in favour of another.
Groups were divided and re-divided, both vertically and horizontally,
until their lives, both spiritual and temporal, became an escutcheon in
which symmetry and asymmetry were in equilibrium . . .'.2
As a social individual, the ethnologist is o n terms of intimacy with his
culture and therefore finds it difficult to think objectively about the patterns governing his o w n thought; the more completely those patterns have
been mastered and have become a part of his m a k e - u p a n d therefore
coextensive and consubstantial with his consciousnessthe more impossible is it for him to apply conscious thought to them. H e m a y also be reluctant to admit that, even though acquired through the systematically organized learning processes of the school, and therefore generally explicit and
explicitly taught, the patterns which shape the thinking of educated m e n
in 'school-going' societies m a y fulfil the same function as the unconscious
patterns he discovers, by analysing such cultural creations as rites or myths,
a m o n g individuals belonging to societies with n o educational institutions,
or as those 'primitive forms of classification' which are not, and cannot be,
the subject of conscious awareness and explicit, methodical transmission.
D o the patterns of thought and language transmitted by the school, e.g.,
those which treatises of rhetoric used to call figures of speech and figures
of thought, actually fulfil, at any rate a m o n g members of the educated
classes, the function of the unconscious patterns which govern the thinking
and the productions of people belonging to traditional societies, or do they,
because of the conditions in which they are transmitted and acquired,
operate only at the most superficial level of consciousness? If it be true
that the specificity of societies possessing a scholarly, cumulative, accumulated culture lies, from the point of view that concerns us here, in the fact
that they have special institutions to transmit, explicitly or implicitly,
explicit or implicit forms of thought that operate at different levels of
consciousnessfrom the most obvious which m a y be apprehended by
1. C . Lvi-Strauss, A World on the Wane, Hutchinson, Loudon, 1961, pp. 54-5.
2. ibid., p. 230.
34
Pierre Bourdieu
341
342
Pierre Bourdieu
343
by Lvi-Strauss are merely the pathological limit of the normal use of any
method of thought. Mention m a y be m a d e , in this context, of what Henri
Wallon wrote about the function of thinking by pairs in children; 'contrasts
of images or of speech result from such a natural and spontaneous association that they m a y sometimes override intuition and the sense of reality.
T h e y are part of the equipment constantly available to thought in the
process of self-formulation and they m a y prevail over thinking. T h e y c o m e
under the head of that "verbal knowledge" whose findings, already formulated, are often merely noted, without any exercice of reflective intelligence and whose workings often outlast those of thought in certain states
of mental debilitation, confusion or distraction'.1
Verbal reflexes and thinking habits should serve to sustain thought but
they m a y also, in m o m e n t s of intellectual 'low tension', take the place of
thought; they should help in mastering reality with the m i n i m u m effort,
but they m a y also encourage those w h o rely on them not to bother to refer
to reality. For every period, besides a collection of c o m m o n themes, a
particular constellation of dominant patterns could probably be determined, with as m a n y epistemological profiles (taking this in a slightly
different sense from that given to it by Gaston Bachelard) as there are
schools of thought. It m a y be assumed that every individual owes to the
type of schooling he has received a set of basic, deeply interiorized masterpatterns on the basis of which he subsequently acquires other patterns,
so that the system of patterns by which his thought is organized owes its
specific character not only to the nature of the patterns constituting it but
also to the frequency with which these are used and to the level of consciousness at which they operate, these properties being probably connected
with the circumstances in which the most fundamental intellectual patterns were acquired.
T h e essential point is probably that the patterns which have become
second nature are generally apprehended only through a reflexive turning-backwhich is always difficultover the operations already carried
out; it follows that they m a y govern and regulate mental processes without
being consciously apprehended and controlled. It is primarily through the
cultural unconscious which he owes to his intellectual training and m o r e
particularly, to his scholastic training, that a thinker belongs to his society
and ageschools of thought m a y , m o r e often than is immediately apparent, represent the union of thinkers similarly schooled.
A n exemplary confirmation of this hypothesis is to be found in the famous
analysis by Erwin Panofsky of the relationship between Gothic art and
Scholasticism. W h a t the architects of the Gothic cathedrals unwittingly
borrowed from the schoolmen was a principium importons ordinem ad actum
or a modus operandi, i.e., a 'peculiar method of procedure which must have
been thefirstthing to impress itself upon the mind of the layman whenever
i. H . Wallon, Les origines de la pense chez l'enfant, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France,
1945, Vol. I, p . 63.
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Pierre Bourdieu
it c a m e in touch with that of the schoolman'. 1 T h u s , for example, the principle of clarification (manifestatio), a scheme of literary presentation discovered by Scholasticism, which requires the author to m a k e plain and explicit
(manifestare) the arrangement and logic of his argumentwe should say
his planalso governs the action of the architect and the sculptor, as w e
can see by comparing the Last Judgement on the t y m p a n u m of Autun
Cathedral with the treatment of the same theme at Paris and Amiens
where, despite a greater wealth of motifs, consummate clarity also prevails
through the effect of symmetry a n d correspondance.2 If this is so, it is
because the cathedral-builders were subject to the constant influenceto
the habit-forming forceof Scholasticism, which, from about 1130-40
to about 1270, 'held a veritable monopoly of education' over a n area of
roughly 100 miles around Paris. 'It is not very probable that the builders
of Gothic structures read Gilbert de la Porree or T h o m a s Aquinas in the
original. But they were exposed to the Scholastic point of view in innumerable other ways, quite apart from the fact that their o w n work automatically brought them into a working association with those w h o devised
the liturgical a n d iconographie programs. T h e y had gone to school;
they listened to sermons; they could attend the public disputationes de quolibet which, dealing as they did with all imaginable questions of the day,
had developed into social events not unlike our operas, concerts or public
lectures; and they could c o m e into profitable contact with the learned
on m a n y other occasions.'3 It follows, according to Panofsky, that the connexion between Gothic art and Scholasticism is 'more concrete than a
mere "parallelism" and yet m o r e general than those individual (and very
important) "influences" which are inevitably exerted on painters, sculptors or architects by erudite advisors'. This connexion is 'a genuine causeand-effect relation' which 'comes about by the spreading of what m a y be
called, for want of a better term, a mental habitreducing this overworked
clich to its precise Scholastic sense as "a principle that regulates the act",
principium importons ordinem ad actum'.,4 A s a habit-forming force, the school
provides those w h o have been subjected directly or indirectly to its influence
not so m u c h with particular a n d particularized patterns of thought as
with that general disposition, generating particular patterns that can be
applied in different areas of thought and action, which m a y be termed
cultured habitus.
Thus, in accounting for the structural homologies that he finds between
such different areas of intellectual activity as architecture and philosophical thought, Erwin Panofsky does not rest content with references to
a 'unitarian vision of the world' or a 'spirit of the times'which would
c o m e d o w n to naming what has to be explained or, worse still, to claiming
to advance as an explanation the very thing that has to be explained; he
1.
2.
3.
4.
345
suggests what seems to be the most nave yet probably the most convincing
explanation. This is that, in a society where the handing on of culture is
monopolized by a school, the hidden affinities uniting the works of m a n
(and, at the same time, m o d e s of conduct and thought) derive from the institution of the school, whose function is consciously (and also, in part,
unconsciously) to transmit the unconscious or, to be m o r e precise, to produce individuals equipped with the system of unconscious (or deeply
buried) master-patterns that constitute their culture. It would no doubt be
an over-simplification to end our efforts at explanation at this point, as
though the school were an empire within an empire, as though culture had
there its absolute beginning; but it would be just as nave to disregard the
fact that, through the very logic of its functioning, the school modifies the
content and the spirit of the culture it transmits and, above all, that its
express function is to transform the collective heritage into a c o m m o n
individual unconscious. T o relate the works of a period to the practices
of the school therefore gives us a means of explaining not only what these
works consciously set forth but also w h a t they unconsciously reveal in as
m u c h as they partake of the symbolism of a period or of a society.
346
Pierre Bourdieu
347
covered with compulsory turnings and one-way streets, avenues and blind
alleys; within this area, thought can unfurl with the impression of freedom
and improvisation because the marked-out itineraries that it is bound to
follow are the very ones that it has covered m a n y a time in the course of
schooling. T h e order of exposition that the school imposes on the culture
transmittedwhich, most of the time, owes at least as m u c h to school
routines as to educational requirementstends to gain acceptance, as
being absolutely necessary, from those acquiring the culture through that
order. B y its orderly treatment of the works of culture the school hands
on, at one and the same time, the rules establishing the orthodox manner
of approaching works (according to their position in an established hierarchy) and the principles on which that hierarchy is founded. Because the
order of acquisition tends to appear indissolubly associated with the culture acquired and because each individual's relationship with his culture
bears the stamp of the conditions in which he acquired it, a self-taught
m a n can be distinguished straightaway from a school-trained m a n . Having
no established itineraries to rely on, the autodidact in Sartre's La Nause
sets about reading, in alphabetical order, every author possible. It is
perhaps only in its decisive rigidity that this p r o g r a m m e seems m o r e arbitrary than the usual syllabus sanctioned by the school and based on a chronological order which, though apparently natural and inevitable, is in
fact equally alien to considerations of logic and teaching; nevertheless, in
the eyes of people w h o have gone through the ordered sequence of the cursus,
a culture acquired by such a curious process would always contrast as
sharply with an academic culture as a tangled forest with a formal garden.
Being responsible for instilling these principles of organization, the
school must itself be organized to carry out this function. If it is to hand on
this programme of thought k n o w n as culture, it must subject the culture
it transmits to a process of programming that will m a k e it easier to hand
on methodically. Whenever literature becomes a school subjectas a m o n g
the Sophists or in the Middle Ageswe find emerging the desire to classify, usually by genre and by author, and also to establish hierarchies, to
pick out from the mass of works the 'classics' worthy of being preserved
through the m e d i u m of the school. Collections of excerpts and textbooks
are typical of such works designed to serve the school's allotted function
of ordering and emphasizing. Having to prepare their pupils to answer
academic questions, teachers tend to plan their teaching in accordance
with the system of organization that their pupils will have to follow in
answering those questions; in the extreme case, w e have those prose c o m position manuals providing ready-made essays o n particular subjects. In
the organization of his teaching and sometimes of his whole work every
teacher is obliged to m a k e s o m e concessions to the requirements of the
educational system and of his o w n function. Gorgias's Encomium of Helen
is perhaps thefirsthistoric example of a demonstration of professorial skill
combined with something like a 'crib'; a n d surely m a n y of Alain's essays
are but consummate examples of what French students in rhtorique
348
Pierre Bourdieu
suprieure (the classical upper sixth), w h o m he taught for the best part of his
life, call topos, i.e., lectures or demonstrations closely tailored to the letter
and spirit of the syllabus and meeting perfectly, in themes, sources, style
and even spirit, the examination requirements for admission to the cole
Normale Suprieure. T h e p r o g r a m m e of thought and action that it is the
school's function to impart thus owes a substantial n u m b e r of its practical
characteristics to the institutional conditions in which it is transmitted and
to specifically academic requirements. W e therefore cannot hope fully to
understand each 'school of thought', defined by its subjection to one or
other of these programmes, unless w e relate it to the specific logic governing
the operation of the school from which it derives.
It follows that the gradual rationalization of a system of teaching geared
more and more exclusively to preparation for an increasing variety of
occupational activities could threaten the cultural integration of the educated class if, so far as that class is concerned, education, and m o r e particularly what is k n o w n as general culture, were not at least as m u c h a
matter for the family as for the school, for the family in the sense of parents
and their progeny and also in that of thefieldsof knowledge (many scientists are married to w o m e n with an arts background) and if all types of
training did not allot a place, always a fairly important one, to classical,
liberal education. T h e sharing of a c o m m o n culture, whether this involves
verbal patterns or artistic experience and objetes of admiration, is probably one of the surest foundations of the deep underlying fellow-feeling
that unites the members of the governing classes, despite differences of
occupation and economic circumstances. It is understandable that
T . S. Eliot should regard culture as the key instrument in the integration
of the elite: ' A society is in danger of disintegration w h e n there is a lack
of contact between people of different areas of activitybetween the political, the scientific, the artistic, the philosophical and the religious minds.
T h e separation cannot be repaired merely by public organization. It is
not a question of assembling into committees representatives of different
types of knowledge and experience, of calling in everybody to advise everybody else. T h e elite should be something different, something m u c h
more organically composed, than a panel of bonzes, caciques and tycoons.
M e n w h o meet only for definite serious purposes and on official occasions
do not wholly meet. T h e y m a y have some c o m m o n concern very m u c h at
heart, they m a y , in the course of repeated contacts, c o m e to share a vocabulary and an idiom which appear to communicate every shade of m e a n ing necessary for their c o m m o n purpose; but they will continue to retire
from these encounters each to his private social world as well as to his solitary world. Everyone has observed that the possibilities of contented
silence, of a mutual happy awareness w h e n engaged upon a c o m m o n
task, or an underlying seriousness and significance in the enjoyment of a
silly joke, are characteristics of any close personal intimacy; and the congeniality of any circle of friends depends upon a c o m m o n social convention,
a c o m m o n ritual, and c o m m o n pleasures of relaxation. These aids to inti-
349
350
Pierre Bourdieu
to identify their o w n worth with the worth of their culture, are inclined to
feel uneasy in their contacts with people with an alien and sometimes rival
culture; this uneasiness m a y be reflected in a compensatory enthusiasm
serving as a means of exorcism (we need only think, for example, of the
fetichism and Shamanism to be seen a m o n g certain specialists in the sciences
of m a n with regard to the formalization of theirfindings)as well as in rejection and scorn.
T h e primary causes of the opposition between 'intellectual clans', of
which people in general are aware, are never all to be found in the content
of the cultures transmitted and the mentality that goes with them. W h a t
distinguishes, for example, within the large 'arts' group, a graduate of the
cole Normale Suprieure from a graduate of the cole Nationale de
l'Administration or, within the 'science' group, a graduate of the cole
Polytechnique from a graduate of the cole Centrale is perhaps, quite as
m u c h as the nature of the knowledge the y have acquired, the w a y in which
that knowledge has been acquired, i.e., the nature of the exercises they
have had to do, of the examinations they have taken, the criteria by which
they have been judged and by reference to which they have organized
their studies. A n individual's contact with his culture depends basically
on the circumstances in which he has acquired it, a m o n g other things
because the act whereby culture is communicated is, as such, the exemplary
expression of a certain type of relation to the culture. T h e formal lecture,
for instance, communicates something other, and something more, than
its literal content: it furnishes an example of intellectual prowess and thereby indissociably defines the 'right' culture and the 'right' relation to that
culture; vigour and brilliance, ease and elegance are qualities of style
peculiar to the act of communication which m a r k the culture c o m m u nicated and gain acceptance at the same time as the culture from those
receiving it in this form.1 It could be shown in the same w a y h o w all teaching
practices implicitly furnish a model of the 'right' m o d e of intellectual
activity; for example, the very nature of the tests set (ranging from the
composition, based on the technique of 'development', which is the predominant form in most arts examinations, to the 'brief account' required
in advanced science examinations), the type of rhetorical and linguistic
qualities required and the value attached to these qualities, the relative
importance given to written papers and oral examinations and the qualities required in both instances, tend to encourage a certain attitude
towards the use of languagesparing or prodigal, casual or ceremonious,
complacent or restrained. In this w a y the canons governing school work
proper, in composition or exposition, m a y continue to govern writings
apparently freed from the disciplines of the schoolnewspaper articles,
public lectures, s u m m a r y reports and works of scholarship.
i. Although there is no necessary link between a given content and a given w a y of imparting
it, people w h o have acquired them together tend to regard them as inseparable. Thus,
some people regard any attempt to rationalize teaching as threatening to desacralize
culture.
35'
1.
2.
3.
4.
P . Aris, L'enfant et la vie familiale sous l'Ancien Rgime, Pion, Paris, 1960, p . 375.
ibid.
ibid., p. 376.
E . Goblot, La barrire et le niveau, tude sociologique sur la bourgeoisie franaise, Alean,
1930, p. 126.
Pierre Bourdieu
35a
Schooling and
353
i. E . Gilson, ' L a scolastique et l'esprit classique', in Les ides et les lettres, Paris, Vrin, 1955,
p. 257.
2. J. R . Pitts, A la recherche de la France, Paris, Seuil, 1963, p . 273.
3 E . Renan, Questiotis contemporaines, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, n.d., p . 79.
354
Pierre Bourdieu
inferior in knowledge of things and liable to all the blunders that can be
avoided only by breadth of learning and maturity of judgement.' 1 A n d
Renan, like Durkheim after him, notes that 'the system of French education
created after the Revolution under the n a m e of universit in fact derives far
more from the Jesuits than from the old universities',8 as can be seen from
its handling of literary material. 'It (the university) uses a superabundance
of classical material but without applying the literary spirit that would
bring it to life; the ancient forms are in daily use, passing from hand to
hand; but antiquity's sense of beauty is absolutely lacking . . .; never does
the arid exercise of the intellect give place to a vital nourishment of the
spiritual m a n . . . . All that is learnt is a remarkable skill in concealing from
oneself and others that the dazzling shell of high-flown expression is empty
of thought. A narrow, formalistic outlook is the characteristic feature of
education in France.' 3 This is the very language used by Durkheim: ' T h e
tremendous advantage of a scientific education is that it forces m a n to
c o m e out of himself and brings him into touch with things; it thereby
makes him aware of his dependence on the world about h i m . T h e "arts"
m a n or the pure humanist, o n the other hand, never in his thinking comes
up against anything resistant to which he can cling and with which he can
feel at one: this opens wide the door to a more or less elegant dilettantism
but leaves m a n to his o w n devices, without attaching h i m to any external
reality, to any objective task.'4 This literary teaching, based on the idea
that h u m a n nature is 'eternal, immutable, independent of time and space,
since it is unaffected by the diversity of circumstances and places', has,
according to Durkheim, left its stamp on the intellectual temperament of
the French, inspiring a 'constitutional cosmopolitanism', 'the habit of
thinking of m a n in general terms' (of which 'the abstract individualism
of the eighteenth century is an expression') and 'the inability to think in
any other than abstract, general, simple terms'.8
Renan also points out h o w the institutional conditions in which teaching
was given after the Revolution helped to strengthen the tendency towards
literary showing-off.9 'Twice a week, for an hour at a stretch, the professor
had to appear before an audience m a d e u p at random and often changing
completely from one lecture to the next. H e had to speak without any
regard for the special needs of the students, without finding out what they
knew or did not know. . . . Long scientific deductions, necessitating following a whole chain of reasoning, had to be ruled out . . . . Laplace, if
he had taught in such establishments, would certainly not have had more
i.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
355
356
Pierre Bourdieu
357
358
Pierre Bourdieu
'Because w e were all children before reaching man's estate, and for a
long time were governed by our appetites and our tutors, often at variance
with one another, neither, perhaps, always giving us the best of advice,
it is almost impossible for our opinions to be as clear or as sound as they
would have been had w e had full use of our reason from the m o m e n t of
our birth and had w e never been guided by anything other than it.'1 Descartes' utopia of innate culture, of natural culture, leads to the core of the
contradiction denning the individual's relationship with his culture. A s
the light dove might imagine that it would fly better in a vacuum, the
thinking individual likes to dream of thinking free from this unthought
deposit that has formed within him, under the rod of his mentors, and
which underlies all his thoughts.
'I received', says Husserl, 'the education of a G e r m a n , not that of a
Chinaman. But m y education was also that of the inhabitant of a small
town, with a h o m e background, attending a school for children of the
lower middle class, not that of a country landowner's son educated at a
military college.'3 Like Descartes, Husserl invites his readers to think about
the paradoxes of finitude. T h e individual w h o attains an immediate,
concrete understanding of the familiar world, of the native atmosphere
in which and for which he has been brought up, is thereby deprived of the
possibility of appropriating immediately and fully the world that lies outside. Access to culture can never be more than access to one culturethat
of a class and of a nation. N o doubt someone born outside w h o wishes to
understand the universe of the Chinese or of the Junker class can start his
education again from scratch on the Chinese or Junker model ('for example
by trying', as Husserl says, 'to learn the content of the curriculum of the
military college'), but such mediate, knowing acquisition will always differ
from an immediate familiarity with the native culture, in the same w a y as
the interiorized, subconscious culture of the native differs from the objectified culture reconstructed by the ethnologist.
forms of thought and indeed of language follow, even in their detail, the linguistic and verbal
patterns of the imported philosophy, to such a point that they seem to be aping the
labourious clumsiness of literal rather than literary translations.
1. R . Descartes, Discours de la mthode, Part II.
2. E . Husserl, A VII, 9, p. 15, quoted by R . Toulemont, L'essence de la socit selon Husserl,
Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1962, p. 191.
Pierre Bourdieu is Director of Studies of the cole Pratique des Hautes tudes, Paris, and
Deputy Director of its Centre for European Sociology. He is the author of'Les hritiers: les
tudiants et la culture, with J. C. Passeron (ig64); L ' a m o u r d e l'art: les muses et
leur public (ig66): and co-author / U n art m o y e n : essai sur les usages sociaux d e
la photographie (1965).
The challenges posed by new nations in process or pursuit of modernization have turned the
attention of aid planners and theorists to the strategic role ployed by education in developing
human resources. Foreign study is one means of transferring technology and knowledge. Systematic data are lacking on its actual consequences in relation to other assistance strategies or to
the societal context of the returned student. Findings from an evaluation study of recipients
of United States technical training from twenty-nine countries are used to shed light on the
transfer process. Underlying institutional arrangements emerge as significant influences upon
the outcomes of this mode of inducing technological change.
36o
Albert E . Gollin
361
362
Albert E . Gollin
becoming a part of the 'brain drain', the invisible reverse flow of aid from
the underdeveloped to the m o r e affluent nations (Dedijer, 1961; H e n derson, 1965; Perkins, 1966; Gollin, 1966).
In s u m , as the part played by h u m a n resources in the development
process and the facilitating or impeding effects of prevailing patterns of
culture a n d social structure have emerged into sharper prominence, the
instrumental value of education has b e c o m e a topic of great practical
import and also a significant issue for theories of developmental change.
T h e paucity of systematic and comparative data on the consequences of
various educational programmes and strategies has hampered the efforts
of planners a n d theorists alike. This article represents a modest effort to
supply some of the requisite data and to place them in sociological perspective.
Technical training as development assistance: concepts and programmes
T h e purposive transfer of technological skills and knowledge to less developed countries through training is a process which is here conceived of
as operating at two levels. At the individual level, it involves the acquisition of a body of knowledge and techniques necessary for performing
critical occupational roles. This can be seen primarily as a process of cognitive learning the successful outcome of which hinges mainly upon the
character of the trainees and the quality of instruction. (Its ultimate relevance is a separate issue, to be discussed below.) A m o r e complex aspect
of the process at this level is the 'resocialization' of those undergoing training. T h e values and motives of the trainees must be articulated closely
with the performance of their critical work roles. In the traditional sociological formulation, they must c o m e to want to do what, from the society's
stand-point, they have to do, if m a x i m u m social value is to be realized from
their efforts. W h e r e concepts of community are narrowly defined, a n d
work discipline variably adhered to, n e w concepts must be 'caught' b y
those w h o will serve as change agents. Implicit in the idea of foreign study
is the view that through an exposure to the values, norms and practices
of economically advanced societies the trainees m a y c o m e in time to change
their perspectives on their society, their w o r k roles or themselves in ways
which will strengthen their later effectiveness as change agents. Thus, the
process of 'enskilling people' (Lepawsky, 1961), from developing nations
requires a dual focus: o n substantive skills, and on the realm of attitudes
and values which can shape future conduct. In parallel with this distinction,
the thrust of training m a y be seen as having both a technical and a social
aspect, combining with the transfer of specific occupational techniques or
skills a grasp of the wider social systemespecially its organizational
componentwithin which such work roles are performed in the training
country.
At the institutional level, this conception of the transfer process seeks to
determine those elements specific to the occupational milieux of returned
trainees which crucially affect the outcome of the process. Analysis must
363
include not only a careful initial definition of h o w the need for foreign
training relates to the actual work settings in which it is to be employed,
but also the identification of social forces impinging upon the work place
which m a y affect the activities of the trainees. A reductionist view of the
transfer process, one that identifies the individual trainee's ability, motivation and level of effort in his change-agent role as the principal determinants of effectiveness, is both inadequate in theory and misguided in
practice. Theory and research on the diffusion of innovations and processes of technological change bear ample witness to the often vital role of
social and cultural factors (Barnett, 1953; M e a d , 1955; Rogers, 1962;
Katz, 1963).
T o s u m u p briefly, our argument so far is that in order to foster technological change through a purposive transfer process, one must simultaneously seek: (a) through education a n d training, to equip properly those
w h o will perform key occupational roles; and (b) to identify and influence,
wherever possible, the institutional arrangements which they will confront
in ways favourable to the effective use of their training. Since the latter
is m o r e costly and difficult, involving complex and often delicate political
issues which are apt to arise in m a n y institution building aid programmes,
this goal is less likely to be attempted or achieved than the technical training of individuals. Its importance as a prime requisite for effective transfer,
as our findings will indicate, is not thereby diminished.
O n e of the principal strategies used by the aid-giving nations to meet the
h u m a n resources needs of developing nations has been to offer opportunities within their o w n borders for the education and training of foreign
nationals. T h e y have done so in a n u m b e r of ways; by expanding or earmarking educational facilities for them (e.g. L u m u m b a University in
M o s c o w ) ; by offering grants and fellowships; and m o r e indirectly by establishing immigration policies, or encouraging university admissions policies which d o not unduly restrict the entry of self-sponsored students.
This last-noted mechanism can serve as a reminder that a large amount
of educational 'assistance' has an unintended or unplanned character.
Official policies and programmes must interact with patterns in the international flow of students which have deep historical roots (Gass and Lyons,
1962). In the United States of America for example, governmental sponsorship (full or partial) of foreign students and trainees in 1965 accounted for
only 10 to 15 per cent of all those of foreign origin enrolled in institutions of
higher education. A n d in that year alone, the same n u m b e r of foreign
studentsabout 90,000were registered for training in the United States
as has been sponsored for non-military training during the almost twenty
year's history of United States programmes of technical assistance.
Participant training: antecedents and elements
T h e origin of United States government-sponsored training of foreign
nationals can be traced to a small p r o g r a m m e set u p by the Institute of
364
Albert E . Gollin
Inter-American Affairs in 1942 (Thomson and Laves, 1963). W a r - c o n nected projects in health and sanitation, agriculture, transportation and
education were undertaken in several countries of Latin America. A s part
of these projects thefirsttrainees, n o w termed 'participants', came to the
United States for advanced or specialized training. A major expansion
of technical training programmes which took place in the context of M a r shall Plan assistance to the nations of Western Europe had industrial productivity as a primary focus. T e a m s of managers and workers c a m e to
the United States often for lengthy periods of instruction in modern industrial practices and to gain practical experience. Military training programmes, m a n y of which had substantial carry-over effects for the civilian
economy, were also initiated or expanded.
T h e next spur to the use of technical training and education as a m o d e
of development assistance was the enunciation of Point Four in President
Truman's Inaugural Speech in 1949, and as part of United States support for the programmes of international agencies. Aid policies for the
steadily growing ranks of new nations in succeeding years were framed
largely in the language of development assistance; education and training
programmes bulked large in such pronouncements. Since 1955, with the
founding of the International Co-operation Administration (now
AID)
about 5,000 to 6,000 participants from over eighty countries annually have
taken some form of technical training in the U . S . A . ; large numbers have
also been trained in their o w n countries or in regional centres.
In their early years, such assistance programmes seem rarely to have
been guided by any inclusive, carefully worked out schemes of m a n p o w e r
planning. Nor did the rhetoric used to describe them include reference to
'the development of h u m a n resources' as an underlying concept (Harbison and Myers, 1964). Most were undertaken because of their obvious
short-run practical value as adjuncts to massive programmes of economic
and military assistance. T h e political gains which might accrue to the
U . S . A . from such exchanges seem to have been considered of minor and
fluctuating importance. T h e actual employment of foreign study as a
means of fostering technological change, in fact preceded the formulation
of any consistent and over-arching rationale for doing so (Powelson, 1964).
In i960 a co-ordinated series of evaluation and follow-up studies were
begun by A I D in order to ascertain the views of returned participants on
the quality and, more important, the subsequent occupational relevance of
their training. Interviews were held with them on their o w n soil, using a
standard schedule translated into the most appropriate language. Answers
were then coded in accordance with methods and procedures designed to
ensure a m a x i m u m of comparability of findings a m o n g the co-operating
countries. Data from surveys with former participants from twenty-nine
countries (grouped here into four regions), completed at various points in
time between i960 and 1963, provide an empirical basis for the discussion
which follows. (See Table 1.)
In this context, one can identify only some of the issues toward which
365
Number
interviewed
Weighted'
number
Weighted
per cent
Latin America
Brazil
Bolivia
Chile
Peru
Ecuador
Costa Rica
Nicaragua
Jamaica
British Honduras
British Guiana
Surinam
Total
538
701
4.27
500
390
388
182
122
78
8l
73
3480
2 046
332
1 153
29
19
17
800
507
504
309
12
122
IOI
2
1
1
1
97
80
7
7
4
7051
Far East
Philippines
Thailand
Taiwan
South Korea
Viet-Nam
Total
510
512
619
1 734
1 690
1 609
524
402
1 53
804
567
6990
25
24
23
16
12
IOO
1 449
1 207
610
54 !
1 594
1 569
21
21
1 281
920
17
12
10
217
781
508
443
434
59
7530
100
454
97
147
636
560
315
9
35
3"
17
100
100
n
6
1 802
IOO
372
254
369
7
6
6
North Africa
Tunisia
Libya
Ethiopia
Morocco
Sudan
Total
224
1 122
i. These regions are defined in accordance with geographic categories used by the United States Government.
2. Sampling was done in most countries: the numbers interviewed in each were up weigh ted to correspond
to the total of eligible participants at the time of the surveys (1960-63).
366
Albert E . Gollin
the survey was oriented and allude to a few detailed findings. Fuller documentation is available elsewhere (Gollin, 1966 b ) . T h e patterning of
results to be discussed obtains in varying degrees across the four geographic
regions, despite their m a n y specific differences, lending greater generality
to these findings.
367
Latin
America
(N = 7051)'
Far
East
(N = 6 ooo)1
Near East
South Asia
(N = 7 530)'
North
Africa
(N = r 802)
8
23
43
26
5
17
44
34
8
17
45
30
35
26
27
88
12
86
4
92
8
96
4
6
30
7
40
11
24
7
19
41
11
40
9
4
8
2
2
49
8
3
5
30
'4
4
26
50
10
23
'7
69
7
6
13
10
11
7
29
53
73
70
'4
83
81
12
8
8
Age
Under 25
25-29
30-39
40 and over
12
Sex
Men
Women
Occupational status
Executives, administrators
Middle managers, officials
Professions: engineers, scientists,
teachers
Sub-professions, technicians
Foremen, supervisors
Artisans, workers, others
Prior education
University degree (s)
University attended
Special schooling, e.g., trades
N o university or special schooling
II
3
7
Employer
Government
Nationalized industry
Private business, professions
Other (e.g., student, unions)
18
8
1
12
Albert E . Gollin
368
large part to the maturity of the participants and the m o r e structured, purposive character of their training sojourn.
Programmes are of three basic types: observation tours, usually lasting
two to four months, taken by three-quarters of the trainees; on-the-job practical training, usually between four and twelve months, taken by twofifths; and university studies, usually lasting nine to eighteen months (or
longer) taken by one-half. A majority of programmes actually consisted
of a combination of these types; the average length of stay abroad was nine
months. Orientation, h o m e visits and various cultural and social events
were interwoven with the technical training, making for a diversified and,
it is hoped a m o r e pleasant American sojourn.
T A B L E 3. Aspects of programmes taken by recipients of United States technical
training, by region (in percentages)
Region1
Training programme
Far
North
Latin
America
(N = 7051)'
East
(N = 6990)11
Near East
South Asia
(N = 7 530)1
24
22
32
9
9
19
12
24
23
17
10
18
lo
'4
3
10
12
10
2
8
9
5
8
4
3
3
4
10
Africa
(N = 1 802)"
Field of training
Agriculture
Education
Industry and mining
Public administration
Health and sanitation
Transport and communications
Labour
C o m m u n i t y Development
and welfare
Others
12
11
10
28
15
17
11
10
21
8
6
35
38
25
41
32
31
32
63
46
43
73
73
54
46
66
59
47
Duration of training
U p to two months
T w o to four months
Four to six months
Six to twelve months
Twelve months and more
"5
Types of programme3
Observation tours
University studies
On-the-job Training
52
44
369
Albert E . Gollin
370
of a (usually) favourable or (infrequently) detrimental sort. T h e relationships b e t w e e n earning a degree in training, h o w e v e r , a n d b o t h its perceived
a n d actual consequences for mobility w e r e close a n d affirmative: the receipt
of a degree while in training measurably e n h a n c e d occupational mobility.
T h e relation b e t w e e n mobility a n d the effective use o f technical training
is a separate issue, to b e discussed below.
T A B L E 4 . Relation of training to occupational mobility, a n d to its perceived
career value b y participants: data grouped b y regions (in percentages)
Region1
Latin
Occupational aspect
America
(N = 7 051)'
F a r
N e a r
E a s t
N o r t h
East
(N = 6 990)'
South Asia
(N =- 7 530)
Africa
(N = t 802)
35
37
34
53
36
14
39
H
39
15
12
3
9
3
13
28
61
4
7
29
24
58
6
7
64
4
8
33
49
7
11
Utilization of training
T h e m a i n intended objective of foreign study as a m e c h a n i s m of m o d e r nization is that the returned participant p u t it 'to use in opportunities
w h e r e its use m a k e s a difference to the national society' (Smith, 1 9 6 4 ,
p . 6 8 ) . T h e use of a n educational experience, even o n e w h i c h is closely
linked with the performance of occupational roles, c a n h a v e several m e a n ings. It c a n m e a n simply doing the s a m e j o b better; or transforming the
character of the job; or instituting s o m e n e w service or procedure; or it
can m e a n teaching others, etc. Evidence of all these m o d e s of use appeared
in the interview data. F o r analytical purposes, h o w e v e r , use w a s conceptualized as a process involving a pattern of continuous e m p l o y m e n t ; the
371
Albert E . Gollin
372
Correlate or factor
Far
East
(N = 6990)'
North
Near East
South Asia
(N = 7 530)*
Africa
(N = t 802)'
Type of programme*
University only
On-the-job training only
Observation tour only
49
40
34
53
39
34
32
21
38
30
10
33
47
51
3
34
36
10
22
21
Duration of training
U p to six months
Six months to one year
O n e year and more
36
40
48
Rated
Rated
Rated
Rated
as
as
as
as
50
41
46
34
30
'5
34
36
30
15
58
36
34
57
46
41
37
31
26
NA
NA
NA
60
62
46
38
35
27
25
35
23
28
24
38
33
43
44
36
45
training
55
41
in using
very helpful
somewhat helpful
indifferent
not helpful
31
19
21
10
10
-.6
34
38
16
18
16
41
38
34
16
40
52
53
45
1. Proportion w h o have used training at work and instructed others to a considerable degree since their
return. (Those w h o have m a d e lesser use of their training are not shown.) Comparisons are m a d e only
with respect to this 'High utilizer* grouping as a proportion in each of the categories of the various crossrelated factors.
2. See Table i for list of countries in each region.
3. These are weighted numbers of participants, taking account of various sampling ratios in each country.
Those w h o were N A within each region on either utilization or the cross-related factor were excluded
from the base for percentaging.
4. These are only those w h o took programmes which were 'pure' in type, not combined with any other.
5. See Table 4, footnote 3, for further definition of these patterns.
6. See Table 4, footnote 4, for the source question.
7. Question: 'Your supervisor on your current jobdoes he help you in utilizing that training?'
373
process, and the closer the subsequent pattern of contacts between participants and United States assistance programmes in their country, the
greater the utilization. Programmes of training which were well planned,
carefully integrated with larger projects for which prior commitments on
job placement were secured from the employing organizations, and followed through with advice a n d material assistance, were clearly m o r e
effective. These findings lend strong support to the two-level conception
of h u m a n resources development, in which attention is paid not only to
the calibre of participants and training but also to the environments in
which they are to be located u p o n their return. Job training must go hand
in hand with 'job development' of m a n y sorts.
Another finding of great theoretical import is the relation of utilization
to the passage of time. F r o m one perspective, foreign study can be seen as
a 'wasting asset', whose value must or is likely to be quickly realized. O v e r
time, occupational mobility can diminish the relevance of training, or
motivation can erode under the pressures of prevailing work patterns or
local traditions. Another view of directed cultural or technological change
is that it is a slow but snowballing process, requiring time for the agent of
change to effect a translation and application of a skill or idea to his local
setting, or to gain needed support from others in his milieu for his innovative efforts. T h e data tend to support the second of these alternatives:
utilization increases steadily with the passage of time, being at its low point
in thefirstyear after training and levelling off some five years after prog r a m m e s were completed. This finding suggests that, in seeking to transfer
knowledge and advanced techniques, often quite substantial amounts of
time must pass before one can m a k e firm judgements about the diffusion
and eventual adoption of such highly complex cultural products.
Finally, the m o r e favourable were the implications of training for one's
career the greater the utilization. Personal gains derived from training,
and more specifically the earning of a degree, do not seem to detract from
the attainment of the development goals which the transfer process is primarily designed to serve. T o the contrary, the two seem mutually supportive and certain types of occupational mobility m a y even be essential to
the transfer process. For example, a p r o g r a m m e of training which is the
vehicle for achieving a n e w position of greater authority can m a k e it
more likely that innovative efforts will be m a d e , or that they will have a
wider impact. Again, as w a s noted, while the aims of training d o not
include occupational mobility, and in theory could be compromised by
it, in fact such mobility tended to be functional for the transfer process.
Some pitfalls of a correlational approach
In exploratory fashion, and in line with a growing trend in cross-national
research, w e sought to relate the utilization of technical training by participants with a few structural attributes or indicators of macrosocial processes. A moderate degree of relationship (r, = 0.51 - 0.58) was found to
Albert E . Gollin
374
concluding note
375
Albert E . Gollin
376
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Albert E. Gttin is a Research Associate at the Bureau of Social Science Research, Inc., of
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employed, he has conducted research on international exchange and technical assistance programmes.
Education is discussed in its context as an instrument of social integration under four headings:
as an individual's status; as a stratified system; as a societal status; and as a socialization
process. The author warns against association of education with societal integration, and
points out that where consensus is created, this tends to isolate national society from the international system.
379
38o
Peter Heiruz
be the socially defined equilibrium of the individual status at the different levels. If w e keep this reference point in mind, development as a
dynamic process tends to produce, in statistical terms, status disequilibria
of a certain type in which educational status is perceived as a relatively
influential factor with respect to income and in m a n y instances also to
occupation; in other words, there are a great m a n y people w h o feel that
given their education they are entitled to higher incomes than they actually
receive. N o w , social status equilibria m a y be constantly re-defined; the
description of an individual status configuration as disequilibrated m a y ,
therefore, b e c o m e obsolete relatively quickly. W e cannot simply assume
that, for example, changing levels of income corresponding to educational
levels are left out of account w h e n equilibria are defined. For this reason,
w e must insist on the dynamic point of view which allows us to visualize
imperfect adjustments.
W e postulate as a trend of the developmental process today the proliferation of status disequilibria of the type mentioned, in contrast to d o m i nant modern trends in the developmental processes of already highly
developed countries.
Status disequilibrium as defined above implies a reference to a socially
defined equilibrium. If w e accept this definition then disequilibrated status
configurations imply a kind of social marginality for their occupants. W e
m a y say that the equilibrium defines exactly the absence of such marginality or the presence of social integration.
This type of marginality frequently seems to be associated with its
o w n interpretation in societal terms, i.e., as the result of discrimination by
society. T h e lower status is seen as ascribed and, consequently, independent of the initiative of its occupants. T h e mechanisms involved are similar
to those which explain the effect of racial and ethnic discrimination in
highly developed countries. But the problem is not necessarily formulated
in terms of discrimination between groups or social categories whose m e m bers have the same education but differ, for example, with respect to race,
culture or social origin. It m a y happen that all the m e m b e r s of an educational stratum feel that they receive less than they are entitled to on the
basis of their education. In particular, they m a y be convinced of having a
claim to a larger relative share of the national income. If this is so they
imply that others receive a n excessive share. Such a situation m a y easily
arise if the supply of educated people at a certain level is not absorbed by
the occupational structure. Lack of absorption m a y be due to an excess
of education with respect to the required qualifications for existing jobs
and the reluctance of certain people to accept jobs which d o not require
the educational level they have reached. Such a situation m a y increase
competition for the scarce jobs which do require this level and cause a
relative decrease of the remuneration attached to them. Consequently,
there would be a disequilibrium between education and income, but
not between education and occupation.
38'
38a
Peter Heintz
levels. In order to understand this relative absence of tensions, it is necessary to keep in mind that the structural basis for the emergence of such
systems consists in different objective opportunities for upward mobility
a m o n g different institutional orders, in particular between the educational
and the occupational structure. Such differences are especially well perceived by m e m b e r s of the lower strata of society. T h e problem is not the
existence of good opportunities for upward mobility within the educational
sector, in absolute terms, but the existence of a substantial difference
between this sector and, for example, the occupational structure. This m a y
explain a strong adherence to education as a stratified system b y those w h o
occupy the lower ranks within it.
If this is true, w e m a y go o n to explain in the same structural terms w h y ,
in underdeveloped societies, w e frequently observe that educated people
('intellectuals') assume the leadership of uneducated masses and, m o r e
particularly, w h y there is n o 'anti-intellectualism' a m o n g the uneducated
in contrast to what has been said about the attitude of the lower class in
m o r e developed countries (lower class authoritarianism). O f course, the
structural prerequisites of such leadership are not always present in underdeveloped societies, perhaps because the above-mentioned differences in
opportunities for upward mobility between education a n d occupation d o
not exist or because educated people are not interested in becoming leaders
of uneducated people; such a lack of interest m a y be associated with relatively high income differences between the educated and the uneducated.
However, the structural conditions referred to are very often present in
those underdeveloped societies which belong to a broad middle stratum
of international society.
In terms of our major problem of social integration, the existence of
relatively isolated stratified subsystems based on educational status represents a p h e n o m e n o n of partial integration due to education; it is only
partial because it refers to this subsystem which per se is relatively unintegrated with the rest of society. Education thus establishes strong ties between m a n y individuals a n d as a stratified subsystem prevents them from
becoming isolated, but in doing so makes them participants in a process
of societal disintegration. This disintegration manifests itself in the fact
that education is not geared to the needs of the existing or emerging occupational structure; that it frequently appears as relatively unrelated to the
skill requirements of the occupational structure.
383
384
Peter Heintz
35
386
Peter Heifttz
Peter Heintz is professor of sociology and Director of the Sociological Institute at the University
of Zrich. He undertook several missions in Latin America for Unesco between igs6 and.1965,
and was director and professor of sociology at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences,
Santiago de Chile. He has published a number of books and readers in German, dealing with
such subjects as social prejudice, sociological theory, juvenile delinquency and the sociology
of schools, as well as books in Spanish.
Three phases in the emergence of a new type of Latin American university are distinguished.
The impact of the intelligentsia, initial foreign aid, the models implicit in such aid and the
effects of its insertion into the beneficiary units are then analysed. Problems and conflicts accompanying international aid are discussed and a wider analytical framework for further investigations is suggested.
The problem
T h e institutions of higher education in Latin A m e r i c a are subject to processes of transformation w h i c h could ultimately produce the configuration
of a n e w type of university. This n e w m o d e l w o u l d give a creative answer to
the challenges that the university system of this part of A m e r i c a m u s t
confront today. O f special importance a m o n g these challenges is the d e m a n d
b y representative sectors of the public opinion that the university, with the
help of science, should a s s u m e a role in the process of change w h i c h deeply
affects the society, directing it toward the socio-cultural integration of
Latin A m e r i c a .
T h e purpose of this article is to present a n d seek out s o m e of the obstacles,
present or potential, w h i c h m a y delay the creation of a n e w type of university. In line with this purpose, after suggesting the functional role of
international help rendered to institutions of higher learning in Iberoamrica, w e will give special emphasis to possible dysfunctional facets of
this collaboration.
This article is not the product of exhaustive research into all of the
aspects presented for discussion; rather, it remains mainly o n a hypothetical plane, in a n effort to explain in a preliminary way certain visible
analytically strategic conflicts w h i c h arise in different university milieux
of this continent. T h e empirical observations serving as the starting point for
these considerations are derived mainly from the Chilean university system. 1
I. The universities are (figures for the number of students in 1964): the Universidad de Chile
with its seat in Santiago, a branch at Valparaiso and regional colleges in other parts of the
388
Luis Scherz-Garcia
389
with the exercise of their professions, which absorb most of their time. T h e y
expose the students to professional techniques obtained by practical experience a n d the student must memorize this material for examinations.1
T h e problems and conflicts of the university generally have to d o with
financial questions a n d with the struggle for power a m o n g its academic
units, but d o not affect its structural integrity.
In the 'critical' phase, in addition to the preparation of professionals
(including economists, engineers a n d educators), the activities of the
university in the surrounding society (cultural extension a n d social action)
acquire greater importance. There is a n abrupt and disorderly increase
in the n u m b e r of schools a n d constituent units, some of which appear
grouped in a c a m p u s or c o m m o n buildings. Despite c r a m m e d schedules
and scattered activities within the university, full-time professors emerge,
especially in the the n e w schools. Study plans present systematic technologies or methodolodies of a certain degree of abstraction. T h e problems
and conflicts of this phase are related to structural inadequacies (aggravated
by the 'population explosion'2) and are accompanied b y a climate of
controversy.
Scientific investigation emerges, along with the other functions already
mentioned, in the 'dynamic and dualistic' phase. Beside the collection of
schools, faculties a n d subordinate institutes, other units appear, e.g.,
central institutes which serve to centralize teaching and research and which
constitute a subsystem separated from the rest of the university. This
introduces a conflicting institutional dualism. T h e research-professors
work full-time in only one sector of the university. In the syllabus, science
acquires fundamental importance in the teaching of technology. Finally,
large circles of students a n d of restless professors feel the necessity for a
total replacement of the old university system by a n e w one whose nucleus
is already present in the subsystem.
Considering Latin America as a whole, w e find that all three of these
phases are in existence simultaneously. This is because university development did not begin at the s a m e time, or proceed at the s a m e pace in every
country or region. It m a y be said, however, that the majority of the universities in this part of America are n o w in a situation of great structural
malleability. Furthermore, as a result of increasing interaction, going
beyond local bounds, m a n y of the most conservative universities, such as
those in the national capitals, are n o w offering examples of all three phases
simultaneously. If w e take one of these universities and consider its different
aspects from the top downwards, w e will find that it consists of a succession
of institutional strata which, roughly speaking, represent all the different
phases to which I have referred. For instance, it is not surprising to discover
1. The percentage of students w h o acquire their professional degrees is low (between 10 to
30 per cent of those w h o began their professional career).
2. Universities are besieged by applicants for admission, a high percentage of w h o m are
refused. In some Chilean universities approximately 50 per cent of the applicants were
refused in 1966.
390
Luis Scherz-Garcia
39'
T h e university 'intelligentsia'
These values and goals are accepted, elaborated a n d promoted in the
existing universities by certain teaching and research minorities which
enjoy the support of large groups of students. This 'intelligentsia1', with a
critical consciousness of the Latin American problem, denounces the
inadequacies of the university system and tries to mould and propagate n e w
cultural forms, employing for the purpose the resources of science. D e p e n d ing upon the phase in which the university is found, it can constitute
either a quasi-group separated from the policy-making levels or it can
become organized and systematically seek participation in the guidance of
university affairs.
Such a mobilization of forces comes about in opposition to those w h o ,
possessing a traditionalist mentality disposed to maintain the institutional
rigidity of the professionalist university, are its directors at the various levels
of authority. T h u s a situation of latent conflict arises, with sporadic
outbursts.
A s the universities approach the 'dynamic-dualistic' phase, the viewpoint that a radical transformation of the larger society can also arise out
of modifications of the superstructure is strengthened a m o n g sectors of the
student body. T h e creative student minorities begin spontaneously
although a m o r e reflective m o o d has n o w accompanied the access of
science to the classroomsto assign priority to the problems of the
university. T h e y concentrate on the solution of these problems. In Chile,
the students (the majority with an ideological position identified with the
governing Christian Democratic group) 2 have been focusing their action
on environments ever closer to the university. T h u s , they have m o v e d
from denunciation of 'social injustice' (expecting the solution from the
government) to promotion of social action and, finally, to criticism of
the internal 'injustices' and inadequacies within the university and
agitation for their solution through radical measures. In addition, they
feel m o r e stimulated to act within the university u p o n noting the presence
there of persons (in some w a y or other identified with university authorities) w h o are connected with political factions n o w eliminated from the
national government.
i. Cf. Theodor Geiger, Aufgaben und Stellung der Intelligenz in der Gesellschaft, Stuttgart, 1949.
2. In 1965, in Chile, all the university student federations were in the hands of Christian
Democrats.
392
Luis Scherz-Garcia
393
The
In view of the fact that most aid to Latin American universities comes
from United States philanthropic foundations,1 w e will point briefly only
to certain relevant traits of the United States higher education model,
as ideally perceived by the administrators and a great n u m b e r of the
advisers to the donor agencies.
In this model w e discern clear functional levels; those of the administration, of the professors, a n d of the students. T h e administration's function
is to direct and administer, appoint the professors and determine the regulations and conditions for student admission. T h e professors, as employees
of the university, teach or conduct research. Finally, the students' exclusive
of Concepcin were agreed before 1961. These funds were distributed to the different
universities for programmes under the following headings: science and technology $1,225,000;
social sciences related to development $1,545,000; development of the education system,
specially of higher education $5,472,161; agricultural education and development $518,000;
urban and rural improvement $777,250, and special projects $170,000 for reproductive
biology.
1. Though smaller in amount, the help given by European nations such as Belgium, France,
the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , U . S . S . R . , etc., has also had a very significant impact.
394
Luis Scherz-Garcia
395
international
aid
T h e insertion of the
beneficiary units in
a foreign system
Within the general framework agreed between the governing body of the
university and the officers of the international agency, the concrete tasks
are carried out by the latter, working directly with those in charge of
administering the aided school or faculty. Considering the level of the
governing authority and administration of the assisted units, w e can
appreciate the power of international aid over them. According to its
internal regulations, the foundation constantly evaluates the assistance
project and requires minute accounting for the use of the resources m a d e
available.1 T h e magnitude of these resources2 brings about a recognition
i. This attitude is very different from that assumed, as in Chile, b y the State which does not
strictly control the use of the resources supplied. It is estimated that aid finances 60 to
. 80 per cent of the total budget of each university.
2. For example, in 1964 the School of Sociology of the Universidad Catlica de Chile, received
396
Luis Scherz-Garcia
397
Mentality
Goals
Qualitative
Traditional
Pragmatic
Quantitative
+
+
Critical
398
Luis Scherz-Garcia
professional' university and which emphasized a merely quantitative criterion in the evaluation ofthe progress of the system. T h e 'pragmatic' mentality
provides a value climate favourable to innovation or to the reform of the
system, according to a foreign pattern, increased efficiency in its functioning, but without proposing final a n d global objectives, and a n
administrative-technological ethos reconciling scientific techniques and
m a n a g e m e n t goals. Finally, the 'critical' mentality presents itself as a
configuration of ideas favouring radical changes in the structures, functions
and ends of the university system. Its terms of reference allow for the establishment of the scientific ethos (including emphasis in creative originality)
and an ethic of social c o m m i t m e n t with respect to the problems of Latin
America.
T h e traditional mentality is found predominantly amongst university
authorities (above all, of the governing councils), older part-time professors and a minority of students in the schools with m o r e traditional roots.
T h e pragmatic mentality is represented largely by persons with directiveadministrative responsibilities in faculties, schools and institutes, by fulltime researchers having pursued post-graduate studies of m o r e recent
vintage outside the country (especially in the United States) and by not
unimportant minorities of politically neutral students, not notably restless
about social change, but with Herodian 1 inclinations, that is to say, receptive to the cultural patterns of countries of higher international status. T h e
critical mentality is to be found a m o n g the intelligentsia or creative university elite. T h e intelligentsia is formed b y full-time intellectually mature
researchers, s o m e having pursued post-graduate studies in Europe or in
the United States, and young part-time teachers; in addition, it is to be
found a m o n g m a n y university students ideologically committed to positions
favourable to social change.
It is well to point out that the administrators and local foundation
advisers can be considered carriers of the pragmatic mentality; a minority,
nevertheless, incline toward the critical position having been sensitized, n o
doubt, b y conflict situations in the university institutions of their o w n
country.
T h e carriers of the traditional mentality are frequently able to work
harmoniously with those of the pragmatic mentality as a result of a process of mutual adaptation which the granting of international aid stimulates. In the measure to which they constitute the governing elite of the
universities, the traditionalist cannot be bypassed in establishing a prog r a m m e of international co-operation, for which purpose the pragmatists
serve as adequate intermediaries. In addition, the traditionalists perceive
this joint action as a w a y of revitalizing their power and prestige, both of
which are favoured by the ultimate success of the p r o g r a m m e and its
financing.
i. Concerning the use of the concept, see Arnold Toynbee, The Study of History, abridgement
of Vol. VII-X by D . C . Somervell, Oxford University Press, 1957.
399
4oo
Luis Scherz-Garcia
O n e type of analytically strategic problem is produced at the academicadministrative level of the units which receive international aid. T h e
teacher-administrator, w h o has experienced the effects of socialization in the
foreign system of higher education, adopts an ambiguous position to his
roles. H e is not able to place himself clearly within the rules of the g a m e
of the scientific culture. H e uses the methodological aspects of science but
lacks the critical sensibility to immerse himself in Latin America's problems; or perhaps he subordinates them to the limitations of a methodology attuned to another socio-cultural context, a situation clearly evident
in the case of the social sciences.1 T h e critical sensibility in teacher-administrators appears to be corroded b y the socializing influence of the foreign
system.2 There emerges the tendency to view measures related to the university sphere suggested by some international agencies as natural d e m a n d s
without any special wider repercussion. It is symptomatic that, in Chile,
the majority of the teacher-administrators of units in the fields of social
science, directly or indirectly related to foundations reacted only belatedly
against a research plan (Project Camelot) which was denounced b y representatives of other sociological (and public) circles as virtual espionage.3
N o w let us touch upon the conflicts of values and of the groups which
hold these values. In the first place, there is the conflict, latent at times,
overt at others between the two constellations of values and goals which
take root in the university apart from the traditional constellation. O n the
one hand w e distinguish the position of those w h o wish that the university,
aside from assuming an instrumental-adaptive role would openly acknowledge the task of social orientation and integration, using the theoreticalmethodological assistance of the sciences. O n the other hand there are those
w h o , armed with the scientific tools used within a n environment of administrative efficiency, wish the university to place emphasis on the preparation of professionals capable of exploiting Latin America's resources.
T h e 'administrators' and benefactors argue that there is no sense in theorizing about n e w aims for the university and that instead, it is indispensable
that present facilities function efficiently with modifications inspired by
North American patterns. T h e attitude of the former is that of creators
i. Cf. the report presented to the Seminario Internacional de Profesores de Economa Agrcola,
in Medellin, Colombia, August 1965, by Clifton R . Wharton, Jr., 'Revolucionando la
educacin superior en los pases en proceso de desarrollo'.
2. A s a result of an analagous socialization process, numerous young graduates awarded
scholarships for study in the United States or in Europe do not return to their h o m e
countries or return for a short period only. ( W e venture the hypothesis that emigration is
lower among young people motivated b y an ideology of commitment to social change.)
See thefiguresin the report presented to the Unesco Conference C A S T A L A by Luis Giorgi;
'La prdida de personal cientfico y de ingenieros en Amrica Latina por inmigracin hacia
pases m s adelantados: magnitud, carcter y causas', Santiago, 1965.
3. See the report concerning Project Camelot by the Norwegian professor Johan Galtung,
commissioned by the Ministerio del Interior of the Republic of Chile, July 1965. Project
Camelot was sponsored by the Special Operations Research Office ( S O R O ) in co-ordination
with American universities. Also see the discussion in the Parliament of the Republic of
Chile, especially the speeches delivered at the 16 December 1965 session of the Chamber
of Deputies.
401
403
Luis Scherz-Garcia
these conflicts begin to emerge in universities with traditionally non-belligerent student bodies, exploding, as they d o , with greater intensity in
faculties or schools which receive international assistance? W h a t is the
relation between such aid and the pervasion of these units by the a d m i n istrative-economic ethos? W h a t explains certain exaggerated attitudes
on the part of some university authorities to student demands?
O u r task of coming u p with answers to such questions has led us, somewhat hurriedly, in a hypothetical w a y and without any great abundance
of empirical evidence in some cases, to construct this analysis of the negative or dysfunctional impact which international aid can possibly have o n
certain processes related to the university.
T h e essence of the analysis can be summarized around the following
tentative formulations which w e n o w present in order to facilitate a m o r e
complete and precise focus on the problem with which w e are concerned
and to which w e want to call attention.
International aid, directly (through it sofficers or through Latin A m e r ican teachers or administrators socialized in the foreign higher education
system) performs a latent or unexpected function in diffusing the patterns
of the implicit reference model and leads gradually to the assimilation of
the Latin American university system, through its adaptation, to the foreign
system. This process u p to a certain critical limit, runs in spontaneous
h a r m o n y with one which favours a n e w type of local university since both
allow for the entry of science and support an adaptative instrumental
function with respect to the social context. But beyond a certain point,
w h e n the latter process emphasizes an orienting integrating role as inseparable from scientific research, unending conflicts of growing intensity
and volume arise, and two groups of divergent mentalities are revealed:
the 'traditional-pragmatic', which is in powerin concert with international aidand the 'critical', including the most active students, and which
struggles for a share in the official power structure.
Finally, the importance of the orienting role claimed for the university
grows proportionately as other structural units explicitly responsible for
the assumption of that role in the socio-cultural system fail to emerge.
Social change presupposes a reference orientation. S o m e social agent must
openly or latently grasp, interpret, elaborate and distribute the constellation of orienting values and ideas. T h e social agent can be of different
types or complexity; it can belong to a local system or to a foreign one. T h e
clear bid of the university to fulfil this orienting referential role (functional
for itself as for the surrounding society) makes sense if it responds to a social
need. 1 If it does not, this need comes latently to be satisfied by other agents.
Consequently, it is clear that the dysfunctional effects of international aid
must not be ominously interpreted simply as part of an international conspiracy since foreign models c o m e spontaneously to fulfil a temporary func-
403
tional necessity in a society undergoing c h a n g e , in the face of creative passivity a n d uncritical cultural receptivity.
Nonetheless, the d i l e m m a remains: international action to extend a given
system or, instead, international co-operation to bring into being a n e w
type of university created b y Latin A m e r i c a n s in response to their o w n
problems.
Dr. Luis Scherz-Garcia studied at universities in Chile, the United States of America and
the Federal Republic of Germany. Since 1964, he has been professor of sociological theory at
the Catholic University of Chile, and is at present visiting professor at the University of Notre
Dame, Indiana. He has published U n a N u e v a Universidad para America Latina (1963)
and contributed to Elites in Latin America, edited by S. M . Lipset and A . Solari(ig6y).
In analysing the correlation between education and development and education and level of
occupation the hypothesis is put forward that the role of formal education in the distribution
of occupational roles increases from a stage of complete underdevelopment but decreases again
at a stage of advanced development where education tends to become a necessary but no longer
sufficient condition. A phenomenon of 'super-education' arises when the occupational structure
remains largely static and this situation is analysed through a survey of the population of Montevideo which also shows the relationship between education and degrees of urban socialization.
i. Education is used here in the sense of attending school, or what m a y be called formal
education. This is a normal restriction in a work of this kind and in n o w a y implies
ignorance of its other meanings or of the role of other forms of socialization in development.
It has been subdivided into the three conventionally-accepted levels; the available data
did not justify further distinguishing between general and vocational training, a distinction
that raises questions somewhat different from those dealt with in this paper. Cf. R . S . Eckaus;
'Economic Criteria for Education a n d Training', The Review of Economics and Statistics,
Vol. X L V I , N o . 2 (May 1964), pp.181-90, and James C . Scoville, 'Education and Training
Requirements for Occupations', op. cit., Vol. X L V I I I , N o . 4 (November 1966), p p . 387-94.
2. See (a) C . Arnold Anderson, ' A Skeptical Note on the Relation of Vertical Mobility to
Education', The American Journal of Sociology, M a y 1961, reproduced b y A . H . Halsey,
Jean Floud and C . Arnold Anderson in Education, Economy and Society, T h e Free Press,
1961, pp. 164-79, a"! articles in the second part of this book; and (b) John K . Folger and
Charles D . N a m , ' Trends in Education in Relation to the Occupational Structures', Sociology
of Education, Vol. 38, p p . 19-33.
405
4o6
407
in the tertiary sector. Within this enormous sector, the public sector alone
absorbs more than one-fifth of the active population. F r o m 1955 to 1961,
the active population increased at the same rate as the total population
(1.3 per cent per a n n u m ) ; the public sector by 2.6Jper cent, and the private
sector by only 0.9 per cent although there was no major expansion in
public services. Far from being a consequence of development, growth
of the tertiary sector seems to be a product of stagnation.
T h e data used are from a sample survey of the Montevideo population;1
the education and occupation trends can therefore only be measured by
comparing the different generations actually covered by the survey. In
order to obtain, at the s a m e time, an indication of the various phases of
the urbanization process using the data for this one city, the degree of
urban socialization has also been taken into account. T h u s an effort has
been m a d e to keep the urbanization factor in mind, to see whether it
exercises an influence, and h o w it affects the education-occupation correlation. It is thus hoped that a wider ranging discussion of the theoretical
problems outlined above will be m a d e possible.
F r o m the Montevideo survey figures2 it is possible to measure the correlation between educational and occupational levels both for present
heads of families and for their parents. T h e values of the coefficient (y) are
+ 0 . 6 3 for present heads of families a n d only + 0 . 5 0 for their parents.
Between the two generations, therefore, the correlation has considerably
increased. This could be taken to confirm the general hypothesis: moving
from a low to a higher level of development, the coefficient of correlation
increases. It m a y therefore be reasonably inferred that Uruguay in general
has not reached the point at which the correlation decreases.
W h a t precisely is the nature of the development that has taken place?
W e have seen that the general correlation m a y be affected by special
features of growth and variations in its rate. T h e following are some features of the considerable change that has occurred between the two generations covered by the survey.
First, the population of Montevideo has appreciably increased.
1. The data cited in this paper are the result of research done in 1959 in Montevideo on social
stratification and mobility, by area sampling and a survey covering 2,415 heads of families,
of w h o m 2,006 were male. The data on parents relates only to males.
W e decided to refer to levels rather than classes, the essential criterion for the purposes
of this survey being the principal occupation, defined by the number of hours worked in
it by the person concerned. Hence the correlations between educational level and social
class can be challenged. In calculating the coefficient it was decided to include only fathers
w h o were assumed to have worked in Montevideo themselves excluding those whose sons,
having already reached the age of 18 years w h e n they came to Montevideo, could be considered as having arrived there independently.
It was assumed that the heads of families born in Montevideo or major cities in other
countries had a high level of urban socialization, those born in the other towns in Uruguay
a medium level, and the remainder a low level.
The four educational levels (high, secondary, primary, none) are denned in terms of:
completed secondary and begun university; completed primary and begun secondary;
completed primary; no schooling at all.
2. See Tables 1 to 6 at the end of this article.
4o8
409
was calculated separately for those with high, m e d i u m and low levels of
urban socialization. T h e n , in order to measure the significance of urban
socialization, the correlation between urban socialization a n d education
was calculated for the various educational levels. In thefirstcase the correlation rises from + 0 . 5 0 (low) to + 0 . 6 7 (medium) and falls to + 0 . 6 1
for those with a high level of urban socialization. Results in the second case
indicate that degree of urban socialization has little significance. T h e correlations which exist, although low, m a y be explained b y differences in
educational level a m o n g those w h o have reached different degrees of
urban socialization.
It is clear that the significant correlation is education-occupation. These
results, however, call for a somewhat m o r e detailed analysis. W e have
seen that this correlation for heads of families having a low level of urban
socialization is + 0 . 5 0 . T h e figure is the s a m e for parents of present heads
of families, and this m a y b e explained b y a similarly low level of urban
socialization in the previous generation. M o r e important, however, is the
fact that the breakdown of educational levels is roughly the same a m o n g
the parents of all heads of families with a low level of urban socialization,
as the following table indicates.
_ . . . . . . .
Educational level
University, completed
University, incomplete
Secondary, completed
Secondary, incomplete
Primary, completed
Primary, incomplete
N o education
Parents
4.6
3-2
3-o
6-5
34-9
34-3
13-5
2-7
2.1
8.2
29.8
4I.7
13-4
Total
O f the parents, 82.7 per cent do not go beyond the level of complete
primary education, and 84.9 per cent of heads of families with a low level
of urban socialization are in the same situation. It m a y therefore be concluded that a relatively low level of social development is reflected in a low
education-occupation correlation.
T h e analysis must be carried further, however, since it will be noted
that the correlation increases for heads of families with a m e d i u m level of
urban socialization, and decreases w h e n it is high. T h e overleaf tables
indicate level of education for all heads of families and for heads of families
w h o have reached a m e d i u m or high degree of urban socialization.
T h e differences are considerable: 67.1 per cent with a m e d i u m level of
urban socialization have not gone beyond complete primary education,
as against 58.4 per cent of those with a high level; but there is less difference
between these two categories than between each of them and the category
with a low level. T h e fact that there is a considerable difference between the
410
_ . . . . , .
Educational level
University, completed
University, incomplete
Secondary, completed
Secondary, incomplete
Primary, completed
Primary, incomplete
N o education
Total
All heads
- . ...
of families
5-4
5-4
3-6
16.5
33-'
29.0
7.0
100
Medium level of
.
. ,. ..
urban socialization
6.5
3-a
8.0
6.9
4.8
18.1
27.6
32.3
19-9
37-5
18.6
5-
7.2
100
2-3
100
High
Higher intermediate
Lower intermediate
Skilled at lower level
Unskilled
Total
All heads
of families
2.8
ILO
M e d i u m level of
urban socialization
2.2
3-5
26.7
I2.3
3-9
20.3
33-3
16.0
42.7
19.6
18.2
100
100
37-8
21.2
100
It will be seen that there are major differences between heads of families
at the m e d i u m a n d high levels of social urbanization, the proportion at
high level being greater at the high a n d the lower intermediate occupation
levels (at the higher intermediate level also, but this is less pronounced).
It is very significant that the difference in occupation levels between heads
of families in the m e d i u m and high socialization categories follows the
s a m e pattern as the difference from one generation to the next in employment; as already noted, it is the lower intermediate positions which have
increased from one generation to another.
T w o major points emerge. A certain change has taken place from one
generation to another a n d the education-occupation correlation has
increased. Furthermore, analysing the figures for the present generation of
heads of families and taking only those at low levels of occupation, education
and urbans ocialization, the education-occupation correlation is likewise
relatively low although still significant. A t the intermediate levels for all
three, the correlation coefficient is m u c h higher; at the higher levels, the
correlation decreases. A s a parallel m a y be observed between these various
cases a n d economic a n d social development, and since it has also been
s h o w n the urban socialization has little effect on the education-occupation
411
correlation, it m a y b e concluded that, as development occurs, the correlation increases u p to a certain level, beyond which it begins to decrease.
Uruguay would seem to confirm the original hypothesis.
Objections m a y of course be raised on the grounds of special features
in the development process, or the nature of the survey. It is for this reason
that the study of Uruguayan society and the questions it raises should be
further investigated. T h e present survey is limited in scope to the
population of Montevideo. In addition, the earlier indices of development
are inadequate, since they allow a comparison of only two generations, and
the data cover only present heads of families, with different levels of
urban socialization. These objections have their weight but w e d o not
believe they in any w a y lessen the validity of our conclusions; the results
of the survey have been checked with data from completely different
sources which fully confirm them.
M u c h more serious are the reservations suggested by particularities in
the process of development and stagnation in Uruguay. In Latin America
generally, urbanization is outstripping development. T o a lesser extent,
but still frequently, education m a y also outstrip development. In both
respects, Uruguay is an extreme case. Since education has for a long time
outstripped development, it m a y be concluded that the fact that the
education-occupation correlation increases from one generation to another
is significant and in line with the general hypothesis.
T h e problem becomes more complex if w e consider the significance of
the increase in the correlation for those with a m e d i u m level of social
urbanization and its decrease w h e n the level is high. While development
is undeniable from one generation to another, the present heads of families,
irrespective of level of urban socialization, are inevitably affected by the
stagnation of the economy. If, as indicated earlier, education levels have
risen considerably during this period of stagnation a decrease in the correlation m a y be expected, since the higher levels of occupation have not
risen in the same proportion, the implication being that those w h o have
reached a higher level of education d o not find adequate openings and are
obliged to take u p occupations at the intermediate or even lower levels.
H e n c e the 'super-education' at these two levels, a very different situation
from that obtaining in the advanced countries, where education has
outstripped the rate of diversification of occupational roles, and the level of
education required for each job and for occupations as a whole is constantly
rising. T h e education-occupation correlation declines but the fact that
the same jobs are done by better trained people m a y be regarded as favourable to development. There is really no waste of h u m a n resources. In
Uruguay, various intermediate-level jobs are done by highly educated
people because they have no other openingsand this does m e a n a
waste of h u m a n resources. This is accentuated by the fact that so m a n y
university students take traditional courses: half do law or medicine, and
only a very small percentage science or technology, giving too m a n y
qualified in certain branches and not enough in others.
412
Aldo Solari is professor of sociology at the University of Montevideo and at present a member
of the secretariat of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America. He is
the author of several books amongst which are Estudios sobre la Sociedad Uruguaya
(s voluntes 1965, ig66) and El Desarrollo Social del Uruguay (iftj), and co-editor
of Elites in Latin America (1967).
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Bibliographies
Theoretical studies
A G U L L A , J. C . L a sociologa de la educacin [Sociology of education], Sociol. int.
3 ( 0 . 1965 57-78A R A N G U R E N , J. L . Sociologa de la educacin [Sociology of education], R. Occidente 3(28), July 1965, p . 26-44.
B E L L , R . R . (ed.). The sociology of education: a source book. H o m e w o o d , 111, Dorsey
Press, 1962, 368 p.
B E L T H , M . Education as a discipline: a study of the role of models in thinking. Boston.
Allyn and Bacon, 1965, xvin + 317 p.
B E S T , J. W . Research in education. Englewood Cliffs, N . J . , Prentice-Hall, 1959, 320 p .
4'7
4i8
419
420
D E B U C Q U O Y , J. L a dmocratisation de l'enseignement exige des rformes de m thodes et de structures, Doss. Action soc. cath. 37(6), July-Aug. i960, p . 487502.
F R E D E R I C K , R . W . Student activities in American education. N e w York, Center for
Applied Research in Education, 1965, xi + m p.
G I R A R D , A . ; B A S T I D E , H . L a stratification sociale et la dmocratisation de l'enseignement, Population 18(3), July-Sept. 1963, p . 435-472.
G I R A R D , A . ; P R E S S T , R . L a dmocratisation de l'enseignement. Population 17(1),
Jan.-March 1962, p . 9-28. [France.]
L O B R O T , Michel. La pdagogie institutionnelle: L'cole vers Vautogestion. Prface d
J. Ardoino, Paris, Gauthier-Villars, 1966, x x x + 282 p., fig., bibliogr. ( H o m m e s
et organisations.)
L O U R E A U , R . L'autogestion l'cole, ducation nationale 31, 5 N o v . 1964, p. 18.
. U n e exprience de pdagogie institutionnelle, Cahiers pdagogiques 55, Sept.Oct. 1965, p. 53-59.
O N C K E L E T , L . Essais sur la dmocratisation de l'ducation. Dfinition de la d m o cratisation de l'ducation. Esquisse d'une pdagogie dmocratique, R. Inst.
Sociol. 3 and 4, 1966, p. 603-621 and 751-874.
P I N N E R , F . A . Student trade-unionism in France, Belgium and Holland: anticipatory socialization and role seeking, Sociol. Educ. 37(3), Spring 1964, p. 177-199.
421
422
423
424
425
Case studies
L'Adaptation de l'enseignement aux ralits africaines en Haute-Volta, Nations
nouvelles 7, 1966, p. 26-40.
A G L I E R I - R I N E L L A , M . L'educazione degli adulti, fattore di progresso democrtico
del Sud [Adult education; a factor of democratic progress in the South], Prospett.
merid. 9(11), N o v . 1963, p . 6-9. [Italy.]
A L V A R E Z A N D R E W S , O . Aspectos sociolgicos del problema educacional en Chile
[Sociological aspects of the educational problem in Chile], R. mexic. Sociol. 20(30),
Oct.-Dec. 1958, p. 873-934.
A N Z O L A G M E Z , G . Como llegar hasta los campesinos por medio de la educacin; resultados
de una experiencia en el CREFAL [ H o w to reach the peasants by means of education:
results of an experience in C R E F A L ] . Bogot, Ministerio de Educacin Nacional,
62, 398 p . [Centro Regional de Educacin Fundamental para la Amrica Latina,
Ptzcuaro, Mxico.]
A R A S T E H , R . Education and social awakening in Iran. Leiden, E . J. Brill, 1962, 144 p .
. S o m e problems of education in underdeveloped countries, Mid. East J.
12(3), S u m m e r 1958, p . 270-276.
A R D O I N O , J. Propos actuels sur l'ducation. Paris, Gauthier-Villars, 1965, xiv + 304 p*
(Collection H o m m e s et Organisations .)
A R O N , R . Quelques problmes des universits franaises, Archiv, europ. Sociol. 3(1),
1962, p. 102-122.
A Z E V E D O , A . de. Educaao e m Africa [Education in Africa], Estud. ultramar 3, 1962,.
p . 19-161. [Portuguese Africa.]
B A C K , K . W . ; D A V I S , K . E . S o m e personal and situational factors relevant to the
consistency and prediction of conforming behavior, Sociometry 28(3), Sept. 1965,
p . 227-240.
B A L O G H , T . Enseignement et action sociale en Afrique, Revue de la Socit d'tudes
et d'Expansion 201, May-June-July 1962, p . 379-384.
B A M F O R D , T . W . Public schools and social class, 1801-1850. Brit. J. Sociol. 12(3),
Sept. 1961, p . 224-235. [United K i n g d o m . ]
B E R E D A Y , G . Z . F . Education and youth, A. Amer. Acad. polit, soc. Sei. 317, M a y 1958,
p . 63-70. [Eastern Europe.]
Mc^"
''
426
OF H I G H E R
EDUCATION
IN AFRICA.
The
427
428
M O U T O N , G . L'ducation des adultes dans les pays moins dvelopps, R. Coop. int.
54(4), April 1961, p . 92-96.
M o R O T - S i R , E . ducation permanente et rducation aux tats-Unis d'Amrique,
. Enstign. sup. 1, J a n . - M a r c h 1962, p . 55-65.
M o T W A N i , C . Education of W o m e n in Ceylon, Afr. Women 3(3), D e c . 1959,
p. 65-67.
P A S S O W , A . H . (ed.). Education in depressed areas. N e w York, Bureau of Publications,
Teachers College, Columbia University, 1963, xiv + 359 p .
P A U V E R T , J. C ; T R I C A R T , J. Afrique noire. Tendances actuelles de l'ducation des adultes
dans les tats africains d'expression franaise. Paris, Presses universitaires de France,
196a, 79 p .
P O B L E T E T R O N C O S O , M . T h e implications of Unesco's major project to extend
primary education in Latin America, Unesco Chron. 4(1), Jan. 1958, p. 3-6.
P O U N D S , R . L . ; B R Y N E R , J. R . The School in American society. N e w York, Macmillan,
1959. 518 p .
Q U I R I N O - L A N H O U N M E Y , J. L a planification de l'ducation au D a h o m e y , TiersMonde 6(22), April-June 1965, p. 405-420.
R Y A N , B . Status, achievement and education in Ceylon, J. Asian Stud. 20(4),
A u g . 1961, p . 463-476.
Seventh Latin American Congress of Sociology, 1964, Soc. econ. Stud. 14(1), M a r c h
1965, p. 1-154. (Education in Latin America.)
S T E G A R , H . A . Moderne Entwicklungstendenzen i m lateinamerikanischen Erziehungswesen [Modern trends of development in the Latin American educational
system], Off. Welt 80, June 1963, p. 241-255.
S T O J A N O V I , A . Socioloska strana reforme skolstva u Jugoslaviji [Sociological
aspects of school reform in Yugoslavia], A. Pram. Fak. Beogradu 9(4), Oct.Dec. 1961, p. 689-703.
S U T T O N , F. X . Education in changing Africa, J. hum. Relat. 10(2-3), l9^2> P- 256-265.
T A K U K O M A I . T h e relationship of the scholar to society in Japan, Sei. Freedom 15,
June i960, p . 21-25.
T A R D I T S , C . Rflexions sur le problme de la scolarisation desfillesau D a h o m e y ,
C. Et. afr. 3(10), 1962, p . 266-281.
T A Y L O R , A . (ed.). Educational and occupational selection in West Africa. London, Oxford
University Press, 1962, x + 219 p .
T A Y L O R , W . T h e changing social function of the English secondary modern school,
Int. J. comp. Social. 2(2), Sept. 1961, p. 176-187.
T H R A N E , E . Education and culture in Denmark; a survey of the educational scientific an
cultural conditions. Translated by H . Young. Copenhagen, G . E . C . Gad., 1958,
90 p.
TIRYAKIAN, E . A . Quelques aspects ngatifs de l'ducation de masse dans les pays
sous-dvelopps, Tiers-Monde 1(1-2), Jan.-June i960, p. 161-173.
T R O W , M . The democratization of higher education in America, Archives europ.
Sociol. 3(2), 1962, p. 231-262.
U N E S C O . Access of girls and women to education in rural areas, a comparative study. Paris
Unesco, 1964. 62 p.
. Elements of educational planning. Paris, Unesco, 1963, 55 p .
U N I T E D N A T I O N S . Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for
the benefit of the less developed areas, Geneva, 1963. Science and technology for
development. Vol. V I . Education and training. N e w York, 1963.
Universit et l'avenir de la nation (L*), Nouv. Crit. 11(111), D e c . 1959, p. 21-37.
[France.]
V E R D E T E L L O , P . A . Alcance social de la reforma universitaria [The social scope of
university reform]. Buenos Aires, Bases Editorial, 57, 68 p . [Argentina.]
V E R N E R , C ; B O O T H , A . Adult education. Washington, Center for Applied Research
in Education, 1964, x + 118 p .
W A L T E R S , E . H . Learning to read in Jamaica: a study of background conditions. M o n a ,
429
Jamaica, Centre for the Study of Education, University College of the West
Indies, 1958, 51 p.
W E C K M A N N M U O Z , L . La conferencia sobre educacin en Latinoamrica [The
conference on education in Latin America], Foro int. 3(1), July-Sept. 196a,
p. 83-105.
WILLIAMS, J. L. Some social consequences of grammar school education in a rural
area in Wales, Brit. J. Social. 10(2), June 1959, p. 125-128.
W I L S O N , A . B . Residential segregation of social classes and aspirations of high
school boys, Amer, sociol. R. 24(6), Dec. 1959, p. 836-845.
W I L S O N , L. (ed.), Emerging patterns in American higher education. Washington, American
Council on Education, 1965, xln + 292 p.
W O R L D C O N F E R E N C E O N A D U L T E D U C A T I O N . Second World Conference on Adult Education: report. Paris, Unesco, 1963, 48 p.
Z A M A N S K Y , M . ; C A P E L L E , J.; M A U R O N , P. L'enseignement et le milieu rural. R. Et.
p. 203-234. [France.]
The world
of the social sciences
Contributions to this section are invited. Statements, not exceeding 1,500 words, should be
submitted in two double-spaced typewritten copies, in English, French, Spanish, Russian,
German or Italian. Particular emphasis on current or planned research activities is desirable.
434
PURPOSE
T h e institute is an international centre for die scientific study of labour problems
through research and education. T h e term 'labour' in the institute's title is broadly
conceived. It covers the conditions of all kinds of workers and their expectations
and goals, employment and the organization of production, incomes and security,
industrial relations and governmental measures affecting the welfare of labour.
W o r k in rural as well as industrial communities comes with in its scope. Within
this broadfield,the institute is devoted to the application of social science to problems of policy.
435
T h e institute considers itself a laboratory for the development and testing of curricula and methods. In this endeavour, it works in co-operation with university
departments, industrial relations institutions, etc. It thus seeks constantly to adapt
its o w n experience to the needs of leadership education in various parts of the world.
HISTORY
Created in i960 by the International Labour Organization, the International
Institute for Labour Studies has put most of its efforts in its early years into an
educational programme. Study courses on labour in economic development were
its main activities and continue to be held regularly. These have brought together
groups of middle-level participants from government, management, trade union
and other circles. T h e majority c o m e from the developing areas of the world, but
some from the industrialized countries.
In December 1963, a conference of scholars from East and West met under the
auspices of the institute and the International Economic Association to discuss
employment problems in economic development. Research conferences were convened on automation and employment, in July 1964, and on industrial relations
and economic development, in September 1964. A conference on automation in
shipping was held in September 1965. In 1965 also, a symposium was held on migration for employment in European countries. T h e 1966 programme included a
symposium on the labour market and inflation, under the chairmanship of Pierre
Mass, former planning commissioner of France and with the participation of
authorities on income policies including representatives of employer and trade
union circles. For die present year, a symposium on issues of wages policy in developing countries is being planned.
MEMBERSHIP
In the pursuit of these activities the institute addresses itself to three main groups
of people: (a) the potential n e w leaders of different social groups, including m a n agement and trade unions, capable of influencing future social and labour policy;
(b) those in the academic community w h o seek to deepen their understanding of
labour and industrial relations matters; (c) policy-makers in the labourfieldw h o
could welcome opportunities for dispassionate exploration of policy ideas in a
scholarly atmosphere, free from the pressures inherent in decision-making.
T h e institute's purpose is to reach rising n e w leaders w h o will influence labour
policy and industrial relations practices.
ORGANIZATION
T h e board of the institute deals with p r o g r a m m e and budgetary policy matters.
T h e Chairman of the board is M r . D . A . Morse, the Director-General of the
International Labour Office.
T h e director of the institute is secretary to the board. H e draws u p the proposals
considered by the board.
T h e board usually meets once a year, in February. A n executive committee m a y
be convened as necessary between meetings of the board.
A n advisory committee composed in the main of scholars and educators m a y
be consulted by the director.
T h e director of the institute is responsible for: the administration of the institute ;
reporting to the board on past, current and future activities of the Institute; the
selection and admission of participants in the educational and research work of the
institute.
H e combines the functions of faculty chairman and administration head.
436
SCOPE OF INTEREST
T h e institute is concerned specifically within its sphere of interest with (a) education for leadership responsibility; (b) research into trends and emerging problems, and (c) discussion of choices and issues in public policy. T h e institute works
in close collaboration with university research and educational centres concerned
with social, labour a n d industrial relations questions in different countries, and
also, with regional institutes in related fields.
Educational work compasses: a search for sources from which n e w social leadership m a y arise in different parts of the world; improvement of methods of selecting participants in educational programmes; stimulating and promoting study and
teaching about labour and industrial relations in different parts of the world; preparing educational materials for use in other centres.
Institute research aims at being: comparative, making use of the international
standpoint of the institute; prospective, that is, focusing on emerging long-term
trends and policy issues; stimulative, not only by attracting the participation of
outside scholars a n d institutions in institute projects but also by encouraging them
to develop their o w n research.
A m o n g areas of interest to the institute during the next few years are: participative management, or various forms of worker participation in m a n a g e m e n t
functions; labour leadership, with special reference to developing areas; peasant
movements and consensus and conflict in industrial relations systems.
PUBLICATIONS
Institute publications include studies carried out under its auspices; books based
upon symposia convened by the institute, and educational materials developed in
institute courses.
T h e bulletin of the institute reports periodically on the development of institute
activities, including reports on the progress of research projects and notes or articles
on educational work.
S o m e titles issued by Macmillan and C o . Ltd., L o n d o n , the institute's English
language publishers, are the following:
Industrial Relations and Economic Development. Papers presented to a research conference held at Geneva, 24 August to 4 September 1964. E d . by Arthur M . Ross,
Professor of Industrial Relations, University of California, 1966.
Employment Problems of Automation and Advanced Technology: an International Perspective. Proceedings of a conference held at Geneva, 19-24 July 1964. E d . by Jack
Stieber, Director, School of Labor a n d Industrial Relations, and Professor of
Economics, Michigan State University, 1966.
Collective Bargaining in African Countries. Study prepared by B . C . Roberts, Professor
of Industrial Relations, L o n d o n School of Economics a n d Political Science, and
L . Greyfi de Bellecombe, International Institute of Labour Studies, 1966.
FINANCIAL SUPPORT
T h e work of the institute is currently financed from: revenue from an e n d o w m e n t
fund, an annual grant from the I L O budget, fellowships and grants from other
organizations.
T h e institute budget for 1967 is $540,000. Income from the E n d o w m e n t F u n d is
estimated at $130,000. T h e grant from the I L O budget will be $250,000.
Various public a n d private organizations, including trade unions, have in the
past m a d e grants for fellowships or research; and there is evidence that such support will be maintained and possibly increased in the future.
437
Belgium
Centre d'Etudes en Criminologie et Mdecine Lgale
Parklaan 2 , Sint Niklaas W a a s
PURPOSE
T h e Criminology and Forensic Medicine Study Centre was founded in 1964 for
the purpose of conducting scientific research in criminology and forensic medicine
(documentation, information, classification a n d organization).
DEPARTMENTS
France
Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes
Vlth Section
10, rue Monsieur-le-Prince, Paris-6 e
438
First year
I. C o m m o n courses
SOCIAL M A T H E M A T I C S (4 hours weekly)
Descriptive statistics
Probability theory
Inductive statistics
P R A C T I C A L (2 hours weekly)
GENERAL COURSES
Optional subjects
Elements of demography (i hour weekly)
Quantitative methods used in demographic analysis. Methods of comparing populations.
Demographic p h e n o m e n a : birth, death,- marriage rates. Population policy.
Unequal expectation of life.
Occupations. W o m e n ' s occupations. Employment of the active population.
School enrolment a n d inequality of opportunity.
Occupational mobility and social mobility.
Population forecasts.
Elements of political economy (i hour weekly)
Part I centres on certain particularly concrete and readily accessible topics
consumption, income, family savings, the enterprise, production (introduction to econometrics), m o n e y and interest, national accounting.
Part II deals mainly with the theory of choices, economic equilibrium,
economic development and growth.
Lectures on contemporary psychological problems
In addition, the following courses in the specialized sections are open to
students in all sections:
43g
The aim of this course is:first,to show the connexion between concepts
and the practical procedures by which the facts chey represent can be
perceived, and demonstrate how the hypotheses used in research on a
particular concept can be organized and related to more general types of
explanation; and secondly, to familiarize students with the sociological
concepts most commonly used today, and to analyse them critically on the
basis of theoretical requirements.
SOCIOLOGICAL M E T H O D O L O G Y
(a hours weekly)
This course (lectures and practical sessions alternately) is intended to familiarize students with the basic methodological tools of sociological research
and stimulate reflection o n the concepts that the use of these tools logically
implies. Choice, definition and formulation of a research subject followed
by an explanation of the translation into practice of the hypotheses and
concepts. T h e exercises usually take examples from sociological literature
as a foretaste of the various analyses and interpretations that are possible.
The aim is to familiarize students with the theory of descent groups, which
is considered in conjunction with Lvi-Strauss's structural theory of kinship.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS, KINSHIP,
440
Measurement techniques are presented in relation to theoretical and conceptual criteria. Levels and theory of measurement, followed by a detailed
study of techniques for constructing scales based on absolute or comparative judgements.
M E T H O D S A N D MODELS FOR T H E GENETIC
S T U D Y O F B E H A V I O U R (i hour weekly)
44 r
442
Second year
I. Common courses
SOCIAL MATHEMATICS
Introduction to general linguistics and general semiology (for students taking, sociology, social anthropology and psychology) (a hours weekly)
This course is designed, not for students w h o wish to specialize in linguistics,
semiology or semantics, but for those specializing in psychology, social
psychology, sociology or anthropology w h o wish to k n o w something of the
problems and methods of contemporary linguistics, semantics and semiology.
It covers three main topics: (a) linguisticsaim, principal methods; (b)
linguisticsprincipal theories; (c) semantics and semiology (relatively n e w
branches of study)present problems.
443
These seminars are quite short (5 or 6 sessions each) and discuss various
approaches and methods.
O F SOCIOLOOICAL T H E O R Y
(i hour weekly)
A number of concepts and problems are studied and discussed under the
general heading of 'Social classes and economic development', e. g., work
444
(i hour weekly)
This course has two aims: (a) to teach students h o w to prepare an analysis
for use in sociological research, on the basis of examples taken from published
works; (b) to enable them to investigate m o r e systematically the methodological problems encountered in the workshop.
Methodology: introduction to the exploitation of sociological sampling
General treatment of standard experimental designs; multivariate analysis;
generalizations from multivariate analysis; causal analysis; types of survey;
structured surveys and panel surveys.
Epistemology: elements of sociological epistemology
Converting hypotheses into research procedures; the concept of theory;
types of theory; the concept of verification; models and theories.
RESEARCH W O R K S H O P
(5 hours weekly)
Five topics:
1. E c o n o m y a n d culture: the various functions of the economic system in
different cultures,
a. Underdevelopment and development: stability or instability of the
social system as a condition of economic development.
3. Strategy of groups a n d system of relations between economic agents:
aims, m e a n s of action and operation of 'macro-actors'.
4. Planning: economic precision, adjustment of strategies, administrative
decisions, political choices.
5. Statistical regularity a n d individual behaviour: consumption, savings,
investment.
RELIGIOUS SOCIOLOGY
Contemporary political systems, their relationship with economic and cultural systems, their role as social systems. Role of elites and of the masses
in advanced capitalist societies; such concepts as, e.g., a political class, a
445
SOCIAL A N T H R O P O L O G Y
(2 hours weekly)
(5 hours weekly)
Regional specializations
T h e second year of the course in social anthropology should be largely an
introduction to specialization. Students m a y choose one of the following
courses.
Introduction to African studies (African linguistics, political sociology,
economic analysis, history and historical methods, history of tropical Africa
since 1600, tests of objectivity in anthropological research, methods and
techniques of African ethnology, geographical techniques).
Introduction to studies on South-East Asia and India.
Introduction to the anthropology of peasant societies
1. Study of peasant societies: problems and methods.
a. T h e historical a n d geographical background of rural society.
3. Elements of agricultural technology.
4. Research methods and techniques: practical sessions.
Students continue to attend some c o m m o n courses, including linguistics (phonology), and are required to take an active part in a seminar on general anthropology.
I V . Psychology section
T h e second-year course in psychology is essentially practical. Students are assigned
to one of a n u m b e r of working groups, possibly in their o w n line of research. In
each group, the relation between research techniques and general methodology
is stressed by reference to carefully selected cases and topics. Regular lectures on
methodology show h o w to handle research projects (formulation of the problem,
statement of hypotheses, choice of methods, a n d so on). Meetings of all the students
are held from time to time, so that the students in each workshop are aware of
what the others are doing a n d the difficulties they encounter.
ADVANCED METHODOLOGY:
PREPARATION OF RESEARCH
RESEARCH W O R K S H O P S
Social psychology
Experimental psychology and genetics
OEDIPUS
COMPLEX
446
EXPERIMENT
(Diagnostic group)
Ireland
Economic and Social Research Institute
73 L o w e r Baggot Street, Dublin 2
PURPOSE
T h e institute has been founded to meet the need for more advanced economic
research in Ireland, where official statistics, the main source material for economic
research, are relatively highly developed. T h e staff of the institute conducts research
in close co-operation with universities and other competent organizations. T h e
institute also affords facilities for the training of research workers in economics and
other social sciences, encourages original research and promotes scholarships in
these sciences, granting diplomas to such persons as satisfy die conditions prescribed.
HISTORY
447
ORGANIZATION
T h e institute publishesor assists in the publication ofresults of research undertaken directly or under its auspices, subject to adequate safeguarding of the impartial and scientific character of such publications.
FINANCING
44
Nigeria
Nigerian Institute of International Affairs
G P O B o x 1727. Lagos
449
450
In August of 1963, a Disaster Research Center was established at Ohio State U n i versity in Columbus, Ohio, U . S . A . Part of the Department of Sociology, it has a
professional staff of about twenty persons, plus secretarial personnel. T h e co-directors, all professors of sociology, are R . R . Dynes, J. E . Haas and E . L . Quarantelli.
T h e centre is engaged in a variety of social science research studies of the reactions
of individuals, groups and organizations to community-wide disasters. Field research
has been conducted in forty disasters including earthquakes in Japan, Alaska,
Chile, El Salvador and Greece; hurricanes in Florida and Louisiana; floods in
California, Minnesota, Montana, Texas and Ohio; as well as tornadoes in Indiana,
Minnesota and Iowa. Large explosions and fires, seismic sea-waves as well as large
d a m breaks have also been studied in such places as C a n a d a , Italy, Australia and
other states in the United States.
Field research teams ranging in size from two to five researchers are prepared
to leave for any disaster on two hours notice. In addition to immediate on-thespot studies, longer range research focused on disaster induced community change is
also conducted. For example, an eighteen month study was conducted in connexion
with the Alaskan earthquake of 1964.
Supplementing thefieldoperations, a laboratory equipped with audio and visual
recording devices is the locale of another part of the research programme.. In this
laboratory, certain conditions resulting from the impact of disaster are simulated
to study reactions. In the laboratory, situations having their parallels in real life
are studied under m o r e controlled conditions.
Together, the laboratory and thefieldoperations are intended to provide basic
knowledge about h u m a n behaviour as well as information which can be used to
develop more effective plans for coping with future emergencies. In addition to
collecting its o w n data, the centre also serves as a repository for data collected in
previous research by other agencies. A monograph series on diaster research has
just been initiated.
Meetings
Approaching international conferences
in the social sciences1
October jg6y
6-8
Esch-surAlzctte,
Luxembourg
A r m a n d DefTort,
32 Parc des Sports,
Oberkorn (Luxembourg)
Paleistraat 5,
T h e H a g u e (Netherlands)
15-18
A n n Arbor,
Mich.
26 to 1 D e c .
Lima
27 to 2 Dec.
Rome
Rome
9-i8
Geneva
23-27
Denmark
October
Stockholm
November 1967
1 rue Gevray,
1201 Geneva
(Switzerland)
R a g a S. Elim,
Secretary-General,
1400 H e r m a n Drive,
Houston, Texas 77004
(U.S.A.)
Via dlie T e r m e di Caracalla,
R o m e (Italy)
1. N o further details concerning these meetings can be obtained through this Journal.
452
December ig6j
11-ao
Dakar
17-21
Mexico City
1967 (late)
Liverpool
(tentatively
scheduled)
1968
Poland(?)
European Society
Second Meeting.
of
Linguists:
Nairobi
Otaniemi,
Finland
Bloomington,
Indiana
Helsinki (?)
Professor W e r n e r Winter,
Secretary,
Gutenbergstr. 82
2300 Kiel (Fed. R e p . of
Germany)
17 rue Berckmans,
Brussels 6 (Belgium)
Inter-American Indian
Institute
Nios Hroes 139,
Mexico, D . F . (Mexico)
St. Dunstan's Chambers,
10-11 Fetter Lane,
London E.C.4 (U.K.)
Dr. K . A . Kandall,
345 East 46th Street,
R o o m 615,
N e w York, N . Y . 10017
(U.S.A.)
65 rue de Lausanne,
1202 Geneva
(Switzerland)
Professor Felix Schmid,
International Society for
Business Education
En Corjon,
1052 Le Mont-sur
Lausanne
(Switzerland)
Professor Frederic
C . Lane, c/o Dept.
of History Johns Hopkins
University Baltimore,
M d . 21218 (U.S.A.)
27 rue St-Guillaume,
75 Paris-7e (France)
Meetings
Buenos Aires
453
February
March
22 April to
ii M a y
Geneva
12 M a y
to 4 June
Melbourne
May
Athens
5-27 June
Geneva
June
Ann Arbor,
Mich.
June or July
Philadelphia
Unesco: Symposium on H u m a n
Rights and the Identification of
Universal H u m a n Values
Unesco: Round table on the Diversity of Cultures as Against the Universality of Science and Technology
United Nations, Commission on
H u m a n Rights: International Conference
Third Study Conference on H u m a n
Problems in Industry: (Theme: The
human problems of industrial development and redevelopment in C o m monwealth countries)
International Centre of Research and
Information on Public and C o operative Economy: Eighth International Congress (Theme: Organization andfinancingof public and
co-operative enterprises)
International Labour Organization:
International Labour Conference,
fifty-second Session
Unesco: Seminar on Data Compa-
Facultad de Derecho,
Universidad de
Buenos Aires,
calle Viamonte 444,
Buenos Aires (Argentina)
Professor Salvino Busuttil,
Dean of Faculty of Arts,
Royal University of Malta,
Valetta (Malta)
S H C , Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Place-7e (France)
MissEnrichetta Bevilacqua
Somalvico,
via G . Rossini 4g,
Pesaro (Italy)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Paris-7e (France)
S H C Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy,
75 Place-7e (France)
United Nations,
N e w York (U.S.A.)
C . T . Looker,
Chairman of the Executive
Committee organizing
Ian Potter & Company
Melbourne (Australia)
M . Stratis D . Someritis,
62 A rue Sina,
Athens (Greece)
454
8-1 a July
Dublin
5-10 August
DrienerloEnschede,
Netherlands
International Committee for C o operation in Rural Sociology/European Society for Rural Sociology:
Second World Congress (Theme:
Development and rural social structure)
International Association of Applied
Psychology: Sixteenth International
Congress of Applied Psychology
International Council on Social W e l fare: Fourteenth International C o n ference of Social W o r k
18-24 August
Amsterdam
18-24 August
Otaniemi,
Finland
3-10 Sept.
Tokyo and
Kyoto
Sept. (early)
The Hague
September
Eric A . Plunkett,
Incorporated L a w Society
of
Ireland,
Solicitors'
Buildings,
Four Courts,
Dublin 7 (Ireland)
D r . A . K . Constandes,
Landbouwhogeschool,
Herenstraat 25,
Wageningen (Netherlands)
Professor J. T h . Snidjers,
34 oude Boteringestraat,
Groningen (Netherlands)
Joe R . Hoffer,
345 East 46th Street,
N e w York, N . Y . 10017
(U.S.A.)
Professor M a s a o O k a ,
Science Council of Japan,
U e n o Park,
Tokyo (Japan)
P. A . Schillings,
25 rue de la Charit,
Brussels 4 (Belgium)
S H C , Unesco,
Place de Fontenoy
75 Paris-7e (France)
1969
Spain
Europe
(Envisaged)
London
London
European Society for Opinion Surveys and Market Research: Twentysecond Congress
International Association of Penal
L a w : Tenth International Congress
of Criminal L a w
17 rue Berckmans,
Brussels 6 (Belgium)
6, rue Franklin,
75 Paris-16e (France)
Pierre Bouzat,
Secretary-General,
43, av. Aristide-Briand,
35 Rennes (France)
British Psychological
Society,
Tavistock House South,
Tavistock Square,
London W . C . i ( U . K . )
E . Grebenik,
Department of Social
Studies,
T h e University,
Leeds 2 ( U . K . )
Meetings
455
N e w Delhi
(Beginning)
Athens
M r . R . P . Diwakar,
Gandhi Peace Foundation,
2 Residency Road,
Bangalore 25 (India)
Paleistraat 5,
T h e Hague (Netherlands)
1970
Moscow
Leningrad
Madrid
July
(probably)
Tokyo
Autumn
(Japan)
270, bd Raspail,
75 Paris-14e (France)
Professor Frederic C . Lane,
c/o Department of History,
Johns Hopkins University,
Baltimore, M d .
21218
(U.S.A.)
D r . Georges Fully,
Secretary-General,
2, place Mazas,
75 Paris-12e (France)
Japan Federation of Bar
Associations,
Hoso Kaidan Building,
1-1 Kasumigaseki,
Chiyoda-ku,
Tokyo (Japan)
N e w Ohtemachi Building
R o o m 411/412,
42-chome, Ohtemachi,
Chiyoda-ku,
Tokyo (Japan)
'972
Tokyo
British Psychological
Society,
Tavistock House South,
Tavistock Square,
London W . C . i ( U . K . )
456
Meetings
457
458
This new section is open, free of charge, to international or nationa institutions or organizations seeking to recruit social scientists at the international level. The language in which
notices appears indicates the chief linguistic requirement for the post in question, but other
desirable languages may also be mentioned.
Summary notices for insertion, in two double-spaced typewritten copies, includingfieldof
specialization, main duties, location, duration of initial appointment, deadline for applications,
level or salary offered and full contact address should reach the Editor, International Social
Science Journal, Department of Social Sciences, Unesco, Place de Fontenoy, 75 Paris-?*,
no later than 10 November, 10 February, to May and 10 August for publications, respectively, in the March, June, September and December issues of this Journal. Where deadlines
for the receipt of applications arefixed,due account should be taken of the delays in reaching an
international readership.
Under no circumstances should applicants address themselves to the editor of this Journal,
but always directly to the contact specified under each notice.
All the appointments below c o m e within various Unesco field p r o g r a m m e s a n d
inquiries should be directed to the Recruitment Division, Bureau of Personnel,
Unesco, quoting the reference code.
T h e levels indicated are the international civil service gradings to which the post
is assimilated. Gross salaries, net of national income tax, corresponding to these
grades are as follows:
P 3 : $11,270.
P 4 : $13,900.
P 5 : $17,400.
Travel costs, installation a n d repatriation grants as well as other benefits are paid
by Unesco.
460
The
(c) T o help the government to define its rural education targets u n d e r the
Third Five-Year Plan.
(d) T o promote liaison, with regard to rural education, between the Planning
Bureau and the other departments of the Ministry of Education, the Ministries
of Agriculture, Information and Culture, and the Rural Development Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, etc.
(e) T o take part in spreading information a m o n g education authorities,
teachers, occupational groups a n d the public at large so as to create a favourable
a t m o s p h e r e for the d e v e l o p m e n t of rural education as part of general d e v e l o p m e n t .
(f) T o assist the responsible authorities, w h e n the plan is p u t into effect, to
develop training facilities at all levels in the various spheres of rural activity.
(g) T o study the possibilities of developing out-of-school education in rural
areas.
(h) T o help in adapting a n d , if need be, revising rural education p r o g r a m m e s ,
and in the quantitative a n d qualitative evaluation of the results.
This w o r k will h a v e to be carried out in close collaboration with all the m e m b e r s
of the t e a m w h o s e w o r k is co-ordinated b y the expert in the planning a n d economics of education.
Qualifications.
(a) University degree or equivalent, implying a knowledge of educational
problems.
(b) Professional experience in connexion with rural education or rural
development.
(c) If possible, personal experience of developing countries, b u t , at a n y rate,
acquaintance w i t h d e v e l o p m e n t p r o b l e m s .
(d) A sympathetic and constructive attitude towards the developing countries
and their problems, adaptability, desire to understand different cultures.
(e) Ability to w o r k as a m e m b e r of a t e a m .
(f) English or F r e n c h , with a w o r k i n g k n o w l e d g e of the other l a n g u a g e .
Duration of appointment: T w e n t y - o n e m o n t h s .
Level. P4.
W o m e n ' s education and h o m e economics extension
Reference, I R A N E D / S F / 6 .
Location. T e h e r a n (Iran), with extensive travel inside the country.
Functions. U n d e r the direction of the chief technical adviser, the expert will:
(a) A c q u i r e first-hand k n o w l e d g e of the cultural, social, e c o n o m i c a n d e d u cational b a c k g r o u n d s of local w o m e n a n d m a k e proposals to the Director of
W o m e n ' s E d u c a t i o n for their e c o n o m i c a n d social d e v e l o p m e n t .
(b) In co-operation with the national w o m e n ' s education and h o m e economics extension and staff of other development services, identify and assist in
preparing h o m e economics extension, h o m e crafts, and similar work-oriented
functional literacy programmes.
(c) Assist in preparing a n d conducting training p r o g r a m m e s for the staff
involved in h o m e economics a n d h o m e crafts.
(d) Collaborate with the educational specialists in the preparation of curricula, reading materials and teaching aids for h o m e economics extension, h o m e
crafts and training, or with content related to w o m e n ' s education, h o m e economics and h o m e crafts.
(e) Collaborate with educational specialists of radio a n d television in organizing the preparation, transmission a n d reception of related p r o g r a m m e s .
(f) Supervise the w o r k of the h o m e e c o n o m i c s - h o m e crafts expert posted in
the Dezful area.
Qualifications. University degree a n d substantial post-graduate w o r k in education
461
Level. P4.
Expert in educational research
Reference. I R A O _ E D 19.
462
Level. P4.
Expert in psychology and sociology in technical education
Reference, N I G E R E D / S F / 7 3 .
Location. L a g o s (Nigeria).
Functions
(a) T o study the local environment a n d consider appropriate m e a n s of e n h a n c ing the dignity of labour, with a view to attracting the m o r e capable elements
into technical activities.
(b) T o lecture on the principles of general psychology in: (i) motivations
towards work; (ii) the image of industry in the traditional setting.
(c) T o lecture o n industrial psychology concerning: (i) legislation covering
apprenticeship; (ii) conciliation machinery; (iii) personnel m a n a g e m e n t in
respect of industrial training; (iv) international labour organizations.
(d) T o lecture on social psychology in respect of: (i) the image of industry
in the traditional setting; (ii) the individual and the group.
(e) In close co-operation with the expert in general p e d a g o g y to develop
courses for in-service trainees a n d refresher courses for teachers in existing technical institutions.
(f) T o prepare lists of relevant e q u i p m e n t , books a n d teaching material.
(g) T o prepare a course in liberal studies to develop the ' w h o l e ' personality.
(h) T o generally p r o m o t e the social aspects of technical education.
Qualifications. A degree in industrial psychology with experience in the social held,
such as c o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t ; practical experience in personnel m a n a g e m e n t ,
with emphasis o n industrial training; considerable teaching experience in a
technical institution with studies in trends a n d utilization of h u m a n resources.
Duration of appointment. Initially t w o years, with the possibility of a n extension for
the project's duration.
Level. P 4 .
International a p p o i n t m e n t s v a c a n t
463
464
The
Professeur de gographie
Rfrence, C O N G O L E D / S F / 5 .
Lieu d'affectation. Institut pdagogique national, Kinshasa (Rpublique dmocratique d u C o n g o ) .
Attributions.
a) D o n n e r tous les lves d e l'institut u n cours c o m m u n ayant p o u r objet
les problmes essentiels d e l'conomie congolaise (et lments d e l'conomie) ;
b) D o n n e r a u x tudiants qui visent se spcialiser d a n s l'enseignement d e la
gographie u n cours spcial c o m p r e n a n t : la matire institutionnelle, avec u n e
attention particulire la gographie d e l'Afrique et d u C o n g o ; la mthodologie
d e la recherche scientifique applique la gographie ; la mthodologie d e l'enseignement d e la gographie a u niveau secondaire ;
465
466
The
Professeur de gographie
Rfrence, R W A N D E D / S F / 7 .
Announcements
(WHO.)
1. A s a general rule, no mention is m a d e of publications and documents which are issued
more or less automaticallyregular administrative reports, minutes of meetings, etc. Free
translations have been given of the titles of some publications and documents which w e
were unable to obtain in time in English. Titles thus translated are indicated b y an
asterisk (*).
The following conventional abbreviations have been used:
Bl.
= Contains a particularly interesting bibliography.
St. = Specially important or rare statistics.
Ej.
= Supplies essential information to educators and journalists.
Org. = Is very useful for knowledge of the current activities of the international organization concerned.
Pr.
= Supplies useful practical information for certain groups of people (educators, government officials, members of international organizations and social and economic
institutions, etc.) whose activities are concerned with the subject matter of the
document.
1967
469
Reviews the present state of knowledge a n d the matter of the genetics of mental
troubles (backwardness a n d psychoses). Lines of research in which international
co-operation would seem most likely to pay. Types of collaboration possible.
W H O expert committee on nursing. 1966.32 p., $0.60. (Technical reports series, no. 347.)
(WHO.)
M e a n s to be used, in the light of the local situations in different parts of the world,
for providing hospital services with more nurses.
OCCUPATIONAL H E A L T H
The organization of occupational health services in the developing countries. Joint I L O /
W H O Committee on Occupational Health (fifth session, 29 August to 6 September
1966). 1966. 22 p. (ILO.)
The protection of worker's health in the developing countries. Existing institutions.
Needs.
H E A L T H STATISTICS
Epidemiological and vital statistics reports. 1966. Vol. 19, no. 9, 79 p . , $2; no. 10, 23 p . ,
U; no. 11, 35 p., $1.25.
[St.] Parts of a continuing digest of statistics on population m o v e m e n t and the
incidence of various diseases throughout the world. In addition to the basic tables,
which are a regular feature, each part includes special studies. In this connexion
attention is drawn to the notes in Vol. 19, N o . 9, on the statistical evolution of
blindness, in N o . 10 to the study on deaths caused by bronchial asthma (1951-64)
and in N o . 11 to the notes o n the appropriations for health figuring in die total
budget of each country.
CONSTITUTION A N D ORGANIZATION OF FAO
FAO:
basic texts. Vol. 1. 1966. 169 p., $2.50. ( F A O . )
Purposes and general regulations of F A O . Governing bodies.
REGIONAL PHYSICAL D E V E L O P M E N T , HOUSING
Regional physical planning. 1966. iii + 72 p . , $1. ( U N / S T / E C E / H O U / 2 4 . )
Study by the Economic Commission for Europe. T h e notions of 'region' and 'regional planning'. Scope and objectives of regional physical planning as illustrated
by national monographs. Administrative aspects of regional physical development.
Research. Summaries of national monographs relating to the following countries :
Belgium, Bulgaria, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Czechoslovakia,
D e n m a r k , Finland, France, Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , Hungary, Ireland,
Italy, Netherlands, N o r w a y , Poland, R o m a n i a , Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United
K i n g d o m , United States of America.
United Nations Development Programme in housing, building and planning: overall progress.
progress. August 1966. 40 p . (uN/E/c.6/54.)
M a i n achievements during 1965. Technical Assistance programmes. Table, by
countries, of moneys expended in 1965.
Progress report on the Centre for Housing, Building and Planning to the Committee on Housing,
Building and Planning. July 1966. 1 p. ( U N / E / C . 6 / 5 2 . )
Each of the following addenda covers one specific question:
Finance for housing and community facilities. 9 p . , including annex, ( U N / E / C . 6 / 5 2 A d d . 1.)
Social aspects of housing and urban development. 8 p . (uN/E/c.6/52/Add.2.)
The
470
World social situation. Consideration of the possibility and advisability of preparing a dec
ration on social development. 1966. 27 p . , including annexes. (uN/A/6434.)
A brief survey of various documents of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies
relative to the question of a declaration on social development. Practical importance of such a declaration. Financial implications of the measures which might
be taken in this connexion.
Reappraisal of the role of the Social Commission. April 1966. 21 p . (uN/E/c.N.5/400/
Add.5.)
This part of the report o n the Social Commission's activities is devoted to Unesco's
work. Guiding principles of the action undertaken. Educational planning. Teacher
training. Pilot activities in thefieldof education. Eradication of illiteracy. Promotion
of scientific and technical research, with particular reference to the social sphere.
Cost-benefit analysis of social projects. April 1966. v + 129 p. ( U N / S O A / E S W P / E G / R C P . 7.)
(United Nations Research Institute for Social Development Report, no. 7.)
[BL] Report of the United Nations Institute for Social Development. Proceedings
of a group of experts sitting from 27 September to 2 October 1965. Definition of
social development projects. Principles governing cost-benefit analysis. Integration
of the results of the analysis into the national accounts. Direct and indirect consequences.
FAMILY
The role of the family in the formation ofyouth in African society. M a y 1966. 22 p . ( U N /
E/ICEF/AFM/2.)
471
INTERNATIONAL L A B O U R CODE
Conventions and recommendations of the ILO, 1919-1966. 1966, 1176 p .
[BL] Up-to-date edition of the texts adopted by the International Labour C o n ference at itsfiftysessions. Subject index.
N A T U R A L RESOURCES
Five-year survey programme for natural resources development. Replies from Member States
to the Secretary-General's verbal note of 39 April 1966. August 1966, 24 p . including
annex. (uN/E/4186/Add.i.)
Replies from the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, C a m b o d i a , Republic of
China, France, G a m b i a , Guatemala, Kuwait, Malta, Netherlands, N e w Zealand,
Singapore, Somali Republic, South Africa, S w e d e n , Turkey, Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics, the United States of America.
ENERGY
World energy supplies: 1961-1964. ( U N / D T / S T A T / S E R . J . 9 . ) (Statistical papers, series
J. no. 9.)
[St.] Production, trade in and consumption of energy in 170 countries and territories. T h e information provided relates to coal, coke, petroleum and its derivatives, natural and manufactured gas, and electricity. T h e data are set out by
countries and territories with world totals.
AUTOMATION
Orientation course in mechanized data processing. 1966, xiv + 129 p . $1.50.
(UN/ST/
TA0/M/30.)
[BL] H a n d b o o k prepared for the training course given in Ottawa, from 12 to 21 O c tober 1965, for programmers and users of automatic systems. Bibliography for
teachers and students. T h e course covered programming, punched cards, punching-machines, automatic machines a n d the advantages a n d disadvantages of
automatic analysis and of other types of p r o g r a m m e circuit.
STATISTICS, NATIONAL ACCOUNTS
Integratedfive-vearprogrammes of international statistics. August 1966. 105 p . ( U N / E /
CN.3/351.)
[Ej. Pr. O r g . ] Activities of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies in thefieldof statistics. Their co-ordination. The assembling of the data. Publications. Development of
methods. Professional training programmes. Report of Expert Group on Education and
Training of Statisticians in Africa. June 1966, 12 p . ( U N / E / C N . 14/353.)
The report of the Expert G r o u p , which m e t in Addis A b a b a from 13 to 21 January
1966, discusses the role of the establishments for the training of professional staff
and technicians. Information is provided o n the institutes already in operation
in the United Arab Republic, at Rabat and at Abidjan, o n the European Centre
for the Training of Statisticians and Economists for the Developing Countries
(Paris) a n d on the institutes in Nigeria a n d G h a n a .
Progress report on the International Trade Statistics Centre and steps being taken to avoid
duplication of requests to governments for statistical data by international organizations.
August 1966, 20 p., including annexes. (uN/E/cN.3/353.)
This report gives the position regarding the centre's relations with ninety-eight
countries.
The
47a
145 P - ( U N / E / C N .
14/BUD/3.)
Documents a n d publications
473
1966, 93 p .
ILO
(
-)
[Bl.] Nature of under-employment. Basic concepts a n d definitions. M a i n sources of
statistical information on under-employment. Recent statistical research on the
subject at national level.
AGRICULTURAL
STATISTICS
BETWEEN
INDUSTRIAL
474
UNCTAD
475
A further document presented at the Cairo symposium. Textile, food, forest and
engineering industries in Zambia. Building industry. Technical and administrative
m a n p o w e r . Brief note on exports of manufactured goods.
Report on industrial development in Kenya. January 1966, 30 p . , tables, ( U N / E / C N . 14/
AS/l/lO.)
[St.] This report w a s also presented at the Cairo symposium. Tables relating to
production and trade. Industrial development prospects in Kenya. Financing
procedure envisaged.
476
The
T h e following documents were also a m o n g the working papers for the Cairo s y m posium or dealt with related subjects:
A review of the building materials industry in Africa and the possibilities for a rapid expansion.
D e c e m b e r 1965, 4 8 p., including charts and m a p s . ( U N / E / C N . 14/AS/111/5.)
The economic significance and contribution of industries based on renewable natural resources
and the policies and institutions required for their development. N o v e m b e r 1965, 20 p .
(UN/E/CN.I4/AS/III/7.)
5 P- ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / A S / I V / 3 . )
The petroleum industry in the West African sub-region. July 1966, 87 p . , including a n nexes, tables, figures, m a p s . ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / I N R / I I O . )
Trained manpower requirements for accelerated economic development in the West African subregion. July 1966, 57 p . , including annexes. (UN/E/CN.14/1NR/113.)
Manufactured and raw tobacco in the West African sub-region. July 1966, v -f 76 p . ,
including annex, ( U N / E / C N . 14/iNR/i 14.)
The demographic situation in Western Africa. August 1966, 36 p . , tables, ( U N / E / C N . 14/
INR/115.)
Standardization in the West African sub-region. August 1966, 57 p., including annex.
(UN/E/CN.I4/INR/II6.)
A development programme for the West African cement industry. August 1966, 71 p . , including annex. (UN/E/CN.14/1NR/117.)
Industrial research in the West African sub-region. August 1966, 52 p . , including annexes.
( U N / E / C N . 14/iNR/i 23.)
Evaluation of the contribution of community development to the economic and social development of Ghana. June 1966, 141 p . , including annexes, ( U N / E / C N . 14/SWDC/31.)
The role of the family in the formation of youth in Africa. April 1966, 8 p . ( U N / E / I C E F /
NGo/ws-4.)
Report on proceedings of the Second Consultative Meeting between the Regional Group for
Africa of the Advisory Committee on the Application of Science and Technology to Development and the ECA Secretariat. J u n e 1966, 38 p . , including annexes, ( U N / E / C N . 14/
356.)
Report of the meeting held at Addis A b a b a from 5 to 10 January 1966. Scientific
and technical problems. Application of existing knowledge.Passing o n such k n o w ledge. Financing of expenses. A n n e x e d is a list of long-term projects.
PLANNING A N D TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE IN AFRICA
Institutions engaged in economic and social planning in Africa. Unesco, Paris, 1966, 155 p . ,
$1.75. (Reports a n d papers in the social sciences, n o . 22.)
[Bl.] Prepared for Unesco b y the International Social Science Council and the
Centre d'Analyse et de Recherches Documentaires pour l'Afrique Noire (Maison
des Sciences d e l ' H o m m e ) under the responsibility of M r s . Michle Cser. Covers
s o m e 300 public a n d private institutions concerning themselves, from the scientific or practical standpoint, with the planning of economic a n d social develop-
477
mentinterpreted widely to cover all aspects which generally fall under the heading of 'technical assistance'in the African countries. T h e y include institutions
located in Africa itself, in America, in Asia a n d in Europe. T h e study gives particulars of their structure, directory cadres, headquarters, financing, activities a n d
publications.
T R A D E UNIONS A N D PLANNING IN AFRICA
The role of trade unions in development planning. (African Seminar, Dakar, 28 N o v e m b e r
to 10 December 1966), 1966, 76 p . (ILO.)
This seminar studied the principles, aims, conditions and methods of trade union
partcipation in development planning in the light of experience currently being
acquired. Educational needs arising from such participation. T h e role which I L O
can play to help African trade unions to resolve their problems in this sphere.
N O R T H AFRICA
Report of the Sub-Regional Meeting on Economic Co-operation in North Africa (Tangiers,
20-24 J u n e 1966). June 1966, 62 p . , including annexes, ( U N / E / C N . 14/354.)
Report o n the activities of the Sub-Regional Office of the Economic Commission
for Africa. Study of the sub-region's fundamental economic development problems:
population increase, financing of the process of social and economic development,
agricultural structures, trade, industrialization. Co-ordination possibilities. R e c o m mendations regarding the Sub-Regional Office's future activities.
AGRICULTURAL D E V E L O P M E N T IN NIGERIA
Agricultural development in Nigeria: 1965-1980. 1966, 512 p . , $14. ( F A O . )
Programmes and forecasts to 1980. Problems to be resolved. Measures which could
be taken. Food requirements of the population. R a w material requirements of
industry. Necessity of ensuring agricultural exports.
LATIN AMERICAN E C O N O M Y
Economic survey of Latin America, 1965. Part I: Latin America as a whole. M a y 1966,
iv + 253 p . , tables, charts, ( U N / E / C N . 12/752.)
[St.] A general study of the evolution of the Latin American economic situation
in 1965.
Economic survey of Latin America, 1965. Part II: The recent economic situation in selected
countries. M a y 1966, iv + 331 p.,figures,tables. (uN/E/cN.i2/752/Add.i.)
[St.] Covers the following countries and regions: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, C e n tral America, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, U r u g u a y and V e n e zuela.
Economic survey of Latin America, 1965. Part III: Evolution of the main economic sectors.
M a y 1966, iii + 264 p . (uN/E/cN.i2/752/Add.2.)
[St.] Agriculture, mining a n d manufacturing industries, electric power, petroleum,
transport.
Report of the ninth session of the Central American Economic Co-operation Committee. M a r c h
1966, iv + 156 p. (UN/E/CN.12/AC.58/3.)
M a i n recent activities towards economic integration in Central America. Technical assistance afforded b y the United Nations for this integration programme.
Discussions and conclusions of the ninth session.
The
478
Report of the Director-General of te Latin American Institute for Economic and Social Planning to the Governing Council and programme of work for ig66. M a r c h 1966, 79 p .
(UN/E/CN.12/AC.58/8.)
T h e institute's activities during the last five years. Development of the training
programmes. Economic research. Activities in connexion with industrial developm e n t a n d the programming of social development. Planning seminars.
L A B O U R A N D SOCIAL SECURITY PROBLEMS IN ASIA
EUROPE
EUROPE
The coal situation in Europe in /off^-joSj and its prospects. 1966, iii + 74 p . ( U N / S T / E C E /
COAL/15.)
IN
EUROPE
Note by the Executive Secretary (of the Economic Commission for Europe) on the Committee
on Manpower. M a r c h 1966, 41 p . , including annex. (uN/E/ECE/585.)
479
Education, science
EDUCATIONAL PLANNING
Perspectives of educational development in Asia. A draft Asian model. 146 p . , including
annexes, $2. (Unesco.)
[St.] T h e Conference of Ministers of Education and Ministers responsible for Economic Planning in M e m b e r States in Asia w a s the prime mover in the preparation
of this model, worked out by experts according to the most up-to-date econometric
methods. It makes it possible to calculate the effects of different hypotheses regarding the means a n d objectives which m a y be envisaged in connexion with the prog r a m m e s for the planning of educational development in Asian countries. These
countries are classified in a n u m b e r of groups according to the degree of development attained in the field of education. Quantitative relations between the variables (growth of school-age population, economic growth, requirements for
additional teachers, rate of drop-outs at the various school levels, etc.). Estimation
of the investments required. Probable n u m b e r of pupils w h o will go direct into
jobs from each level of the educational system, including the university level.
Practical recommendations.
TRAINING OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATORS
La fonction publique. tudes et choix de textes comments (by Louis Fougre). 1966, 380 p .
(Institut International des Sciences Administratives and Unesco) (The civil
service: Studies of examples and an annotated selection of writings on the subject.)
[Bl.] This publication is designed to facilitate the preparation of candidates for the
civil service, particularly in developing countries. Studies of the civil service in
the United States of America, Latin America, Federal Republic of G e r m a n y ,
France, the United K i n g d o m and the socialist countries. Annotated writings on
the notion of 'civil service', the recruitment and training of civil servants, the
problems posed by their remuneration, their rights and duties. Legal questions.
Problems c o m m o n to all countries and variety of the solutions adopted.
RESEARCH ON T H E SETTLEMENT OF CONFLICTS
International repertory of institutions specializing in research on peace and disarmamant.
Paris, Unesco, 1966, 77 p . , $1.25. (Reports and papers in the social sciences.
no. 23.)
[Bl. St.] Introduction by Johan Galtung (Oslo) on the definition of the field of
research on peace and disarmament, followed by an analysis of the trends in the
organization of peace research, by Mari H o l m b o e R u g e (Oslo). List of institutions
480
The
(UN/ST/LEG/
SER.C/2.)
[BL] N e w legislative enactments touching the legal status of the United Nations
and the intergovernmental organizations associated with it. Treaties o n international law recently concluded under the auspices of these organizations. Court
decisions in 1964 in the matter of international law.
H U M A N RIGHTS
Periodic reports on humanrights.J u n e 1966, 46 p . ( u N / E / c N . 4 / 8 9 2 / A d d . i 6 . )
Information supplied b y L e b a n o n , the Netherlands, the Ukrainian S . S . R . , the
U n i o n of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United K i n g d o m and Yugoslavia.
POLITICAL EQUALITY
Constitutions, electoral laws and other legal instruments relating to political rights of wom
September 1966, 158 p . , including annex, ( U N / A / 6 4 4 7 . )
Texts of the n e w provisions adopted b y States in regard to w o m e n ' s political rights.
481
Table of the situation, by countries (degree of equality between the sexes). List of
the States that have signed the Convention on the Political Rights of W o m e n .
FREEDOM
OF ACCESS TO OCCUPATIONS
Books received
Law
B O L D T , Gerhard, et al. Le contrat de travail dans le droit des pays membres de la C . E . C . A .
[par] G . Boldt., G . Camerlunck., P . Horion; A . Kayser. Luxembourg, Services
des publications des communauts europennes, 1965. 23 c m . , 727 p. ( C o m m u -
483
Economics, demography
A L B E R T I N I , Jean-Marie; A U V O L A T , M ; L E R O U G E , F . Les mcanismes du sous-developpement. Paris, conomie et H u m a n i s m e , ditions ouvrires, 1967. 18 c m ,
344 p . ,fig.,tabl., bibliogr., index. (Initiation conomique, 7.)
B A I R O C H , Paul. Diagnostic de l'volution conomique du tiers-monde igoo-ig66. Paris,
Gauthier-Villars, 1967. 24 c m , 229 p . , tabl., bibliogr. (Collection Techniques
conomiques modernes, 23. Srie Histoire et pense conomiques, 2.)
B L A K E , Judith. The Americanization of Catholic reproductive ideals. Berkeley (Calif.),
University of California, 1966. 24 c m , p . 27-43, tobl. University of California.
Institute of International Studies. International population and urban research.
Population research series. Reprint, 222. Reprint from Population studies, X X ,
July 1966.)
B L A K E , Judith. Ideal family size among white Americans: a quarter of a century's evidence.
Berkeley (Calif.), University of California, 1966. 24 c m , p. 154-173, tabl. (University of California. Institute of International Studies. International population
and urban research. Population studies series. Reprint 217. Reprint from Z)7i<>raphy, III (1), 1966.)
B U R E A U D E R E C H E R C H E S E T D'ACTION
484
The
Political science
A G U L L A , Juan Carlos. Federalismo y centralismo. Buenos Aires, Ediciones Libera,
1967. 20 c m . , 165 p . (Instituto Latinoamericano de Relaciones Internacionales.
Centro Argentino por la Libertad de la Cultura.)
B A G O L I N I , Luigi. Esperienza giuridica e poltica nelpensiero di David Hume. 2da edizione.
Torino, G . Giappichelli, 1967. 25 c m . , 261 p . lire.
Documents a n d publications
485
Sociology
A R D I G O , Achille. La diffusione urbana. Le aree metropolitane e i problemi del loro sviluppo,
Saggio sociolgico. R o m a , Editrice A . V . E . , 1967. 22 c m . , 222 p . , m a p s , tabl.,
bibliogr. (Sociale, 3.)
B A D I N , Pierre. Problmes de la vie en groupe : perspectives psychosociologiques sur les groupes,
le travail, la maladie, le service social. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1965.
19 c m , 189 p . (Nouvelle recherche, 22.)
C A M P B E L L , Bernard G . Human evolution: an introduction to man's adaptations. Chicago
(111.), Aldine, 1966. 24 c m . , xvi + 425 p . , fig., m a p s , bibliogr., index. 8.95.
C A R R I E R , L e P . Herv, S.J.; P I N , L e P . Emile, S.J. Essais de sociologie religieuse. Paris,
Spes, 1967. 19 c m , 595 p . 30 F . (Sociologie d'aujourd'hui.)
C O L E M A N , J a m e s S . ; K A T Z , Elihu; M E N Z E L , Herbert. Medical innovation: a diffusion
study. Foreword by Joseph A . Precker. Indianapolis ( N . Y . ) , Bobbs-Merrill, 1966.
21 c m . , xxii + 246 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., index. S2.95.
D A M L E , Y . B . College youth in Poona; a study of elite in the making. Poona, Deccan College,
1966. 3 4 c m . , vii + 215-127 ff., multigr., bibliogr.
E I S E N S T A D T , S h m u e l N o a h . Modernization: protest and change. Englewood Cliffs ( N . J . ) ,
Prentice Hall, 1966. 23 c m . , x + 166 p . , index. (Modernization of traditional
societies series.)
486
The
E R L I C H , Vera St. Family in transition: a study 0/300 Yugoslav villages. Princeton (N. J . ) ,
Princeton University Press, 1966. 24 cm., x x + 4 6 9 p.,fig.,pi., m a p , index. $12.50.
F O L T A , Jeannette JR.; D E C K , Edith S., A sociological framework for patient care. N e w
York, J. Wiley, 1966. 24 c m . , xx + 418 p., fig., pi., tabl., bibliogr., index.
G R E E N , Bryan S.; J O H N S , E d w a r d A . , An introduction to sociology. Oxford, Pergamon
Press, 1966. 20 c m . , via + 159 p., bibliogr., index. 17s. 6d. (The C o m m o n w e a l t h
and International Library. Sociology Division.)
H E I S K A N E N , Veronica Stolte. Social structure, family patterns and interpersonal influence.
Helsinki, T h e Academic Bookstore, 1967. 25 c m . , 151 p., tabl., bibliogr. (Transactions of the Westermarck Society, 24.)
H o B H O u s E , Leonard T . Social development: its nature and conditions. With a n e w foreword by Morris Ginsberg. London, G . Allen and U n w i n , 1966. 22 c m . , 349 p.,
index. (Unwin university books.)
L E I C H T E R , H o p e Jensen; M I T C H E L L , William E . Kinship and casework. [By] H o p e
Jensen Leichter and William E . Mitchell, with the collaboration of Candace
Rogers and Judith Lieb. N e w York, Rssel Sage Foundation, 1967. 23 c m . ,
xxii + 343 p., fold., tabl., bibliogr., index. $7.50.
L E M E R T , Edwin M . , Human deviance, social problems and social control. Englewood
Cliffs ( N . J . ) , Prentice Hall, 1967. 23 c m . , x + 211 p., fig., tabl., bibliogr. (Prentice Hall sociology series.)
M o T W A N l , K e w a l , ed. A critique of empiricism in sociology. B o m b a y , Allied Publishers,
1967. 22 cm., xxxii + 351 p., index.
P A R S O N S , Talcott. Societies: evolutionary and comparative perspectives. Englewood Cliffs
(N.J.), Prentice Hall, ig66. 23 c m . , viii + 120 p., bibliogr., index. (Foundations
of modern sociology series.)
P O L L A U D - D U L I A N , Marcel. Aujourd'hui l'esclavage. Servitude et esclavage contemporains.
Paris, conomie et humanisme, ditions ouvrires, 1967. 21 c m , 215 p., tabl.,
bibliogr., 15 F .
P R A D E S , J. A . La sociologie de la religion chez Max Weber: essai d'analyse et de critique de
la mthode. Louvain, ditions Nauwelaerts, Paris, Batrice-Nauwelaerts, 1966.
25 c m , 295 p., bibliogr. 46 F . (Universit catholique de Louvain. Facult des
sciences conomiques et sociales. Nouvelle srie, 8.)
S H A F T E L , Fannie R . , S H A F T E L , George. Role playing for social values; decision-making
in the social studies. Englewood Cliffs (N.J.), Prentice Hall, 1967. 23 c m . xvi +
431 p., fig., index 46s.
W I E S E , Leopold von. Der Mitmensch und der Gegenmensch im sozialen Leben der nchsten
Zukunft. Kln, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1967. 24 c m . , 69 p . D M 1 2 .
Anthropology
487
Philosophy, psychology
A N T W E I L E R , Anton. Eigentum. Mnster Westfalen, Aschendorff, 1967. 23 c m . ,
53 p. D M . 11. (Schriften des Instituts fr christliche Sozialwissenschaften der
Westflischen Wilhelms-Universitt Mnster, 18.)
H O F F M A N , Lois Wladis; H O F F M A N , Martin L . , eds. Review of child development research.
Vol. 2. N e w York, Russell Sage Foundation, 1966. 23 c m . , xii + 598 p . , fig.,
tabl., bibliogr., index.
S E G A L L , Marshall H . ; C A M P B E L L , Donald T . ; H E R S K O V I T Z , Melville J. The influence
of culture on visual perception. Indianapolis ( N . Y . ) , Bobbs-Merrill, 1966. 21 c m . ,
xviii + 268 p.,fig.,tabl., bibliogr., index. $2.95.
S I N C L A I R - D E - Z W A R T , Hermina. Acquisition du langage et dveloppement de la pense:
sous-systmes linguistiques et oprations concrtes. Paris, D u n o d , 1967. 22 c m ,
vi + 169 p., tabl., bibliogr. 23 F . (Sciences d u comportement, 2.)
S O D D Y , Kenneth; A H R E N F E L D T , Robert H . , eds. Mental health in the service of the
community. Edited by Kenneth Soddy and Robert H . Ahrenfeldt with the assistance of M a r y C Kidson. London, Tavistock; Philadelphia (Pa.), J. B . Lippincott, 1967. 22 c m . , xxviii + 306 p., bibliogr., index. (Report of an international and interprofessional study group convened by the World Federation
for Mental Health, 3.)
T O W L E , Charlotte. Comprendre les besoins humains: les grandes tches de l'attention
autrui. [ C o m m o n h u m a n needs.] Paris, ditions du centurion, 1967. 22 c m , 216 p.
(Socio-guides.)
Education
C A R T E R , J. Roger. The legal framework of educational planning and administration in
East Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda. Paris, Unesco, 1966. 24 c m . , 32 p., 5.50 F .
(Unesco. International Institute for Educational Planning. African research
monographs, 7.)
C H E S S W A S , John D . Educational planning and development in Uganda. Paris, Unesco,
1966. 24 c m . , 97 p.,fig.,tabl. 7 F . (Unesco. International Institute for E d u cational Planning. African research monographs, 1.)
F E I N G O L D , S. N o r m a n ; S W E R D L O F F , Sol; M E A D , William. Prep school guide for Jewish
youth. 1966 ed. A comprehensive guide to selecting a prep school for counselors,
teachers, parents and students. Washington ( D . C . ) , B'nai B'rith Vocational
Service, 1966. 23 c m . , 223 p . ,fig.,tabl., bibliogr. S4.95.
488
The
Area studies
D E S P O I S , Jean; R A Y N A L , R e n . Gographie de l'Afrique du Mord-Ouest. Paris, Payot,
1967. 21 c m , 571 p., fig., m a p s , bibliogr., index. 50 F . (Bibliothque scientifique.)
N O R D E N S T A M , Gunnar; E N N E R F E L T , P . Gran. Introduktion tili Sovjetsamhllet. Stockholm, Almqvist och Wiksell, 1967. 21 c m . , 123 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., index.
W L K E R , Gabriele. Togo: Tradition und Entwicklung. Stuttgart, E . Klett, 1966.
22 c m . , 159 p . , m a p , tabl. D M . 3 . (Wissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe des B u n desministeriums fr wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit, 6.)
sociometry
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Contents of Vol. VII, No. 1, March ig6y
board
devoted to: Politics a n d Social C h a n g e
Erik Allardt
Bo Anderson and
J a m D . Cockroft
Ardath W . Burks
Ronald Cohen
Jameson W . Doig and
Michael N . Danielson
Brian M . du Toit
S. N . Eisenstadt
Barbara N . McLennan
Santoih K u m a r Nandy
Eyo B . N d e m
Simon Ottenberg
K . Raghavendra Rao
Marshall R . Singer
Lionel Tiger
Jerzy J. Wiatr
Mario D . Zamora
International review
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Contents of Vol. X X X I I I (1967), N o 1
E . Koch
O . Krarup
V . Merikoski
M . Sbih
V . Cok
A . R . Brewer Carias
Schools' section. Articles. Technical co-operation, news in brief. Bibliography, a selection. Chronicle of the institute.
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Sociedad y polftica en Juan Vzquez de Mella.
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El bien c o m n , pauta de la justicia general o social.
Dos ideas fuerza: orden y libertad. U n a hora de Espaa.
Notos
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Bohadant T . H A L A J C Z U K
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