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Narratio de Itinere Navali Peregrinorum Hierosolymam Tendentium et Silviam Capientium, A.

D. 1189
Author(s): Charles Wendell David
Source: Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 81, No. 5 (Dec. 31, 1939), pp.
Published by: American Philosophical Society
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A.D. 1189
Editedfromthe uniquemanuscript
in the
Libraryofthe TurinAcademyof Sciences



Professorof European History

Bryn Mawr College


is a pleasureto acknowledgethe obligationswhichhave inevitably

been incurredin the courseofpreparingthe presentworkforpublication.
To the American Council of Learned Societies I am deeply grateful
forthe assistance which enabled me to visit the south of Portugal in
1934 and examinethe site of Silves and see the surroundingcountryfor
myself,and also to journey to Italy and work at firsthand with the
manuscriptof the Narratiode ItinereNavali in Turin. To Dr. Pericle
Maruzzi, Librarian of the Turin Academy of Sciences, I am indebted
not merelyforpermissionto use the manuscriptunderideal conditions
foras long as I wished,but also forhis patience in providingme with
the photographswhichI requiredand, moreimportantstill,forhaving
througha fortunatecorrespondenceinformedme of the location of the
manuscriptbeforeI had seen the descriptionof it whichwas published
by Federico Patetta in 1917. To SenhorPedro P. Mascarenhas Juldice
of Silves I offermy especial thanksforhis extremekindnessto me when
I visitedhis interestingcity and afterwardsand forthe generositywith
whichhe placed at my disposal his fundof local historicaland archaeological information. To ProfessorsPhilip K. Hitti of PrincetonUniversityand SolomonL. Skoss ofDropsie College ofHebrew and Cognate
Learning I am greatlyobliged fortimelyhelp in dealing with Arabic
matterswhich I had little competenceto handle for myself. To the
AmericanPhilosophicalSociety I am obligated,not only forthe publication of my manuscript,but forthe kind assistance of Dr. Edwin G.
Conklin,its Executive Officer,
and his efficient
staffin seeingthe work
throughpress. Finally, I expressmy very special thanks to my wife
who has helped me greatlyin the preparationof the manuscriptfor
press,in proof-reading,
and in the makingof the index.





VOL. 81, NO.



5, DECEMBER, 1939



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MM. V. 11,fol.llv- a page ofthe
Narratiode ItinereNavali

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EuropeduringtheTwelfthCentury.. .593-595
The TurinManuscriptand Its Provenance
The Authorand His Work.598-604
The Text .604-606






RULE .643462





















Facsimile of a Page of the Manuscript


of the Narratiode ItinereNavali .

Map of the Environs of Silves to Illustrate the Siege ...

Map of the Iberian Peninsula and Northwest Africa to Illustrate the

de ItinereNavali.Facing

Facing page




Chroust ...



Kurth.. .


Silva Lopes, Memorias........

Silva Lopes, Relagdo .. .

NarratioItinerisNavalisad TerramSanctam,in Quellenzur

des KreuzzugesKaiser FriederichsI (ed. A.
RerumGermaniChroust,Berlin,1928: M.G.H., Scriptores
carum,newseries,vol. V), pp. 179-196.
De ItinereNavali, de Eventibus,dequeRebus,a Peregrinis
HierosolymamPetentibus,MCLXXXIX, fortiterGestis,
Narratio (ed. Costanzo Gazzera, in R. Accademia delle
Scienze di Torino,Memorie,2nd series,II, 1840, Scienze
pp. 177-207).
l'Espagne,par Edrisi (Texte
Description l'Afrique
arabe publi6pourle premiere
foisd'apres les manuscrits
des noteset un glosParis et Oxford,avec une traduction,
saire,par R. Dozy et M. J. de Goeje, [Leyden], 1866).
FriedrichKurth,Der AnteilNiederdeutscher
gegendie Mauren(in Institut
den KampfenderPortugiesen
fur OesterreichischeGeschichtsforschung,
Erganzungsband VIII, 1909,131-252).
GermanizeHistorica(ed. G. H. Pertz and others,
Hanover, etc., 1826.Silva Lopes, Joao Baptista da, Memoriaspara a Historia
EcclesiasticadoBispadodoAlgarve(Lisbon, 1848).
RelaCao da Derrota Naval, FaCanhas e Successos dos Cruzados

queParti'raodoEscalda para a TerraSanta no Annode 1189

(Latin text with Portuguese translation and notes, by Joao

Baptista da Silva Lopes, Lisbon, 1844).

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The launchingof a major crusade to the Holy Land invariablyprovoked a considerableoutpouringofthe humblerelementsofthe population of northwestern
Europe who embarkedupon the long and perilous,
but less costly and more practical,journeyto the East by sea. These
movementsfromthe North commonlyhad other objectives than that
of a merepilgrimageto the Holy Sepulchre,and they may have forthe
modernstudentan interestin some respectswiderthan that of a great
overland crusade. The commercial or piratical motive is usually
recognizable in them; they played a not inconsiderablepart in the
PortugueseReconquista;and theyillustratethe developmentofnorthern
maritimeenterprisealong the Atlantic seaboard at a time when our
knowledgeof it is exceedinglymeagre and almost unobtainablein any
otherconnection. Their essentialimportancerequiresthat theyshould
be made the subject of the fullestpossible investigation.
Our knowledgeof these movementsat the time of the First Crusade
is veryunsatisfactory,
but we are remarkablywell informedconcerning
them in connectionwith the Second and the Third. We know that
manythousandsofthe northerners
sailed forthe East in 1147 and again
in 1189 and 1190. Indeed, these expeditions were not confinedto
periods of the great overland crusades, and had we more abundant
sources of information,we should perhaps perceive that once the expanding force of northernmaritimeenterprisehad been turned into
crusadingchannels,it hardly ceased to operate so long as the general
crusadingmovementlasted. And fromabout the time of the Third
Crusade the advantages of the sea routeto the East began to be so fully
recognizedthat crusadersofhighsocial rank no longerfearedor scorned
to take it.1
In an earlierwork I have tried to bringtogetherall that is known
concerningthe maritimecrusadingenterprisesfromthe North, their
character,and their objectives, down to about 1150.2 Thereafterfor
the next generation,or until the time of the Third Crusade, our inforI Vikingsofrankhad, ofcourse,beengoingto the Mediterranean
by sea sincebeforethe
began (see Paul Riant,Les Expeditions
TerreSainte,Paris,1865,passim),but it is difficult
to findmenofsocialimportance
Northembarkingon crusadeby sea beforethe sailingof King Richard's
fleetin 1190. Theyaremuchmoreprominent
forcesof1217. See Kurth,
pp. 215-244.
2 De
(ed. C. W. David, New York,1936),pp. 12-26.

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mation is painfullyinadequate. We are told that in 1150 the new

English bishop-of Lisbon, Gilbert of Hastings, was back in England
preachinga crusadeand raisingforcesfora proposedconquestofSeville.3
What success he met with we do not know; prettycertainlyhe never
led any crusadersto an attack upon Seville, but it has been supposed
that his recruitsmay have played a part in an unsuccessfulattack by
AffonsoHenriques,the king of Portugal, on Alcacer do Sal.4 All that
we know forcertainis that the king took Alcacer, apparentlywithout
outside assistance,in June, 1158; but the ChronicaGothorumexplains
that beforethis he had failedtwice to take the strongholdwhenhe had
been aided by a great numberof ships fromthe North.5 It has been
suggestedthat some of these northernships had been supplied by the
adventurousearl Ragnvald of Orkneywhile on a crusade the history
of whichis related so uncertainlyin the Orkneyinga
From Arabicsourceswe learnofimportantnaval engagementsabout
1179 to 1181 betweenthe Almohade fleetsof Seville and Ceuta and a
Christian fleet of Lisbon.7 Whetherthis fleet of Lisbon was partly
made up of ships fromthe northor whetherit was whollythe creation
of the Portuguesemonarchy,we have no means of knowing.
Withthe launchingofthe Third Crusade the darknessliftsto a large
degree. An Almohade historian,writingof the loss of Silves in 1189,
remarksthat afterJerusalemhad been wrestedfromthe hands of the
Christians (1187) it became customaryfor fleetsof crusaders to go
everyyear to the Holy City to fulfiltheirvows; 8 and fromthe Christian
sourceswe are able to follow,albeit withsome difficulty
and confusion,
a really great outpouringof northernmaritimecrusadersin both 1189
and 1190. Of those who seem to have sailed earliestand who reached
the coast of Syria early in September,1189, the conspicuous achievementen routewas the conquestofAlvor,on the southcoast ofPortugal,
3Johnof Hexham,Historia,in Simeonof Durham,OperaOmnia (ed. Thomas Arnold,
London,1882-85),II, 324.
4A. Herculano.Historiade Portugal(8thed. by D. Lopes and P. de Azevedo,Paris and
Lisbon,n. d.), III, 65-67; Kurth,pp. 159-161.
6 Chronica Gothorum,in Portugalix Monumenta Historica ([ed. A. Herculano and others]

forthe Academiadas Scienciasde Lisboa, Lisbon,1856-1917:incomplete),Scriptores,

I, 15:
"Jam quidempriusobsederateumperduas vicesadjutusmultitudine
naviumque advenerant
de partibusAquilonis,id est de Francia,et finitimis
ejus partibus."
6 Orkneyinga
Saga, ed. G. Vigfussonwithan Englishtranslationby G. W. Dasent, in

Icelandic Sagas and OtherDocumentsRelating to theSettlementsand Descents of theNorthmen

on theBritishIsles (London, 1887-94), I, 159-179, III, 163-182; Riant, Exp6ditionsetPelerinages
des Scandinaves en Terre Sainte, pp. 254-255; Kurth, 161. Ragnvald and his followersfirst

tooka Christiancastlein GaliciafromitstyrantchiefnamedGodfrey;and thensailed onward

and "harriedwidein thatpartof Spain whichbelongedto the heathen,and gottheremuch
7See below,AppendixA, p. 656.
8 See below,p. 666.

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whichhas been discussedin an appendixto this work.9 The slaughter

of the defendersin which it ended thrilledthe Christian world and
the Muslim. The expeditionof King Richard's fleetof more
than a hundredvessels around Portugal and Spain in 1190 is already
fairlywell knownand has been discussed anew in full detail in a Bryn
Mawr doctoral dissertationwhich has recentlyappeared in print.10
Elsewherein thisworkI have had occasionto notehowthe timelyarrival
in Portugal of the earliestofKing Richard's forcesplayed an important
part in turningthe tide againstthe Muslims at a criticalmomentin the
strugglebetweenKing Sancho I of Portugaland the Almohadecaliph alMansflr.1" I have also noted what littleis knownabout the seizureand
partial destructionof Silves by a body of maritimecrusaders from
Germany in 1197.12

Of all the northernmaritimeenterpriseswhichplayed a part in the

Reconquistaduringthe twelfthcenturythere are two that stand out
above all others,and it is our good fortunethat remarkablyfullaccounts
of each of them, writtenby alert and intelligentparticipants,have
survived. The remarkablenarrativeof the conquest of Lisbon in 1147
I have already edited in an earliervolume underthe title De ExpugnationeLyxbonensi.13Here is presentedthe account of the conquest of
Silves in 1189 fromthe unique manuscriptnow in Turin.


The historicalmemoirwhichis here publishedunderthe somewhat

cumbersometitleNarratiode ItinereNavali Peregrinorum
Tendentiumet Silviam Capientium,A.D. 1189,14has survivedin but a
single manuscriptwhich is now preservedin the Library of the Turin
Academy of Sciences under the press-markMM. V. 11. In addition
to the Narratiode ItinereNavali thislittlevolumecontains(folioslr-3v)
an importantcopy of the well-knownEpistola de Morte FridericiImperatoriswhichis probablyto be ascribed to Bishop Gotfriedof Wiurzburg.'5 The manuscriptwas discoveredand purchasedin 1837 by the
Italian scholar Costanzo Gazzera in an outdoor bookstall in Aix-en9 Below, pp. 663-666.
10B. N. Siedschlag, English Participation in the Crusades,
1150-1220, privately printed,
1 Below, p. 658.
12 Below, p. 660.

New York,1936.

For the explanation of this title see below, p. 610, note 1. For convenience hereafterI
shall frequentlyuse the shortenedformNarratio de Itinere Navali.
15 The manuscript has been used by Chroust for his recent
edition of the letter in Quellen
zur Geschichtedes Kreuzzuges Kaiser Friedrichs I (ed. A. Chroust, Berlin, 1928: M.G.H.,
ScriptoresRerum Germanicarum,new series, V), pp. 173-178, cf. ibid., pp. xcvi-xcix.

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Provence."6 Remaining in his possession until his death in 1859) it

passed by bequest withthe rest of his libraryto the Turin Academy of
Sciences. There, for want of cataloguing, it was practically lost to
view until the publicationof an account of the Turin Academy manuscripts in 1917 by Federico Patetta once more broughtit to light.'7
Even thenit seems almostto have escaped noticeuntila briefreviewof
Patetta's article by Adolf Hofmeisterin Neues Archiv (XLIV, 1922,
p. 155) graduallybroughtit to the attentionof the scholarlyworld.'8
The manuscript(now in a beautifulfull-calfblue bindingwithdecoration and letteringin gold, whichdates fromGazzera's time) 19consists
of 12 folios of fairlyfine vellum, measuring 158 by 103 millimeters,
arrangedin two gatherings,the firstof8 leaves,the secondof4. Within
each gatheringthe arrangementis in accordance with what E. K.
Rand has called Rules I and JI,2O that is, with the hair-side of the
parchmentfacing hair-side,and flesh-sidefacing flesh-side,and with
hair-sideused forthe outside of both the firstand the last leaves. The
dirty and worn appearance of these outer pages suggests that the
manuscripthas sufferedfromlong exposure withoutthe protectionof
bindingor fly-leaves.
The folios are now numberedfrom 1 to 12 in pencil with arabic
numeralsin a hand of the nineteenthcentury(presumablyGazzera's).
There are no signaturesor early marks of foliation,and nothingindicates that the manuscriptever formedpart of a largervolume. All of
the leaves are marked with prick-holesnear the marginas a guide to
ruling,and it is evident that the manuscriptwas originallyruled with
a plummet. Though most of the ruling has now disappeared, particularlvfromthe hair-sideof the leaves, there are still fainttraces of
16 Costanzo Gazzera, Trattatodella Dignita ed Altri Inediti Scrittidi TorquatoTasso
comee miocostume,l'ultimogiornodel miosoggiorno
(Turin,1838),p. 47: " Nel rovistare,
mivennetra maniun quadernoperquesta citta,i pochie sudicivolumidi un muriciuolaio,
di dodicicarte,in-8?,slegato,ed insi miserostato,chebenindicavaaver
gameno,e manoscritto,
dell'acqua, e del fango;tanto
piA d'una fiatadovutosoggiacereagli insultidell'intemperie,
inalcunepartiil caratterestessodella
n'eranoaspersie saturii pochifoglietti
e lettoalcunepochelinee,
scrittura. Esaminato,per quanto mi fu permesso,il manoscritto
storico:ondesenzapiiu,e perpochisoldi,ne fecil'acquisto."
la scritturami parved'argomento
delleAvventuree delle Impresedi Una Flotta
Cf. idem," NarrazioneStoricaContemporanea
di CrociatiPartita dalle Foci della Schelda l'Anno MCLXXXIX," in R. Accademiadelle
e Filologiche,
2ndser.,II (1840),ScienzeMorali,Storiche
pp. 179Scienzedi Torino,Memorie,
180. On the lifeand writingsof Gazzera see a noticeby CasimiroDanna in RivistaConXXIV (Turin,1861),428-441.
17 "Di AlcuniManoscritti
Possedutidalla Reale Accademiadelle Scienzedi Torino,"in
R. AccademiadelleScienzedi Torino,Atti,LIII (1917-18),543-553.
18 Hofmeister
had soughtforit in vain at the timeof the publicationof his article"Zur
XLI (1919), pp. 705-708.
Epistolade MorteFriderici"in NeuesArchiv,
19Cf. Patetta,op. cit.,p. 550.
20 PaleographiaLatina,ed. W. M. Lindsay,V (1927), p. 52.

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linesin a lightbrowncoloron some ofthe flesh-sidepages, notablyfolios

7v and 9v.
The manuscripthas sufferedserious deteriorationfrom exposure
and dampness. Several of the leaves are badly discolored and some
portionsof the text have been renderedillegible. A part of the top
marginof folio 12 has broken offand disappeared, carryinga part of
a line of text withit. Folios 8v and 9r are spatteredwith dirt,or possibly with ink of ancient origin. Folios lOv and llr appear to have
sufferedfromsome accident with modernink.
The space on the pages occupied by writingmeasures about 135
by 85 millimeters. The numberof lines to a page varies from25 to 33
withgreatirregularity. Some ofthe pages are writtenwithconsiderable
spaciousness while othersare exceedinglycrowded: thus, for example,
folio9v with its 27 lines of easy writingcontrastsstrikinglywith folio
5v or 6r with its 33 lines of close-packedscript. In the lower margin
offolioliv thereis a rude drawing(possiblyby the hand ofthe original
scribeof the manuscript)of the head, neck, and shouldersof a human
figure,probably a woman, with parted hair and wearing a headgear
which somewhat resembles that of a modern chefde cuisine and is
ornamentedacross the frontwith a row of seven dots.2" Folio 12r
contains only 16 lines, the remainderof the page being blank; folio
12v is blank.
The entire manuscriptis writtenin a single hand which, by the
common agreementof competentscholars who have examinedit, has
been assigned to the beginningof the thirteenthcentury.22Chroust
has expressedthe view that it was produced in the south of France,23
but on this point the presenteditorfeelsno certainty. Palaeographically it seemsto presentfewpeculiaritieswhichcall fordetailedcomment.
The writing,whilenot elegant,is fairlyregular. Abbreviation,though
extensiveand not always regular,generallypresentsno seriousdifficulty.
Capitalization is fairlycommon,particularlyat the beginningof sentences,and thereis a good deal ofpunctuationby means ofsinglepoints,
whichare used indifferently
forboth fullstops and pauses. Some division into paragraphs, or chapters, is indicated by means of rather
prominentcapitals which are set out a little way into the left-hand
See frontispiece.
Costanzo Gazzera, Trattatodella DignitA. . . di TorquatoTasso, p. 48; idem,in R.
Accademiadelle Scienzedi Torino,Memorie,2nd ser., II (1840), ScienzeMorali,Storichee
p. 180; FedericoPatetta,op. cit.,p. 549; Chroust,p. xcvii.
23 Ibid., "Die Blattersind
von einerHand des beginnenden
XIII. Jahrhunderts,
die ich


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Fronmthe fact that the manuscriptcontainstwo separate worksof

quite different
characterand origin,as well as fromthe numerousunintelligentblundersin its writing,it is perfectlyapparent that it is a
copy,indeed a verypoor copy; yet fortunatelymost of the mistakesare
of so simple and obvious a characteras to presentfewseriouseditorial
difficulties.A notable feature of the manuscriptis the evidence it
containsof a corrector'shand whichis revealed not only in its greater
expertnessbut by the use of a better ink which has defiedtime and
retainedits rich dark color while the writingof the originalscribehas
faded brown. Note has been taken of the correctionsin footnotesto
the printedtextbelow,so that thereis no need fora detaileddescription
of them here. Sometimesthey consistof no more than the re-writing
of a singleletterforthe sake of greaterclearness;sometimestheytake
the formof additions above a line or in the margin. They are not always successfulor intelligentcorrections,as may be seen by referring
to p. 614, note 59, below; and manyevidenterrorshave been passed over
For the convenienceof scholarson this side ofthe Atlanticwho may
be interestedin the Turin manuscript,the photographiccopy of it
whichI have used willin due coursebe placed in theLibraryofCongress,
in accordance with the well-knownarrangementwherebythat institution has been made a national repositoryfor such reproductionsof


Whatever the date of the Turin manuscript,it is perfectlycertain

that the author of the Narratiode ItinereNavali was an active participant in the expeditionabout whichhe writesand that the composition
of his memoir was almost, or quite, contemporarywith the events
recorded. It has been suggestedthat his referenceto the conquest of
Lisbon by northerncrusaders"forty-fouryears earlier" (ante quadragintaet quatuorannos) may indicate 1191 as the date of composition;24
but therecan be littledoubt that he was reckoningnot fromthe moment
of writingbut fromthe timeof his arrivalin Lisbon, and Chroust25 has
quite rightlypointed out that he has made a mistake.26 The narrative
is not in the formof a diary,and it would be rash to maintainthat it
was actually writtenas events occurred;but much of it is in the form
of a day to day account and it is difficult
to escape the convictionthat
Kurth,pp. 164-165.
Page ci.
26 See
below,p. 616 and note88. The authoris in erroragainin a later passage about
the date oftheconquestofLisbon:see below,p. 642 and notes441 and 442.


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in its presentformit was composed very early fromnotes whichwere

made as the expeditionprogressed. Chrousthas pertinentlyremarked
that thereare no forwardreferencesto later events.27
The author must unfortunatelyremain anonymous,and we know
nothingabout him except what may be inferredfromhis work. He
was certainlya German,and probably fromlower Germanylike most
of his fellow crusaders who sailed with him fromthe mouth of the
Weser. He writesof himselfand his associates as nos de regnoTeutonico.28 Arrivedin Lisbon, he learns that navesde nostroimperioet de
Flandria whichhad precededhim by several weeks had gone on to the
destructionof Alvor and a safe passage beyond Gibraltar.29 He gives
the distance fromSilves to the sea as a German mile (miliare Teutonicum), and in otherpassages it is clear that this is what he means by our
miles (miliaria nostra).30 He takes special note of the needless death
of two foolish crusaders from Bremen before the serious fightingat
Silves began.31 He observesthat the Tagus at Lisbon is as wide as the
Elbe near Stade.2 He comparesSilves with Goslar "not very different in size but having many more houses and fine dwellings,and so
girt about with walls and moats that not even a hut could be found
outside." 33 Our whole impressionis that of a man who was familiar
withlower Germany,writingforhis fellowcountrymenat home.
Chroust,34followingKurth,35is probably correctin declaringthat
the authorbelongedto the clericalorder;and yet he revealssurprisingly
little evidence of special religiousinterestor clerical bias. He notes
the preachingof the crusade cum indulgentiaapostolicaeauctoritatis;36
he speaks of the visits of himselfand his fellowsto the famousrelicsof
Oviedo and to the shrineof St. James at Compostela; 37he complains
of the unfortunatenecessityof celebratingPentecost at sea; 38he mentions the celebrationof early mass at Silves beforethe launching of
formalattacks upon the enemy;39he refersoccasionallyto divine aid
27 Page cii: "Nirgendsfindenwir Vorverweise,
was gleichsfallsauf gleichzeitigeAufzeichnungdeutet."
28 Below,p.
29 Below,pp. 616,617.
Below,pp. 616,618,640,642.

Below,p. 618.

Below,p. 616.
33 Below,p. 619.



35 Page

Below,p. 610.
37 Below,pp. 614,615.
38 Below,p. 612.
89 Below,pp. 621,622.

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vouchsafedin momentsof crisis or importantdecisions;40 he is interested in the militaryordersin Spain and Portugal; 41and he recordsthe
elevationof a Flemish priestto be bishop of Silves.42 While the cumulative effectof these items does probablyindicate a clericalinterest,it
must be acknowledgedthat thereis not one of them forwhich a pious
layman mightnot well have been responsible. I have noted only one
briefphrase of directquotation fromthe Bible.43 There are no references to sermonsor miraclesor martyrs,or to the buildingof churches
forthe burial ofthe dead; 44and thereis littletrace ofthe kind of superstitionwhichwe are likelyto associate withecclesiasticalwritersof the
epoch. Certainlyour author,thoughprobablya cleric,was not overly
His literarystyleis entirelywithoutrhetoricalor otheradornment.
At the beginningof his narrativehe announces an intentionto write
he says, and he has certainlydone
so. As he indulgesin almost no Biblical quotation, so he displays no
familiaritywith classical authorsor withthe churchfathersand makes
no parade oftheologicallearning.46 He is capable ofwritingverysimple
but his
Latin narration with something approaching correctness,47
education must have been rudimentary.
His moral principles are those of the feudal age. He has great
admirationfordeeds of bravery,particularlyindividualbravery,and it
is an admirationwhichis not confinedto membersof his own group: 48
his finesttributeis paid to a Gallegan knightwho singled-handedpulled
a stone fromthe corner of one of the towers of Silves rightunder
enemy fire.49 He has great respect for contractsand is unsparingof
criticismwhen they are violated even by his own associates.50 He
displays a mild anti-Flemishbias,51but his principalcriticismsare reserved forthe Portuguese. He gives King Sancho and his forcesmild

Below,pp. 619,624,630.
Below,pp. 630,631.

42Below, p. 633.

43Below,p. 622,and note174; othersmay.wellhave escapedme.

44In these mattersthe presentwork contrastsstrikingly

with the closelyanalogous

De Expugnatione
ed. David, passim.
45Below,p. 610.
46 Cf. Chroust,p. ci.
47Many ofthe mistakesin the Turinmanuscript
are doubtlessdue to the copyistrather
thanto the author.
48 Below,pp. 621,623,624,625,626,627.
49Below,p. 624.
50 Below,p. 628: "populus nostersatis turpiterquosdam exspoliavitcontrapactumet
verberavit";ibid.,p. 629: "quidam etiam contra pactumtorquebanturpro pecunia monstranda"; cf.ibid.,pp. 631,632.
51 Below,pp. 623,632.

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creditfortheir effortsin the earlierstages of the siege of Silves,52but

after they had repeatedly manifesteda disposition to abandon the
undertakingand retire,and aftera series of disputesinvolvingconcessions fromthe originalcompact and not unnatural misunderstanding;
he ends by roundlycondemningthe king forshabbinessand forfailure
to fulfila vow and by declaringthat the Portuguesehad neitherlabored
nor foughtthroughoutthe whole siege but had only taunted the crusaders forfoolishlyengagingin a vain effortto take an unexpugnable
fortress.53Doubtless he was to some extentunfairto his allies, but in
the absence of any statementofthe Portugueseside of the controversy,
it is impossibleto say to what extent his stricturesmay or may not
have been justified. He has great respectforthe fightingqualities of
the Muslims,54and thereis perhaps a trace of pity in his descriptionof
theirconditionas they went out of the city aftertheirterribledefeat.55
But he is, of course,a realistabout the fortunesof war: it was rightfor
the enemyto submitto the termsofthe capitulation,because theywere
dyingof -thirst
and the minesthreatenedthem and theirdefenceswere
in a state of ruin.56
Chrousthas remarkedthat he betrayshimselfas a landsmanby his
somewhatnaive interestin the experiencesof sea travel whichwould be
taken forgrantedby a more experiencedvoyager.57 He almost never
fails to recordthe characterof the weatherwhen he is at sea; he commentson a manifestationof St. Elmo's fireone terriblenightin the Bay
of Biscay,58and on the tackingof the ships to get throughthe Strait of
Gibraltar against adverse winds,59and on the passage of a school of
dolphins.60 But he has the intelligenttraveler'salertinterestin almost
all novelties. He admiresthe finehouses of Silves and Cadiz,61 and is
much impressedwith the walls of mud and plaster and the tile roofs
resistedthe crusaders'efforts
to burnthem.62 He not
only describesthe fortifications
of Silves in detail,63and those of Ca'diz
withless fulness,64
but he explainsthat citiesin generalin Spain, whether
Below,pp. 619,623,624,625,626,627-628.
Below,pp. 626,627,628,629-630,631-432.
54 Below,pp. 622,623, 624,625,626, 627-628.



Below, p. 629.

Below,p. 628.

57 Op. cit., p. ci.


Below,p. 613.

59 Below,

p. 639.

Below,p. 613.
61 Below,pp. 619,639.
Below,p. 622.
63 Below,pp. 619-621.
64 Below,
p. 639.

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Muslim or Christian,are fortified

accordingto a commonplan, and he
makes the correct observation that such strange words as rovalle,
almadina, corrasce,alcaz, and alverranaby whichthe various parts of a
fortressare designated,are common,not proper,nouns.65 He is also
interestedin merchantsand commerce66 and remarksupon the opulence
of La Rochelle,Lisbon, and Seville,67and on the thrice-yearly
was held at Cadiz by the Saracen merchantsof Africaand Spain,68and
on Ceuta, the most opulent city of Barbary,ad quam confluuntomnes
Christiani mercatoresin Africam commerciatransferentes,
et maxime
Ianuenses et Pisani.69
The authoris fondof dates and statistics.70 He gives a greatmany
dates and, so faras it is possibleto judge, they are remarkablyaccurate.
He givesveryexact, and apparentlycorrect,information
about numbers
of ships.71 He is also very definitewhen he comes to deal with larger
figures:5,600pagans had been slain at Alvor,sicutveraciter
therehad been fourhundredand fiftyChristiancaptivesin Silves at the
beginningofthe siege,but onlytwo hundredremainedalive at the end; 73
the total population of Silves, promiscuisexus,was 15,800; 74 the total
numberof crusadersof every rank and age when they firstarrivedat
the siegewas 3,500,velpaulo pauciores.7? Our confidencein his veracity
is considerablystrengthenedby the fact that this last figure,whichwe
are able to check with some degree of assurance,76appears to be substantiallycorrect.
Apart fromthe detailed record of the day to day progressof the
expedition,and especially of the siege of Silves, the greatestvalue of
the Narratiode ItinereNavali unquestionablyarises fromthe author's
extraordinaryinterest in geography. His work fairly bristles with
place-names. He recordsthe principalplaces past whichhe sailed all
the way fromLowestoftto Marseilles; he also lists Africanplace-names
from Azemmur below Casablanca all the way to Ceuta; '7 and his
Below,p. 621.
Below,pp. 639,640,642.
67 Below,pp. 612,616,635.
68 Below,p. 639.
69 Below,p. 640.
70 Cf. Chroust,
p. ci.
71 Below,pp. 610,616,617.
72 Below,pp. 616-617.
73 Below,p. 629.




Below,p. 630. In the same place he indicatesthat the Portugueseforceswerevery

strongin cavalry,foot-soldiers,
and galleymen,
but he givesno figures,
76 See
below,p. 630,note297.
77 Below,pp. 637-638,640.

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interestextends inland to such cities as Seville and Cordova,78and

even to far-awayMarrakesh, the capital of the Almohade empire.79
He notes many scattered facts of geographical interestsuch as the
characterofthe coastal regionspast whichhe sailed,80the dimensionsof
the Strait of Gibraltar,81and the usual place of crossingbetweenAfrica
and Spain.82 Occasionally,as Chrousthas observed,83
he interruptshis
narrativefor a little geographicalexcursus: as, for example, when he
pauses to commenton the nine ecclesiasticalsees of Brittany,"three of
which use the Breton tongue, a speech which is common to no other
people, whilethe restshare the Gallic idiom," 84 or to describe"the five
kingdomsof Spain,"8 or to make notes on the situationsof Lisbon,
Silves, and Cadiz,86or on the racial geographyof southernSpain and
northwestAfrica,87etc. His statementsare not always accurate: he
makes mistakeswhen dealing with facts of history,or of distant geography, occasionally even when dealing with matters close at hand.88
But his errorsmay fairlybe said to be of minorimportance,and on the
whole his informationis remarkablysound. There is no evidence of
any dependenceon the outwornworksof such ancient writersas Pliny
and Solinus.89 One gains the impressionthat he acquired his information fromsailing directionsactually in use by navigatorsor fromthe
sound local geographical knowledge of the lands through which he
travelled, much of which was doubtless ultimatelyderived fromthe
Arabic geographers.90
Of the organizationof the expeditionforpurposes of direction,the
maintenanceof discipline,and the distributionof spoils, theauthortells
us nothingdirectly,but fromhis chance remarksit is possible to conclude that it must have been verysimilarto that of the Lisbon crusade

Below,pp. 635-636.

Below, p. 638.

Below,pp. 615,635-638,641.
Below,p. 640.
82 Ibid.
83 Page ci.
84 Below,p.
85 Below,p.
86 Below,pp.
87 Below,p. 621.
88 For
example,he represents
Africaall the way fromthe Straitto Marrakesh
as a vast plain (pp. 637-638); he is in errortwice(pp. 616,642) aboutthedate oftheconquest
of Lisbon;he regardsSilvesas thecapitalof a kingdom(p. 619), and speaksofthe Almohade
as its king(p. 622),thoughhe laterrefersto himas dominus(p. 628); and he almost
certainlyexaggeratesin describingSilves as morestronglyfortified
and ten timesricherin
buildingsthanLisbon(p. 629).
89 Here he contrasts
favorablywiththe authorof the De Expugnatione
David, pp. 38, 67, 86, 87, 90-94.
90He commonly
givesdistancesfromone cityto anotherin termsof a day's journey,as

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of 1147, concerningwhich we have betterinformation.9' Clearly the

forceswerenot all of uniformrank,92but also quite certainlytheywere
drawn for the most part, if not entirely,from the middle and lower
classes. Not a single leader is named, and thereis no indicationthat
any one of noble rank had any part in the enterprise. No one is mentioned above the rank of a commonerexcept a knightof Galicia -who
had joined the northernersas the pilot or commanderof one of their
vessels.93 That thesemenwerebound togetherin some kindofa formal
association,that they arrivedat importantdecisionsthroughcommon
deliberation,and thattheyendeavoredto enforcedecisionsand maintain
disciplineby means of their own magistrates,there can be no doubt.
The author repeatedlyrefersto the participantsin the expeditionas



and he speaksof a galleyfromTuy in Galicia as

having joined their association (quae nobis contubernioiuncta est).95

The chosen leaders he occasionallycalls magistrates(magistrior magistratus).96 More than once he refersto decisions which are reached
throughdeliberationin common,97and he also mentionsa council in
whichsuch decisionsare made.98 Decisions were by no means always
unanimous; indeed, sharp disagreementsmust have been frequent.99
The orderlyand equitable distributionof spoils 100 was, of course, a
commonand necessaryfeatureof all such enterprises.

In preparingthe presenttextforpublicationI have endeavoredas a

rule to depart as littlefromthe manuscriptas possible. Fortunatelyin
the matterof capitalizationand punctuationI" it has been possible to
approach an acceptable modernstandard withoutvery great variation
fromthe practiceof the manuscript,though,of course,strictadherence
to it has been out ofthe question. For the presentdivisionofthe work
into paragraphsthe editoris alone responsible,since the few divisions
9"SeeDe Expugnatione
ed. David, pp. 56-59.
92 Below,p. 630: " Nosterexercitus
tantumhabebat. . . triamiliaet quingentos
ordinisvel etatisviros."
93 Below,

p. 624.

95 Below,

p. 617.

94Below, pp. 612, 613.

Below,pp. 621,632.
97 Below,p. 626: " nostri
et hoc
ibid.,p. 633: "communem
non potuit;" cf.also pp.
98 Below,p. 621.

99Below, pp. 623-624, 630.

? Below,p. 633.

"I See above, p. 597.

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whichare indicatedin the originaltext102 are quite inadequate to serve

the requirementsof modern convenience. In the spelling of proper
names I have been carefulto followthe manuscriptexactly,except in
one case wherethe conjunctionof a propernoun witha prepositionhas
resulted in an obvious corruption.103Apart fromproper names the
manuscriptspellingshave been retainedexceptin the case of an obvious
slip or wherethe departurefromnormalwas so extremeas to cause real
inconvenience. In such cases the spellinghas been regularizedin the
printedtext and the manuscriptreadinghas been given in a footnote.
Thus, to illustrate,the word opidumis spelled with a single p in the
printedtext; and the diphthongae is neverused, since it is the regular
practice of the manuscriptto substitutethe simple e for it. On the
otherhand, I have not hesitatedto change iusta to iuxta or fondibusto
frondibus,or to straightenout such a scribalmonstrosityas celebratissimarumby printingcelebratismissarum;I have occasionally corrected
grammaticalerrorsby substitutingprincepsforprincipes,anchorasfor
anchoris,and the like; and I have avoided such awkward spellingsas
hostium(mouth)and hamenissimasby printingostiumand amoenissimas.
Thereis roomfordisagreementwithsuch decisions,whichare necessarily
somewhatarbitrary;but since the truereadingofthe manuscript,if not
printedin the text, is always to be found in a footnote,no serious
can arise.
The manuscriptoccasionallypresentspeculiardifficulties
forced a resort to more serious conjectural emendation. Most frequently these arise fromthe careless omissionof a single word, which
can as a rule be supplied with a fair degree of assurance. Where this
has been possible,I have made the necessaryadditionand indicatedits
presencein the text by enclosurein square brackets. But wherethere
was great or complete uncertaintyas to what was wanting,I have
simplyinsertedsquare bracketsin the textto indicatean omissionwithout attemptingto fillit.104 Oftendifficulty
has arisen,not fromcarelessness on the part of the scribe,but fromthe presentdecayed or illegible
conditionofthe ma%nuscript.Here, in cases whereI have been reduced
entirelyto conjecture,or to complete dependence on the readings of
Gazzera, I have again used square bracketsto enclosethe textsupplied;
but in a fewcases wherethe readings,thoughdifficult
and doubtful,were
still not wholly conjectural,I have indicated the difficulty
the use of italic type.'05 To anyone who examinesmy notes it will be
See above, p. 597.
Below, p. 610, note 4: assaahadino for a Saahadino (Saladin).
104 For example, afterpersecutionison
p. 614, or afterdiete,on p. 635.
105 Italic type has also been used
occasionally forthe extensionofan uncertainabbreviation.


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quickly apparent to how large an extentI have profitedby the earlier

workof Gazzera and Chroustin the matterof conjecturalemendation;
but I have made it a rule not to resortto it unless certainlynecessary;
and I have refrainedfromadoptingsomeofthe moreextremeconjectural
emendationsthat have been proposedby Chroustand others.106


The Narratiode ItinereNavali was firstpublishedsoon afterhis discovery of the manuscriptby Costanzo Gazzera under the title De
Itinere Navali, de Eventibus,deque Rebus, a PeregrinisHierosolymam
Petentibus,MCLXXXIX, FortiterGestis Narratio, in R. Accademia
delle Scienze di Torino, Memorie,2nd series,II (1840), Scienze Morali,
Storichee Filologiche,pp. 191-207.107 The editorintroducedit withan
essay in whichhe set forthbrieflysuch factsas he could inferconcerning
the author and in whichhe gave a fairsummaryof the contentsof the
narrative,thoughhe made an unfortunatemistakein representing
crusadingfleetas sailingfromthe mouthof the Scheldtinstead of from
the mouth of the Weser. His text was at many pointsincorrector incomplete,and in his notes he attemptedto solve few of the editorial
problemsexcept the identificationof place-names,and here he made a
good manyerrors. In short,Gazzera's edition,whileits appearancewas
an event of much importancein that it broughta new source to light,
was the workof a scholar who was not a specialistin the period or the
problemswithwhichhe had to deal, and it leftmuchto be desired;and
the cumbersomeand expensiveseriesin whichit appeared preventedit
frombeing widelycirculatedand becomingwell known.
Gazzera's edition was soon reproducedseparately with a parallel
Portuguese translationfor the Lisbon Academy of Sciences by Joao
Baptista da Silva Lopes under the title Relaqao da Derrota Nlaval,
Faqanhas e Successosdos Cruzadosque Parti'rao do Escalda para a Terra
Santa no Anno de 1189, Lisbon, 1844. Not only was Gazzera's text
translatedinto Portuguese,but also mostofhis notes and a good part of
his introduction;and to the wholeSilva Lopes added a considerablebody
of notes of his own, whichwere helpfulupon some points,particularly
the identification
ofcertainplace-nameswhereGazzera had gone astray;
but Silva Lopes workedwithoutaccess to the manuscriptso that most
See below,p. 613 and note37, p. 620 and note156.
Gazzeradid notpublishtheEpistola de Morte Friderici Imperatoriswhichwas already
in printfromanothermanuscript. Gazzera'sworkwas reviewedby Le Baronde Reiffenberg
in Acad6mieRoyaledes Scienceset Belles-Lettres
de Bruxelles,Bulletins,1stseries,VII, pt. 2
(1840), pp. 22-30.


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of Gazzera's errorswere inevitablyrepeated and this edition also was

far fromsatisfactory.
AfterFederico Patetta had once more broughtthe manuscriptto
light,it was loaned in Germanyby the courtesyof the Turin Academy
ofSciencesand arousedinterestin circlesconnectedwiththe Monurnenta
GermaniaeHistorica; and in due course a new edition under the title
NarratioItinerisNavalis ad TerrainSanctamwas includedby A. Chroust
in his Quellenzur Geschichte
des KreuzzugesKaiser FriedrichI (Berlin,
1928: being M.G.H., ScriptoresRerum Germanicarum,,
new series, V),
pp. 179-196.108 This recenteditionby one ofthe leadingpalaeographers
and editorsofGermanyshouldhave been satisfactoryin all respects,but
unfortunatelyit was not. Chroust had himselfexamined the Turin
manuscriptin Wulrzburg,
presumablyin connectionwithhis editionof
the Epistola de MorteFridericiImperatoris;but forthe preparationof
his text of the Narratio de Itinere Navali itselfhe seems to have been
mainlydependenton a collationof the manuscriptwhichwas made by
Dr. Gerhard Laehr 109and he pretty certainlycannot have worked
seriouslyfromthe manuscriptitselfor froma photographiccopy of it.
The result of this unfortunatecircumstanceis that numerouserrors,
some of them serious and easily avoidable, have foundtheirway into
Chroust'stext.110 Furthermore,
since the narrativebreaksoffabruptly
at Marseillesin the autumn of 1189, it reallyhas but the slightestconnectionwiththe crusadeofthe emperorFrederickBarbarossa and hardly
belongs in Chroust's collection at all. Being concernedmainly with
events in Portugal and Spain and along the Atlantic seaboard, the
editorial problems which it raises involved a part of the world with
whichChroustwas evidentlynot familiarand in which,it seems fairto
say, he must have been but little interested. Hence he has failed to
give themthe attentionwhichtheiressentialimportancewarrants,and
too oftenhe has been contentto relyon Gazzera or on the morerecent
workof Kurth which,thoughvaluable, was done entirelyfromthe edi108See also Chroust'sEinleitung,pp. xcvi-cii.

109Chroust,p. xcvii:" Die Hs. ist im Fruihjahr

1927von Dr. GerhardLaehrin Berlinfur
worden";ibid.,p. c, note4: " Ich konnteftirdenfolgenden Text nebenderHs. die schonerwalhnte
von Dr. GerhardLaehrbenutzen";
ibid.,p. civ: " AuchHerrnDr. GerhardLaehrin Berlinsei furdie tUberlassung
110As an indicationthat this is not a frivolouscriticism,
the following
examplesof the
moreseriousof Chroust'serrorsmay be cited:below,p. 616, line9, forthe textprocesserant

nos ante IIII. ebdomadas,vel V., naves de nostroimperio,he read processerantnos ante quatuor
ebdomadas quinquagintaquinque naves de nostroimperio; p. 626, lines 8-9, fordiutinoetinstanti
labore nisus est, he read diutino et instantilabore visus est; p. 629, line 3, for ex alia parte
intraveruntnostri,et quidam primo per eandem portam,he read ex alia parte intraveruntnostri
et quidam Portugalensesper eandemportam;p. 635, line 13, he emended Silvia to read Sivilia,
therebyconfusinga good clear statement.

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tions of Gazzera and Silva Lopes withoutthe knowledgethat the Turin

manuscriptso much as existed.1"' It is, therefore,
necessaryto say that
this latest edition, the justly admired MonumentaGermaniaeHistorica,is also unsatisfactory.



Apart fromthe Turin textthe sourceswhichthrowany lighton the

Silves expeditionare meagre indeed. Much the most valuable from
the Christianside is the short account which the English chronicler,
Ralph de Diceto, has given in his YmaginesHistoriarum(Opera Historica,ed. William Stubbs, London, 1876, II, 65-66). Even briefer,
but good as faras it goes,is the noticein the GestaRegisHenriciSecundi
(ed. William Stubbs, London, 1867), II, 89-90, whichis repeated with
small additions and one omissionin the Chronicaof Roger of Howden
(ed. WilliamStubbs, London, 1868-71), III, 18. As I have pointedout
below,"3 the referenceto the conquest of Silves in the Itinerarium
etGestaRegisRicardi (ed. WilliamStubbs, London, 1864),
p. 65, probablyarisesfroman erroneoussubstitutionof Silves forAlvor.
The most importantnortherncontinentalsource which mentionsthe
conquest of Silves is a briefnarrativewhichI have quoted below from
but whichis to be foundin severalotherchronicles.
Though somewhatthe same confusionexistshere as in the Itinerarium
just mentioned,this has some real value forthe Silves expedition. The
spurious letter of Pope Clement III to the Byzantine emperorIsaac
Angelus, which has often been accepted as a genuine source for the
conquest of Silves (even by Kurth and Chroust),was in all probability
ultimatelyderivedfromthisnarrative.115The onlyvaluable Portuguese
source to make any mentionof the Silves expeditionis the Chronicon
(PortugaliaeMonumentaHistorica,Scriptores,I, 3) which
gives the date of the conquest correctly.
Of Arabic sources whichthrowany lighton the conquest of Silves,
much the most valuable are two early Almohade histories,viz.: El

See below,note 112; p. 609.

For olderor briefindicationsofthe sources,otherthanthe Narratio de Itinere Navali,
bearingon the Silves expeditionof 1189 see Gazzera's introduction
in R. Accademiadelle

Scienze di Torino, Memorie,2nd series, II (1840), Scienze Morali, Storiche,e Filologiche,p. 181;

A. Herculano,Historiade Portugal,8th ed., III, 342-348; ReinholdR6hricht,Beitragezur

derKreuzzuge(Berlin,1874-78),II, 200-201;Chroust,p. cii.The firstfulldiscussion

was by Friedrich Kurth in his essay entitled Der Anteil NiederdeutscherKreuzfahreran den
KdmpfemderPortugiesengegendie Mauren, in InstitutfurOesterreichischeGeschichtsforschung,

VIII (1909), pp. 164-170.
113 Appendix
B, p. 664, note4.
114 Appendix
B, pp. 664-665.
115 See below,appendixB, p. 665.

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Anonimode Madrid y Copenhague(ed. A. Huici, Valencia, 1917), pp.

60-61; and 'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi Histoire des Almohades
(French translationby E. Fagnan, Algiers,1893), pp. 243-244. Also
importantare Ibn al-AthIr,Annales du Magrebet de l'Espagne (French
translationby E. Fagnan, Algiers,1898), pp. 608-609; and Ibn Khaldfun,
Histoiredes Berbereset des Dynasties Musulmanes de l'AfriqueSeptentrionale(French translationby Le Baron de Slane, new ed. by Paul
Casanova, Paris, 1925-27), II, 212. Less important,but still perhaps
not to be whollyignored,are the later Arabic works of Ibn Abi Zar',
al-Kirtats(Annales Regum Mauritaniae, edition and Latin translation
by C. J. Tornberg,Upsala, 1843-46, II, 190-191); and al-Makkar-,
Nafhal-TTb(Pascual de Gayangos,HistoryoftheMohammedanDynasties
in Spain, London, 1840-43, II, 320).
Though the conquest of Silves in 1189 naturally occupied a considerableplace in the oldersecondaryhistoriesof Portugal,"16
was the firsthistorianof note who was able to deal with it in a large
way on the basis of a full use of the Narratio de ItinereNavali which
Gazzera had published shortly before his work began to appear.117
The new source was also used extensivelyby Reinhold Rohrichtin his
Beitrdgezur Geschichteder Kreuzzuge (Berlin, 1874-78), II, 170-177.
But it was not fullyexploiteduntil the publicationin 1909 of Kurth's
essay on the part played by Lower Germancrusadersin the strugglesof
the Portuguese against the Moors.118 Not only did Kurth deal more
fullywiththe subject-matterof the Narratiode ItinereNavali than had
everbeen done before;but,realizingthe inadequacies ofthethenexisting
editions,he devotedhimselfto the solutionofa numberofproblemsthat
were properlyeditorial and so placed both Chroust and the present
editorin his debt.
For a completelist of all works,both primaryand secondary,which
have been cited in the presentvolumethe readeris referredto the index
whichwill includereferencesto all first,or full,citations.
116 See, for
example,AntonioBrandao,in Bernardde Brito,Monarchia Lusytana, ([Alcobaga] and Lisbon,[1597]-1727), IV, folios10-15; HeinrichSchaifer,
(Hamburg,1836-54),I, 104-108.
117 A. Herculano,
Historia de Portugal, 1sted., Lisbon,1846-53.
118 Kurth,pp. 164-208.

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Antiquorum provide consuetudini2 morem gerens qui gesta sua
scripturelaqueis innodare satagerunt ut posteritatis3 noticiam non
evaderent,itinerisnavalis multiformeseventus qui peregrinisJerosolimamtendentibusaccideruntsimpliciterexplicaredecrevi.

Anno siquidem dominiceincarnationisM.C.LXXX.VII., a Saahadino 4 rege Egypti destructaterra promissionis,captis urbibus, captivatis vel necatis incolis,predicationistuba cum indulgentiaI apostolice
auctoritatis6 late per Christianorumterminosevagata, ad restaurationem miserabiliscladis innumerabilemmovit [4r.] populum. Inter
quos quibusdam placuit per longissimostractus maris peregrinationis
incolarum7 pro abolitionecriminumerumpnosamsemitam8 protelare.
A Brema I autem undecim navibus bellatoribus,armis et cibariis
1 The workis

withouttitlein the manuscript.The titleassignedto it by Gazzera (De

Itinere Navali, de Eventibus,deque Rebus, a PeregrinisHierosolymanpetentibus,MCLXXXIX,

and is less informing
thanit shouldbe.
Silva Lopes,in hisLatin-Portuguese
addition(forwhichGazzera himselfwas ultimatelyresponsible)containing
thatthe fleetset sail fromthe RiverScheldt. The titleof Chroust(Narratio
Itineris Navalis ad Terram Sanctam), while commendably brief, is unfortunatelysomewhat

and containsno reference
to theprincipaleventoftheexpedition,
namelytheconquestofSilves. It is hopedthatthetitlehereadoptedis sufficiently
liketheothersto avoid
too greatbibliographical
whilegivingsomeindicationof the mainsubjectof the

MS. consuetudi.

I MS. posteritas
was written
firstand latercorrected
by theadditionofti abovethelinein
4MS. assaahadino,combiningnoun and preposition.Saladin (1138-1193),sultan of
and theHoly Land.
I MS. possiblyindulgencia.The plenaryindulgenceof crusaders,
Pope UrbanII at theCouncilofClermont
in 1095and soonto become"an established
all theholywarsin whichthechurchengaged." H. C. Lea, A HistoryoftheInquisitionofthe

Middle Ages (New York, 1888), I, 42; cf. idem, A Historyof Auricular Confessionand Indul-

gences(Philadelphia,1896),III, 9-10, 152-154.


MS. actoritas.

7 Chroust,
do notmake

the text to read peregrinandosuorum.

8 MS. erumpnosasemita.

sense,has emended

Bremen,on the Weser,some forty-six

milesfromthe NorthSea. The readingof the
is certain,althoughGazzeraunfortunately
failedat thispointand, in place of A

Brema, printed Ab . . . and stated in a note that the word was .obliterated. Kurth (pp.

166-167), withouthavingseen the manuscript,

shrewdlyconjecturedthat A Bremensibus
shouldbe the reading. More recentlyFedericoPatetta ("Di AlcuniManoscrittiposseduti
dalla Reale AccademiadelleScienzedi Torino,"in R. AccademiadelleScienzedi Torino,Atti,
LIII, 1917-18,p. 552) has, withthemanuscript
beforehim,perceivedthatA Bremaoughtto
be the correctreading,thoughhe was not whollysuccessful
in seeingthisin the manuscript.
Chrousthas read correctly.

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instructis,anno dominiceincarnationisM.C.LXXX.VIIII.,
[X ?] 10 Kal. Maii, de Bleclrente11 hora nona iter movimus. Sed
sequenti die unam navim in arena herentempost nos reliquimus. Nos

autem velificavimus,et VIII. Kal. Maii 12 in Angliamvenimusad locum

qui dicitur Lothevigestohet.13Postera die cum tempestate Tense 14
transsivimus,et portumSanduuinc 15 minus caute intrantes,tres naves
ex collisione super arenas perdidimus, salvis rebus et hominibus,
quarum due prorsusperierunt,tercia reparata est.
Ibidem moramfacientes.XX.III. dierum16 infraquas navim quam
reliqueramussalvam recepimus. Ibi et alie ad nos venerunt,sed pro
diversis necessitatibus quedam precesserunt,quedam tardius subsequute sunt.'7 Nostra autem rate perdita, in Lundonia navim comparavimus et, redintegratisutensilibus,18

Kal. Iunii 19 a portu

10Thereis an obviouserrorof omissionin the manuscript

at thispoint,sincethe fleet
in Englandon the8thKalendsofMay. Kurth(p. 176,note4) conjectured
VIIII as a partoftheyear-date,
failedto repeatit
as a day-datebeforeKal. But it seemshardlylikelythata fleetsailingfromthemouthofthe
Weserin mid-afternoon
on April23, and beingnot improbably
delayedby the misadventure
thatovertookone ofthevessels,wouldhave reachedEnglandon the24th. A moreprobable
thoughstillonlya guess,wouldperhapsbe thatX shouldbe supplied,thusmaking
April22 the date ofdeparture.
11ProbablyBlexen on the leftbank of the Weser,oppositethe modernBremerhaven.
thenamewiththe IslandofWalcherenat the mouth
of the Scheldt. But the correctness
of this identification,
thoughacceptedby Silva Lopes
(Relagao)was questionedin a reviewofGazzera'sworkby Reiffenberg
Scienceset Belles-Lettres
de Bruxelles,
VII, 1stseries,pt.2, 1840,p. 25) whoproposed
Flushinginstead;and morerecentlyPatetta ( note9 above) has challengedit again,
pointingout thatifthereadingA Bremaat thebeginning
ofthesentencebe correct,
in questionmustbe farremovedfromthemouthoftheScheldt. MeanwhileKurth(pp. 165167), workingindependently
and withouthavingseen the manuscript,
has advancedfairly
withBlexen,althoughChroustseemsto implysome
doubtas to the correctness
12 April24.
13 Lowestoft,
at themouthoftheWaveney,at theeasternmost
14The RiverThames.
15 Sandwich,
Kent,one ofthe Cinque Ports.
16 Presumably
April26 to May 18.
17 Cf. GestaRegisHenriciSecundi(ed. WilliamStubbs,London,1867),II, 89-90:
anno [1189], menseSeptembris,
et caeterimultiqui de diversisregnis
per naves iter Jerosolimitanum
arripuerant,obsideruntin Hispania civitatemquandam
quae Silva dicitur,et ceperunteam"; Ralph de Diceto,YmaginesHistoriarum,
in hisOperaHistorica(ed. WilliamStubbs,London,1876),II, 65: " Circadiesistosa partibus
aquilonisnaves plurimaesulcantesmareBritannicum
foedusinieruntcum Anglisquos apud
Dertesmureppererunt.Itaque communiconsilioXVOkalendasJuniise pelagocommiserunt,
cumessentnavesXXXVII oneriferae
multumet hominum
capaces. Postquevarios
rerumeventus1110kalendasJuliiveneruntUlixibonam. Rex autemPortugalensis. . . supplicavitut ei venirent
in auxiliumad subjugandum
18 MS.

19May 19.

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Sanduuic procedentes,Wuichesse20 venimus;sed inde proptercontrarie-

tatem ventorumvix quarto die 21 Ernemithie

22 venimus. Sequenti

die velificantes,media nocte 23 ad portumDeramithie24 venimus. Ibi

inventis quibusdam sociis, mane 25 dimissa Anglia versus Britanniam
processimus;sed deficientevento et quandoque in contrariumflante,
sex diebus in mari fluctuavimus;sed sexto die 26 zefirustempestuosus
nostro itinericontrariusad insulam modicam a pauperibus Britannis
inhabitatam velificare compulit, que a Gallis Belile, a Britonibus
Wechele dicitur.27 Infra iam dictos sex dies, preter sollempnia missarum,et extra portumPente[4v.]costen 28 curmmerorecelebravimus.
Iuxta eandem insulam octo diebus fuimus,et nono die 29 carbasa
ventis committentes30 satis spirantibus,usque ad noctemprocessimus;
sed ne incaute terraminpingeremus,velis depositis, cum terra31 appareat, tota nocte naves vi ventorumagitate sunt. Postera 32 die 33 ad
Rochiel 34 opulentissimumPictavie opidum35 applicuimus. Et notandum quod recto tramitepretermissoa Sancto Matheo,36qui locus est

20 MS. readingverynearlycertain,
thoughGazzera read Vorychesse
and Chroustread
withPorchester.A moreprobableidentification
to be withWinchelsea,Sussex,one ofthe CinquePorts.
21 May 23.
22 Yarmouth
on the Solentnearthewesternextremity
ofthe Isle ofWight.
23 May 24-25.
Dartmouth,Devonshire,longa customary
portof departure
forcrusadersand pilgrims
to Spain,Portugal,and the East. Cf. De Expugnatione
ed. C. W. David (New
York,1936),p. 52, note3.
May 25, thoughone may well wonderthat it was possibleto make the
junctionand proceedso promptly. ComparethepassagefromRalphde Diceto quotedabove,
note17. RalphgivesMay 18thas thedateofdeparture
ofshipsas thirty-seven;
buthe is evidently
speakingofa groupofvesselswhichdepartedfromDartmouthsomewhatin
advance of those withwhichthe presentnarrativeis concerned. They seem to have been
overtakenat Lisbon. See below,p. 616,line8.
26 May 30.
27 Belle
Ile, department
of Morbihan,outsideQuiberonBay, offthe coast of Brittany.
is obviouslyderivedfromthe ancientnamewhichappearsas Vindilisor Vindelisin

the ItinerariumAntoninum(Itineraria Romana, ed. Otto Cuntz, Leipzig, 1929, p. 81) and which

is evidently
ofpre-Celticorigin. The commonformin theeleventhand twelfth
Guedel,but Guezelseems to appear in some manuscripts. See Cartulairede l'Abbaye de Sainte-

Croixde Quimperle
(ed. Leon Maitreand Paul de Berthou,2nd ed., Paris and Rennes,1904),
pp. 102,131,287,294,299,304; Cartulaire
de l'Abbaye
deRedon(ed. Aureiende Courson,Paris,
1863), pp. 246, 334; cf. Louis Rosenzweig, Dictionnaire Topographique du Departementde

Morbihan(Paris,1870),p. 9. Fora philological

ofthewordseeKurth,p. 179,note4.
28 May 28.
29 June7.
30 MS.
31 MS.
terraut;it seemsnecessaryto suppressut,as Chrousthas done,as beingimpossible
to construe.
32 MS.
33June 8.
34 La


35 The wordis regularly


singlep throughout
the manuscript.

ofFinistere,sometenor twelvemiles

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quedam Britannieextremitasin mare producta,propteriniuriamventorum sinuosas quasdam maris ambages peragravimus,tum etiam ut
duces vie Rochiel conduceremus.7 Sciendum etiam quod Britannia
quam in duobus lateribus circuivimus novem habet episcopatus,38
quorumsoli treslingua 39utunturBritannica,40
nulli alii genticommuni.
Reliqui vero Gallorum ydioma participant.41 Britannia42 in regno
Francorumest, conterminashabens Andagaviam et Pictaviam.
Uno autem die Rochiel manentes,sequenti aurora,43velis expassis,
pelagus aggressi sumus; sed, ventis dissentientibuset in diversa nos
rapientibus,novem dies in alto fluctuantesexegimus. Nec obmittendum quod una nocte fulminibuset tonitruisterribiliin summitatemali
nostripluresde sociisduas candelas perlongammoramardereviderunt.44
Illud etiam adiciendum est, quod innumerabilismultitudo piscium
equalium rumbis sex vel VII. pedum mira velocitate sepissime totis
corporibusapparentesnostrasnaves transsierunt.45Nono die 46 portum
prope quem castrumest regisGalicie Gozeun 48 et opidum
37 Chroust has emended the clause to read dum etiamper duo ducesvie Rochielconduceremur,
but this seems unnecessaryand a violent alteration of the probable meaning of the text. The
mentionof pilots (duces vie), if pilots they be, is of much interestand should be compared with
the referenceto a Gallegan dux cuiusdam navis nostreon p. 624, line 9, below.
38 The nine dioceses of Nantes, Rennes, Dol, Saint-Malo . Saint-Brieuc, Treguier , Leon
(Saint-Pol), Cornouaille (Quimper), and Vannes. Brittany was in effectan ecclesiastical
province under the archiepiscopal jurisdictionof Dol fromthe middle of the ninth to the end
of the twelfthcentury,though the fact was never formallyrecognized by the papacy and was
disputed by the archbishops of Tours and other anti-Breton interests,and in 1199 Pope Innocent III formallysuppressed the claims of Dol and declared all the bishops of Brittanysubject
to the archbishop of Tours. See A. de la Borderie, Histoire de Bretagne(Rennes, etc., 18961914), III, pp. 197-205, and the convenientmap ibid., vol. I, at the end.
39MS. ligua.
40 MS. Britannia.
41 The
three Breton-speaking dioceses evidently were Treguier, Leon, and Cornouaille,
though the evidence of modern speech would seem to indicate that a good part of the diocese
of Vannes was also included in the regionto which Breton speech was confinedas a result of the
Norse invasions in the ninth and tenth centuries. On the linguistic frontiersee J. Loth,
Bretonne(Paris, 1890), p. 237; La Borderie, op. cit., III, pp. 215-217; and on the
Norse invasions, ibid., II, pp. 299-373.
42 MS. Britanniam.


An example of St. Elmo's fire.

45 The fishin question were doubtless dolphins or porpoises,which in their general appearance as observed fromshipboard might well be thought to resemble sturgeons (rumbi). For
the true definitionof rumbus as sturgeon see K. Hohlbaum, Hansisches Urkundenbuch,III,
(1882-86), Glossary, to which referenceis made by Allan Evans in his edition of Francesco
Balducci Pegolotti, La Pratica della Mercatura (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), p. 253, note 9.
46 June 18.
47 The port of Luanco, province of Oviedo, which in the Middle Ages was known as Gozon,
or Gauzon, fromthe near-bycastle of that name. The name Goz6n now survives only as that
of the municipal district (municipio) lying between Cape Pefias, Aviles, and Luanco. The
last, which is the administrativecentre of the district,is situated at the head of Luanco Bay
which lies between Cabrito and Castillo Points, on the latter of which are the ruins of a castle.
A direct road leads fromLuanco to Aviles which is about eight miles away. See U. S. Hydrographic Office,Bay ofBiscay Pilot (3rd ed., Washington,1926), p. 484, and U. S. Hydrographic

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Abilez.49 Et notandumquod predictisnovemdiebusWaschoni[5r.]am,

regnum Aragonensium,50regnum Navarrorum, regnum Ispanie a
sinistrisreliquimus,et iam in regno Galicie fuimus. Considerandum
etiam quod, cum sint quinque regna Ispaniorum,51
videlicetArragonensiumr,52 Navarrorumet eorum qui specificatovocabulo Ispani dicuntur,
quorum metropolisest Tolletum,53item incholarumGalicie et Portugalensium,et ea 54 ex omni latere preterquam ex uno ambiat mare,
omnia habent terminosversus mare Britannicum,per quod venimus,
et limiteshabent contraSarracenos,qui [habitant] 55in margineoppositi maris; et ita qui ad ultimum,id est Portugalensiumregnum,ire vellet, per omnia transsiredeberet.
Decimo die 56 naves in porturelinquentes,ad Sanctum Salvatorem5
profectisumus, civitatem que a portu sex leucis distat.5" Ibidem invenimusarcham reppletamdiversismagna venerationedigniset sanctorum reliquiis que tempore persecutionis[
] 5 proptermetum
Officecharts, nos. 4379 and 4380; Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada Europeo-Americana (Bar-

celona: J. Espasa, 1912-1929),XXV, 1094, XXVI, 844; De Expugnatione

David, pp. 60-61,note3.
48 Chroustmistakenly
read Goyeunand identified
the place withGij6n; but the correct
is withthecastleof Goz6n,or Gauzon,whichmayperhapsbe identified
ruinson CastilloPointon the northside of Luanco Bay; cf.note47 above and thereferences
49 Aviles,province
ofOviedo,on the AvilesRiversometwoor threemilesfromitsmouth;
cf.note47 above.
50 The
extensionof the abbreviationis uncertain;ChroustreadAragonium
and emended
thetextto readAragonum.
51 "Los cinco
reinosde Espafia." Cf. R. MenendezPidal, La Espaniadel Cid (Madrid,
1929),II, 687-689.
52 The extension
is uncertain;ChroustreadArragonense.

MS. eos.
followGazzerain supplying
whichseemswantingto completethe sense.
56 June19.
57 Oviedo,see below,p. 615, lines2-3.
58 Actuallysomewhat
milesby the modernroad.
59 The manuscript
at thispointis unintelligible:
is clear,thelast threeletters
beingwrittenat the beginning
of a newline,and a space of about one centimetre
afterthem,apparentlyby the originalscribe. In thisspace therehas been inserted,in conspicuouslydifferent
by an ununderstanding
withnis ofpersecutionis,
mayhavebeenintendedto makemisericordie.Evidentlythewriter,
withsomeaccountoftheOviedorelicsbeforehim,or a later
copyist,hadto do withsomething
to him. Possiblythewordgentilium
or the wordMahometishouldbe suppliedafterpersecutionis;
cf. the variousaccountsof the
relicsindicatedby thefollowing
citations:a letterof Osmond,bishopofAstorga(1082-1096)
to Ida, countessof Boulogne,quotedby Ch. Kohlerin Revuede l'OrientLatin,V (1897),3-4;
HistoriaSilense(ed. F. SantosCoco,Madrid,1921),pp. 23-24; Lucas ofTuy,Chronicon
in AndreasSchott,Hispania Illustrata(Frankfort,
1603-08),IV, 74; RodrigoJim6nez
de Rada,


De Rebus Hispaniae, in Rerum Hispanicarum Scriptores. . . ex Bibliotheca Roberti Beli

1579-80),I, 203; PrimeraCr6nicaGeneral(ed. R. MenendezPidal,Madrid,1906),
I, 348. Gazzerapassedthe difficulty
withthe misleading
notation"Vox oliterata"; Chroust
but,as it seemsto me,erroneously.

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hostilemab Iherosolimatranslata [sunt] 60 in Affricam,

inde in Ispalim,
que nunc Sibilia,61ab Isspali in Tolletum, a Tolleto in Ovetum,62
quod nunc Sancti Salvatoris nomine pretitulatur.63Nota quod in
costa Galicie non nisi arduas rupes vidimus,64nam et ipsa tota valde
montuosa est, et ideo sterilis65 et non vinifera,cicera maximeutens.
Undecimo die 66 ad naves regressiet terciodecimo 67 circa crepusculum ad mare reversisumus. Quarto decimo,id est in vigilia Johannis
Babtiste,68et 69 ipso festovalido flatuvelis turgentibusin vespera diei
sancti 70 ad portum venimus71 Tambre,72que est aqua fluens per
Galiciam. Jbi relictis navibus, per longam dietam regressi,limina
sancti 73 Jacobi,[5v.] que iam transsieramus,visitavimus.74 In eundo
autem et redeundo et moram in portu pro ventorum prestolatione
faciendo[VIII] dies 75 peregimus.
In octava Iohannis 76 circa meridiem naves conscendimus, et
sequenti meridie17 Portugaliam78 e vicino vidimus. Inde ventis
prosperespirantibustercio;9 die diluculo portum Ulixibone80 intravimus, qui portus est ostium81 Tagi,82a Tholeto venientiset in mare
I have suppliedsuntwhichthesenseseemsto require.
62 Oviedo.
63 On the
Enrique Florez,Espaiia Sagrada, (Madrid, 1749-1879),XXXVII 279-294; on theirrecent
see De Expugnatione
ed. David, p. 62, note2.
64 On thecharacter
ofthiscoastsee U. S. Hydrographic
Bay ofBiscayPilot,p. 465,


and cf. De Expugnatione Lyxbonensi,ed. David, pp. 60-61, note 3.

65 Chroustacceptedthe erroneous
but the correctreading
readingof Gazzera,difficilis,
is clearin the manuscript.
66 June20.
67 June22.
68 June23.
69 Chroust
suppliedin afteret.
70 June24.
71 MS. invenimus.
72 Murosor
NoyaBay at themouthoftheTambreRiveron thewestcoastofnorthwestern
Spain,somemilesto thesouthof Cape Finisterre.
73 MS. apparently
sibi,by a scribalerror.
74Santiagode Compostelais some twenty-five
mileseastwardand slightlynorthof the
mouthofthe Tambre.
75 MS. radies,
whichmakesno sense. Evidentlythecopyist
had beforehimthe worddies precededby a numeralwhichhe whollymisunderstood.Since
the voyagewas continuedon theoctaveof St. John,it maybe inferred
VIII, and this I have supplied. Chroust,following
in a
Gazzera,suppliedVII, remarking
notethatthe numberwas not decipherable.

77July 2.



fromthe 2nd whentheywereoffOporto,July3 if he

79July4 ifthe authoris reckoning

is reckoning
fromthe 1ston whichtheysailedfromthemouthoftheTambre.
80 Lisbon.

MS. hostium.


Tagus River.

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ibifluentis. Est autem amplumsicutAlbia 83iuxta 84 Stadium.85 Nota

iuxta Ulixibonamad trianostramiliariaest castrumnomineSintricum,86

ubi concipiunteque de vento,87et sunt fetusvelocissimised non ultra
octo annos viventes. Hec Ulixibona, opulenta et magna valde, ante
quadragintaet IIII annos a peregrinisnostriscapta 88 cum adiacentibus
castris subiacet dominio [regis] "I Portugalensis. Terra illa satis
fertiliset sana est, apte montibuserecteet satis in valles protensa.90

Ibi invenimusnaves XXIIII.,91 et nos undecim92 habuimus. Sed

processerantnos ante IIII. ebdomadas,vel V.," naves de nostroimperio
et de Flandria; et in 94 itinereultra Ulixibonam castrum quod subiacebat dominio Silvie, Alvor 95 nomine, expugnaverunt,nulli etati vel
sexui 96 parcentes; et, sicut veraciter audivimus, circiterV. milia et
The Elbe River.
MS. iusta.
85 Stade,
Prussianprovinceof Hanover,is actuallyon the Schwinge,threeand one-half
withthe Elbe at a pointsometwentymilesbelowHamburg. It
inilesabove its confluence
was formerly
the chiefportofHanover.
86 Cintrais actuallyabout seventeen
milesfromLisbon. By nostramiliariathe author
meantthelongGermanmileswithwhichhewas familiarat home. On p. 618,line1,
below he uses the phrasemiliareTeutonicum.This Germanmilemay have equaled about
7,500metres,or somewhatmorethan fourEnglishstatutemiles;cf. MeyersKonversationsLexicon(6thed., Leipzigand Vienna,1902-09),s. v. Meile.
87 On this
curiouslegendsee De Expugnatione
ed. David, p. 93, note6.
88 The reference
is to the conquestof Lisbonin 1147 (actuallyforty-two
whichsee De Expugnatione
ed. David. Kurth(pp. 164-165)interprets
the clause
as meaningforty-four
yearsbeforethetimewhenthe authorwas writing,
1191 as the composition
date of the work;but Chroust(p. ci) suggeststhat the authorhas
simplymade a mistake,a hypothesis
89 I have suppliedregiswhichthe senseseemsto require. Chroustmetthe difficulty

emending Portugalensisto read Portugalensi.

90 MS. procensa; there is no warrant for pretensa,the reading of Gazzera.

91These may have been some of the thirty-seven

shipswhich,accordingto Ralph de
Diceto, sailedfromDartmouthon May 18 and reachedLisbonon June29; see the passage
quotedabove,p. 611,note17.
92 These werenotthe identical
elevenvesselswhichsailedoriginallyfromBlexen. Two
ofthosehad beenlostat Sandwichand onlyoneofthesehad beenreplacedthrough
an acquisitionmadein London. Thus it seemsthatthesquadronmusthave consistedoftenvesselsas
it sailedfromDartmouthforSpain. The eleventhvesselis perhapsto be accountedforbythe
galleyofTuy referred
to in thetextbelow,p. 617,line7.
93 The reading
is clearand certain,althoughChroust,following
quinquein placeofvelV. He was perhapsinfluenced
bya reference
to a fleetoffifty-five
vesselsin theAnnalesofLambertusParvuswhichis referred
to by Kurth
(p. 172,note1); it is, ofcourse,possiblethatthecopyistblundered
and thatthetextoriginally
readLV, butofthisthereis no evidence. The Turinmanuscript
as itstandsgivesnoindication
of thenumberofshipsparticipating
in the conquestofAlvor. For the conquestofAlvorsee
94 MS. in inserted
above thelinein different
96Alvor,theancientPortusHannibalis,at themouthoftheRiverAlvor,onthesouthcoast
of Portugalsomefivemilesnortheastof Lagos and perhapstwenty-five
milesfromCape St.
Vincent;see map facingp. 666; cf.BibliotecaNacional de Lisboa,(Cuiade Portugal(Lisbon,
1924- ), II, 280; F. X. d'A. Oliveira,A Monografia
de Alvor(Oporto,1907).

MS. sexsui.

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- 617

sexcentosocciderunt.97 Galee autem de Ulixibona eas comitateusque

ad strictummare,98tandem reverse, ipsas prospere procedere nobis
et aliquos Serracenoscaptivosreduxerunt. Nos interea
accingebamurad obsidionem99 Silvie pro petitione [regis] 100 Portugalensis101cum multiscopiis etiam se properantis.02 Morati 103 autem
[sumus] in portu XI. diebus cum XXXVI.104 navibus magnis et una
galea de Tue,105opido Galicie, que nobis contubernio106 iuncta est, et
pluribus navibus de Ulixibona.107 Circa vesperam undecime diei 108
profecti,tribus diebus et duabus noctibus109 continue, sed lente,
quando 110 velificavimus,tercia die "I post meridiem vidimus Alvor
castrum,quod nostriexpugnaverant,destructum,supra mare situm,et
alia quedam deserta quorum incole in Alvor occisi erant. Non longe
inde intravimusportumSilvie,12terramoptimecultaminvenientes,sed
habitatores omnes confugerantin Silviam. Distat autem Silvia a
97 See

below, Appendix B.

The Straitof Gibraltar.

99MS. accingebantur
ab obsidione. I adopttheemendation
of Gazzeraand Chroust.
100I followGazzerain supplying
regis,thoughChroustdid not.
101Sancho I, kingof Portugal1185-1211,son and successorof Alfonso
founderofthe monarchy.
102 Chroust,
emendedto readpreparantis.For a reference
to thetermsof
betweenSanchoand the crusaders,
whichdid not remainunalteredto
theendof thesiegeof Silves,see below,p. 631,lines6-7. Ralph de Diceto (OperaHistorica,
ed. Stubbs,II, 65-66) givesthe agreement
as follows:" [Rex] pactuminiitcumeis tam ipse
quod quicquidvel aurivel argentivel victualium
suosin ususredigerent,
et solamurbemregispotestatisubi98

gerent." Cf. El An6nimnode Madrid y Copenhague,ed. A. Huici, p. 61; 'Abd al-Wahid al-

by E. Fagnan),p. 243.
103 MS. moranti;
I adoptthe emendation
of Gazzeraand Chroustand supplysumusafter
autemwhichthesenseseemsto require.
104 MS. XXVI was written
firstand thenchangedto XXXVI, the correction
105 Tuy, Spanishprovince
of Pontevedra,on the rightbankofthe Minho,directlyacross
the riverfromPortugal. The readingof the manuscript
is verynearlycertain,and Chroust
thoughhe failedto makeanymodernidentification,
confusedby the speculationsof his predecessors.Gazzera unfortunately
read Rue and was
therebymisledas to the true identification,
as werealso Silva Lopes and Kurth (p. 183,
106 MS. conturbernio.
107 According
to Ralphde Diceto (OperaHistorica,
ed. Stubbs,II, 65) thekingcontributed
galleysand a considerable
to theexpedition. The authorof
the presenttext confirms
the presenceof Portuguesegalleysand sagittariae(whichhe calls
at thesiegeofSilves,but he is evidentlyreluctantto admitthe size
and importance
ofthePortugueseforces. See below,p. 618,line8, p. 619,line9, p. 630,line8.
108 July14.
109MS. possibly tribusdiebus et duabus noctibushas inadvertentlybeen
writtenfor tribus
noctibuset duabus diebus.

11OChroustemendedquandoto read quidem

and continuedtheprevioussentencethrough

"Il July 17.

July17; thedate is confirmed

by Ralph de Diceto,OperaHistorica,ed. Stubbs,II, 66.

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marivia terrestri
sed tortuosioret ideo longior
per miliareTeutonicum,113
est via in aqua.
Nostri ergo per inimicorumterras nimis avide et incaute discurre15 ab aliis stulte116 separati, a decem
runt,'14et ideo duo Bremenses,
equitibus Sarracenis,[6r.]quos solos in tota terravidimus,occisi sunt.
Sed ad classem reportati,ibidem a nobis sepulti sunt. Nostri ergo in
portu non longe a mari anchorisfixis,villas exusserunt,et pauca que
reperieruntdiripiebant.117Nocte 118 autem sagiccinam119 unam de
Ulixibona pro principemiliciePortugalensis120 misimus,qui per terram
profectus121 nos precesserat,122
et tunc castra sua distabant a nobis per
IIII miliaria.123Sequenti die 124 navis una peregrinorumde Britannia
venit ad nos.125 Eodem die princeps126 milicie Portugalensis12" circa
113On the Germanmilesee above,p. 616,note86. Silvesis actuallyaboutsixand a half
milesfromthe coastby the modernroad; it is betweensevenand eightmilesby the river.
114MS. discarrerunt.
"I MS. readingclear;thereis no warrantforBrenienses,
acceptedwitha queryby Chroustwho,however,adoptedBremenses
as thecorrectformofthe
text. The presenceof menfromBremenis, of course,natural,in viewof the factsrelated
above,p. 610,line 12.
116 MS. stulti.
117 For detailedmaps showing
thesituationsee British

charts,No. 2680; U. S.
Officecharts,No. 4402; InstitutoGeografico
e Cadastral,Cartade Portugal,
scale 1: 50,000,sections49C, 49D, 52A,52B (newnumbering).The map facingthispage is
based on thelatter.

July 17.

119 Evidently
the same as

sagittina (diminutive
of sagitta,Italian saettia) on whichsee A.
Jal, GlossaireNautique(Paris, 1848). Presumablythe sagittariaereferred
to by Ralph de
Diceto,above,p. 617,note107,werevesselsofthesamekind.
120 It does not seem possibleto determine
withany certainty
who thisPortuguesecommanderwas; cf.Herculano,Historiade Portugal,
8thed., III, 348-352;Kurth,p. 184,note2.
The reference
to "Peter,son ofHenry"by 'Abdal-Wahidal-Marrakushi
by E. Fagnan,p. 243) whichimpressed
Herculanoseemsto thepresenteditorto be probably
due to a misunderstanding,
or possiblyto a corrupttext.
121Cf.below,p. 635,lines1-5, wheretheauthordescribes
the land routefromLisbonto
Silvesas a journeyofsevendays,throughcountry
in whichtherewas nota safehabitationfor
Christianor Saracenbecauseof the dangerof raidsby one peopleagainstthe other. Idrisi
givesthe distanceas six days' journey. See below,p. 635,note345.
122MS. processerat.I adoptthe emendation
of Gazzeraand Chroust.
the longGermanmile is meant. It is temptingto conjecturethat the
had reacheda pointon the OdeloucaRiverat thehead ofnavigation,
butthisis a mereguess. The Odeloucais navigableforsmallcraftas faras themodernbridge
fromwhicha directroad leads to Silves. See U. S. Hydrographic
East AtlanticPilot
(4thed., Washington,
1929),p. 177. See map facingthispage.
navalforcewas,so faras there
is anyevidenceto show,complete. Includingthislast shipto arrive,thenorthern
wouldseemto haveconsistedofthirty-seven
vessels,to whichthereis to be addedthegalleyof
Tuy whichwas closelyassociatedwiththenortherners,
in all. The Portuguesenaval forceswerealso considerable.Accordingto Ralph de Diceto theyconsistedof
galleysand a considerable
see above,p. 617,note107.

MS. principes.

127 MS.

a linedrawnthroughthisword,perhapsforthe purposeof deletion.

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Ofnemile., v


L -A



c C

Environs of Silves to Illustrate the Siege.

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vesperamcum paucis venit,relictamiliciain castris. Cum ergodiscutereturquid agendumesset, magis placuit ei ut ad Dardeam128
namdesperabata nobispossecapiSilviam,
130 et valde firmam.Nos autemmagis
confisiin Dominofiducialiter,
131 ratum
quodet princeps
habuit. Postera132 die133 cumnavibusad

et anchoras134 fiximus
in loco undeeam videre
sed procedere
nos136 negabataque raritas. Princepsetiam
milicieultra nos excubabat cum suis et cum galeis que nobiscum
Illa nocte138 accenderunt
multaluminariain civitate,et
nos similiter;et letissimuserat populusnoster,non formidans
munitissimumvidit locum. Ulteriori die 139 diluculo, armati cum
scaphis, ad civitatemaccessimuset castra fiximusita ut de murofacile
bis 140 cum balista iacereturad castra.141
Silvie autem status talis est.'42 Magnitudine non multumdissidet
a Goslaria,143 sed multo plures domos habuit 144 et amoenissimas145
manssiones,muriscincta et fossatis,ita ut solum tuguriumextra muros
non inveniretur. Et quatuor erant intus munitiones,quarum prima
civitas ampla in valle quam 146 rovalle 147 dicunt; civitas in montequam

128 All efforts

to identifythis place have provedfruitless.There is no warrantin the
thereadingof Gazzera.
129 MS. proficeremur.
130 Silvesat thisperiodwouldhave been more
of a
properlydescribedas the metropolis
provinceof the Almohadeempire,the provinceof al-Gharb,thoughit had been fora brief
periodin the middleof the eleventhcenturythe capitalof an independent
See AppendixA.
131 MS. principes.
132 MS. postea.
133 July19.
134 MS. anchoris.
135 Silvesbecomesvisiblebetweenhillsa shortdistancebelowthe confluence
of the Odelouca withthe Arade. See map facingp. 618.
136 MS. non.
137 Apparently
thegalleys,drawingless water,had beenable to pass theshallowsand join
the Portugueseforcessomewhatfarther
up stream.
138 JUly19-20.
139 July20.
140 MS. biswritten
in thetext. Gazzerareadlapis withoutwarrant.
141 Presumably
the crusaders'campwas pitchedon the flatland on the rightbank of the
Aradesomedistancebelowthewall ofthewesternsuburbwhichtheauthorin the nextpara-

graph calls prima civitasor rovalle.

See AppendixA on the Situationand MediaevalHistoryof Silves.

144 Chroust
has emendedto readhabet.
145 MS. hamenissimas.
146 MS. qua.
147 Evidentlyderived
fromArabic al-rabad. (Portuguesearrabalde, Spanish arrabal),
meaningsuburb;cf.E. LUvi-Provencal,
L'EspagneMusulmaneau XemeSiecle(Paris,1932),p.
151; idem,Inscriptions
Arabesd'Espagne(Leydenand Paris,1931), p. 52. This suburbwas
doubtlesslocatedto the wvest
and southwestofthehilland themainfortifications
ofthe city,


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almadinam148 vocant, habens aliam munitionem proclivem149 in

rovalle,descendentemad conductusaquarum 150 et cuiusdam fluviiqui

diciturWidradi151 (alius in eundem fluitqui diciturWideloc);152


et super conductum IIII turresita ut superiorcivitas inde aquis habundaret,et hec munitiocorrasce"I dicitur. Introitusportarumita angulosi et tortuosi erant ut facilius transsireturmurus quam ostium154
56 Item
intraretur. Item sub primum castrum alcaz 155 dicebatur.
on thebroadlevelgroundthatspreadsoutfromtherightbankoftheriver. It musthavebeen
entirelyoutsideany survivingfortifications
and doubtlessincludedthe presentlandingplace
forsmallboatswhichstillcomeup the riverat hightide.
148 MS. almadina. Derivedfrom
meaningcityand apparently
the Iberian peninsulain thisperiodto designatethemain fortification
of a city.
149 A fortification
descendingthe southernslopeof the steephill fromthe mainfortress
(almadina) to the fourtowers (corrasce)which protectedthe water supply (conductusaquarum)

150 The waterconduit
whichsuppliedthecitywithfreshwaterand is perhapsto be identifiedwiththe presentmill-racewhichsuppliespowerto the Moinhoda Porta just above the
ancientbridgeovertheArade. This is theplausibleviewexpressed
by PedroP. Mascarenhas
in hisrecentworkA Se e o CastelodeSilves(Gaia, Portugal,1934),pp. 58-61,quotingan
earlierarticlewhichhe publishedintheVozdoSul ofSilves,December23,1929. His argument
brieflyis as follows:The twelfth-century
Idrisiin his description
of Silves says:
"On yboitl'eau d'unerivierequi vienta la villedu cotedu midiet quifaittourner
cannotbe to the Aradeitselfat Silves,sincethe tide comesrightup to the
rockybarrierabove thebridge,the so-calleddam (chamadacomporta),
and rendersthe water
undrinkable.The presentmill-race
distanceabovethetownand flowsdownparallelwiththeriver,bringing
freshwaterand driving
themill(as it mayhavedoneinthetwelfth
seemsto offer
an adequateandharmonious
ofIdrisi'stextand ofthephraseconductus
in thepresenttext
aquarumas it figures
hereand below.
On theotherhand,it is to be notedthaton p. 625,line9, below,thissamesourceofwater
supplyis describedas a puteusand thatRalph de Diceto (OperaHistorica,ed. Stubbs,II, 66),
whowas notan eye-witness,
describesit as follows:"fontem. . . duplicimurocircumdatum,
151 The AradeRiver,sometimes
calledthePortemaoRiver,and sometimes
also the Silves
152 The OdeloucaRiverwhichflows
153 Evidently
relatedto Portuguesecouraqaor coiraqa,a defensive
workthrownup around
a besiegedcity,a breastwork.No partofthisconstruction
seemsto have survived.
154 MS. hostium.
155 Derivedfrom
Arabical-kasr (Portuguesealcaqar, Spanishalcdzar), meaninga fortress.
156 This sentence
has offered
to editorsand usersofthetext. Gazzera
printedit as it standsin themanuscript,
exceptfora misreading
ofalcaz as alcay. Herculano
(Historiade Portugal,
8thed., III, 172,note2), feelingthatthetextmustbe corrupt,

to emend it to read Super primam(scil. civitatem)castrumAlcay dicebatur;and this proposal was

in the main acceptedby Kurth(p. 189,note3), withthe resultthat Chroustwas influenced

to print the text as follows: Item [munitio] super primam [civitatem]castrumalcaz dicebatur.

That sucha rendering

is impossibleis provedby theuse ofthe wordsprimacivitashigherup
to describethesuburb(rovalle)ratherthanthemainfortress
on thehilltop(almadina)to which
wouldrefer. Whentheauthorwishesto referto thisupperfortress
he calls
it "the upper city" (superiorcivitas).

The textas it standsin the manuscript

may indeedbe corrupt,but it is by no means
so. Whilemanyofthesurviving
thereis one greattower,measuring
nearlyfortyfeetsquare,whichstandsbeneathwhatis to
this day called "the port" and was evidentlythe originalmain entrance(introitus)
to the
(almadina). If thisgreattowerwas thealcaqaror iftheauthorsupposedit
to be such,thepassageoffers
no particulardifficulty.

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una magna turris157 erat in rovalle,et habebat viam ad almadinam,id

est 158 muro quodam testudinato,'59ita ut de ea videri posset quid exteriusmuro almadine accideret,et impugnantes160 muruma tergo ledi
possent a turri,et e converso;161 et hec alve[6v.]rana 162 dicitur. (Et
nota quod hec nominasunt appellativa, non propria. Ubicumque enim
tales dispositionessunt civitatisin terrailla, tam a Christianisquam a
paganis,'68talia habent nomina. Sarraceniautem in Ispania habitantes
Andeluci164 dicuntur,qui in Affrica,Mucimiti vel Maximiti vel Moe-

qui in Marorlce,'66

Nota etiam quod in muro

cuiuslibet munitioniserant turres ita vicine ut modicus fueritiactus

lapidis de una turriad terciam. In quibusdam locis duplo viciniores
erant turres.
Illa ergo die 168 statim cum veneramus,egressi de civitate circiter
decem equites, discurrebantprope murum,quasi nostrosprovocantes;
unde minusprovidipropteriussionemmagistrorumad ipsos currebant;
sed a murotelis et lapidibus arcebantur,vulnerabantautem et vulnerabantur, et dubio Marte revertebantur. Nos autem propius figentes
temptoria169 consilium inivimus, ut mane insultum faceremus,preparantesscalas ad transseundummurum. Diluculo 170 igiturcelebratis
missarum171 sollempniis,cum populus cum multa devotionecommunicasset,'72armatus cum scalis ad murum accessit; et ultra fossatum

All traces of this watch-tower (alverrana) seem to have disappeared, as have also all

158 MS.
readingid estnotperfectly
certainbut veryprobable;Chroust,following
159 MS. testudinoto.
160 MS. impugnates.

MS. et everso;Chroust emended to read e converso,omittinget.

Derived fromArabic al-barranmya(Portuguese and Spanish albarrana), meaning an
external tower, i.e., a tower situated outside a wall or fortification;hence a watch tower.
Cf. E. Levi-Provengal, L'Espagne Musulmane au Xeme Siecle, p. 150, note 6.
163 MS. ragones; Chroust
emendedto readagarenis.
164 Andalusians.
165 Mucimiti and Maximiti are
evidently corruptionsof Masmuda or Masmadah, the name

the Almohades(al-Muwahhiduin)werenot infrequently
called; cf. R. Dozy, Recherches
l'Histoire et la Litteraturede l'Espagne pendantle Moyen Age (3rd ed., Paris and Leyden, 1881),
II, 438 and note 3; 447, note 5; Stanley Lane-Poole, The Mohammadan Dynasties (reprint,
Paris, 1925), p. 45; P. K. Hitti, Historyof theArabs (London, 1937), p. 546. Moedini, on the

otherhand, doubtlessstandsforMuwahhidan,unitarians,the religiousdesignationof the


The tentswerenowmovedup towardsthewallofthesuburb(rovalle)but notup to it.
For thenextmove,afterthesuburbhad beentaken,see below,p. 623,lines3-4.
170 July21.
171 MS.
172 MS. communicasset
writtenafterscalis and signsplacedabove the lineto indicatethe


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reptans,nec profunditatemaquarum declinans,ad murumvenit. Qui

autem in propugnaculis173 erant aliquamdiu saxa iacientes, repente
tandem Dei nutu qui "salvat sperantesin se," 174 in fugamconversiad
superioremlocum confugerunt. Nostri autem ilico scalis appositis,
eos sunt insequuti.'75 Sed quia maturius176 fugerant,pauci 177 occisi,
alii in munitionem178 sunt recepti,tum etiam quia nostri armati, illi
inermes[erant], 179 et ideo facilius evaserunt. Multi tamen in porta
pre nimia festinationesuffocatisunt, quorum corpora extra muros
proiecerunt,nescio quare, nolentesforsitan180 sepelire. Deinde etiam

[nuntiatum]181 nobiserat quod rex suus182 fecitdecollariqui primo

184 ergo possedimuscivitateminferiorem,

ex una parte
nostri,ex alia parte Portugalenses;et illa die et nocte in civitate quievimus.
Sequenti aurora,id est in festobeate Marie Magdalene,'85premissis
missa et communione,'86
nostri armati egressi sunt civitatem,relictis
intus galiotis; et scalas secum ferentes,insultumfeceruntin civitatem
superioremubi firmissimaerat, monti imposita et fossato profundoet
precipiti cincta.'87 Nostri autem instanti et diuturno labore scalas
apponere moliti, profunditatefossati188 et creberrimis[7r.]iactibus


190 assiduis nostrorum

licet multi in propugnaculis
quia talis erat materiadomorumquod cum arderetuna
domus,alia ideo non incenderetur;
nam tectumlatericium,
lutei,cementovestiti,et pauci lignahabebant. Et V. galeas cumaliis
MS. pugnaculis; I adopt the emendation of Chroust.
13: 60.
175 MS. insequti.
176 MS.
muturius,though the reading is doubtful; multiwas apparently writtenfirst,and
then imperfectlycorrectedby a partial erasure of 1and by the addition of two marks of abbreviation. I adopt the emendation of Chroust.
177 MS. paci.
178 MS. munitione.
179 I
follow Chroust in supplyingerantwhich the sense seems to require.
180 MS.
possiblyforsan,as Chroust has read.
181 I follow
Gazzera and Chroust in supplyingnuntiatum,thoughauditumwould perhaps be
a more likely word.
182 Chroust
has emended to read eos.



MS. fugierunt.

184MS. Si.


MS. premissas missas et communionem.

Faint traces of a dry moat are still visible high on the hill underneaththe northernwall
of the main fortress. For a specificreferenceto this moat, on the northside, see below, p. 626,
lines 11-12.
188 MS. fossate.



MS. reppellebatur.

190MS. pugnaculis; I adopt the emendation of Chroust.

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et ad
navibus pre timore hostili infra muros receptas incendimus,191
priora castra reversisumus.
Sed eodem die resumptisanimis et bellandi constancia,castra iuxta
murum capte urbis posuimus; 192 et pluribus diebus machinas ligneas,
turres,scalas, et diversainstrumentaad capiendam urbeminstruximus.
Interea etiam multiplicabatur exercitus Portugalensium193 in obsidione 194 nobiscum excubantium.
95 In octava Marie Magdalene 196
veiiit Portugalensis rex, et exercitus suus cum sarcinis lente subsequutus 197 est. Proxima die,'98que erat dominica,quia quidam ex nostrisAnglici199occiderantSarracenumante biduum in oculis eorum qui
obsessi erant, ipsi nobis videntibus de turri que alverrana dicitur,200
suspenderunttres Christianosper pedes, quos ante habuerantcaptivos,
et gladiis et lanceis usque ad mortempercusserunt. Unde lacrimosa
compassione doluimus et ad bellandum magis exasperati201 sumus.
His 202 diebus augebatur exercitusPortugalensium,203
et circumdataest
undique civitas obsidione;nec aliquando requievimusvel instrumentum
facientesvel sagittiset machinisimpugnativel impugnantes.
Die dominicoin festo Sixti, Felicissimi,et Agapiti,204
nos de regno
Teutonico diluculo impulimusquoddam instrumentum,quod ericium
vocamus, ad muroscorrasceinterduas turres,ut perfoderemus
Instrumentumautem illud firmissimum
erat, magnisligniscompactum,
et novis gubernaculisnavium tectum, item filtroet terra et cemento
superductum. Sarraceni autem desuper iactantes copiosam stupham
lini, oleum, et ignem, exusserunt instrumentum,maxime cum ita
ponderosum205 esset ut defacili retrahi non posset. Inde orta est
paganis illo die maxima leticia et nobis mesticia. Intervenit etiam
molestia dissensionis,2O6aliis, et maxime Flammigis,207
volentibus dis191MS. incundimus.

This was the secondtimethatthe camp was movedforward;see above,p. 619, lines
13-14,and p. 621,lines17-18.
193 MS. Portugalencium.
194 MS. ossidione.
195 MS. excubancium.
196 July29.
197 MS. subsequtus.
198 July30.

199MS. Agglici.

Thistowerhad evidently
comeintothehandsofthe crusaders
MS. experati.
202 MS. apparently
is, thoughthe readingis not certain.
203 MS. Portugalencium.
204 August6.
205 MS. poderosum.
206 MS. dissesionis.
207 The Flemings
no partoftheoriginalexpedition
on whichtheauthorsailedfrom
themouthoftheWeser itneedtherefore
causeno surprise
ifhereas elsewhere
(see below,p. 632,
line 3) he displayssomeanti-Flemish


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cedere,aliis [7v.] volentibusstarequousque capereturcivitas. Sequenti

die 208 machina nostra in easdem turresita fortiteriactibus impegitut
altera dissoluta in quadam parte corruisset. Preterea machine due
regis,licetparve,satis infestabantpopulumintrinsecus. Proximanocte
egressus quidam Maurus detulit ad regem duo vexilla insignioraque
habebant intus. Unde postea 209 luce letumfestumfecerimus,210
fiduciamprebente de capiendo opido, maxime si corrasce caperetur.
In vigilia Laurencii211 quidam miles de Galicia, qui venerat nobiscum

dux212 cuiusdamnavisnostre,accessit213 ad murumcuiusparsimpulsu

et defensoresturris,tamenunum
machinecorrueratet, licetimminerent

angularemlapidema muro eruitet recessit.214

Huius215 audacia216

nostri provocati, ibidem turrimperforaverunt,et quod est mirabile

diclu 217 Sarraceniadhuc desuper stabant, nec ruina domus nec sagittis
218 abstricti. Illa ergo vespera in studio cavandi perstiterunt; 219 sed in nocte pavore conterritiabscesserunt,220
putantes Sarra221
se perforantes
parietem. Mane
autem facto222 lignisquibus concavitatemsubpodiaverantapposito igne
partemturrisdeiecerunt;sed sopito igne et resumptaaudacia,223iterum
cavare 224 ceperunt,225 volentes [lapides] 226 de turriilla ex utraque parte
eo modo deicere. Iterum autem appositus est ignis,et tunc tanta pars
turriscorruitquod nostriscalam ibidem apposueruntet singillatimad
propugnacula ascenderunt,in quibus erat copiosa multitudohostium;
sed Domino vires nostrislargienteet illis timoremimmitenteita unus
omnes fugavitquod rex et sui in adverso monte huius rei spectaculo
Chroustemendedto readpostera.
210 Chroust,
Gazzera,emendedto readfecimus.
211 August9.
Presumablya pilot,and to be comparedwiththe ducesviewhoare mentioned
p. 613,line3.
213 MS. accesset.
214 MS. rescessit.
215 MS. readingcertain,thoughChroustread hac; perhapsrei
shouldbe suppliedafter
216 MS. audatia.
217 Thisseemsthenecessary
reading,and it is therendering
givenby Gazzeraand Chroust;
but it cannotbe madeout ofthe manuscript,
whichis a puzzle.
Gazzera,has emendedto readcreberrimis.
219 MS. persisterunt.
220 MS. abcesserunt.
221 MS. evicinos.
222 August10.
223 MS. audatia.
MS. thepassageappositoigne . . . iterumcaverewritten
in marginand its properpositionin thetextindicatedby signs.
225 MS. receperunt
was possiblywritten
and reerasedafterwards
was added. Chroustreadreceperunt,
whichis certainly
as the manuscript
have suppliedlapides;Chroustemendedto readturrim
illamforde turriilla.


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supra modum exhilarati227 sunt et in maxima ammirationenostram

gentem laudibus extulerunt. Dei igitur Genitricis228 virtute et non

turres229 et propugnaculadeseruerunt,
deicientesbalistas et spatas perplures;sed lento gradu ad almadinam
tendebant in muro per quem satis tutum habebant transsitum in
utraque parte corrasce.230Postquam ex nostrissufficienter
paganos ad superiorem munitionem fugere231 compulerunt. Tune
igitus murus destructus232 est in duobus locis, spolia direpta sunt, et
puteus in quo habebant fiduciamobstructusest et lapidibus et terra
reppletus.233Illa ergo vespera nostri,licet fessiet quidam lesi, tamen
communiterleti ad castra sunt reversi.
Altera die 234 cepimusfoderein terramin duobus locis ut sub[8r.]terraneumtranssitumfaceremusad murumalmadine 235 et eum subfoderemus; et huic operi insudatumest illo die et nocte sequenti; sed tercio
die 236 egressi Sarraceni exueruntdomos sub quibus fodiebatur,et ita,
succensislignisquibus subpodiebanturantra,nostriab operefugatisunt;
sed pluresilloruma nostrissagittariisletalia exceperuntvulnera,ita ut
nostrilaboris dispendiumeorum strage optime compensaretur. Item
Flammigi ceperuntcavare murumcapte urbis, qui tamen continuabatur 237 cuidam turrialmadine, ita ut per concavitatemmuri veniretur
ad turrim;sed Sarracenihoc consideratonocte ab opere eos fugaverunt
et murumsecantes a turridiviserunt. Sed quod minus238 nocte factum
ita ut eo modo ledi non possent.
fuit,postera die 239 perfecerunt,
Et nota quod iam pluressed diversistemporibusa munitionead nos
ut salvarentanimas suas; et ut alios provocarentad exeunconfugerunt
dum, nichilmali a nobis patiebantur.240In vigilia assumptionisbeate
Marie,24' Sarracenis aggressis, nostris etiam e regione242 aciem 243

MS. exilarati.
MS. Genitrice.

The fourtowersofcorrascewhichsecuredthewatersupplyofthecity;cf.above,'p. 620.

It wouldappear that a wall, witha safe passage in or along it, led up to almadina
fromeach side ofcorrasce.
231 MS. fugare.
232 MS.
as Chroust,afterGazzera,has read; but destructus
is more
233 Cf.
Ralph de Diceto as quotedabove,p. 620, note 150.

234August 11.


MS. almidine.


MS. continuebatur.


MS. paciebantur.

242 Chroust
emendedto readconverso.
243 MS. acie.

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instruentibus,quidam Sarracenus a muro se precipitemdedit et ad

nostros confugit;et cum benignissimesusciperetur,sitibundus valde
aquam poposcit; et siti 244 affectusferetotam faciem in ea mersitpre
aviditate potandi, dicens multam hostium turbam siti interire;nam
desuperin puteis non multumaque habebant, et ipsa valde salsa erat.
Proxima die post octavam Laureneii245 totus exercitusnosterarmatus est et ex omni parte accessit ad murumferensscalas, et diutinoet
instantilabore nisus 246 est eas erigere;sed ita. crebriset gravibusiactibus est repulsusut spes nostracassaretur,et multisaucii reverterentur.
Nonnulli etiam ex hostibus a sagittariisnostrisvel peremptivel vulnerati sunt. Quidam etiam nostrorum247 fossatumquod erat in aquilonariparte almadine248 replerefrondibus249 molitisunt,que 250 desuper
iacto igne ilico consumptesunt. Nec mirumsi difficilis
erat ascensus
ad murum,cum ex una parte crepidomontisesset et fossatummirabile,
ex alia parte 251 domus dense artam faciebantviam. Hac ergo iactura
pavefacti Portugalenses,maxime cum cibaria ipsis et pabula 252 equis
deessent,ceperunttam regemquam nostrossollicitarede recessu. Rex
etiamvisus est pronusad discedendum;sed nostridecreveruntcommuniter diutius hostes Christiimpugnare;et hoc regi intimaverunt. Rex
autem deliberato[8v.] consilio strenue cum ipsis manere consensit;
et tunc rursus [resumptisanimis] 253 ad capiendam civitatemcepimus
[Erecte sunt]254autem in parte aquilonari255 quatuor machine,una
nostra, .III. regis; et ipsi 256 contra nostras IIII erexerunt. Cepimus
etiam fodereinterea sub terram sed longius a munitione257 ne, sicut
prius, impedireturopus nostrum;quod intellexeruntpagani, et aperta
porta exiveruntut destruerentfoveam;sed nostrisaccurentibusgraviter
244 MS.

cum;I followChroustin emendingto readsiti.

246 MS. readingcertain,
247 MS. nostrum.
248 Faint tracesofa drymoathighon thehillbeneaththenorthern
wallare stillvisible.
249 MS. fondibus.


MS. qui.

251 MS.

the passage crepidomontis.

and thencorrected.

alia partewrittenin margin;crepidowas first

MS. popula.

253MS. deteriorated
fromdampnessat this point and the wordssuppliedin brackets
whollyillegible. Chroust,following
Gazzera,printedrursusad capiendamwithoutanynotice
of an omission.
254 MS. deteriorated
fromdampnessand the wordssuppliedin bracketsalmostillegible.
255 MS. aquiloni.
256 Chroust,
257 MS. amminitione
fora munitione.

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ex utraque parte vulnerati reversi sunt. In octava assumptionis

diluculoiterumexiverunt;sed non sufficienter
a nostrisrepressi,stabant
extramuroset tundebantterramsi concavitasaudiretur,quia timebant
ad murum iam pervenisse foveam, que tamen adhuc remota erat.
Quidam etiam fodiebantut sic foveam deprehenderent;sed pauci ex
nobis 259 armaveruntse ut reprimerenteos. Impetum ergo in ipsos
facientes,quosdam straverunt,multis ex iaculis nostriscadentibus; et
accesseruntnostriusque ad introitumporte, ita quod si omnes nostri
armati essent et presto, defaciliportam intrassent. Nostri ergo cum
victoriosaleticia reversisunt.
In vigiliaBartholomei260 maximeperturbationismolestiaexortaest.
Rex enim Portugalensis261 cum suis cum festinationerecedere propoor
suit; sed nostri vix obtinuerunt262 ut staret adhuc IIII diebus.263
Interea ceperuntnostrifodereab antro264 quodam quo frumentumservabatur in terra molli et vicinius muro. In festo Barto[lomei] 265
placuit regi fovea, et suis; qui ad discedendum266 motus erat, iterum
constantianimo laborare cepit. Laboratum est ergo supra modum in
fovea illa; nam cum nostriprope murumvenissent,Sarraceni murum
perforantesin occursum267 nostrum268 foveam feceruntet ad nostros
accedentesdiu dimicaveruntcum eis. Tandem igneo 269 copioso fluvio,
cuius materiamsollicitecomparaverant,270
tandem laboriose obstructumest foramen,et processumest in fovea
nostra. Illi autem nichilominusfoveam inter nostram et murum
feceruntet nostr[is (9r.) prohibueruntac]cessum271 ad murum. Interius etiam longam et aliam foveam fecerunt[iuxta] 272 murum,quia
credebantquod per foveammurumintraread eos proposuissemus;sed
ipsa intentio273 erat deicere murum. Multo autem temporefodiendi

Gazzera,emendedto readnostris.
260 August23.
261 MS. Portugagalensis.
262 MS. possibly
263 The
consentofthekingto remainwas boughtat thepriceofan alteration
betweenhimand the crusaders. See below,p. 631,lines6-8.
264 MS. reading
possiblyaracio, aratio, or aratro. I adopttheemendation
of Chroust.
265 MS. Barto.August24.



MS. discendum.

MS. ocursum.
Chroustemendedto read nostrorum.
269 MS. igneus.
270 MS. the prefix
com illegible.
271 MS. deteriorated
fromdampnessand thetextsuppliedin bracketswhollyillegible. I
adopt thereadingof Gazzeraand Chroust.
272 MS. deteriorated
and almostillegible;Gazzera and Chroustread prope,but iuxtais
273 MS.


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studio detenti sumus, cotidie pugnantes in fovea cum paganis, qui

labore nostrumopus impediremoliebantur. Tansimilitermultiformi
dem die sancti Egidii 274hominesregisad murosvocabant, de tradenda
civitate tractabant. Tunc etiam plures Sarraceni fuga elapsi ad nos
veneruntdicenteseos siti 275laborare et metu fovee concuti.
Hoc modo autem convenerunt276 pagani cum rege, ut traderent
civitatemet castrumet salvi recederentcum rebus suis. Et huius rei
consensumrex extorquerea peregrinissategit, sed non perfecit. Ut
autem consentirent,promisitX. milia aureorum,tandem XX. milia,
que recepissemus;sed pre 277 mora que futuraerat in reddendo,quia a
terra sua portarinecesse fuit,recusavimus. Convenimusergo ut Sarraceni tantum cum una veste exirent,et omnia mobilia haberemus,et
rexurbem. Et huic pactioni oportuitpaganos obedire,quia siti defecequia quedam turrismagna quam Burge
runtet victos cavee urgebant,278
Marie 279 dicunt,id est turrimAlarie,ruinosaerat proptercaveam, sicut
etiam vicinus murus.
Tercio quoque Nonas 280 Sebtembris 281 exivit dominus civitatis,
Albainus 282 nomiine,solus in equo, reliqui pedites sequebantur; sed
populus noster satis turpiterquosdam exspoliavit contra pactum et
September 1; Chroust, followingGazzera, supplied Sarraceni after Egidii.
MS. sui.
276 MS. consueverunt.
277 MS. pro.
278 MS. victuscavee urgebat,though cavee is hardly certain and Gazzera read it universe;I
adopt the emendation of Chroust.
279 Apparently the author has misunderstood,and given a fancifulinterpretationto, the
Moorish name of the tower which had been all but successfullyundermined.
280 MS. a mark of abbreviation erroneouslyplaced over Nonas which is writtenin full.
281 September 3.
The date is confirmedby the ChroniconConimbricense,in Portugaliae
Monumenta Historica, Scriptores,I, p. 3 (though the edition of Florez in Espaiia Sagrada,
XXIII, 332, gives the year as 1190-"Era MCCXXVIII"),
and also by the Anonymous of
Madrid and Copenhagen (ed. A. Huici, text p. 59, translation p. 62) who says that Sancho
entered Silves on Racheb 20, which correspondsto September 3, though Huici has erroneously
given it as September 2. Ralph de Diceto (Opera Historica, II, 66) is evidently in errorin
giving the date as September 6. Cf. Kurth, p. 201, note 2.
282 MS. reading uncertain; I retain the reading of Gazzera and Chroust, but Albanius or
Albamus could equally well be correct. Ralph de Diceto (Opera Historica, II, 66) merelycalls
the governorof Silves the alcayde withoutnaming him. Herculano (Historia de Portugal,III,
188, and note 2) has reasoned by inferencefromArabic sources that this governormust have
been "Abdullah, or Abu Abdullah," "son or nephew of an[earlier]wali of Silves"; and Kurth
(p. 201, note 3), using the same sources, has tried to be even more definite. But neither
Herculano nor Kurth have used the contemporaryand generallywell informedArabic authority, the Anonymous of Madrid and Copenhagen (ed. A. Huici, p. 61), who names the Muslim
governorat the time of the Christian conquest: "Era su gobernadorentonces Aisa ben Abuhafs
ben Ali, muy experimentado en la defensa de las fronteras." Presumably he was a son of
Abu Hafs 'Omar b. 'Ali Azannag (of the Sanhaja tribe), one ofthe early disciples of Ibn Tulmart,
the founderof the Almohade sect. See Ibn Abi Zar', al-Kirtas (Annales Regum Mauritaniae,
ed. C. J. Tornberg, II, 153); Ibn Khaldun, Histoire des Berberes(ed. Paul Casanova), II, 170.
Cf. A. Bel, in The Encyclopaedia ofIslam (ed. M. T. Houtsma and others,Leyden and London,
1913-34), s. v. Almohades.

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verberavit.283Unde pene mota fuit seditio inter regem et nostros.

Imminenteautem nocte clausimusportam ne plures pagani exirent;et
ex alia parte intraveruntnostri,et quidam primo284 per eandem portam,
et fueruntcum paganis tota nocte, et pagani claudebanturin domibus.
Quidam etiam contrapactum torquebanturpro pecunia monstranda.285
Mane 286 modestiuseducti sunt de tribusportis; et tune primovidimus
defectumeorum,nam macilentissimierant et vix gradiebantur. Multi
reptabant, alii per nostrossustentabantur,alii in plateis iacebant vel
mortui vel semivivi;287 et fetor maximus erat tam de cadaveribus
hominumquam ani[9v.]malium brutorumin civitate.
Captivi autem Christiani efferebanturvix spirantes; nam, sicut

nobis retulerunt,intra IIII dies unus non habebat nisi tantum aque
quantum testa ovi capere poterat, et aliqui minus; et nulli prorsus
dabatur aqua nisi pugilare volenti, et ipsi modicum quid; dividebant
autem cum 288 uxore et filiis. Nec panis fiebat propter defectum289
aque vivificus;290 sed comedebant ficus,et ideo reservata est maxima
copia annone. Captivi etiam denudabantur noctibus et iacebant
super frigidoslapides ut sic humectarenturet viverent. Comedebant
etiam muliereset pueri humidam terram. Et notandum quod primo,
cum venimus,Silvia habebat quadringentoset quinquaginta captivos,
sed vix invenimusvivos ducentos.
De habitatoribus autem cum tradereturcivitas erant promiscui
sexus .XV. milia et octingenti. Nota a die quo obsedimus usque ad
diem quo capta est civitas fluxeruntVI. ebdomade et tres dies.29'
Preterea Silvia multo292 municiorerat quam Ulixbona et in decuplo
locuplecior et edificiis preciosior. Asserueruntetiam Portugalenses
quod in Ispaniis munitiornon esset civitas,et Christianistam infesta.
Sciendum etiam quod toto tempore obsidionis Portugalenses nec
laborabant nec pugnabant, sed tantum insultabant nobis quod in
MS. verberisavit.
reading certain, though witho'ut any warrant Gazzera read vero and Chroust,
Portugalenses,thereby completely altering the meaning. It should be noted that on p. 631,
lines 5-6, below, the author says specifically: "Capta civitate soli nos Franci possedimus eam,
et nulli alii concedebatur introitus."
285 MS. mostranda.


286 September


MS. deterioratedfromdampness and the end of semiviviillegible.

MS. cum inserted above the line.

MS. deffectum.

MS. tuificus.
291 From July 21, on which the siege
operations were actually started, throughSeptember
3, on which the exodus of the Saracens fromthe city began, was exactly six weeks and three
292 MS. multa.

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vanum laboremus et quod inexpugnabilis esset munitio.293Ipsum

etiam regeminducebantut discederetet nobis discessummultiformiter
persuaderet. Maxima etiam pars nostrorumdesperans abire volebat,
et 294 mirabiliternos tam feliciconsummationi
sed Deus misericorditer
conservabat. Nota nosterexercitus295 tantum habebat, cum 296 primo
venimus,tria milia et quingentoscuiuslibetordinisvel etatis viros,vel
paulo pauciores.297 Exercitus298 autem regis multus erat equitum,
peditum et galiotorum;299 et erant cum eo milites religioside tribus
sectis: Templarii,Iherosolimitanimilitesqui feruntgladios in vestibus,
qui ducunt300 uxo[lOr.]res, et assidue moventguerramcum Sarracenis,
et tamen regularitervivunt.301 Item militesde ordineCisterciensi,qui
tantumeam indulgenciamhabent quod carnibusvescunturIII. diebus
in epdomada, sed una vice et uno ferculo302 cum domi sunt,sed cum in
expeditionesicut reliqui homines;303 quorum caput est Callatravia 304
293 Such an attitude of disparagement towards the Portuguese is a commonplace among
northernwritersof this epoch.
294 MS. ita; I adopt the emendation of Chroust.
295 MS. excercitus.
296 MS. tum.
297 The number is concurredin by Ralph de Diceto (Opera Historica, II, 66).
In view of
the numberof ships in which the northernforcesarrived at Silves (see above, p. 618, note 125,
there is no reason to doubt the substantial correctnessof this figure. A careful estimate of
King Richard's forces on the Third Crusade as they sailed for the Mediterranean from the
mouth of the Tagus in 1190 indicates that his ships (some of which may have been unusually
large) carried on an average about eighty crusaders and a crew of about twenty-five. See
B. N. Siedschlag, English Participation in the Crusades, 1150-1220, pp. 145-148.

298 MS.



MS. galietarum.

300 MS.


Die urspruingliche
Templerregel,ed. Gustav Schnuirer,in Studien und Darstellungenaus
III, Heft 1 (Freiburgim Breisgau, 1903), p. 148: " DE CONIUGATIS.
Fratres autem coriugatos hoc modo habere vobis permittimus,ut, si fraternitatisvestre beneficium et participationem unanimiter petunt, uterque substantie sue portionem et quicquid
amplius acquisierint,unitati communis capituli post mortem concedant et interim honestam
vitam exerceant et bonum agere fratribusstudeant; sed veste candida et chlamide alba non
incedant. Si vero maritusante obierit,partemsuam fratribusrelinquat et coniux de altera vite
sustentamentumhabeat. Hoc enim iniustum consideramus,ut cum fratribusDeo castitatem
promittentibusfratreshuiusmodi in una eademque domo maneant." According to Schnurer
this rule dates from1130.
302 MS. ferculowrittenin margin and very faintlylegible.
303 In a bull of Alexander III
(September 25, 1164), addressed to Garcia, the master,and to
the brothersof Calatrava, and approving the foundationof their order,the pope says (Migne,
Patrologia Latina, CC, col. 311): " Praeterea, ea quae de victu et vestitu vestro praedicti abbas
et fratresCistercienses,et universumcapitulum ejusdem ordinis a vobis tenenda sanxerunt,
vobis auctoritate apostolica confirmamus. . . Tribus vero in hebdomada diebus, id est feria
tertia, quinta, et Dominica, cum praecipuis diebus festis, carnibus vesci licebit; uno tantum
ferculo,et unius generis, quantum ad carnes pertinet,contenti eritis." In the confirmations
of GregoryVIII and Innocent III, in 1187 and 1199 (Diffinicionesde la Orden y Cavalleria de
Calatrava conformeal Capitulo General celebradoen Madrid Aiio de M.DC.LII, Madrid, 1661,
pp. 39-51; Migne, Patrologia Latina, CCXIV, col. 590-593), there is added: "Qui autem in
castris militiae fuerunt,pro magistriarbitrio jejunia observabunt."
304 It is not surprisingthat the author should identifythe militaryorderof Calatrava with
the Cistercians, in view of the close connectionbetween them which is indicated by the papal

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in regnoC astelle et Ebora in regnoPortugalensi,sed Callatravia mater

est et Ebora filia.305Item Iherosolimitarumalii erant de Templo, alii
de sancto Sepulero,306alii de Hospitali; et singuli habent reditus in

Capta civitatesoli nos Franci307 possedimus

308 eam, et nulli alii

concedebaturintroitus. Ex primaenimconvencionenostraerantomnia
mobilia, sed cum assidue sollicitarentnos [de] 309 discessu310Portugalenses, dedimus eis partem, sed arbitrio regis taxandam.311 Possessa
ergomunitionerex nitebatura nobis impetrareannonam,que copiosa 312
letterscited in note 303 above, all of which are addressed "fratribusordinis de Calatrava
secundum ordinem Cisterciensiumfratrumviventibus." Pope Alexander III, writing[117981] to the king of Portugal, says, ". . . cum fratresde Calatrava sint ordine Cisterciensium
professi . . . ": Carl Erdmann, Papsturkundenin Portugal,No. 81, in Gesellsehaftder Wissenschaftenzu Gottingen,Abhandlungen,Phil.-Hist. Class, new series,XX (1927), part 3, p. 254.
On the whole subject see Hans Prutz, Die GeistlichenRitterorden(Berlin, 1908), pp. 74-79.
305 The militaryorder of Evora is better known by its later name, the Order of Avis.
identificationwiththe Cisterciansin the presenttext is again not surprisingin view of the close
connection between them which is fully illustrated by the early statutes of Avis which are
printedin Portuguese in Regra da Cavallaria e OrdemMilitar de S. Bento de Avis (Lisbon, 1631),
fol. 2-3. The relation of Evora, or Avis, to Calatrava is shown by a bull of Innocent III,
dated May 17, 1201, which is printedin Portuguese translation,ibid., fol. 3, and is addressed
"Aos muito amados filhos Mestres, & Irmaos da Milicia d'Euora, q professais a Orde de
Calatraua." For the best modern account of the early historyof the order of Evora or Avis
and its relation to the Cistercians and to Calatrava, see H. Prutz, Die GeistlichenRitterorden,
pp. 89-91; also, especially for the citation of important documents, Silva Lopes, Relaaio,
pp. 83-88.
306 Notwithstandingthe existence of a large, though unsatisfactory,literature on the subject (see F. Pasini-Frassoni, C. A. Bertini,and C. de Odriozola, Histoire de l'OrdreMilitaire du
Saint-Sipulcre de Jerusalem,Rome, [1908], with extensive bibliography), the present text
offersperhaps the only significant(though, to be sure, not quite specific) early evidence of
the existence of a militaryorder of the Holy Sepulchre, and as such it must probably be regarded not as a demonstrationbut ratheras due to some misunderstandingon the part of the
author. Such a misunderstandingis hardly surprisingin view of the fact that the canons of
the Holy Sepulchre had on more than one occasion been designated along with the Templars
and the Hospitallers as recipientsof donations in the Iberian Peninsula. For example, King
Alfonso I of Aragon and Navarre, apparently having failed in an earlier plan to establish a
specificallySpanish militaryorder (Marquis d'Albon, Cartulaire Generalde l'Ordre du Temple,
Paris, 1913, No. VI; J. von Aschbach, GeschichteSpaniens und Portugalszur Zeit der Herrschaft
der Almoravidenund Almohaden, Frankfort,1833-37, II, 14), bequeathed in a famous will
(October 1131) his whole realm in three equal parts to "Sepulerum Domini quod est Iherosolimis et eos qui observant et custodiunt illud et ibidem serviunt Deo, et Ospitale pauperum
quod Iherosolimis est, et Templum Domini cum militibus qui ad defendendumchristianitatis
nomen ibi vigilant" (Albon, op. cit., No. XL). The termsof this will were never carried out,
but in the settlementwhich was arranged in 1140 between the legatees and Alfonso's successor
(Coleccionde DocumentosIneditos del ArchivoGeneralde la Corona de Aragon, ed. P. de Bofarull
y Mascaro and others, Barcelona, 1847-1910, IV, No. XXXII) and which was confirmedby
the papacy in 1158 (ibid., No. CXXX), the interestsof the Sepulchre were treated upon equal
terms with those of the Hospital and the Temple. Cf. J. Delaville Le Roulx, Les Hospitaliers
en TerreSainte et a Chypre,1100-1310 (Paris, 1904), pp. 47-49. Attentionmay also be called
to a private donation of October, 1131, which is printed in Albon, op. cit., No. XXXIX.
307 MS. reading somewhat doubtful
because of unusual abbreviation.


MS. possidemus.

I follow Chroust in supplyingde which the sense seems to require.

MS. dicessu.
Cf. above, p. 617, note 102.
MS. a superfluousmark of abbreviation above copiosa which is writtenin full.

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erat, et omnibus aliis multo melior, pro porcione sua.Y13 Sed cum
prohibuissemusne aliquid ferreturde civitate, ut in ipsa divideremus
predam, nostriquidam, et maxime Flammigi,furtivevendebant ultra
muros frumenta Portugalensibus. Unde rex valde commovebatur,
asserebatnamque meliusesse non fuissecaptam urbemquam ammittere
pro penuria panis; et in ipsa commotionenostrisine consensu magistratuum et contra pactum 314 efferebantpredam ante distributionem
inter Portugalenses et nos faciendam. Unde nos, ne mine regis in
dampnosas lites convalescerent,reddimus ei urbem adhuc35 opibus
plenam, poscentes ut sicut regiam maiestatem deceret,nobiscum impertiretur,considerato tam labore nostro quam dampno. Rex vero
omnia sibi vendicans nichil nobis reddidit;316 et ideo peregrinisic
iniuriosetractatiminusamice ab eo separatisunt. Preterea,antequam
caperetururbs, decimam partem tocius terrevoverat sepulcro Domini
pro nostra exhortatione,ut 317 mora nostriobsequii hoc munere compensaretur;sed post captam urbem votum non implevit.318
In vigilia nativitatisVirginisMarie 319 naves conscendimuset lente
versus mare processimus. Rex vero VI die320 [10v.] abinde,321rebus
dispositis,et urbemprincipemiliciesue 322 et multismilitibusmuniens,323
ad propria rediit. Nos autem moram in portu fecimus324 [tum] 325
MS. suarum; I adopt the emendation of Chroust.
MS. compactum;I follow Gazzera and Chroust in emendingto read contrapactum.
315 MS. ad hoc; I adopt the emendation of Gazzera
and Chroust.
The passage cannot be taken to mean that the crusadersreceived no part of the spoils of
the city, since in the next paragraph they are shown dividing spoils among themselves before
leaving port. Cf. Silva Lopes, Relaaio, pp. 90-92.


MS. ubi.


Cf. Silva Lopes, Relaaio, pp. 90-93.

319 September

320 September 12 (?).

Kurth (p. 205), perhaps by a slip, dated the king's departure
September 11; Chroust, apparently interpretingsextodie as equivalent to feria sexta, dated it
September 8.
321 MS. reading uncertain because of deterioration. Gazzera and Chroust read
It should be noted that the present conditionof the manuscriptrendersthe reading of the next
twentylines of the text uncertainat many points, and much reliance has had to be placed upon
the readings of Gazzera in whose time the manuscript was presumably in a somewhat more
legible condition.
322 It is no morepossibleto identify
the Portugueseprincepsmilitiaeherethan on p. 618 above.
Kurth (p. 184, note 2, and p. 204) has argued that the commander here referredto is different
fromthe one mentionedin the earlierpassage and has asserted that he was Alvaro Martins; but
the charter of King Sancho I on which he relies (Bernard de Brito, Monarchia Lusytana,
[Alcobaca] and Lisbon, [1597]-1727, IV, 259-260) proves no more than that beforeJuly 27,
1190 (the date of the charter)Alvaro Martins, the king's vassal, had been killedby the Saracens
at Silves.
MS. reading doubtful because of deterioration.
They did not leave port until September 20. See below, p. 635, line 8.
326 MS. here and four words fartheron nearly
illegible; the reading tum . . tum is Gazzera's.

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pro divisione spoliorum [tum] pro reparatione duarum navium fractarum. Intereaprincepsmilicieregisassumpsit[quendam] 326clericum
Flammigum327ad episcopatum Silvie, et cum ipso mansseruntaliquot
Flammigi. Sollicitavitetiam per eum peregrinosut [cum ipso irent] 328
ad opidum [obsidendum] 329ad unam dietam distans quod tam pagani
quam [Christiani Sanctam Mariam] 330 de Pharrum331 vocant, sed
communemassensumextorquerenon potuit.
Hec autem sunt [castel]la 332 que sortita est Christianitas per
aquisitionem Silvie: [Carph]anabal,333 [Lagus],334 Alvor,335[Por]ciMS. almost illegible; the reading is Gazzera's.
Cf. Ralph de Diceto, Opera Historica, ed. Stubbs, II, 66:" Civitate tandem sordibus et
ydolatriis emundata, die nativitatis beatae Mariae [8 Sept.] Portugalensis episcopus Macomeriam in honore beatae Virginis dedicavit, praeficiensibidem episcopum qui de partibus
Flandriae causa peregrinationisadvenerat." The bishop's name was Nicolaus, as a numberof
documents show. In December 1189 King Sancho I made a donation of the castle of Alvor to
the monastery of Santa Cruz of Coimbra which "Niculaus Syluensis episcopus confirmat"
(Brito, Monarchia Luystana, IV, fol. 15); in February, 1191, the king made a donation to the
monastery of Alcobaga, and among the bishops attesting the charter appears "Niculaus
Syluensis" (ibid, fol. 259-260); in March, 1190, Bishop Nicolaus himself,at the king's request,
made a donation of the ius ecclesiasticumof the castle of Lagos to the monastery of Saint
Vincent de Fora at Lisbon, the king himselfhaving already given the castle (Nicolao de Santa
Maria, Chronica da Ordemdos C6negosRegrantesdo Patriarcha S. Agostinho,Lisbon, 1668, II,
129), and among the canons of Silves who consent to this donation are "William, the dean,
Peter, the treasurer,and Lambert, the archdeacon," some of whom, at least, may well have
been fellowFlemings who remained at Silves with Nicolaus when the rest of the crusaders departed. See Fortunato de Almeida, Hist6ria da Igreja em Portugal (Coimbra, 1910-24), I,
189-190; J. B. da Silva Lopes, Memorias para a Historia Ecclesiastica do Bispado do Algarve
(Lisbon, 1848), pp. 126-137; idem, Relaqdo, pp. 93-99.
328 MS. cum ipso irentnow illegible; the reading is
329 J supply obsidendumwhich the sense seems to require.
330 MS. ChristianiSanctam Mariam illegible; the reading is
33 Faro, some thirtymiles southeastward of Silves. It is the principal city and the administrativecentreof Algarve, and has been an episcopal see since the sixteenthcenturywhen
it succeeded Silves. The promontoryon which it stands, which is the southernmostextremity
of Portugal, is still known as Cabo de Santa Maria. For a miraculous explanation of the
Muslim name Santa Maria (Shantamariyat)see GestaRegis Henrici Secundi (ed. William Stubbs),
II, 121. For the originof the name Faro, fromthe Beni Harun who ruled therein the eleventh
century,see David Lopes, "Toponymia Arabe de Portugal," in Revue Hispanique, IX (1902),
332 MS. castella now partly illegible; the reading is Gazzera's.
333MS. Carphanabal now partly illegible; the reading is Gazzera's.
The modern identification is very uncertain, though it is possible that Cape St. Vincent is meant. An extract
froman apparently as yet unpublished charterof Prince Henry the Navigator reads as follows:
. . . no outro cabo que ante o dito cabo de Sagres esta aos que veem do ponente para levante
que se chamava Terqa-Nabel, ao qual puz nome Villa do Infante." (There appear to be two
copies, the Marquez de Souza Holstein, in Conferenciascelebradas na Academia Real das
Sciencias de Lisboa, First Conference, 1877, p. 24, taking it from a copy in the Biblioteca
Nacional of Lisbon, and Silva Lopes, Relaqdo, p. 100, deriving it at second hand from the
Archivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo.) There is other evidence (see Jaime Cortesao, in
Guia de Portugal, II, 318-319) that Prince Henry's "Villa" was located on Cape St. Vincent,
rather than at Sagres as has commonlybeen supposed, and the quotation seems to show that
beforethe princeestablished his " Villa" the site was called Terqa-Nabal, whichhas enoughlikeness to Carphanabal to suggest a possible identification. Silva Lopes (op. cit., pp. 99-102),
with the quotation before him, unaccountably made an identificationwith Sagres and in so

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Cab[oiere,339Sanctus Bartholomeus
de Mussiene],840Paderne.34' Hec omnia subiacebant dominio Silvie,
[que] prorsus va[cua r]eli[quimus] 342 sed firma satis et edificata,
quorum habitatores quidam in Alvor343a precedentibusoccisi sunt,
sed maximapars confugeratin Silviam. Et Albafere?44se tradiditregi
doing has been followedby Chroust. I know of no early evidence fora name at all resembling
334 MS. Lagus now illegible; the reading is Gazzera's.
The port of Lagos, situated some
sixteen miles east of Cape St. Vincent, supposed to be Lacobriga of antiquity and al-Za-wiya
or Halk al-Zawiya of the Arab geographers. Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 299-301; Idrisi, p. 218.
335 Alvor, at the mouth of the small riverof the same name, some five miles east of Lagos,
supposed to be Portus Hannibalis of antiquity, and apparently called "The Port" by the
Anonymousof Madrid and Copenhagen. Cf. Guia de Portugal, II, 280; F. X. d'A. Oliveira,
A Monografiade Alvor (Oporto, 1907), pp. 37-43; El An6nimo de Madrid y Copenhague,ed.
Huici, p. 61.
336 MS. Porcimuntnow partly illegible; the reading is Gazzera's.
Portimao, forerunnerof
the modernport and industrialtown of Villa Nova de Portimao, some three miles east of Alvor
at the mouth of the Arade River which flows down from above Silves. Cf. Silva Lopes,
Relaqdo, pp. 104-105; Guia de Portugal, II, 270-271; 7EnciclopediaUniversal Ilustrada, s. V.
Villa Nova de Portimdo.
337 "Nunc vicus Monchigud," according to Gazzera, who has been followed by Kurth
(p. 205) and by Chroust, but apparently no such place exists in the region,and it seems quite
certain that the true identification(as proposed by Silva Lopes, Relaqio, p. 104) is with Monchique in the Serra de Monchique some fifteenmiles northof Villa Nova de Portimao. There
was a castle there in the middle of the twelfth century which was known to the Muslims
as Morjik. See C. F. Seybold, "Monchique et Arrifanad'Algarve," in 0 ArcheologoPortugues,
VIII (1903), 123-124,and appendix A, p. 653, note 51, below. The well-knownmodernwatering
place of Caldas de Monchique lies a little to the southward. Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 284-298.
338 "Hodie
Montagudo pagus in monte Jorge-Alboniz,"according to Gazzera, who has
been followedby Kurth (p. 205) and Chroust. No such modern place appears to exist in the
region,but Silva Lopes (Relaqdo, p. 105) explains: "Na frequezia de Santo Estevao ha hum
sitio chamado Mont-agudo, que tem ao presente 38 fogos espalhados por casaes, e consta por
tradigao ter existido hum casal com o mesmo nome no cimo do serro de JorgeMoniz, do qual
ainda apparecem alguns vestigios. Fica este morroao N. da igreja nao menos d'hum quarto de
legoa declinando para N. 0. proximo i ribeira da Aceca [Asseca]."
However, the parish of
Santo Estevao is only three or four miles west of Tavira and nearly fiftymiles east of Silves,
and it may well be doubted whetherit should be included in a list of places which fell into
Christian hands as a resultof the conquest of Silves. The identificationmust thereforeremain
339 MS. Caboiere now partly illegible; the reading is Gazzera's.
Probably to be identified
with Carvoeiro some six miles to the south of Silves or with a fortresson near-by Cabo de
Carvoeiro. This identification,firstmade by Gazzera, has been accepted by Kurth (p. 105)
and by Chroust, but Silva Lopes (Relaqdo, pp. 105-107) questioned it, since he found another
site called Carvoeiro (sitio chamadoCarvoeiro)in the parish of Sao Bartolomeu de Messines. I
have failed to identifyany such site.
340 MS. now wholly illegible. Gazzera read Mussiene only, but fromthe space available
in the manuscriptit seems not improbable that the reading should be Sanctus Bartholomeusde
Mussiene. Sao Bartolomeu de Messines, situated some ten or eleven miles northeastof Silves.
Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 218-220.
341 Paderne, some eight miles southeastwardfromSao Bartolomeu de Messines and almost
due east of Silves. Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 220.
342 MS. que prorsus vacua reliquimusnow partly illegible, as indicated by brackets in the
text; the reading is Gazzera's.
343Gazzera's reading,quia habitatores
oppidi Alvor,which has been accepted by Chroust, is
344Albufeira, on the south coast of Portugal, nearly midway between Villa Nova de
Portimao and Faro. Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 221-225.

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pre nostrotimore,cuius opes in Silviam transtulit. Et nota a Silvia

usque Ulixibonamseptemdietesunt,345
interquas tuta non fuithabitatio
nec Christianisnec Sarracenis pro utriusque gentis [di]scursu; 346 sed
nunc tutissimamChristianihabent manssionemin felicissimaterradum
possidentSilviam. Et Dota quod post VIII dies a redditioneurbis347
cecidit maxima pars muri quem prius nostri subfoderant,et ipsi Sarraceni nostris 348 fossoribusoccurentes.
In vigilia Mathei 349portumSilvie exivimus,a sinistrisrelinquentes
Sanctam Mariam de Pharrum et Thaviram.350 In die Mauricii 351
mane venimuiscontra Allem[ir] 352 que preterfluitSiviliam.353Distat
autem Sivilia 3 4 a mari duabus dietis,civitas opulentissimaet maxima.
Item a Sivilia ad tresdietas sita est Corduba supereundemfluvium. A
Silvia355autemad Odianum,356
terreculte habentis hec opida: Pharum, Lole,358Castala',359Taviram,
345 Idrisi (pp. 219, 222) gives the distance as a journey of six days-four from Silves to
Alcacer do Sal, and two fromthere to Lisbon.
346 MS. discursu now partly illegible; the reading is Gazzera's.
347 September 10.
348 MS. nostri.


Tavira, ancient Balsa, on the south coast of Portugal some nineteen miles eastward
fromFaro and about fourteenmilesfromthe Spanish border. Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 255-258.
351 September 22.
352 MS. reading of the river name uncertain at the end, but the clearness of the
where the word recursbelow, p. 637, makes it very probable that Allemir is the correctform;
Chroust read Allemur. The Guadalquivir, ancient Baetis, called by Idrisi the great river,or the
riverof Cordova.
353 MS. Silviam.

354 MS.


Gazzera read Sivilia withoutwarrantin the manuscript; Chroust gave the correctreading in a note but erroneouslyemended the text to read Sivilia. However, there is no doubt
that Silvia is both the correctand the necessary reading, since all the places mentionedin the
ensuing list lie to the west of the Guadiana, except Serpa which is only fiveor six miles to the
east of that river and still far withinthe borders of modern Portugal, and Loule and Faro are
not more than twenty-fiveor thirtymiles eastward fromSilves. Of the region between the
Guadiana and Seville the author goes on to speak in the next sentence.
356 The Guadiana River.
357 There is evidentlyan omissionin the manuscriptat this point.
It is possible, as Chroust
has suggested,that a whole line has been dropped, but it is perhaps more probable that nothing
more than a numeral is wanting. There is no warrantin the manuscriptforGazzera's reading,
tresfor terrecultewhich followsthe omission.
358 Loule, about ten miles northwestof Faro.
Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 226-229.
359 MS. reading of this place name uncertain at the end, and I have not extended the abbreviation. Gazzera and Chroust read Castalar and identifiedit as "Locus quondam situs in
praealta rupe ad flumenAlcaria, cuius rudera adhuc appellantur Castellos." Though Silva
Lopes (RelaCio, pp. 107-108) remained in doubt, it is certain that the correctidentificationis
with Cacela, as Herculano (Historia de Portugal,8th ed., III, 344-345) perceived with the aid
of Idrisi who called it Castella. Idrisi (pp. 216-217) describes it as "une forteresseconstruite
sur les bords de la mer" and locates it between the mouth of the Guadiana and Tavira, fourteen
miles fromthe latter. Actually it is situated on a hill hard by the coast and six or seven miles
northeastward of Tavira, about midway between Tavira and the Guadiana. Cf. Guia de
Portugal,II, 258; U. S. HydrographicOffice,East AtlanticPilot, p. 182. On the transformation

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Mertulam,360Serpam; 361 que facile cepissemus,et terram illam, que

Algarbia362 dicitur,integraliterChristianispossidendamreliquissemus,
si odiumregiset quorundamnostrum363 execrandafestinationon prohibuisset. Ab Odiana usque Siviliam terraest prorsussteriliset deserta,
duas habens dietas. Tantum unum opidum est in ripa maris,nomine
Saltes,364quod pre metu peregrinorumincole deseruerant;et confugerunt ad montana, ad castrum nomine Elva; 365 quod est in strata,vie
de Odiana ad Siviliamtendentis,366
in qua etiamsuntNebula 367
et Fealcazar,368castra fortia. De Sivilia in stra[llr.]ta versusstrictum
of Castella into Cacela see David Lopes, " Toponymia Arabe de Portugal," in RevueHispanique,
IX (1902), 39-40.
360 Mertola, ancient Myrtilis, on the Guadiana at the upper limit of navigation, some
thirty-sixmiles fromits mouth. It was a strongholdof great importance in the disordered
period of the decline of the Almoravides (see Francisco Codera, Decadencia y Desaparici6n de
los Almoravidesen Espania, Saragossa, 1899, pp. 33-53 et passim), and it is not surprisingthat
Idrisi (p. 217) describesit as "si connue par la bonte de ses fortifications." It is also noticed
by the author of the GestaRegis Ricardi Secundi (ed. Stubbs, II, 122); and by Roger of Howden
(Chronica,ed. William Stubbs, London, 1868-71, III, 47). Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 162-164.
361 Serpa, some twentyor more miles northof Mertola and several miles to the east of the
Guadiana. Cf. Guia de Portugal,II, 166-168.
362 Algarve, fromArabic al-Gharb,meaning the West.
Once the name of the whole southwesternpart of the Iberian peninsula, it still survives as that of the southernmostprovince or
districtof Portugal, withits administrativecentreat Faro. Cf. C. F. Seybold in Encyclopaedia
of Islam, s. v. Algarve.
Chroust, followingGazzera, has emended to read nostrorum.
364 MS. reading clear; thereis no warrantforSaltis, the readingof Chroust. The mediaeval
communityhas vanished and only the island remains. " Saltes Isle, opposite the entrance to
the Tinto River, is nearly 2.5 miles in length . . . and 1 mile in width. It is very low, sandy,
and is partly covered with low brushwood and partly cultivated": U. S. HydrographicOffice,
East AtlanticPilot, p. 188. Roger of Howden (Chronica,ed. Stubbs, III, 47) mentionsa castle
there;but the factthat the inhabitantsfledat the approach of the crusadersas they formerlyhad
done at the approach of other northernraiders, makes it seem likely that it was still largely
as it was in the timeof Idrisi,whose description(p. 216) may well be quoted: " Quant
a la ville de Chaltich, elle n'est point entouree de murailles,ni meme d'une cloture. Toutefois
les maisons y sont contigues; il y a un marche. On y travaille le fer,sorte d'industrie'a laquelle
on repugne ailleurs de se livrerparceque le ferest d'un travail difficile,mais qui est tres-commune dans les ports de mer,dans les lieux ou mouillentles grands et lourds batiments de transport. Les Madjous [Normans] se sont empares a plusieursreprisesde cetteile; et les habitants,
chaque foisqu'ils entendaientdireque les Madjous revenaient,s'empressaientde prendrela fuite
et de quitter lHle."
365Huelva, ancient Onuba, the present capital of the Spanish province of Huelva. It is
situated on the leftbank of the Odiel River above its junction with the Tinto and several miles
northof the island of Saltes. The moderntown is located on the southernslope of hills which
rise to a heightof 120 to 140 feet. The author's use of the word montanais thereforejustified.
Idrisi (p. 216) also refersto "une montagne au-dessus de laquelle est la ville d'Huelba" and
describesthe city as " ceinte d'une muraille en pierres,pourvue de bazars oiul'on fait le n6goce
et ou l'on exerce divers metiers."
366 The modern highway,like the ancient, runs directlyfromthe mouth of the Guadiana
throughHuelva to Seville.
367 Niebla, ancient Ilipla, on the right bank of the Rio Tinto, some twenty miles above
Huelva at the point where both the highroad and the railroad to Seville cross the river. See
the interestingdescriptionof Niebla by Idrisi (p. 215). Cf. E. Levi-Provencal in Encyclopaedia
of Islam, s. v. Niebla.
368 Possibly, but by no means certainly,to be identifiedwith Aznaleazar some fifteen
southwestwardfromSeville. It is on a road as well as on the railroad fromSeville to Niebla

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mare 369 sunt opida Scheres,370Roda,371 Cadiz, [Algazin]ir.372 De

Allemir373 usque lezitarisif,374

quod est opidumiuxta caput375 stricti

maris,est dieta et dimidia. A dextrisultra mare reliquimusAffricam,

terram planam et optimam, usque ad strictummare; et Phadala376
prima civitas [oc]currit 377que est e regioneSancte Marie de Chaphairum;378 [item La]bu,379 Anaphe,380Zale,381Inzemitz,382Methena,383
and Huelva, but it is not on the modernmain highway. This is presumablythe identification
which Gazzera intended to give, though he spelled the name Azialcacar. Chroust proposed as
an alternative Aznalcollar some fifteenor twentymiles to the northward.
369 The Strait of Gibraltar.
370 Jerez de la Frontera on the main road fromSeville to Cddiz and the Strait and some
ten miles fromthe sea. Cf. Enciclopedia UniversalIlustrada, s. v. Jerezde la Frontera.
371 Rota, on the coast at the north side of the entrance to Cadiz Bay.
See U. S. Hydrographic Office,East AtlanticPilot, pp. 207-208. A road leads directlyfromJerezto Rota, but
the presentland route to Cddiz runs around the bay to the eastward.
372 MS. Algazinir now largelyillegible; the reading is Gazzera's; Chroust read Algaziuir or
Algazimir. Apparently Algeciras, opposite Gibraltar on the west side of Gibraltar Bay; cf.
below, p. 640, line 12, wherethe author gives the name much more correctly;also ibid.,note 423;
C. F. Seybold, in Enciclopedia of Islam, s. v. Algeziras.
373 MS. reading very nearly certain,though Chroust read Alleuur or Allemin and emended
the text to read Allemur. The Guadalquivir River; see above, note 352.
374 Tarifa, fromArabic Jazirat Tarif, "island of Tarif," the name being derived fromTarif,
the leader of the firstMuslim forcesto land in Spain in 710 A.D. "Tarifa, formerlyan islet,
is now a small peninsula, joined to the mainland by an artificialcauseway," says the Mediterranean Pilot, I (3rd ed., Washington, 1930), 67. It is at the southernmostextremityof Spain
and some fifteenmiles southwest of Algeciras. Cf. E. Levi-Provengal, in Encyclopaedia of
Islam, s. v. Tarif and Tarifa. I can findno justificationin modernusage forJeira-Tarifa,the
formof the name given by Chroust.
375 MS. capud.
376 Fedala, French Morocco, on Cape Fedala, thirty-four
miles southwestwardof Rabat
and fifteenmiles northeastwardof Casablanca. Its position is well described as opposite (e
regione)Cabo de Santa Maria de Faro on the south coast of Portugal. Cf. U. S. Hydrographic
Office,East AtlanticPilot, p. 382. IdrisT(p. 83) commentson its active commercewith Spain.
377 MS. occurritpartly illegible due to a smear of ink of modernorigin.
378 Evidently Faro on the south coast of Portugal which appears as Santa Maria de Pharrum on p. 633, line 6, and p. 635, line 9, above.
379 MS. item Labu all but obliterated by a smear of ink of modern origin; the reading is
Gazzera's. It has proved impossible to identifythis place. Gazzera referredto a "flumen
nomine Lebu " by which he perhaps meant the Wadi Sebu, a considerable riverwhich rises in
the Atlas Mountains and empties into the Atlantic at Mehediya (al-Mahdiya) some seventeen
miles northwardof Rabat (see U. S. HydrographicOffice,East AtlanticPilot, p. 379), but the
referenceis to a place, not to a river.
380 Dar el-Beida or Casablanca, the Anfa of Idrisi (p. 84), on the Atlantic coast of French
Morocco some two hundred miles southwest of Tangier. Cf. U. S. HydrographicOffice,East
AtlanticPilot, pp. 383-386; G. Yver, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Dar al-Bedd.
381 Sale, on the Atlantic coast of French Morocco, opposite Rabat on the rightbank of the
Wadi Bu Ragrag. Cf. U. S. Hydrographic Office,East Atlantic Pilot, p. 380; H. Basset, in
Encyclopaedia ofIslam, s. v. Sala. On its situation and flourishingcommercesee Idrisi, p. 85.
382 MS. reading somewhat uncertain; Chroust read Tuzemitz,which is possible, but Inzemitz,the reading of Gazzera, seems more probably correct. Evidently Azemmur,a town on
the coast of French Morocco some thirty-five
miles southwestof Casablanca, on the leftbank
of the Wadi Umm al-Rabia near its mouth. Cf. U. S. HydrographicOffice,East AtlanticPilot,
p. 386; G. Yver, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Azemmutr.
383 Identificationuncertain; possibly the "great town of Masina . . . formerly
with walls and provided with markets, but . . . actually in ruins," which Idrisi (p. 203)
locates on the Wadi Sebu. Mehediya, the proposed identificationof Chroust, seems to have
very little in its favor.

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Tanchia,385que est in capite strictimaris. Marrocus 386autem

387est in eadem plana terra,sed distat a mari quinque
dietis. A capite strictimarisin ulterioriparte incipiuntmontanavalde
alta; et dicitur terra illa montuosa Agummera


vel Barbaria;


et durat usque Mecam,390ubi sepultus est Maoemet.391

Sciendum vero quod ventoruminiurias iugiter experti,diutius in
salo 392 fluctuavimus. Tandem ad Cadiz, violencia venti compulsi,
euri flatumexcipientes.394Opidum autem
incole deserueranta tempore quo quidam Sarraceni in Silvia obsessi
post casum urbis ad eos venerant, terrorema nobis multiplicantes.
Prefectusautem opidi ad nos exenia "I deferens,supplicavit ut loco

parceremus,promisitquesequenti die XII captivos Christianosse redditurum, insuper pecuniam quantamcumque congerere396 potuisset.
Statuta die tantum 1111. captivos adduxit, et visus est moras "I pro
aliis solvendis fraudulentervindicare. Unde nostri eum indempnem
384 Arzila, on the Atlantic coast of Spanish Morocco, some twenty miles southward from
Cape Spartel, the northwesternextremityof Africa. Cf. Idrisi, p. 202; U. S. Hydrographic
Office,East AtlanticPilot, p. 377.
385 Tangier, ancient Tingis, the Tanja of the Arabs, some seven miles east of Cape Spartel,
at the westernentranceto the Straitof Gibraltar,the mostimportanttownin northernMoroceo.
Cf. Idrisi, p. 201; U. S. HydrographicOffice,MediterraneanPilot, I, 87-89; E. Levi-Provengal,
in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Tangier.
386 Marrakech, the largest town in southern Morocco, one hundred and fiftymiles south
of Casablanca, which ultimatelygave its name to the whole country. Cf. P. de Cenival, in
Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Marrakesh.
387MS. astricti; I follow Gazzera and Chroust in emending to read Aifrice,but it seems
barely possible that the manuscriptreading is correct.
388 MS. reading is clear; there is no warrant foreitherOgrimeraor Agromera,the readings
respectivelyof Gazzera and Chroust. The land of the Ghomara, an importantBerber tribe of
the westernMaghrib, some of the clan names of which are still to be found at the present day
among a number of Rif tribes. On the territoryand the historyof the tribe consult G. Yver,
in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Ghomara.
389 The land of the Berbers, on whom consult R. Basset, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v.
Berbers. Barbaria, as used by the Christiansin the twelfthand thirteenthcenturies,seems to
have applied generallyto a good part of the whole northAfricanlittoral. Cf. H. C. Krueger,
"The Routine of Commerce between Genoa and Northwest Africa during the Late Twelfth
Century," in Mariner's Mirror,XIX (1933), 417-438.
390 Mecca.



Chroust has quite unaccountably emended the text to read salso in place of salo.
393September 26.
394 On the winds in the Strait of Gibraltar and its approaches see U. S. Hydrographic
Office,MediterraneanPilot, I, 38-41, noting especially the followingstatement apropos of the
western approach: "Easterly winds prevail in summer,when they may last 15 days consecutively and blow hard all the time."
395 Chroust,afterGazzera, emended to read xenia, but exenia is a not uncommonmediaeval
formof the word.
396 MS. congeretere
or congeregere,a scribal corruption which in one letter is hardly
397 MS. moriswas writtenfirstand then corrected.

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abire feceruntin festoCosme et Damiani; 398 domos autem exusserunt,

muros destruxerunt,vineas et ficulneas inciderunt,et illa die urbis
destructioni,quantum potuerunt,insudavere.
Fuit autem Cadiz opidum valde oppulentum,a solis mercatoribus
situm in insula 400 quam separabat a terra brachium
maris Albee.401 Insula autem parva est, sed ad aliam 402 stricta via
terrestrisest in mari eideni opido obnoxiam. Habuit autem opidum
quinque munitiones,singillatimmuris et turribusdiscretas,et amena
valde habitacula; et ad ipsum conflueresolebant ter in anno pro mercimoniispermutandisex Affricaet Yspania Sarraceni,quia erat quasi in
Sequenti nocte 404 profectisumus,et instantervelis innisiventorum
adversitate impediebamur;405 et sicut solent naute, in diversa velificantes contrarietatemflatusarte delusimus,et sic in festosancti [liv.]
Michaelis 406 meridie strictum mare transsivimus. Sed quia maior
pars classis adhuc contra ventos obluctabatur407 ad leziratarit'408
accessimus, et anchoras figentesimpugnare opidum proposuimus;409
omnesetiamsequentesnos imitatisunt. In litoreautem multosequites
et pedites vidimusstare paratos defendereripam; sed mulieresad montana confugere. Nostri autem armati scaphas intraverunt. Sed quia
non omnes unanimes410 ad insultumse preparaverant,et precipuequia
maxima tempestas orta est, tantum expectavimus tres naves que
postreme411 longam moram fecerant;et anchorissublatis navigavimus
398September 27.
399 MS.


The islandof Le6n whichis separatedfromthe mainlandby the SantiPetriChannel.

Cf. U. S. Hydrographic
East AtlanticPilot,pp. 207,221.
401 Apparently
a corruption
ofsomeArabicword,perhapsofal-Bahr,thesea, referring
the Mediterranean
which,accordingto mostArabgeographers,
beganwiththe Gulfof Cddiz.

Cf. C. F. Seybold, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Bahr al-Maghrib.

402 Perhapsthe smallislandof Santi Petriat the southern

of Leon Island. Cf.
Idrisi,p. 214; U. S. Hydrographic
East AtlanticPilot,p. 221.
403 This evidenceof the prosperity
and commercial
of Cidiz in thisepochhas
been overlooked,the Muslimperiodbeingcommonlyrepresented
as a timeof declineand
stagnation. Cf. C. F. Seyboldin Encyclopaediaof Islam, s. v. Cadiz; U. S. Hydrographic

Office,East AtlanticPilot, pp. 207-221.

Cf. above,p. 638, note394.
406 September
29. The date is confirmed
by the GestaRegisHenriciSecundi,ed. Stubbs,
II, 90.
407 MS. obluctebatur
was writtenfirstand thencorrected.
408 MS.
Ieziratarit of uncertainending;Chroustread Ieziratarif withoutwarrantin the
manuscript.Tarifa;see above, p. 637,note 374.
409 MS. propsuimus.
410 MS. hunanimes.
411 Chroust
has emendedto readpostremo.


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eiusdem diei crepusculostrictummare exeuntes,ex utraque parte alta

tantummontana conspicientes.
E regione Ierizitaris42 ultra mare est Caceir]413 Mucemuthe,414
et interhec castella est generalistranssitusde Affricain Yspaniam et e
converso. Habet autem strictummare in latitudineduo nostra miliaria 415 et sex in longitudine,sicut perpenderepotuimus.416 A dextrisin
fine strictimaris reliquimussequenti [die] 417 opulentissimamcivitatem48 Barbarie, ad quam confluuntomnes Christianimercatoresin
et maxime Ianuenses et Pisani
419 commerciatransferentes,
hunc locum celebrant.420In eo etiam stacionarie sunt galee regis
Marrothie.421 Item a leva in terminoangusti429 transsitusreliquimus
Iezerita Hadra,23 opidum bonum,et castellumIebelatarie.424
Deinde spacioso 425 mari ad sinistrum latus nos committentes,
prosperocursu has civitates transsivimus:Malagam,426Almonecam,427
412 Evidently
thevariationof spelling. Cf. above,p. 637,line2,
p. 639,line 16, and notes.
413 MS. cac'; it is uncertain
shouldbe extended,
but it is evidentthat
to reproduce
theArabicwordKasr as partofa placename. Gaztheauthorwas endeavoring
read castrum.
zera and Chroustmistakenly
414 Al-Kasral-Saghir
(theKasr Masmu7daofIdrisiand otherArabwriters
in ruins,on the southernside of the Straitof Gibraltar,directlyoppositeTarifa,beneatha
spuroftheJebelGhomari,at themouthofa smallnavigableriver. Underthe Almohadesit
forSpain. It requireda Portuguesefleetof
was the principalAfricanportof embarkation
eightyvesselsand an armyof17,000mento takeit fromtheMuslimsin 1458. See G. Yver,in

Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. al-Kasr al-Saghir; cf. Idrisi, p. 199; U. S. Hydrographic Office,

MediterraneanPilot, I, 91.

That is, GermanorTeutonicmiles. See above,p. 616 and note86,p. 618and note113.
For thetruedimensions
oftheStraitsee U. S. Hydrographic
I, 60. Considering
not greatlyunderstate
417 September
30. It seemsnecessary
tosupplydie,as Gazzeraand Chrousthavealso done.
418 Evidently
Ceuta,oppositeGibraltar,on whichsee G. Yver,in Encyclopaedia


s. v. Ceuta; U. S. Hydrographic Office,MediterraneanPilot, I, 93-95.

419 MS. Affricum.

420 On thetraffic
oftheGenoesewiththisregionsee H. C. Krueger," The RoutineofCommercebetweenGenoa and Northwest
AfricaduringtheLate TwelfthCentury,"in Mariner's
Mirror,XIX (1933),417-438.
421 MS. reading
the readingof Gazzera,is correct;Chroust
read Marrochie. By regisMarrothie
the authordoubtlessmeanttheAlmohadecaliph. Abui
YuisufYa'kiib al-Mansuir
was caliph1184to 1199.
422 MS. apparently
423 Algeeiras,
Arabical-Jazira al-KKhadra',"the greenisland,"namedafterIsla Verdewhich
lies in frontofit. Cf. Idrisi,pp. 199,212-213;C. F. Seybold,in Encyclopaedia
ofIslam,s. v.

Algeziras; U. S. HydrographicOffice,MediterraneanPilot, I, 72-73.


Gibraltar,on whichsee Idrisi,p. 213; C. F. Seybold,in Encyclopaedia

of Islam, s. v.

Gibraltar;U. S. Hydrographic Office,MediterraneanPilot, I, 71-83.


MS. spaciosawas writtenfirstand thencorrected.

Malaga. Cf. Idrisi,pp. 241, 250; U. S. Hydrographic
MediterraneanPilot, I,

pp. 101-103; E. Levi-Provenqal in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Malaga.

427 Almufi6car,
on the southcoastof Spain somethirty-five
Cf. Idrisi,pp. 242-243;U. S. Hydrographic
Pilot,1, 105.

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rianam,33Orpensam,3 Pinnisculam.435Iuxta Betaieniamest Murcia.436
Et sciendumquod hec via longissimaest, quam vix fecimusin V. diebus
et quinque noctibus ferecontinueet celerrimevelificando. Sciendum
est quod non vidimus [12r.] nisi altissimasrupes.
Trann[ssitomari primoocc]urrit437terraplana, et inde brevi spacio
Ebora, Lebrus438 capacissimus et amplus in mare fluit,fluviussuper
versusmontana a mari distansper
quem sita est Corduba,439
Almeria. Cf. Idrisi, pp. 239-241, 245; C. F. Seybold, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v.
Almeria; U. S. Hydrographic Office,MediterraneanPilot, I, 109-113.
429 Cartagena.
Cf. Idrisi, p. 236; U. S. Hydrographic Office,Mediterranean Pilot, I,
Alicante. Cf. Idrisi, p. 235; U. S. HydrographicOffice,MediterraneanPilot, I, 132-134.
Denia, provinceofAlicante,on the coast some fifty-five
miles southeastwardfromValencia. Cf. Idrisi, pp. 233-234; C. F. Seybold, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Denia; U. S.
HydrographicOffice,MediterraneanPilot, I, 139-140.
432 Valencia.
Cf. Idrisi, pp. 232-233; E. Levi-Provengal, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v.
Valencia; U. S. Hydrographic Office,MediterraneanPilot, I, pp. 139-144.
433There is no warrantin the manuscriptforBuirianam, the readingof Chroust. Burriana,
province of Castell6n de la Plana, near the coast some twenty-eightmiles northeastwardfrom
Valencia. Cf. Idrisi, p. 232; U. S. HydrographicOffice,MediterraneanPilot, I, 145.
434Oropesa, province of Castellon de la Plana, on the coast at Cabo de Oropesa, some
forty-twomiles northeastwardfromValencia. Cf. U. S. Hydrographic Office,Mediterranean
Pilot, I, 146; Enciclopedia UniversalIlustrada, s. v. Oropesa.
435 Pefiscola, province of Castell6n de la Plana, on the coast some twentymiles northeastward fromCabo de Oropesa; accordingto Roger of Howden, writingof the year 1190 (Chronica,
ed. Stubbs, III, 49), it was "ultimum castellum paganorum in Hispania supra mare." Cf.
Idrisi, p. 232; U. S. HydrographicOffice,MediterraneanPilot, I, p. 148; Enciclopedia Universal
Ilustrada, s. v. Peniiscola.
436 Though the readingof the manuscriptis certain,this sentence seems to presentan insoluble difficulty. It would seem that Murcia can only be the importantand well-knowncity of
that name, and it would not be unnatural forthe author to pause to mentionit afterhis enumeration ofthe coastal pointsofinterestto mariners. But all effortsto identifyBetaienia have so far
proved in vain. It is temptingto identifyit with Beniajan, across the riverand a little to the
eastward of Murcia; but why should this inconspicuous village be used as a means of locating
the capital of a province? Conceivably Betaienia is a corruptionof Wddi'l-abyad ("the white
river"), an alternative Arabic name of the Segura, the riveron which Murcia stands; but such
a conjecture can hardly be entertainedseriously. Kurth (p. 207, note 5), assuming that the
sentence was "ganz verderbt," proposed to identifyMurcia, not with the well-knowncity of
that name, but with Montsid (the mons magnus qui diciturMuncian, or Muscian, of Roger of
Howden, Chronica, ed. Stubbs, III, 47, 49), a conspicuous sierra extending along the coast
southward fromthe Ebro to the little river Cenia, and to identifyBetaienia with the latter
stream; but such conjectures seem too extremeto be entertained.
437 The text enclosed in brackets is wholly conjectural,a portion of the manuscripthaving
decayed and been torn away.
438 The River Ebro.
There is no warrantin the manuscriptforEbora velEbrus, the reading
of Chroust; Lebrus, as an alternativename, stands in apposition to Ebora and is set offbetween
punctuation points,as it is printedbetween commas in the text above. It is, of course,possible
that the author originallywroteEbora velEbrus and that the presentreadingis due to a scribal
439 MS. reading in part uncertain; Corduba is probably correct,but Caduba, the reading of
Gazzera, is possible, as Chroust also recognized. It is not to be believed that the author intended to write Corduba,since he knew quite well that Cordova was on the Guadalquivir, and
has so written(above, p. 635, line 12); the difficulty
thereforeseems to arise fromsome scribal
error. The structureof the sentenceseems to requirethat what the author originallywrote,or

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est quam Pisani

duo nostramiliaria. Hec civitas prima Christianorumn
et Ianuenses, temporequo LTlixibonaa nostrisest capta,44 ceperunt.A42
Inde incipit Catalonia,443terra optime4 culta et castellis innumeris
ornata. A Turtusa distat Terraconia445per unam dietam,civitas olim
maxima sed nune parva, in qua sedes est archiepiscopalismagne dignitatis. Inde ad dietam est Barcelona,446ubi est caput 447 comitatus
inde ad II. Monspesab inde ad sex dietas Narbona,449
inde ad III. Massilia.451 Et notandumquod postea Massilie
et in Montepessulanovidimusmercatoresqui in civitatibusSarracenorum erant cum transsivimus;et nos videruntet dixeruntquod omnes
Sarraceniita pavefactierant de transsitunostroquod nullam civitatem
defendissentsi eam adiissemus,sed tantumad fugamse preparabant.452
intended to write,was some alternative formforthe name of Tortosa (as in the case of Ebora
and Lebrus above), but what that form was now seems beyond determination. Kurth (p.
207, note 6) proposed to identifyCaduba, as he believed the formof the name to be, with Isla
de Buda, a part of the delta between two branches of the Ebro at its mouth. Cf. U. S. Hydrographic Office,MediterraneanPilot, I, p. 152.
440 Tortosa, on the left bank of the Ebro, above the delta, "against the mountains," as
the author says. Cf. E. Levi-Provengal, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Tortosa.
441 The reference
is to the Christian conquest of Lisbon in 1147, on which see De ExpugnationeLyxbonensi,ed. David. The date indicated is erroneousby more than a year.
442 Tortosa was taken aftera six months' siege on December 30, 1148, by Ramon Berenguer
IV, count of Barcelona, with the assistance of the Genoese and other allies, among whom the
Pisans seem not to have been included. Cf. Caffaro,Annales Genuenses,in M.G.H., Scriptores,
XVIII, 21, 38-39; Jer6nimoZurita, Anales de la Corona de Aragon (Saragossa, 1610), I, 62-65;
A. de Bofarull y Broca, Historia Critica de Cataluiia (Barcelona, 1876-78), III, 31-36; Fl6rez,
Espaiia Sagrada, XLII, 108-113; E. Levi-Provencal, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Tortosa,
and the Arabic sources there cited.
443 The statement is very nearly correct, the modern boundary between Catalonia and
Valencia being the little river Cenia a few miles to the south of the Ebro.
444MS. obtime.
445 Tarragona, ancient Tarraco, capital of the modern province of Tarragona, some thirty
miles northeastward fromthe mouth of the Ebro; it is still an archiepiscopal see. Cf. E.
Levi-Provengal in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Tarragona.
446 Barcelona, on which cf. C. F. Seybold, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Barcelona.
447 MS. capud.
448 MS. possibly Aitalonensis,as Chroust read.
Chroust, followingGazzera, emended the
text to read Catalonensisbut Barcelonensiswould be more in accord with twelfthcenturyusage
since Ramon BerenguerIV and his son AlfonsoII of Aragon commonlybore the title of " count
of Barcelona." Cf. Coleccionde DocumentosIneditosdel ArchivoGeneralde la Coronade Arag6n,


449 Narbonne,
of Aude,in the southofFrance.
450 Montpellier,
departmentof Herault,in the southof France. It connectswiththe

Mediterranean by the River Lez at Grau de Palavas.

451 Marseilles.

MS. properabant.

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Silves enjoys an extraordinarysituationwhichunderthe conditions

of mediaeval warfarewas one of great strategicimportance. It stands
on an isolated hill which rises to a height of almost two hundredfeet
above the rightbank of the littleriverArade. It is joined to the left
bank by a bridge of low arches which is believed to be of Moorish
origin,2and it was undoubtedlyconnectedwiththe coast in the Middle
Ages by a directroad over land as well as by the riverroute.3 Though
a small port at the head of tidewater and only some eight miles from
the sea, it gives the impression of being an inland town, so completely

does it appear to be cut offfromthe outside worldby the ruggedhills

whichhem in the rivervalley.
On its northeasternslope the hill of Silves is so precipitousas to be
practicallybare except forits fortifications
and to this day thereis no
entranceto the cityfromthisside; but on the southwestit descendsmore
gentlytowards the riverbankand to the flat low-lyingland along the
riverto the west. The moderntown-of somewhat less than 10,000
inhabitants-climbs,like its mediaeval predecessor,up the southwestern
slope from the river towards the summit of the hill; but it does not

spread out to any great extent over the low flat land at its base, and
there can be little doubt that the modern population is considerably
smallerthan the mediaeval.
The mediaeval fortifications
of Silves, when fullydeveloped,4must
have presentedon a large scale a strikingexample of the kind of defensive workswhich were typical of mediaeval Spain, whetherMuslim or
I Unfortunatelythe imposing remains of the fortifications
of Silves have never been made
the subject of a thorough archoeologicalinvestigation,and their early historyis shrouded in
darkness. There appears to be no accurate survey or map of the moderntown and ruins; and
thoughthe fortresshas been officiallydeclared a MonumentoNacional, not even air photographs
seem to be obtainable. What follows,therefore,is a mere sketch,based mainly on direct but
hurriedobservation. Worthyof consultationis Pedro P. Mascarenhas Juldice,A Se e o Castelo
de Silves (Gaia, Portugal, 1934), which contains a bibliographyand a numberof helpfulphotographs. The plan of Silves in Silva Lopes, Relagdo, opposite p. 108, is inaccurate and of
little use.
2 Jddice, op. cit., p. 58, and photograph opposite p. 40.
3See text above, pp. 617-618.
4 It is, of course, not certain that they were fully
developed at the time of the siege by the
Portuguese and the crusadersin 1189, but one gains the impressionthat they were already very
extensive. The city had already undergone one important siege and been taken in 1063.
See below, p. 650.

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Christian, and which have been described by a recent authorityas

Le chateau,qu'il fiutentreles mainsdes Musulmansou des Chretiens,
presentaitpresquetoujoursla memedisposition
generale. I1 se dressaitsur
un piton;parfois,du cotede la pentela plus raideet la moinsaccessibleaux
il n'avaitpas de murde defense. Mais en general.un rempart
faisaittoutle tour:il etaitconstruit
en pierreou en betonet flanquede tours
et de bastions,d'oiules assiegesessayaientde repousserles attaques. Cette
enceinteau sommetdu pitonetait,dansla plupartdes cas,fortpeu spacieuse
et formait
le reduit(haramal-1isn);au-dessousd'elle,i] v avaituneplateforme
(sdaa) epousantla formedu terrain,et surlaquelles'ouvraitl'agglomeration
groupeeautourdu chateaufort,le faubourg
ou rabad. C'est la que logeaient
les garnisaires
avec leursfamilleset les petitscommerqants
de l'endroit.5
At Silves therewas a strongrampart (almadina) girdlingthe entire
hilltop,and it evidentlyenclosed a considerablylarger area than was
common in strongholdsof lesser importance. From it, more or less
parallel walls, or so it seems, descended to the riverbankand to the
source of freshwater supply (conductusaquarum), whichlatterin turn
was especially protectedby a fortressof fourstrongtowers (corrasce).
And the suburb (rovalle)whichspread out over the flatland at the base
ofthe hill was also enclosedwithina wall, thoughnot a verystrongone,
and furtherprotectedby a watch tower (alverrana).6
practicallyall of the lowerfortifications
of mediaeval
Silves have disappeared withoutleaving a trace above ground,and any
descriptionofthe existingremainsofthe strongholdmustbe confinedto
the rampartshigherup. These, however,are imposingenough. Generallyspeakingtheyencirclethe hill,excepton the southwestwherethey
have been destroyedby the developmentof the moderncity,7and they
are high and strong. There are still some seventeentowers8 in a fair
degree of preservationand much of the interveningwall still stands
betweenthem. Both towersand walls are of that peculiar "mud" or
concreteconstructionwhichthe Portuguesecall taipa and the Spanish,
tapia or hormazoand which was already described by Pliny as being
5 E. Levi-Provengal, L'Espagne Musulmane au X#me Siecle, pp. 150-151. The
goes on to give an example of such a chateaufortin Catalonia which was taken by the Muslims
in 1003 and carefullypreserved from destruction and immediately occupied by a Muslim
population and garrison who continued the existing arrangements. Note that the author of
the text above (p. 621), after describingthe fortificationsof Silves with the use of a number
of words which were strange to him, continues: "Et nota quod hec nomina sunt appellativa,
non propria. Ubicumque enim tales dispositionessunt civitatis in terra illa, tam a Christianis
quam a paganis, talia habent nomina."
6 See text above, pp. 619-621, et passim; cf. Ralph de Diceto, Opera
Historica, ed. Stubbs,
II, 66.
7 Possibly some of the destructionhas been due to earthquakes.
8 "Munita turribus, sicut dicitur, circiter quadraginta," says
Ralph de Diceto (Opera
Historica, ed. Stubbs, II, 66); but he wrote from hearsay and not improbably exaggerated;
yet it is certain that there were a number of towers in the Middle Ages which have since

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characteristicof both Africa and Spain; I and though they were once
faced with stone masonry,much of the facing has since fallen away,
or been pulled down foruse in modernbuildings,leaving exposed surfaces whichenable the modernobserverto draw some conclusionsconcerning the original method of construction.10Evidently the taipa
was tampedin betweenplanksofwood in coursessome thirty-four
thick;and it would seem that the planks werepreventedfromspreading
apart by means of ropes whichwere cut when the planks were moved
upward to serve as a frameforthe next highercourse. Holes are still
visible in the walls wherethe ropes have rottedaway, and they are in
some cases large enough to permita man to thrusthis arm into them
fora considerabledistance.
A notable featureof most of the towersis that they stand outside
the wall at a distance of some eight or ten feet and are unconnected
with it except by high round arches which support passageways into
themfromthe top ofthe wall. A numberof the towersmeasureabout
sixteenfeetsquare, but some are larger;and thereis one great towerin
particular,standingbeneath the city gate (Porta da Cidade), which is
some fortyfeetsquare. The towersare, as a rule, solid (that is, they
containno chamber)fromthe groundup to a heightwhichis even with
the top ofthe wall; but at this level each containsa square room,above
whichtherewas evidentlya battlementedfightingplatform.
Our best mediaeval descriptionof Silves, that ofthe twelfth-century
Arab geographerIdrisi, is so highlyinformingas to merit full quotation:
Silves,jolie villebatie dans une plane,est entoureed'une fortemuraille.
Ses environs
sontplantesen jardinset en vergers;on y boitl'eau d'uneriviere
qui baignela villedu cotedu midi,et qui faittournerdes moulins. La mer
Oceaneen esta troismillesdu cotede l'occident. Elle a un portsurla riviere
et des chantiers. Les montagnes
une quantiteconsiderablede boisqu'on exporteau loin. La villeest jolie et l'on y voitd'elegantsedificeset marchesbienfournis. Sa populationainsique celledes villages environnants
se composed'Arabesdu Yemenet d'autres,qui parlent
un dialectearabetre's-pur;
ils saventaussiimproviser
des vers,et ils sonttous
eloquentset spirituels,
les gens du peupleaussi bien que les personnesdes
classeselevees. Les habitantsdes campagnesde ce pays sontextremement
genereux;nul ne l'emportesur eux sous ce rapport. La ville de Silvesfait
9H. N., xxxv, 169: "Quid? non in Africa Hispaniaque e terra parietes quos appellant
formaceos, quoniam in forma circumdatis duabus utrimque tabulis inferciunturverius quam
struuntur,aevis durant, incorruptiimbribus, ventis, ignibus, omnique caemento firmiores?"
The passage is repeated almost verbatim by Isidore of Seville (Etymologiae,xv, 9, 5), who calls
such constructionformatumor formacium.
10Mouros de tdipa are still builded in the Algarve. The method of constructionhas been
described with some fulnessby Silva Lopes, Relafdo, pp. 74-75.

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partie de la provinced'Ach-Chinchin
[al-Shinshin],dont la territoire
renommepar ses jardins plantes de figuiers;on exporteces figuesvers tous les
pays de l'Occident; elles sont bonnes, delicates, appetissantes,exquises.1"

Silves 12 and its environs,lyingas they did in the far southwestern

corner of the Iberian Peninsula, received but scant attention from
Arabic writersuntil a comparativelylate date. The circle, or kura,
which Idrisi calls al-Shinshin,and which according to Abu'l-Fida',
doubtlesswritingof a later period,was named afterSilves itself,13
in an earlierage been known among the Muslims as Ocsonoba,14 from
the ancient Ossonoba15 situated some distance to the east of Silves.
Presumablythe regionfellinto the hands of Muisa b. Nusair, the Arab
conquerorof Spain, in 712 withoutany serious resistance; and it may
wellbe thatit receivedthe predominantlyYemenitepopulationof which
Idrisi speaks at the time of the firstsettlement. However, there is
some evidence that the district also received an infusionof North
Arabian or Syrian (Kaisite) settlersfromamong the companionsand
followersof Balj b. Bisherin 743; 16 and it is not to be believed that the
earlier Spanish population which accepted Islam and learned Arabic
was whollyeliminated.17
Indeed, whenin the late ninthcenturywe firstget any information
concerningthe politicalorganizationof this region,we findit underthe
controlof a neo-Muslim or renegade family. Accordingto Dozy, in
the closing years of the reign of Muhammad I, at a time when the
Cordovan emiratehad quite generallylost controlover the local lords
or nobles, Yahya b. Bakr, whose grandfatherhad been a Christian
Idrisi,p. 217 (translation
ofDozy and de Goeje).
The historicalmatterwhichfollowshas unfortunately
had to be assembledwithout
commandof the Arabiclanguage. It is hoped,however,that littleof importancehas been
13 Geographie
by EJ.T.] Reinaud,Paris,1848-83),II, 237:
"c'est a la foisle nomd'un cantonet d'une ville."
14 Cf. E.
in Encyc. of Islam, s. v. Ocsonoba,and thereferences
Ibn 'Idhari,al-Bayanal-Mughrib
byE. Fagnan,Algiers,1901-04),II, 226,
in speakingofSanta Maria de Algarve(modernFaro) locatesit in "the cantonofOcsonoba."
16 Ossonoba
has been identified
withthesiteof modernMilreunearEstoy,a fewmilesto
thenorthof Faro; but it maywellbe questionedwhethertheidentification
be withFaro itself(cf. E. Levi-Provengal,
in Encyc.ofIslam, s. v. Ocsonoba). As indicated
above,note14,Ibn 'Idhariinonepassageappliesthenameto a cantonand locatesFaro within
it; but in anotherpassage(op. cit.,II, 332) in whichhe refersto thetown(ville)ofOcsonoba,
it is difficult
to believethat he is not reallyspeakingof Faro. Ibn al-Abbar(Scriptorum
ArabumLoci de Abbadidis,ed. R. Dozy, Leyden,1846-52,II, 123; Portuguesetranslation
RevueHispanique,IX, 1902,p. 61) calls Faro "the portofOcsonoba."
16SeeR. Dozy, HistoiredesMusulmansd'Espagne,newed. by E. Levi-Provencal
1932),I, 168-169,and the references
17 On the wholesubjectof the settlement
of Spain afterthe Muslimconquestand of the
oftherivalethnicgroups,see E. LUvi-Provengal,
L'EspagneMusulmaneau X me

Siecle, pp. 8-28.

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named Zadulpho, had gained controlfirstof Santa Maria de Algarve

(modernFaro) and then of the whole provinceof Ocsonoba 18 and had
declaredhis independence.19 Ibn 'Idhari writesalmostwithenthusiasm
of the prosperousrule of Yabya's son and successor,Bakr, duringthe
reign of 'Abd-Allah (889-912). He converted Santa Maria into a
strongholdand provided it with iron gates. He gathered abundant
supplies and had an armyof brave and well equipped soldiers. He had
a fullydeveloped administration,with a council and a departmentof
finance. He was unitedin firmalliances withthe lords of Badajoz and
Beja and Mertola and esteemedhis power to be comparable with that
of the lord of Seville. Accordingto Dozy, the emir of Cordova had
offeredhim the governorshipof the provinceand he had accepted the
offerwithoutrecognizingthat it imposed any serious obligationupon
him.20 Far fromconsideringtravelersand merchantsas victimsto be
plundered,he commandedhis subjects to protectthem and grantthem
hospitality,and his orderswere so well obeyed that the travelerin the
province of Ocsonoba found himselfeverywhereamong friendsand,
as it were,among kinsmen. One can only conclude fromthe account
of Ibn 'Idhdri,whichwe have been following,that Santa Maria was the
capital or centreof Bakr's administration,but Dozy declaresthat Bakr
himselfresided at Silves.21
The power and prosperityof this petty renegadelordshipextended
a good way into the tenthcenturyand into the reignofthe greatestof
the Umaiyads of Spain. Bakr was evidently succeeded by his son
Khalaf b. Bakr who ruled withoutregardto the emirsof Cordova, and
paid no tribute,until 929 when the triumphant'Abd al-Rahman III,
having taken Beja, came to camp beforehis walls. Khalaf evidently
recognizedthat armed resistancewould be useless, but he managed to
avoid a completeoverthrow.He sentenvoysto theemirto make offers
friendshipand submissionand to explain that his failureto pay tribute
had been due to the remotenessofthe land in whichhe dwelt. He also
sent rich giftsand offeredfull payment of a handsome tributeforthe
future. And since the inhabitantsof the countrymanifesteda warm
attachmentto him and praised his administration,'Abd al-Rahman
for once departed fromhis usual custom and continuedKhalaf in his
It can hardly be doubted that Silves would have been included in this territory.
Dozy does not give the source of
his informationat this point, and I have failed to discover it.
20 Ibid.
Again I have unfortunatelyfailed to identifythe source of Dozy's information.
21 Most of
the matter in the foregoingparagraph comes from Ibn 'Idhdri (al-Bayan alMughrib,French translationby E. Fagnan, II, 223, 226) who was used by Dozy (Histoire des
Musulmans d'Espagne, new ed., II, 57), but it seems evident that Dozy had at his disposal some
other source of informationwhich I have failed to discover.

19Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, new ed., II, 57.

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post, consentingthat he should become, not his subject, but his vassal,
his tributary,on condition that he pay regular annual tribute and
harborno rebels or fugitives.22
Thus, if we can relyupon Ibn 'Idhqri, it appears that in the second
half of the ninth centuryand the firsthalf of the tenth Santa Maria
(Faro) ratherthan Silves was the chieftown and administrativecentre
of the little province which has survived as the Algarve in modern
The earliestdirectmentionofSilves whichI have notedin the sources
refersto the year 844 or to a time very shortlythereafter. Afterthe
devastating descent of the Northmen (al-Majuas) on Muslim Spain
(al-Andalus) in that year, 'Abd al-RahmianII, the emir of Cordova,
appears to have entered into diplomatic relations with the Majuis
"king"; and we are told that his ambassador,al-Ghazzal, embarkedat
Silves whenhe set out upon his journeyto the northerncourt.23 Silves
is again mentionedin connectionwith Northmenin 966 when its port
was the scene of an importantnaval victoryof the Muslims over the
but what its developmentas a city or centreof administrationhad by that time been we have no means of knowing.
The historyof Silves emergesinto a clearer light in the eleventh
centurywhen for a time it became the capital of one of the petty
dynastiesof so-called Taifa kings (Arabic, Muluakal-Tawa'if; Spanish,
Reyes de Taifas) which arose from the ruins of the fallen Umaiyad
caliphate of Cordova; and fortunatelythe recentpublicationof a new
Arabic source25 has made it possible to correctthe older accounts and
22 Ibn 'Idhdri, al-Bayan al-Mughrib, French translation
by E. Fagnan, II, 332-333; cf.
E. Levi-Provengal, L'Espagne Musulmane au Xeme Siecle, pp. 120-121. Ibn 'Idhari here
speaks as if Oesonoba were a town, Khalaf's capital, beforethe walls of which 'Abd al-Rahman
encamped; but we know of no walls at Ossonoba (if it is to be identifiedwith Milreu: see p. 646,
note 15, above), whereas we do know that Bakr had fortifiedSanta Maria. The soundest
conculsion would, therefore,seem to be that Ibn 'Idhari has fallen into some confusionand
that Santa Maria (Faro) was the centre of Khalaf's power. Dozy (Histoire des Musulmans
d'Espagne, new ed., II, 111-112) adds nothingto the account of Ibn 'Idhari at this point, and
he makes no furthermention of Silves as a residence of the renegade lord of Ocsonoba.
23 See the account ofthe mission,first
published and translated by R. Dozy in his Recherches
sur l'Histoire et la Litt6raturede l'Espagne pendant le Moyen Age, II, 269-278, and Appendix
pp. lxxx.-lxxxvjij.
24Ibn 'IdhMri, al-Bayan al-Mughrib, French translation by R. Dozy, op. cit., II, 289:
"Ensuite la flottemusulmane sortit de la rade de Seville et attaqua celle des Madjous dans la
riviere de Silves. Les n6tres mirentplusieurs vaisseaux ennemis hors de combat, delivrerent
les prisonniersmusulmans qui s'y trouvaient,tuerentun grand nombrede mecreantset mirent
les autres en fuite."
25 An historical fragmenton the Muluk al-tawa'if, published by E.
Levi-Provencal in his
edition of the third volume (completing Dozy's edition of the earlier part) of Ibn 'Idhari,
al-Bayan al Mughrib (Paris, 1930), and translated by him as an appendix in his new edition of
R. Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, III, 215-235; cf. idem, in Encyc. of Islam, s. v.
Silves. The editor, whose competence is beyond question, accepts the fragmentas a trustworthyauthority.

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writethe historyofthe littledynastyofSilves,that ofthe BaniuMuzain,

with some certaintyand definiteness.
The districtofSilves seemsto have maintainedits loyaltyto Cordova
longerthan mostofthe local divisionsofMuslim Spain; 26 but in the year
of the Hijra 440 (A. D. 1048-49) it gained its independenceunder the
leadershipof its kacli Abu'l-Asbagh 'Isa b. Abi Bakr, an Arab official
who traced his descent from one Muzain b. Musa, the firstof his
ancestors who had come to Spain 27-presumably at the time of the
Muslim conquest and settlementin the firsthalfofthe eighthcentury28
-and who signalized his new authority by the assumption of the
honorifictitle of al-Muzaffar. He was a man of energywith a will to
rule, who had taken advantage of a period of disorderand rebellionto
raise himselfto supremepower: and, once installedin his new position,
he had known how to make himselfpopular througha distributionof
wealth. He strengthenedthe defensesof the city,put his army upon
a wartime footing and took careful precautions against Abii 'Amr
'Abbad, called al-Mu'tadid, the 'Abbadid ruler of Seville and most
powerfulof all the Taifa kingsof Spain. He began by sendingpresents
and seeking al-AMultadid'sfriendship,but since all his effortsin this
directionproved in vain and the king of Seville launched repeated incursionsagainst him, he placed himselfat the head of his forcesand
resortedto war. But the war was unsuccessful. Afternumerousdefeats al-Muzaffarwas finallydeposed by his more powerfulrival and
put to death in the springof 1054 aftera turbulentreignof fiveyears.29
Yet, strangeto say, the Taifa dynastyof the Bana Muzain did not
end withthe overthrowofits founder,and Silves was not yet to become

Cf. Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, new ed., II, 308.

27Ibid.: III, 220: "'Isa b. Abi Bakr Muhammad b. Sa'id b. Gamil b. Sa'id-l'auteur

commentaire d'al-Muwatta' [of Mdlik b. Anas]-b. Ibrdhim b. Abi Nasr Muhammad b.
IbrThimb. Abi'l-Gawd Muzain b. Musa (Muzain etait celui de ses ancetres qui vint s'installer
dans al-Andalus), seigneur de Silb (Silves)." According to Dozy (Ibid., p. 53), citing Ibn
al-Abbar, his ancestors had possessed extensive propertiesin this part of the Iberian Peninsula
and had often held importantposts in the public service in the time of the Umaiyads.
Cf. E. LUvi-Provengal,L'Espagne Musulmane au Xame Siecle, p. 20.
29Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, new ed., III, 221: "C'etait un homme qui
montrait son autorite et son energie dans les jugements qu'il rendait et dans tous ses actes.
Quand il vit apparattre la periode de troubles, il se mit dans la ville en etat de revolte. Les
habitants de Silves et de toutes les regionsvoisines le proclamerent,en l'annee 440. . . . Quand
son autorite fut retablie,il organisa solidementla defense de la ville, en rassembla les hommes
et en partagea entre eux les richesses; il en mit sur pied les troupes, se tint avec le plus grand
soin en garde contre al-Mu'tadid et commenga a lui faire des presents et a lui demander la
paix. Mais cela ne lui servit de rien: al-Muttadid laneait contre lui des incursions chaque
jour, h chaque moment. Voyant qu'il ne pouvait mettrefina son hostilite,malgreles amabilites
qu'il lui prodiguait,al-Mudaffar se lanqa en personne contre lui a la tete de ses troupes et de
ses partisans. Des combats et des engagements eurent lieu entre les deux partis, avec de
nombreusespertes; le sueces revenait toujours a al-Mu'tadid qui finitpar deposer et tuer son
adversaire, a la finde 445."

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a mere dependencyof Seville. One can only conjecturethat for the

time being al-Mu'tadid was too heavily engaged in other parts of the
Peninsula to followup his victoryin the far Southwest. Whateverthe
explanation,our source states specificallythat in accordance with alMuzaffar'swill and on the very day of his death, his cultivated son
Abui'Abd Allah Muhammad b. 'Isa, called al-Nasir, was proclaimedhis
successorand received the full allegiance of his subjects; and in some
way he managed to avoid the hostilityofthe kingof Seville and reigned
prosperouslyand in peace until his death towardsthe middle of 1058.30
Once more the thronepassed peacefullyby testament,this time to
al-NMsir'sson, 'Isa b. Muhammad, who assumed his grandfather's
honorarytitle,al-Muzaffar,and set out to rule in accordance withthe
wise policiesofhis father. But he was not so fortunateas to be allowed
to reignin peace. Al-Mu'tadid renewedthe war whichhad been suspended duringal-Nasir's reign; and in the end Silves was besieged and
taken by him afterits walls had been brokenby siege engineson one
side and underminedby sappers on the other. Al-Muzaffarwas seized
in his palace, doubtlessthe palace of al-Sharajib,3'and beheaded (Sept.Oct., 1063), and the littledynastyofthe BanuiMuzain and theindependence of Silves were at an end, afteran existenceof only fifteenyears.32
Thereafter,if we can trust the somewhat romantichistorywhich
'Abd al-Wahid al-Marrdkush!has woven around the name of the ambitious and talentedpoet-politicianof Silves, AbuiBakr Muhammad Ibn
'Ammar,33al-Mu'tadid placed the administrationof newly conquered
30 Ibid.: "II fut proclame conformementau testament de son pere, le jour de la mort de
ce dernier,dans le districtde Silves, a la fin de l'annee 445. .
Il prit le nom d'an-Nasir;
du vivant de son pere, il avait adopte celui de 'Ubaid ad-dawla. Il requt completementle
serment d'allegeance: on l'aimait pour son gout pour l'etude, sa culture et l'ampleur de ses
connaissances. Il demeura prince de Silves jusqu'a sa mort, qui survint dans cette ville en
rabl' II 450."
31 The name comes fromal-Muttamid's poem on Silves
cited below, p. 651.
32Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, new ed., III, 221-222: "Il fut proclame le
jour de la mortde son pere, en rabi' II 450. . .. La meme regionqui avait prete sermenta son
pere, le lui renouvela. Il suivit la conduite de son pere jusqu'au moment oiu al-Mu'tadid lui
chercha querelle: il fit faire contre lui des coups de main et lanqa contre lui des pointes de
cavalerie. Puis il vint l'assieger etroitementet lui coupa tous les approvisionnementsen
charbon et en bois. La situation devint mauvaise et empira pour les habitants de Silves et du
reste du pays et al-Muttadid enleva en finde compte de vive forcela ville a Ibn Muzain, apres
avoir defonce d'un cote le rempartau moyen de machines de guerreet l'avoir sape d'un autre.
Il penetra dans son palais, le captura et lui trancha la tete, dans son injustice contrelui et son
audace envers Allah Grand et Puissant. Cela se passait en sawwal 455. . .. Son regne avait
ete de cinq ans. La dynastie des Banui Muzain s'eteignit et leur royaute prit fin. La dur6e
est le privileged'Allah tres Haut!"
Santa Maria (Faio) was not subject to the Banui Muzain
of Silves, but was independent under its own Taifa dynasty until conquered by Seville: ibid.,
p. 222. Dozy's statement (ibid., p. 54) that al-Muttadid joined it to Silves, if true, must refer
to 1063 or later.
33 Histoire des Almohades,French translation by E. Fagnan, pp. 94-110.
Regarding his
origin and education the author says: " [Il] etait originaired'une bourgade nomm6e Chenna-

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Silves and its dependentterritoryunder his son al-Mu'tamid.34 The

latter,who was also a poet, associated Ibn 'Ammarwithhimselfin the
governmentof Silves, makinghim his vizier,and the intimacybetween
them was so close that on one occasion after a soire'elitte'raire
in the
prince's palace they shared the same pillow. The delights of their
life in Silves left an indelible impressionupon the emotions and the
memoriesof both the young men, but the rumorswhich reached alMu'tadid's ears concerningtheirassociationtogetherled him to banish
Ibn 'Ammarfromthe realm.35 However,when al-Mu'tamid succeeded
his fatheron the throne of Seville in 1069, he promptlyrecalled his
friendfromexile 36 and elevated him to a positionofhighestfavor. At
his own request Ibn 'Ammar was made governorof Silves and its dependent territorywith full powers over both domestic and foreign
affairs,and he continuedto hold that officeuntilal-Mu'tamid,consumed
witha desireto see himand unable longerto endurehis absence,recalled
him to Seville and made him vizier of the kingdom.37 On the occasion
of Ibn 'Ammar's departureto take up his post in Silves, al-Mu'tamid
addressed him in a poem, reminiscentof theirjoyous and carefreelife
theretogether,whichis too well-knownto warrantreproductionhere.38
Our last glimpseof Silves in this epoch is containedin 'Abd al-Wahid
al-Marrakushi'sdescriptionof the new governor'sentryinto the city,
whichmay be quoted in full: "Ibn 'Ammarfitson entreeentoured'un
imposantcortegeet d'une fouled'esclaves et de courtisans,en deployant
faisantpartiedu territoire
de Silveset oiuses ancetresetaientaussi etablis. Sa famille
etaitobscure,et ni lui ni aucunde ses ascendantsn'avait,a aucuneepoque,exercede fonctions
ou toutau moinscela n'estdit d'aucunmembrede cettefamille. Il alla tout
jeune a Silves,octil futeleve et ocuil etudiales belles-lettres,
sous la directionde plusieurs
maitres,et entreautresd'Aboi'l-H'addj dj YoXsofb. 'Isa el-A'lem. De la il se rendita
Cordoue,oiuil continuales memesetudeset oCuil devintforthabileen poesie,si bien qu'il
fitde ce talentsongagnepain." Dozy (op. cit.,III, chs.9-11) has devotedmuchspaceto him.
34 Dozy (op. cit.,III, 54) has datedtheprince's
ruleofSilvesin 1052,butifwe areto accept
the authorityof the historicalfragment
whichwe have been following,
it mustbe dated in
1063or shortly
on thethrone
of Silvesprecludesthe possibility
of its beingdated in 1054. 'Abd al-Wahidal-Marrakushi
by E. Fagnan,p. 99) is indefinite
as to date.
35 'Abd al-Wahidal-Marrakushi,
by E. Fagnan,
p. 99.

36 Ibid., p. 97: " [Ibn 'Ammar]futnommepar El-Mo&tamid

a, peinemontesurle
trone,au gouvernement
de la villede Silveset du territoire
en dependant."
37Ibid., p. 101: "A l'avenement
de Mo'tamid,Ibn Ammarlui demandale gouvernement
de Silves,d'oCu,nous l'avons dit,il etait originaire
et oii il avait Wtd
elve. Le princele lui
accordaavec les pleinspouvoirsles plus etendus,tantpourles affaires
que pourles
et il l'exerqajusqu'au jouroctMottamid,
devoreparle desirde le revoiret incapable
de supporter
sonabsence,luiretirace posteet le rappelaaupresde lui en qualite
de vizir."
38 The original
in ScriptorumArabum Loci de Abbadidis, ed. R. Dozy, I, 39, 84; French
by Dozy in hisHistoiredesMusulmansd'Espagne,newed.,III, 91; Englishtranslationin the Englisheditionof Dozy's work(London,1913),pp. 668-669.

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plus de faste que n'avait fait Mo'tamid lorsqu'il gouvernaitcette ville

du vivant de son pere Mo&tad'id." 39
PresumablySilves remainedin subjectionto Sevilleforthe remainder
of the 'Abbadid period and passed with it under the dominationof the
Almoravidesin 1091, or shortlythereafter.40Our sourcesremainsilent
concerningit until it emergesinto prominencein connectionwith the
revolt of the Spanish Muslims of the Southwest (al-Gharbal-Andalus)
againstthe ruleofthe Almoravidesin the periodoftheirdeclinetowards
the middle of the twelfthcentury.4"
The centralfigurein the revolt of al-Gharb was a native of Silves
named Ibn Kasi,42an ambitiousbut not verycapable man ofChristianor
neo-Muslim(renegade) origin,who had passed a part ofhis youthin his
native cityand is said to have been employedin its financialadministration.43 He firstattracted public notice as a religiousleader. Having
traveled in Spain and Morocco and entered into relations with the
chiefof the S&fi mysticsof Almeria, and having returnedto his own
countryand expoundedin public the books of the great Muslim philosopher-theologian
al-Ghazill,44he managed to become the acknowledged
leader of Sufismin al-Gharb. He seems also to have given some new
turn to the sect and to have conferredon his followesthe special title
of MorTdcn(Adepts); hence the revoltin whichhe played so prominent
a part is sometimescalled "The Rebellion of the MoridTn."45 The
new sect met with considerable success in al-Gharb, principallyin
Silves, Niebla, and the regionof Mertola. It had a kind of monastery
at Arrifanaon the desolate west coast to the northof Cape St. Vincent 6
wherethe Moridin gatheredin considerablenumbers,and fromwhich,
by E. Fagnan,pp. 97-98.
40 Ontheconquest
see Ibn Khaldfin,
ed., Casanova,II, 76-78; R. MenendezPidal,La Espaiia delCid,pts.iv-v; FranciscoCodera,
Decadencia y Desaparici6n de los Almoravidesen Espania, pp. 1-28; Dozy, Histoire des Musul-

mansd'Espagne,newed., III, chs. 12-14.

41 Muchofwhatfollows
therevoltis derivedfromthecarefulstudyofCodera,
op. cit.,pp. 29-52. The principalsourcesare Ibn al-Abbar,al-Hullaal-Siyard',ed. R. Dozy,

in his Notice sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes (Leyden, 1847-51) pp. 199-205, 239; 'Abd al-

Histoiredes Almohades,
by E. Fagnan,p. 122; Ibn
ed. Casanova,II, 183-188.
42 Abu'l-KasimAhmedb. al-Husain Ibn Kasi, commonly
called Abencasiby Spanish
writers. Cf. E. LUvi-Provengal,in Encyc. of Islam, s. v. Silves.

Ibn al-Abbar,in Dozy, Noticesur QuelquesManuscritsArabes,p. 199; Codera, op.

cit., p. 33.

45 Codera,op. cit., pp. 33-34.
46 For identification
ofthe sitewithArrifana
see C. F. Seybold," Monchiqueet Arrifana
d'Algarvechezles AuteursArabes,"in 0 Archeologo
VIII (1903), 125-126;cf.Ibn

al-Abbar, in Dozy, Noticessur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, p. 202.

Arrifanais situated near

ofCape St. Vincent. See Guia de Portugal,
II, 320,
and map oppositep. 260. Alsosee map below,facingp. 666.

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accordingto one authority,reports of spurious miracles of Ibn KasI

were spread abroad.47
In the springof 1144 (Shawwal, 538 A.H.), no doubt aftertherehad
been much revolutionaryas well as religiouspropaganda, one of Ibn
IKasi's followersbegan a revolt by seizing a castle near Silves called
MonteAgudo,48but he was promptlyattacked by the Almoravidesand
slain. Ibn Kasi was criticizedby some of his devoteesforhis failureto
supplyaid on this occasion,but he excused himselfwiththe explanation
that this initialfailurewas but the false dawn that would inevitablybe
followedby the real.49 And, indeed,his sun was about to rise. Though
he felt unsafe and retiredfor a time to the seclusion of a farmin the
districtof Mertola, one of the bravest and astutestof his followerscontrivedwitha band ofseventyMoridinto seize the fortressofMertola on
the nightof August 14th. The news of this remarkablesuccess spread
rapidlythroughoutal-Gharb and various otherplaces joined the rebellion. By the beginningof Septemberthe movementhad gone so far
that Ibn Kasi was emboldenedto enterMertola at the head ofhis forces
and installhimselfin the castle. He now assumed the pretentioustitle
of al-Mahdi and made Mertola the capital of an independentstate.50
Among the most important of Ibn KasT's partisans were Abu
Muhammad Sidrey Ibn Wazir, who had led the revolt in Evora, and
Abu'l-Walid Muhammad b. 'Omar Ibn al-Mundhirof Silves, who had
performeda like servicein his home city and its environs.51 They had
cooperatedtogethercloselyin the rising;and withina monthafterIbn
Kas! had establishedthe seat of his governmentin Mertola they presented themselvesbeforehim and, recognizinghim as theirchief,they
were confirmedin local governorships,the formerover the districtof
Beja, the latter over Silves.52 But for some reason relationsof confidence werenot maintainedbetweenSidreyIbn Wazir and Ibn Kasi, and
so it was Ibn al-Mundhirwhobecame theprincipalarmoftherevolution.
Codera,op. cit.,pp. 34-55.
thoughit appearsto be mentioned
inourtextabove,p. 634;
4 Codera,op. cit.,pp. 36-37.
50 Ibn al-Abbar,
in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, pp. 199-200,202; 'Abd
Histoiredes Almohades,
Frenchtranslationby E. Fagnan,p. 182;
Codera,op. cit.,pp. 37-39.
51 Among
otherexploitsIbn al-Mundhir
theaid offorcessuppliedby SidreyIbn Wazir)and slewits defenders,
on the Almoravides
fromBeja undera safe-conduct

struggle:ibid., p. 292; Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, p. 202.
ofMonchique(ArabicMorjUk)see C. F. Seybold"MonchiqueetArrifana
d'Algarve," in 0 ArcheologoPortugu4s, VIII (1903), 123-124.
52 Ibn al-Abbar,
in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, pp. 200, 202; Codera,

op. cit.,pp. 39-40,292-293.

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Returningto his post in Silves and unitinghis forceswith those of the

districtof Ocsonoba, which had also joined the revolt,he crossed the
Guadiana and promptlyconqueredboth Huelva and Niebla. Then he
advanced upon Seville, but being routed by Yabya Ibn Ghaniya, the
leader of the Almoravideforces,he fell back precipitatelyon Niebla,
and two days later he retiredto Silves itself. However, Niebla continued to be held in the rebel interestand endured a siege duringthe
winterof 1144-45, until pressureon it was relieved by a freshrising
against the Almoravidesin Cordova.3 Ibn Kasi now dispatched Ibn
al-Mundhirwiththe forcesofSilves and Niebla to seek recognitionfrom
the Cordovan rebels, but the expedition arrived too late. The Cordovans had already accepted other leadership. Then Ibn Kasi had
to contendwith an open revolt on the part of Sidrey Ibn Wazir, who
had by thistimeextendedhis sway over Badajoz; and once moreit was
Ibn al-Mundhirwho was called to action in the crisis. But the suppression of the revolt proved to be a task too great for him. His forces
were defeated and he himselfwas taken and sent to Beja where, on
ordersfromSidreyIbn Wazir, his eyes weredug out and he was held in
close confinementuntil the coming of the Almohades procured his

Deprived of the aid of his principalsupporter,Ibn Kasi himselfwas

doomed,thoughit is not clear how his collapse was broughtabout. He
may have been induced to depart fromhis capital by means of some
ruse,55perhaps afterhe had broughtabout a temporaryrecognitionof
the Almohades.56 What seems morecertainis that he was in some way
overwhelmedand deprivedof his capital by Sidrey Ibn Wazir in Januaryor February,1146 (Sha'ban, 540 A.H.) 57and that,havingpreviously
had some dealingswiththe Almohades,he crossedover to Morocco and
invited the triumphantcaliph 'Abd al-Mu'min to send over an army
and conquer al-Andalus.58 The caliph accepted the invitation with
alacrity. He sent Ibn Kasi back to Spain with an army under the
command of Barraz b. Muhammad al-Masufli,whom he directed to
53Ibn al-Abbar,in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, pp. 202-203; Codera,
op. cit., pp. 40-42.
54 Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, p. 204; Codera, op. cit.,

pp. 42-44.
55 'Abd al-Wahidal-Marrakushi
byE. Fagnan,
p. 182; cf. Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, p. 200.

Ibn al-Abbar,loc.cit.;Ibn KhaldunHistoiredesBerberes,

ed. Casanova,II, 185.
al-Abbar,in Dozy, Noticessur QuelquesManuscritsArabes,p. 239; Ibn Khaldfin,

57 Ibn

Histoire des Berberes,ed. Casanova, II, 184.

58 Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, p. 200; Ibn Khalduin,
loc. cit.; Codera, op. cit., pp. 44-45.

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make war on Almoravidesand rebels alike.59 The expeditionmet with

immediatesuccess. Tarifa, Algeciras,Jerez,and Niebla all submitted,
and presentlythe invaderstook the road to Mertola where,as has been
noted, Ibn Kasi is said to have broughtabout an earlierrecognitionof
the Almohades. Thence Barraz proceeded against Silves, which was
taken by assault and placed under the rule of Ibn Kasi. Then he
moved upon Beja and Badajoz whereSidreyIbn Wazir was broughtto
submission;60 and so, having reduced the whole of the Southwest to
subjectionand unitedthe rebelleadersunderhis command,Barraz went
on to the siege of Seville, whichhe took on January17 or 18, 1147.61
The rewardwhich Ibn Kasi received forthe serviceswhich he had
renderedthe invaders was the governorshipof his native province of
Silves, but it proved inadequate to satisfyhis restlessambitionand insure his loyalty. When the tyrannical conduct of the Almohades
provoked a freshrisingIbn Kasi joined it.62 He was promptlycompelled to returnto obedience by the new governorYfisufb. Sulaiman
whom 'Abd al-Mu'min established in Seville, but, thoughhe was not
removed fromhis post in Silves, his loyalty was not won. When in
A.H. 545 (A.D. 1150-51) the caliph summonedthe chiefsofthe Spanish
Muslimsto appear beforehimin Sale to swear fidelityand yieldup their
respectivestates, Ibn Kasi failedto answerthe summons;63 and resortingonce moreto open rebellion,he allied himselfwithAffonsoHenriques,
the Christiankingof Portugal,who sent him richpresents. Such conduct enragedhis subjects, prominentamong whom was his formerdevoted supporterIbn al-Mundhir,who, since the triumphof the Almohades, had been released fromcaptivityand returnedto the city over
which he had formerlyheld sway. A local conspiracy was formed
againstIbn KasT,and in Augustor September1151 (JumadaI, 546 A.H.)
he was overthrownand slain in the palace of al-Sharajib and his head
59Ibn Khaldiun,loc. cit.; Ibn al-Abbar,loc. cit.; 'Abd al-Wahidal-MarrakushiHistoire
by E. Fagnan,p. 182.
60 By submitting
Sidreywas evidentlyable to remainin officeand continueto exercise
local authority. A contemporary
Christiansourcerecordsan attemptedexchangeof letters
betweenhimand the people of Lisbon duringthe Christiansiegeof that stronghold
in the
summerof 1147,perhapsin the monthof August;and in bothdocuments,
in the inadequate
he is entitledRex Eburensium(kingof Evora). See De Expugnatione
ed. C. W. David, pp. 136-139.
61 Ibn al-Abbar,in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, pp. 200, 239; Ibn
ed. Casanova,II, 185; Codera,op. cit.,pp. 45-47. According
to Ibn al-AbbarbothSidreyIbn Wazirand Ibn Kasi werepresentat the siegeofSeville. In
generalontheAlmohadeconquestofal-Andalusand thesourcestherefor
seeE. Levi-Provengal,

DocumentsInedits d'Histoire Almohade (Paris, 1928, being Textes Arabes Relatifs a 1'Histoire
de l'OccidentMusulman, I), p. 202, note 3.
62 Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, p. 200; Ibn
Histoire des Berberes,ed. Casanova, II, 186.

Ibn Khaldin, op. cit.,II, 188.

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was impaled on a lance which he had received as a presentfromthe

Portuguesemonarch;and the blind Ibn al-Mundhirruledin his stead.64
What happened thereafteris not entirelyclear. ApparentlyIbn
al-Mundhir,who had become a true convert to the teachings of the
Mahdi Ibn Tulmart,ruled Silves for a time in due subjection to the
Almohades; but presently(the exact date is uncertain) he was thrust
aside by the ambitious Sidrey Ibn Wazir.65 However, Sidrey was not
leftin controlforlong. With a view to strengthening
the position of
the Almohadesin al-Andalus,'Abd al-Mu'min establishedhis son Abul
Ya'kuib Yulsufas governorin Seville, and the latter,settingout vigorously to suppress independenceor rebellionon every hand, soon possessed himselfof the whole region over which Sidrey Ibn Wazir held
sway; and so Silves was broughtunderthe directrule of the Almohades
in the yearof the Hijra 552 (13 February1157-3 January1158A.D.).66
Thereafterit may be presumedthat Silves remainedin due subjection to the Almohade empireuntil disasterovertookit at the hands of
crusadersand the Portuguese in 1189.67 The intermittentwarfareof
the Almohadesand the Portuguesewas particularlyviolentat times,the
raids of each carryingfar into the territoryof the other,68but neither
side gained a decisiveor permanentadvantage; and Silves seemsto have
lain too farto one side to becomedirectlyinvolved,thoughit contributed
artisans for the rebuildingof Beja in 1175 69 afterits destructionby
AffonsoHenriques, and the naval warfarebetween the fleetsof Ceuta
and Seville on the one side and Lisbon on the other swept beforeit
withoutimportantresultfrom1179 to 1181.70 The death of the caliph
AbulYa'k-lb Yiisuf in 1184 duringa famous raid into Portugal which
threatenedSantar6mand carriedas faras TorresVedras and Alcobaga 71
did not seriouslyalter the situation. His son Abul YuisufYa'k-ib alMans-ir succeeded him without opposition and ruled with equal or
greatermight. Though he was preoccupiedwith revolt in Africafor
Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, pp. 200,204.
Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, pp. 204, 239. Ibn
was transferred
to Sevillefora timeand thencrossedoverto Morocco. He died
at Sale in A.H. 558 (A.D. 1162-63).


66fIbn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, pp. 204, 239; Ibn

ed. Casanova,II, 192; Codera,op. cit.,pp. 51-52.
67 On the general
positionof the Almohadesand the Muslimoppositionwhichtheyen-

countered see Alfred Bel, Les Benou Ghdnya,Derniers Representantsde lEmpire Almoravide,
et Leur Lutte contrel'Empire Almohade (Paris, 1903), pp. 20-22.

El An6nimode Madridy Copenhague,

ed. Huici,pp. 3-11, 17, 19,32-37; Ibn Khaldin,


See thefullanalysiswiththesourcesin R. Dozy, Recherches

surl'Histoireetla Litterature

op. cit., II, 198, 204.

69 El An6nimo de Madrid y
Copenhague,ed. Huici, p. 10.
70 Ibid., pp. 15-16,19; cf.Ibn Khaldtun,
op. cit., II, 202,204.
de lEspagne pendantle Moyen Age, II, 443-480.

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a number of years,72his position in Spain was not therebyseriously

weakened, and by 1188 he was planning a renewal of the holy war.73
He was competentlyrepresentedin Seville by one ofhis kinsmen,74
Silves was being governed by AYsa b. Abul Hafs b. 'Ali who was apparentlya son of the great shaikh AbulHafs 'Omar and is describedas
'greatly experiencedin the defense of frontiers."75 There was no
Muslim rebellionin any quarter,and the menace of the Christiansdid
not appear to be particularlyacute.
And yet, as it happened, the Christian menace suddenly became
grave in the summerof 1189 beforeal-Mansulrwas preparedto meet it.
AlfonsoVIII of Castile had carried a raid throughouta good part of
Muslim Spain. His columnshad swept throughthe regionof Cordova
and over the fairand fertileAljarafe to the east of Seville. A number
of importantcastles had been seized, and, according to the Anales
Toledanos,Alfonso'sforceshad even reached the sea.76 "Al-Andalus,"
says a Muslim contemporary,"swayed back and forthwithencounters
and surprises,and the inhabitants were like a weaver's shuttle." 77
And while the governorof Seville was thus fully occupied with the
Castilian menace and unable to turn his attentionelsewhere,the blow
had fallenon the shoresof distant al-Gharb. Alvor had been stormed
and sacked with an appalling slaughterin June,78and in July,August,
and SeptemberSilves had suffereda fate hardlyless terrible;and there
had been none but local forcesto offerresistance.79
But the Christiantriumphwas to be shortlivedforthe news of the
disastersof 1189 stirredal-Mansuirto an extraordinaryeffortto redress
the balance. Sending word to his representativesin Spain to make
he himselfcrossedthe Strait with a large
army in the springof 1190 81 and advanced fromTarifa on June 6.82
72El An6nimo
de Madridy Copenhague,
ed., Huici, pp. 41-58; Ibn Khalduinop. cit., II,
206-212;Bel, Les BenouGhdnya,
pp. 28-88.
73El An6nimode Madridy Copenhague,
ed., Huici,p. 60.
74AbuiHafs Yatktib,son of his uncle AbuiHafs, accordingto El An6nimode Madridy
ed. Huici,p. 60,62; AbuiYuisufIbn Hafs,according
to Ibn Khaldiun,
op.cit.,II, 212.
75El An6nimo
ed. Huici,p. 61; see above,p. 628,note282. He is
(op.cit.,II, 215) as a witnessofal-Mansuir's
76 For further
details see El An6nimode Madrid y Copenhague,
ed. Huici, pp. 61-62;
in Fl6rez,Espaiia Sagrada,XXIII, 393; cf.A. Ballesterosy Beretta,Historia
de Espan'a (Barcelona,1918-36),II, 266-267;Ibn Khalduin,op. cit.,II, 212.
77El An6nimode Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,p. 62.
78 See below,AppendixB, pp. 663-666.
7 Accordingto Ibn Abi Zar' (al-Kirtds,being AnnalesRegumMauritaniae,ed. C. J.
II, 191,192),whoseinformation
is certainly
to someextentconfused
and ofdoubtful
value,Beja was also takenby the Chirstians,
and lost againin 1191withtheloss ofSilves.
80Cf. El An6nimode Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,pp. 60, 63-64.
81Ibid.,p. 63: "domingo23 de Rabia." Sincetheauthordoes notsay whether
he means
Rabl' I or Rabl' II, and sincethe 23rdwas not a Sundayin eithermonthin thisyear,it is

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He orderedthe governorof Seville to lead a large forceto the siege of

Silves, and by early July the place had been invested and was under
attack both by land and sea 83-but not, as it would seem, beforethe
Portuguesegarrisonhad been considerablystrengthenedby the chance
arrivalof a storm-tossedvessel fromLondon bearingmorethan eighty
sturdycrusaderswho agreedto remainand participatein the defenseof
the city.84 Meanwhile, the caliph himselfstruckat the heart of King
Sancho's dominions. Advancing with a large force which had been
assembled and equipped in Cordova and Seville, he crossedthe Tagus
on June 24, took Torres Novas aftera short siege, and pushed on to
beleaguer the great Templar strongholdof Tomar.85 The danger to
the Portuguesemonarchyseemed extreme,and our Almohadeauthority
asserts that al-Mansulrrefusedthe peace for which Sancho sued and
orderedthe devastation of the countryas far as Coimbra.86 But the
dangerevidentlywas not so great as it appeared to be, and the timely
arrival in Santarem of a band of English crusaderswho had recently
landed at Lisbon suddenlyturnedthe scale.87 Our Christianauthority
declares that it was al-Mansulrwho asked for peace and Sancho who
refusedit.88 In any case the caliph fell back precipitatelyon Seville,
where he arrived on July 16, and ordered the liftingof the siege of
Silves.89 The reason assigned in the Muslim source for this sudden
suspension of hostilities-" porque los precios habian subido y los
socorosdel pais comenzaban a faltar"-is not unnaturalin this kind of
impossibleto give an exact date. Huici has erredin his inference
that the date shouldbe
82El An6nimo
de Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,p. 64.
83 Ibid., 64:
"Sali6 el Sid contodoslos soldadosde que hemoshechomenci6n,despuesde
reunira los que se habianadelantado,conlos que se habianretrasado,
el primerode Chumada
el aual [June6] y continuaron
su marchahastallegardelantede Silves. A finesdel citadomes
[JumadaI endedJuly5] liegaronlas escuadras,multiplicaronse
las algaradasportierray por
mar; levantaronsemdquinasy aprestosde guerra;acercaronseal murolas tropasde linea y
apretarona los sitiados,hasta ahogarlosy, entretanto
que continuabael cerco,arreciabaunas
vecesel ataque y se calmabaotras."
84 For fulldetails
see GestaRegisHenriciSecundi,ed. Stubbs,II, 116-118.
85 El An6nimo
de Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,pp. 64-65 ("el riode Beja" in thetext
is probablyan errorfor"el rioTajo"); GestaRegisHenriciSecundi,ed. Stubbs,II, 118; Roger
ed. Stubbs,III, 175; Ibn Khaldin, op. cit.,II, 212.
86El An6nimo
de Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,pp. 65-66.
87 Gesta
Regis Henrici Secundi, ed. Stubbs,II, 118-119.
88 Ibid.: "Qui [al-Mansfir]
timuitvalde,et missis
legatissuis ad regemPortingalensen,
petiitab eo Silviamcivitatem,
et ipse recederet,
et redderetei castellum[TorresNovas] quod ceperat,et pacemhaberetcumillo septemannis."

El An6nimo de Madrid y Copenhague,ed. Huici, p. 66; Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, ed.

Stubbs,II, 119. According

to thelattersourcetheprecipitate
was explainedto the
Christiansby a falsereportof the caliph'sdeath. I have not discoveredon whatauthority
Herculano(Historiade Portugal,8th ed., III, 206) dates the liftingof the siegeof Tomaron
July11. TorresNovas was evidentlyabandoned.

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warfarein which the army was expected to live offthe country,90

it can hardlybe doubted that the arrivalof the northerncrusaderswas
also an importantconsideration.91
But al-Mansulr'sabandonmentof the strugglewas only temporary.
Next year he prepared himselfonce more and renewed the contest.
Settingout fromSeville at the end ofApril,he took Alcacer do Sal on or
about June 10 afteran elaborate siege in which he was assisted by a
fleetin the Sado.92 He orderedthe fortressto be repaired,and placed
it under the command of the experiencedgeneraland poet, Abu Bakr
Muhammad b. SidreyIbn Wazir al-Shilbi (of Silves),93son of that Abu
Muhammad Sidrey Ibn Wazir who had played so prominenta role,
firstas a supporterand then as an enemy of Ibn Kasi, in the previous
generation.94Then pushingon, he forcedthe capitulationof the lofty
strongholdof Palmela, and orderedits destruction.95Then, advancing
still further,he reached the shores of the Tagus opposite Lisbon and
took the castle of Almada.96 Thereafterhe turned southward and,
arrivingbeforeSilves on June27, he investedit so closelythat all communicationwiththe outside worldwas effectively
cut and the garrison
feltits situation to be hopeless. On July 10 a truce was arrangedto
give time for communicationwith King Sancho, and permissionto
capitulate having been obtained,the Christiansmarchedout some ten
days later.97 Leaving Silves on July23, al-Mansfirreturnedto Seville
90 Cf. E. Levi-Provengal,
L'EspagneMusulmaneau xAmeSiecle,p. 139: "Il fallait,pour
que le califedecidatla misesurpied d'uneexpedition
estivale,que la r6coltes'annongAt
commel'armeese ravitaillaitsur place, cetteconditionetait essentielle.. . . Les anneesde
disette,bienentendu,on ne pouvaitsongerA partiren guerre."
91Indeed, in the lightof what had happenedin 1189 and of the knowledgewhichalMansfirmusthave had of the generaloutpouring
of maritimecrusadersfromthe North,he
maywellhave considered
thata prolongedsiegeofSilveswas notto be thoughtofuntilafter
the northerners
had passed.
92El Anonimo
de Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,pp. 68-69; RogerofHowden,Chronica,
ed. Stubbs,III, 175.
93El An6nimo
deMadridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,p. 69; Ibn al-Abbar,in Dozy,Noticessur
QuelquesManuscritsArabes,p. 239; cf. al-Makkarl,in Pascual de Gayangos,Historyof the
Dynastiesin Spain, II, 320; Ibn Khaldiin,HistoiredesBerberes,
ed. Casanova,II,
212. His fullnameas givenby Ibn al-Abbarwas AbfiBakr Muhammadb. SidreyIbn 'Abd
al-Wahab Ibn Wazir al-Keisi; al-Makkarlcalls him Abfi'Abd Allah Ibn Wazir al-Shilbi.
See below,p. 662.
94 Ibn al-Abbar,
loc.cit.;compareabove,pp. 653-656.
95El An6nimo
de Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,pp. 69-70; Rogerof Howden,Chronica,
ed. Stubbs,III, 175. The garrisonof Palmela was permitted
to retireintothe unconquered
of King Sancho.
96El Anonimode Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici, p. 70. Lacunae in the textmake it
impossibleto determine
fromthis sourcewhetherAlmada was taken or not, but Roger of
Howden(op. cit.,III, 175) putsthematterbeyonddoubt.
97 El An6nimo
de Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,p. 70: "Entonceslevant6el campoy se
dirigi6,conla ayuda de Dios, hacia Silves,a dondelleg6el jueves2 de Chumadael ajer. ...
Rode6ronlalos campamentos
portodas partes,de modoque no le dejaban respirar,
ni podian
llegara ella noticiasde cristianospor ninguin
camino. Se colmaronlos fososde escombros,

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on the 28th and so concluded a three months' campaign of continuous

victories;98 and early in October he crossedover to Morocco.99
The Portugueseattemptto dominate a large part of the regionbeyond the Tagus had collapsed and for a good many years to come it
seems to have been the deliberatepolicy of the monarchynot to renew
it.100 Meanwhilethe powerofthe Almohadesin Spain remainedstrong
and with the crowningvictory of Alarcos in the summer of 1195 it
became almost overwhelming. And yet so distant and exposed a post
as Silves remainedopen to sudden attack; and, if we can accept the unsupportedauthorityof the English chronicler,Roger of Howden, it was
seized and greatlydamaged by a band of German maritimecrusaders
in 1197,thoughhis assertionthat theycompletelydestroyedit is doubtless an exaggeration.101In any case the power of the Almohades in
al-Gharb cannot have sufferedmore than a temporaryshock, and the
survivingevidence shows that their orderlyadministrationremained
intact for some years longer. The sayyid (lord) Abu 'Abd Allah b.
Abu Hafs b. 'Abd al-Mu'min was appointed to rule the province in
1198,102and the sayyidAbu Muhammad 'Abd al-Wahid b. Abu Ya'kfib
y la desgracialos visitabacon sus rayosmafianay tarde. El miercoles15 del mes . . . se
de la mananalos cristianospara reunirse;confiaron
en que aquella horano era
propiapara el ataque; los musulmanes
expiabanlos azares de la guerracon la vigilanciade la
luna nuevade Xaual. Conociouno de los adalidesla negligencia
de los cristianos
y el descuido
y el suefioa que estabanentregados;asalto el muro,y acudiotrasel un grupode soldadosque
levantaronbanderas,redoblaronlos tamboresy se llen6el aire de gritosinvocandoa Dios y
de voces. Los cristianosno se despertaron
hasta verseen manosde la muerte,entreheridos
y batidos;se encontraron
en un lago de su propiasangre,y clamaronpidiendocon ansia una
un plazo de diezdias y se separaron. Su tiranopermitioles
y les di6 las graciaspor su constanciaen tan grandeprueba;salierondel castillode Silves,el
jueves 23 de Chumadael ajer." The last date is inconsistent,
Thursdaybeingthe 23rdin
thisyear. See also 'Abd al-Wahidal-Marrakushi,
by E. Fagnan,p. 243; Ibn TKhalduin,
op. cit.,II, 212; Ibn al-Athir,
Annalesdu Maghrebet de
by E. Fagnan,pp. 608-609.
As indicatedabove (p. 657, note 79), accordingto Ibn Abi Zar', Beja was lost by the
Christiansat thistime,but I am inclinedto believetheywerenotholdingit.
98El An6nimo de Madrid y Copenhague,ed. Huici,p. 70.
99Ibid., p. 71.


is to be observedthatSilvescapitulatedto the Almohadesin 1191withthe consent

ofKing Sanchoand, as faras we know,he displayedno interestin the Germanattackon the
place in 1197. His successor,Affonso
II, appearsto have takenno partin the conquestof
Alc6cerdo Sal by northerncrusadersin 1217. See Herculano,Historiade Portugal,8th
ed., IV, 95-98.
101 Chronica,
ed. Stubbs, IV, 26: "Exercitusautem imperatoris,
qui de Alemanniaet
caeteristerrisejus iterJerosolimitanum
fecitin Normanniam
et Angliam;et sic rectumcursumtenensusquein Hispaniam,eripuitcivitatemSilviaede manu
paganorum;quam penitusdestruxerunt,
non relinquentes
enim quod, si eam tradidissent
regi Portugalensi,
ipse eam amitteret,sicut priusfecerat."
ThoughRogerof Howdenis the only chronicler
who mentionsthis attackupon Silves,the
Germanmaritimecrusadeis notedbrieflyin ChronicaRegia Coloniensis(ed. GeorgWaitz,

Hanover, 1880, p. 160) and in Annales Stadenses (M. G. H., Scriptores,XVI, 353).

El An6nimode Madridy Copenhague,

ed. Huici,p. 89; Ibn Khaldiin,op. cit.,II, 215.

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was made governorof "Silves and al-Gharb" in 1203.103 As late as

1210 or 1211 (A.H. 607) we note the appointmentof a kadi of Silves,
the ka'id Abul'Abd Addar AMsaof Murcia.104
But duringthe period of Almohade decline afterthe disasterof Las
Navas da Tolosa (1212) we lose trackofeventsin the farSouthwest,and
the finalconquestofal-Gharbby the Portuguesein 1249 findsno echo in
the Muslim sources and remains an event of much obscurityin the

Idrisi's praise of Silves as a centre of culture106 is reechoedin the

works of later geographers,notably Abui'l-Fida'107 and al-KazwInij108
and it findsconsiderablesupportin concretefactswhichmay be briefly
enumerated. As noted above, the well-knownpoet of the eleventh
centuryIbn 'Ammar,whoselife,both politicaland literary,is so closely
connectedwithSilves, was a native of the province;and he foundcompetentinstructionand completeda good part ofhis education underthe
grammarianof Silves, Abu'l-Hajjaj Yfusufb. 'Isa al-A'lam.109 The
poet king of Seville, al-Mu'tamid, whose verses on Silves have already
been mentioned,110
and who was fora time the city's governor,is declared by Abu'l-Fida' to have been brought up there.111'Abd alWahid al-Marrlkushi,who relates how Ibn 'Ammar at a criticalmomentin his careerfoundpatronageat the hands of a wealthymerchant
of Silves,112
tells a similarstoryof the twelfth-century
poet Ibn H'abbuis
who had the good fortuneto fall into the hands of an inhabitant of
Silves who had set aside the incomeof a piece of land wortha hundred
dinars a year for the support of poets.113 The devotion to poetry of
the twelfth-century
rebelswhosenames are associated withSilves seems
remarkable. Poems have survivedby Ibn Kasi himself,114
as well as by
his followerIbn al-Mundhir15and by a certainAbui 'Omar Ahmad b.
'Abd Allah b. Haryfunal-Shilbi (of Silves), who is describedas one of
Ibn Kasi's ministers;116 and while we hear nothingof verse-makingby

An6nimode Madridy Copenhague,

ed. Huici,p. 98.
Ibid.,p. 114.
105 See Herculano,
Historia de Portugal,8thed., V, 88-92.
106 Above,pp. 645-646.
107 Geographie
by EJ. T.] Reinaud,II, 237.
108 Citedby R. A. Nicholson,
A LiteraryHistoryoftheArabs,London,1907,p. 416.
109 See
above,p. 650, note33.

11OSee above, p. 651.

"I Geographied'Aboulfeda,Frenchtranslation
by EJ. T.] Reinaud,II, 237,240.
112 Histoire des Almohades,Frenchtranslation
by E. Fagnan,pp. 97-98.
113Ibid., pp. 184-185.
114 Ibn al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits
Arabes, p. 201. Ibn Kasi is

also creditedwiththe authorship

of a book entitledKhal 'al-Natlainfi 'l-Tasawwuf. See

Encyclopaedia of Islam, s. v. Ibn KasL.

115 Ibn
al-Abbar, in Dozy, Notices sur Quelques Manuscrits Arabes, p. 204.

Ibid., p. 201.

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AbuiMuhammad Sidrey Ibn Wazir, we do have poems by his son Abui

Bakr Ibn Wazir al-Shilbi whose reputationas it survivedin the later
work of al-Makkari was quite as illustriousfor poetry as for generalship."'7 In another passage al-Makkari tells us of a famous man of
letters,Abii Merwan 'Abd al-Malik Ibn Bedrfin,and of a famousgrammarian,Abii Muhammad 'Abd Allah, son ofIbn al-Sid of Badajoz, both
of whom were born in Silves.118 Finally, Dozy refersto Ibn Kasim, a
historianof the reignof al-Mu'tamid, who was a native of Silves.'19
117Ibid., p. 239; al-Makkari, in Pascual de Gayangos, HistoryoftheMohammedanDynasties

in Spain, II, 320; compareabove,p. 659.

118 Pascual

de Gayangos, Historyof theMohammedanDynasties in Spain, I, 62.

119Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, new ed., III, 181.

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For the conquest and destructionof Alvor the Turin text published
in the present work is by far the best survivingsource: 1 the author
wrotefromgood informationand he indicates wherehe got it. Ships
fromGermanyand fromFlanders (de nostroimperioetde Flandria) had
preceded by four or five weeks the fleet which, bearing the author,
arrivedin the port of Lisbon on July3 or 4: that is to say, this earlier
fleetmust have been in the Tagus at the end of May or the beginning
of June. Thereafterit had sailed on beyond Lisbon and stormedthe
strongholdof Alvor (castrumnomineAlvor), a dependencyof Silves;
and therehad been timefora Portuguesegalleyto accompanyit beyond
Alvor as far as the Strait of Gibraltarand to returnto Lisbon bearing
Saracen prisonersand the good news beforethe departureof the author
ofthe Turintexton July14 forthe furthervoyage to Silves. Evidently
the conquest ofAlvorhad occurredduringthe monthof June,as Kurth
(pp. 164, 174) has calculated; a more definitedate cannot be given.
The stormingof Alvor culminated in a frightfulslaughterof the
inhabitantsof the port and otherneighboringcommunitieswhichmade
a deep impressionon our author. Neitherage nor sex had been spared,
he says, and accordingto reportswhich he believed veracious, about
5,600 had been done to death; and, reportingthe passing of the fleeton
whichhe himselfsailed,he adds, "We saw AlvorCastle in ruins,situated
.on the sea, and otherdesertedcastles whose inhabitantshad been killed
in Alvor"; and in a later passage, wherehe gives a list of the castella
whichfell into the hands of the Christiansas a result of the conquest
of Silves,he remarkson theiremptiness,a part oftheirinhabitantshaving been killed in Alvor thoughthe greaterpart had fledinto Silves.
The frightful
massacre of the Muslims at Alvor evidentlyfindsan
echo in the one Arabic sourcewhichseems to referto the event,namely
the Anonymousof Madrid and Copenhagen. The author of this remarkable contemporarywork concludes his narrativeof the Christian
conquest of Silves in 1189 as follows:"Destruy6 el enemigoun castillo
de la comarca, llamado del Puerto, y di6 muertea cuantos en el habi'a,
grandesy pequefios,hombresy mujeres. Dios premiesu martirioel dia
de la resurrecci6n."2 This account, comingjust afterthe fall of Silves,

Above,pp. 616-617,634.
An6nimode Madridy Copenhague,
ed. Huici,p. 61.


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is somewhatout oforderin the narrative;and yetit seems all but certain

that by El Puerto the author refersto Alvor, the Portus Hannibalis
of the ancients.
Apart fromthe Turin text, the only contemporary,or nearly contemporary,Christianworkto referspecificallyto the-conquestof Alvor
seems to be the ChronicaRegia Coloniensis,and here again there is
evidence of the deep impressionmade by the ruthlessslaughterof the
inhabitants. The account, with some abridgment,is as follows: "In
quadragesima [1189] naves undelibet adventantes et sibi invicem
copulatae velis oppansis iter aequoreum ingressae sunt. Quae post
decem dies navigationis suae prosperante Deo terrae Sancti Jacobi
applicuerunt. Erant sexagintanaves ex eis, virorumvero pugnatorum
ad 10 milia et amplius . . . Inde . . . cum in Affricaepartes venissent,
urbemgentiliumpopulosam nomineAlbur oppugnantet capiunt atque
aurum et argentum infinituminde detrahunt, urbicis in ore gladii
Though it is impossibleto be quite certain,it seems very probable
that it is this same expedition(ratherthan the later one whichresulted
in the conquest of Silves) which is describedby the contemporaryannalist LambertusParvus (d. 1194), a monkof Liege, who tells of a force
of Frisians, Danes, Flemings,and men of Cologne and Liege who set
sail in fifty-five
ships in the springof 1189 and waged manybattles with
the pagans as they passed around Spain beforegoing on to Sicily and
to Acre.4
Lambert makes no mentioneitherof Alvor or the massacre; but an
echo of the latter, now erroneouslytransferredfromAlvor to Silves,
surelyreaches us in anothercontemporaryor nearlycontemporary,
confused,narrative which has survived in almost identical words in
several places. It may be quoted fromthe Chroniconof Robert of
Auxerre,whereit is likelyto be in as nearlyits originalformas it is now
possible to obtain it: "De Fresia et Datia 50 naves pariter federate
3 Chronica Regia Coloniensis,ed. Waitz, pp. 142-143.

Lambertus Parvus, Annales, in M.G.H., Scriptores,XVI, 649. The arrival at Acre on

September 1 of the naval forceswhich had destroyed Alvor is perhaps reportedby Arnold of
Ltibeek (Chronica Slavorum, ed. J. M. Lappenberg, Hanover, 1868, pp. 141-142) as follows:
"Denique tertia die obsidionis in Kalendis Septembris apparuit multitudo navium de diversis
Teutonicorum partibus venientium. . . Fuerunt autem quinquaginta quinque naves Teutonicorumexpansis velis applicantes." Their arrival is also mentionedby Ralph of Coggeshall
(De Expugnatione Terrae Sanctae Libellus, in his ChroniconAnglicanum,ed. Joseph Stevenson,
London, 1875, p. 252); and the Itinerarium Peregrinorumet Gesta Regis Ricardi (ed. William
Stubbs, London, 1864), p. 65, after recordingthe same event, erroneouslyaccredits them with
the conquest of Silves (instead Alvor): "Nec praetereundumsilentio quod a praetereuntibus
insigniterest gestum,nam urbem quandam in maritimaHispaniae quae Silvia dicitur,audaciter
impetunt,citiusexpugnant,caesisque Gentilibusincolis et urbe Christianistradita,ibidem etiam
ordinato antistite,victores procedunt."

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eandem peregrinationem
arripiunt. De Flandriis quoque 37 rates cum
grandiapparatu secute sunt,et dum per Hispanias transeunt,quandam
SaracenorumurbemnomineSilviam obsident. Et post 40 dies captam
diripiunt. Nulli etati parcitur, sexus uterque pariter trucidatur.
Plurimumin ea opum et ornamentorumrepertumest et intereos equa
distributionepartitum. Regi de Portugal urbem reliqueretenendam.
Alia quoque Saracenorumoppida ab eis direpta sunt." 5 From Robert
of Auxerrethis account was embodied in the chronicleof William of
Nangis 6 and also in that of St. Martin's of Tours; 7 and accordingto a
Portuguesescholarof the eighteenthcentury,VincenteSalgado, it also
appeared in a manuscriptchronicle (which he ascribed to a certain
"Hugo, author coevo daquelles dias") in the libraryof the bishop of
Beja.8 Verbal similaritiescan leave little doubt that this narrativeis
also the ultimatesource of a letterpurportingto be fromPope Clement
III to the Byzantine emperorIsaac Angelus (reportinginteralia the
conquestof Silves) whichhas oftenbeen cited as genuinebut whichwas
in fact a crude fabricationof the sixteenthcentury.9
As Kurth (p. 169) rightlyperceived,thereis in this narrativea confusionof two major enterprises. The fiftyships fromFrisia and Denmark must prettycertainlybe assigned to the earlierexpeditionwhich
resulted in the conquest of Alvor, as must also the referenceto the
slaughterof the defeated: therewas no such massacre at the conquest
of Silves. On the other hand we know that the northernforcewhich
sailed to the conquest of Silves consistedof thirty-seven
of coursetheywerenot all Flemish; and it is evidentthat the statement
about a siege of fortydays, while not strictlyaccurate, must referto
5 Robert

of Auxerre,Chronicon,in M.G.H., Scriptores,XXVI, 254.

Chronicon,in Recueil des Historiens . . . de la France (ed. Martin Bouquet and others,
Paris, 1738-1904), XX, 745.
7 ChroniconTuronense,in E. Martene and U. Durand, VeterumScriptorum . . . Amplissima Collectio(Paris, 1724-33), V, col. 1031-1032.
8 Vincente Salgado, Memorias Ecclesiasticas do Reino do Algarve (Lisbon, 1786), I, 268;
cf. Kurth, p. 168, note 9.
9 It is undated but was assigned by Philipp Jaffe(Regesta PontificumRomanorum,2nd
ed., Leipzig, 1888, no. 16373), quite impossibly,to the end of 1188. It was cited as genuine by
Riant in his Expeditions et Pelerinagesdes Scandinaves en TerreSainte au Temps des Croisades,
(1865), p. 277, though at a later date he was undoubtedly aware of its spurious character. It
has also been cited as genuine,among others,by R. Rohricht (Beitrdgezur GeschichtederKreuzzuige,II, 200, note 122), Kurth (p. 168), and Chroust (p. cii). Attentionwas drawn to its true
character by Johannes Geyer (Papst Klemens III, 1187-1191, Bonn, 1914, being Jenaer
HistorischeArbeiten,VII, 36). Published in Nicolaus Reusner, Epistolarum Turcicarum . . .
Libri V (Frankfort,1598-1600), pp. 16-17, it evidently was taken fromEpistolae Principum,
Rerumpublicarum,ac Sapientum Virorum, ex Antiquis & Recentioribus,tam Graecis, quam
Latinis Historiis & Annalibus Collectae (Venice: apud JordanumZilettum,1574), p. 131, "un
recueil d'exercises epistolaires" made by JeronimoDoncellini, an obscure physician of Verona.
See Paul Riant, "Inventaire Critique des Lettres Historiques des Croisades," in Archivesde
l'OrientLatin (Paris, 1881-84), 1, 126.

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Silves, since Alvor was probably taken by stormin a very shorttime

and, in any case, its conquest cannot have requiredfortydays.'0
The numberand varietyofreferencesto northernmaritimecrusaders
sailingforthe Mediterraneanduring1189, and perhaps also beforethe
end of 1188, are very confusing. Kurth's effort(pp. 161-183) to fit
them all togetherand bringthem into harmony,while interestingand
helpful,is not whollyconvincing,particularlyin view of the fact that
he makes no allowance for sailings of which no record has survived.
A carefulreadingof the extant sourcesleaves the impressionthat while
two distinctinternationalexpeditionsare to be reckonedwith in the
summerof 1189 (namely,the earlierwhichstormedAlvor and the later
whichconqueredSilves), therewas a moreor less continuousoutpouring
of northernmaritimiduringthe sailing season and that some sailings
have gone unrecorded. Attentionmay be drawn to a statementby
the author of the Turin text, made in connectionwith his enforced
delay of twenty-threedays at Sandwich: "Ibi et alie [naves] ad nos
venerunt,sed pro diversisnecessitatibusquedam precesserunt,quedam
tardiussubsequutesuint."11 A statementofthe AnonymousofMadrid
and Copenhagen,made apropos of the Christianconquest of Silves in
1189, is also worthquoting in this connection:"Ocurri6 la llegada de
cierto nuimerode naves cristianas, que iban seguinsu costumbre a
Jerusalen,desde que habia sido arrancada a la gentede su religi6n;iban
cada aniopara cumplirun voto que hacian, segunsus creenciasreligiosas,
y librarsede la promesa y de las condicionesa que los habian sujetado
sus religiosos."12
Still another passage in the same source13 gives an account of a
Moorish naval victory,apparentlyin the regionof the Strait of Gibraltar, whichresultedin the destructionof Christianships and the death
of a part of theircrewsand the captivityof the rest-a victoryof such
importanceas to cause the name of al-Mansuirto be celebratedby the
poets. The account leaves an unfortunateuncertaintyconcerningthe
exact date ofthisnaval engagement,but it would seem to have occurred
in the early springof 1190, a date at which one would hardlyhave expected northernvessels to be in the Strait,unless they had winteredin
some Portugueseharborsuch as Lisbon. In any case we have evidence
here of Christianships endeavoringto pass the Strait of which there
seems to be no recordin Christiansources.
10 Above,pp. 616-617.
11Above,p. 611.

12 El An6nimo de Madrid
"3 Ibid., p. 63.

y Copenhague,ed. A. Huici, pp. 60-61.

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a~Palrneloa Eoa

Sao B


lsl eu


C ad

de la
36 -



n 11"'eil


'S^e Tangien

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aot Rabia

M iles




The lIberian Peninsula. and NorthwestAfrica to Illustrate the ATarratiode Itinere Navali.

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Narratiode ItinereNavali, by CHARLES W. DAVID.


Mediaevalnamesof personsare arrangedalphabetically

underthe Englishformof the
Christianname,mediaevalplace namesalphabetically
underthe modernform. Bibliographical citationsare,withrareexceptions,
to thefirstor mainreference
'Abd-Allah,emirof Cordova,647
AbfuMuhammad'Abd Allah,662
'Abd al-Mu'min,Almohadecaliph,654, 655, AbfuMuhammad 'Abd al-Wahid b. Abul
'Abd al-RahmanII, emirofCordova,648
Abu MuhammadSidreyIbn Wazir,653-656
'Abd al-Rah.manIII, emir and caliph of
passim, 659, 662
Abfu'OmarAhmadb. 'Abd Allahb. Haryuln
'Abd al-Wahidal-Marrakushi,
650, 651, 661;
Histoire des Almohades, translator E. FaAbu Ya'kub Yulsuf,
AbuiYuisufIbn Hafs,657
Abui Ytisuf Ya;kfib al-Mansuir,Almohade
Abencasi, see Abu'l-Kasim Ahmed b. alcaliph,595,640,656,657,658,659,666
HussainIbn Kas1
Acad6mie Royale des Sciences et BellesAboi'l-H'addjadj YoAsofb. 'Isa el-A'lem,see
Lettresde Bruxelles,
Abu'l-HajjdjYiisufb. 'Isa al-A'lam
Ach-Chinchin,see al-Shinshin
Abui'Abd AddarAisa, 1ddiofSilves,661
Abfu'Abd Allah b. AbuI Hafs b. 'Abd al- AffonsoHenriques,King of Portugal,594,
Mu'min, sayyid,660
Abfu'Abd AllahIbn Waziral-Shilbi,see Abu Affonso
II, kingofPortugal,660
Bakr Muhammadb. SidreyIbn Waziral- Africa,602,603,615,621,637,638,639,640,
Abui'Abd Allah Muhammadb. 'Isa, called Agromera,Agummera,see jihomara
al-NdEir,650, 651
Aisa ben Abuhafsben Ali, see Aisa b. Abui
Hafs b. 'Ali
Abiu'Amr'Abbad,calledal-Mu'tadid,'Abba- Aisa b. AbfuHafs b. 'Ali, alcayde of Silves,
did rulerof Seville,649,650,652
AbfuBakr Ibn Waziral-Shilbi,see AbfuBakr Aix-en-Provence,
b. SidreyIbn Waziral-Shilbi Al-Andalfus,
648, 649, 652, 654-657passim
AbuiBakr MubammadIbn 'Ammar,poet- Alarcos,battleof,660
politicianof Silves,650,651,661
Al-Bahr, see Albee
AbiuBakr Muhammadb. SidreyIbn 'Abd Albamus,Albanius,seeAlbainus
al-WahabIbn Waziral-Keisi,seeAbuiBakr Albainus, alcayde of Silves (dominuscivitatis),
b. SidreyIbn Waziral-Shilbi
Abu Bakr Muhammadb. SidreyIbn Wazir Albee,sea of,639
Albufeira (Albafere),634
AbuIHafs 'Omar,see AbuiHafs 'Omarb. 'Ali Albur,seeAlvor
Alcacerdo Sal, 594,635,659,660
AbuiHafs 'Omarb. 'Ali Azannag,628,657
Alcaz, 602, 620
AbfuHjafsYa'k1ib,son ofAbfuHafs,657
Alcobaqa,656; monastery
Abu'l-Asbagh'Isa b. Abi Bakr,649, 650
AlexanderIII, pope,630,631
661; G1eographie,
AlfonsoI, kingofAragonand Navarre,631
Abu'l-Hajjaj Yuisufb. 'Isa al-A'lam,gram- AlfonsoII, kingofAragon,642
AlfonsoVIII, kingofCastile,657
Abu'l-KasimAhmedb. al-HusainIbn Kasi Algarve (Algarbia), Arabic al-Gharb, 633,
Abu'l-WalidMuhammadb. 'Omar Ibn al- Algazimir,Algaziuir, see Algeciras
Mundhir,653,654, 655,656,661
Algeciras (lezerita Hadra), Arabic al-Jazira
Abu Merwan'Abd al-MalikIbn Bedrun,662
al-Khadra', 637, 640, 655

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Al-G.hazdli,Muslim philosopher-theologian,
de l'OrientLatin,665
ArchivoNacionalda Torredo Tombo,633
Arnoldof Liubeck,ChronicaSlavorum,editor
J. M. Lappenberg,
Arnold,Thomas,editor,see Johnof Hexham
see al-rabad
Al-iLasr al-$aghir (Cacir Mucemuthe),the Arrifana,
Arzila(Azila), SpanishMorocco,638
KaFrMasmida ofIdrisi,640
Aschbach,J. von, Geschichte
Spaniens und
Alleuur,see Guadalquivir
Asseca (Aceca),river,634
Almadina,602,620,621,625, 644
vigilof,625; octaveof,627
Al-Mahdi,see Abu'l-Kasim Ahmed b. al- Assumption,
HusainIbn Kasi
Aviles(Abilez),613,614; river,614
659,662; Nafhal-Tib,609
seeAbuiYiisufYa'1ab al-Mansir Avis (or Evora), military
Almeida,Fortunatode, Hist6riada Igreja em Azemmur(Inzemitz),FrenchMorocco,602,
Azevedo,P. de, editor,see Herculano,HisAlmeria(Almaria),641,652
toriade Portugal
621, 640, 655,
Badajoz, 647,654,655
Al-Mu'tadid,seeAbu 'Amr'Abbad
Al-Mu'tamid,'Abbadidrulerof Seville,651, Baetis,river,see Guadalquivir
Bakr,son ofYahya b. Bakr,647, 648
Al-Muwa((d'see Mdlikb. Anas
see Abu'l-Asbagh'Isa b. Abi Balj b. Bisher,646
Ballesterosy Beretta,A., Historiade Espania,
(II), see 'Isa b. Muhammad
Al-Nasir,see Aba 'Abd AlldhMuhammadb. BanuiMuzain,Taifa dynasty,649, 650
Barbary(Barbaria),land oftheBerbers,602,
Al-rabad(suburb),619, 644
palace of,650,651,655
Barrazb. Muhammadal-Masuifi,
AlvaroMartins,vassalofKing SanchoI, 632 Beja, 647,653-657passim,660; bishopof,665
Les BenouGhdnya,
Alverrana,al-barraniya,albarrana (watch- Bel, Alfred,
Belle Ile (Wechele),
of Morbihan,
599,602,608,616,617,633,634,657,663- Beniajan,641
Beni Harun,633
666 passim;river,616
Berthou,Paul de, editor,see Cartulairede
de QuimperkU
l'Abbayede Sainte-Croix
Anaphe,the Anfaof Idrisi,see Casablanca
Anfa,see Casablanca
BibliotecaNacionalde Lisboa, 633; Gzuiade
Anjou (Andagavia),613
Biscay,Bay of,601
of Madridand Copenhagen,
628, Bishops,Portuguese,
see Blexen
Bofarully Broc6,A. de, HistoriaCriticade
Bofarully Mascar6,P. de,editor,seeColeccion
de DocumentosIneditos . . . de Aragon

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Borderie, A. de la, Histoirede Bretagne,613
Bouquet, M., editor,see Recueil des Historiens
. . .de la France

Chronica Regia Coloniensis, editor, Georg



of (Bremenses), Chroust,A., 597-599passim,601, 603, 606Bremen,599,610; inhabitants
622 passim,624-630 passim,632, 634-642
passim, 665; Narratio Itineris Navalis ad
Terram Sanctam, 592; see QueUen zur GeBrest,612
Breton language (linqua Britannica) in Brit-


Brito, Bernard de, Monarchia Lustyana, 609

603,612,613; bishoprics
BurgeMarie,a towerso called,628
Burriana,provinceof Castell6nde la Plana,

Cacela (Castala'), 635

schichtedes Kreuzzuges Kaiser FriedrichsI


Cintra (Sintricum),616

ClementIII, pope,608,665

Codera, Francisco, Decadencia y Desaparici6n

de los Almoravides,636


Coleccion de DocumentosIneditos del Archivo

General de la Corona de Aragon, editor, P.

Cacir,see al-Ka~ral-Saghir
de Bofarully Mascar6,631
C4diz, 601, 602, 603, 637, 638, 639; Bay of,
637; Gulfof,639; fairof,602,639
Compostela,see Santiagode Compostela
Caduba, see Corduba
Caffaro,Annales Genuenses,642

Calatrava,630,631; orderof,630,631
Camp (castra),618,619,623,625
Captives, Christian,602, 623, 629, 638;
perhapsCape St. Vincent,633
Carta de Portugal, see Instituto Geografico e


Cartagena (Kartagenia), 641

Cartulairede l'Abbayede Redcn, editor, A. de


Cartulaire de l'Abbaye de Sainte-Croix de

Quimperle,editor L. Maitre and P. de


Cartulaire Gi6n6ralde l'Ordre du Temple,

Carvoeiro(Caboiere),and Cabo de, 634
Casablanca (Anaphe,theAnfaofIdrisi),602,
Casanova,Paul, editor,see Ibn Khalduin

Conductusaquarum (water conduit), 620, 644

Conferenciascelebradasna Academia Real das
Sciencias de Lisboa, 633

Cordova (Corduba),603, 635, 641, 648, 649,

651,654,657,658; emirof,647, 648
Corduba (Caduba), 641

Cornouaille(Quimper),dioceseof Britanny,
Council (concilium),604, 626
Couraga, coiraga,see corrasce
Courson, A. de, see Cartulairede l'Abbaye de

Crusade,First,593; Second,593; Third,593,

618,627,628,632, 633,636, 643, 656, 658,
Cuntz, Otto, editor,see Itineraria Romana

Castala', Castella, Castellos,see Cacela

D'Albon, Marquis, editor, see Cartulaire

Castrum,see fortress

Danes, 664
Danna, Casimiro,596


de l'Ordredu Temple

Dardea, 619

Dar el-Beida,see Casablanca

Cementum,622, 623

Chaltich,see Saltes
villagein provinceofSilves,650Chennabo,is,

Dartmouth (Deramithie,Dertesmu),611, 612,


Dasent, G. W., translator,see OrkneyingaSaga

David, C. W., editor, see De Expugnatione
De Expugnatione Lyxbonensi, editor, C. W.

David, 593

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De Goeje,M. J.,editor,see Idrisi,Description Fagnan,E., translator,

see 'Abd al-Wahidalde l'Afriqueet de l'Espagne
Marrakushi;also see Ibn al-Athir
Delaville le Roulx, J., Les Hospitaliers en Fair,thrice-yearly,
at Cadiz,see Cadiz
TerreSainte, 631

Denia, provinceofAlicante,641
Denmark(Datia), 664, 665
De Slane, le Baron de, translator,see Ibn
Dietae (day's journeys),615, 633, 635, 636,
Diffinicionesde la Orden y Cavalleria de

Dol, 613
Domus, see houses

Dozy, R., 646, 647, 648, 649, 650, 651;
Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne, 646;
Notice sur Quelques ManuscritsArabes,652;
Recherchessur l'Histoire et la Litteraturede

Faro (Pharum, Sancta Maria de Pharum,

Sancta Maria de Caphairum), 633, 635, 636,

Fealcazar,possiblyAznalc4zaror Aznalcollar,
Fedala (Phadala), French Morocco, 637;
Cape, 637
Fig trees (ficulneae),639
Filtrum (felt),623

Cape, 615
Fleet, Almohade,594, 656, 659; crusaders',
610, 611, 618, 639, 663; King Richard's,
595; Muslim,648; Portuguese,594, 618,

l'Espagne,621; editor,see Ibn al-Abbar; Fl6rez, Enrique, Espana Sagrada, 615


also see Idrisi, Descriptionde l'Afriqueet de

Duces vie, see pilots
Dux navis, 624
Ebro (Ebora, Lebrus), river,641, 642

Egypt,sultanof,see Saladin

El An6nimo de Madrid y Copenhague,editor,

A. Huici,609
Elbe (Albia) river,599,616

Empire,Almohade,603, 619,656

Empire, German (regnumTeutonicum),623

Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada: J. Espasa,


editor, M.



Episcopatus, see Brittany, bishoprics of

Epistola de Morte FridericiImperatoris,595
Epistolae Principum, Rerumpublicarum,ac
Sapientium Virorum,665
Epistolarum TurcicarumLibri V, see Reusner,


Erdmann, Carl, Papsturkunden in Portugal,


Ericium, see siege engines

Ernemithie,see Yarmouth
Espasa, J., editor, see Enciclopedia Universal


Evora, 631, 653; king of (Rex Eburensium),

655; military
Evans, Allan, editor,see Pegolotti,F. B.,
Practica della Mercatura


French (G;alli), 612

French language (Gallorum idioma), in Brit-

El Puerto,see Alvor

Encyclopaedia of Islam,

Formatum(formacium),see tdipa,tapia,walls of
Fortress (castrum, munitio, alcaz, al-kasr,
alcagar, alcdzar), 619, 620, 621, 622, 625,

Frisia (Fresia),664,665

Galicia,594, 614, 615; knight(miles)of,624

GalleyofTuy,see Tuy,galleyof

Gascony (Waschonia), 614

Gauzon,see Goz6n

Gayangos, Pascual de, History of the MohammedanDynasties,609


614-622 passim, 624-629 passim, 632-635

passim, 637, 638, 640-642 passim; De Itinere
Navali, 592; Narrazione Storica Contemporanea, 596; Trattato delle Dignita di Torquato Tasso, 596

Arabic,603, 620, 639, 645, 661
595, 599,607,663
Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi, editor, William


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Papst KlemensIII, 665
Ibn 'Ammar,see AbuiBakr MuhammadIbn
Ghomara,land ofthe,638
Gibraltar,599, 637, 640; Bay of,637; Strait
of (strictum
mare),601, 603, 617, 636-640 Ibn H'abbuis,661
Ibn 'Idhari, 647, 648; al-Bayan al-Mughrib,
editor,E1.Uvi-Provengal,648; translator,
E. Fagnan,646
GilbertofHastings,bishopof Lisbon,594
Ibn Kasi, see Abu'l-KasimAhmed b. alGodfrey,
HusainIbn Kasi (Abencasi)
Ibn Kasim,662
GottingenGesellschaftder Wissenschaften,Ibn Khalduin, Histoire des Berberes et des
Dynasties Musulmanes de l'Afrique Septen631
trionale,translator,Le Baron de Slane,
see Goz6n
Goz6n (Gauzon),613,614
editor,Paul Casanova,609
Ibn Muzain,650
Grau de Palavas, 642
Guadalquivir(Allemir)river,ancientBaetis, Ibn Timart, founderof the Almohadesect,
Ida, countessofBoulogne,614
Guadiana (Odianum)river,635, 636, 654
Idrisi,618, 620, 635, 636, 637, 645, 646, 661;
Guedel,Guezel,see Belle Ile
Description de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne,
Guia de Portugal,see BibliotecaNacional de
editors,R. Dozy and M. J. de Goeje,592
Habitacula,see houses
Halk al-Zawiya,see Lagos
Haran al-hisn,644
Henrythe Navigator,prince,633
Herculano,A., 609, 618, 620, 628, 635, 658;
Historiade Portugal,
594; editor,see PortugaliaeMonumenta
HistoriaSilense,editor,F. SantosCoco, 614
Hitti,P. K., HistoryoftheArabs,621
K., HansischesUrkundenbuch,
Holy City,seeJerusalem
Holy Land, 593,610
Holy Sepulchre,
593; canonsof,631; so-called
Hormazo,see tdipa,tapia,wallsof
Houses (domus,habitacula,mansiones),619,
Houtsma,M. T., editor,see Encyclopaedia
Huelva (Elva),ancientOnuba,636,654
Huici, A., 658; editor,see El An6nimode
Madridy Copenhague
Ibn AbiZar', 657,660; al-Kirt(s,editor,C. J.
Ibn al-Abbar,646,649, 655,659; al-HullaalSiyara',652
Ibn al-Athir,Annalesdu Magrebet de l'Espagne,translator,
E. Fagnan,609
Ibn al-Mundhir,
seeAbu'l WalidMuhammad
b. 'OmarIbn al-Mundhir

Iezerita Hadra, see Algeciras

lezitarisif,Iezitarisis, Iezitarisit,see Tarifa

InnocentIII, pope,613,630,631
InstitutoGeograficoe Cadastral, Carta de

Instrumenta,see siege engines

'Isa b. Muhammad,son of al-Nasir called

Isaac Angelus,Byzantineemperor,
Isla de Buda, 642
Isla Verde,640

Ispalis, see Seville

Itineraria Romana, editor,Otto Cuntz, 612
Itinerarium Peregrinorum et G;esta Regis

Ricardi,editor,WilliamStubbs,608, 664

Ius ecclesiasticum,633

Jaffe,Philipp, RegestaPontificumRomanorum,


Jal, A., Glossaire Nautique, 618

Jazirat Tarif, see Tarifa


Jeira-Tarifa,see Tarifa
Jenaer HistorischeArbeiten,665

Jerezde la Frontera(Scheres),637,655
Jim6nezde Rada, Rodrigo,De Rebus Hispaniae, 614


JorgeMoniz, serrode, 634

J(idice,PedroP. Masarenhas,A Se e o Castelo

de Silves, 620, 643

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Khalafb. Bakr,lordof Faro, 647,648

Kohler,Ch., 614
Krueger,H. C., "The Routineof Commerce
betweenGenoaand Northwest
Kurth,Friedrich,599, 607-612 passim,616,
617,620,628,632,634, 641, 642, 663, 665,
666; Niederdeutscher

Labu, 637
Lacobriga, see Lagos

Laehr,Dr. Gerhard,607

Lagos (Lagus, ancient Lacobriga, Arabic alZaw ya or Halk al-Zawiya), 616, 633, 634

LambertusParvus,664; Annales,616

Lane-Poole, Stanley,Mohammadan Dynasties,

Lappenberg,J. M., editor,see Arnold of
La Rochelle(Rochiel),602,612-613
Las Navas da Tolosa,battleof,661

Malaga, 640
Malikb. Anas,al-Muwa((&, 649

Mansiones, see houses

Mares impregnated
by thewind,616

Mariner's Mirror,640

Martene,E. and Durand,U., Veterum

torum . . . Amplissima Collectio,665

Masina, see Methena
Masmuda, MaFmiidah,621

Mass, 612,621
Maurus (a Moor),624

Maximiti, 621
Mecca (Meca), 638


MediterraneanPilot, 637
Mehediya (al-Mahdiya), 637
Menendez Pidal, R., La Espania del Cid, 614;
editor,see Primera Cr6nica GVeneral

Lea, H. C., History of Auricular Confession Merchants,

and Indulgences,610; Historyof theInquisiM6rtola (Mertula), ancient Myrtilis,636, 647,
tion of theMiddle Ages, 610
Lebrus, see Ebro
Messines,see Sao Bartolomeude Messines
Leon (Saint-Pol),dioceseof,613
Meyers Konversations-Lexicon,
Levi-Provengal, E., InscriptionsArabes d'EsMile, German (miliare Teutonicum),616, 618,
pagne, 619; editor, see R. Dozy, Histoire
des Musulmans d'Espagne; also Ibn 'Idhari, Militaryorders,600, 630; see also Calatrava,
al-Bayan al-Mughrib

Lez, river,642

Lindsay, W. M., editor, see Palaeographia



Mill-race, see conductusaquarum

Milreu,646, 648
Mines and miningoperations,military,
Moat (fossatum),

Linum(flaxor tow),623
Lisbon,594,595,598,599,602,603,611,612, Moedini (al-Muwahhiduin, Almohades), see
615-618 passim,629, 635, 642, 655, 658,
Lopes,David, editor,seeHerculano
634, 653; Caldas de,
Lopes, David, "ToponymiaArabe de Por634; Serrade, 634
Montagudo (Montagut),634, 653

Loth, J., Chrestomathie

see Lowestoft
Loule (Lole), 635
Lowestoft (Lothevigestohet),
602, 611

Luanco,613; Bay, 613,614

Lucas of Tuy, ChroniconMundi, 614

Machinae, see siege engines


Magistrates (magistri,magistratus),604, 621,

Mahdi,see Ibn Tuimart

Moinho da Porta, 620

Maitre, Leon, editor,see Cartulairede l'Abbaye
de Sainte-Croix

Montpellier (Monspessulanus), 642


MonumentaGermaniaeHistorica,editor,G. H.

Pertzand others,592
Moridin(Adepts),652, 653; rebellionof the,

Morjik, see Monchique

Morocco(Marorlce),621, 638, 652, 654, 656,

Mo'tamid,see al-Mu'tamid

Mucimiti, see Masmuda


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Mulik al-Tawa'if, see Taifa kings
Munitio, see fortress

ofthe canonsof Silves,633


Pilots (ducesvie),604,613,624
departmentof FinisPointe-Saint-Mathieu,

I, emirofCordova,646
MurosBay, seeNoya Bay
Musa b. Nusair,646
Muslims,601, 640, 644, 646, 648, 652, 655,
Muzainb. Muisa,649
Narbonne (Narbona), 642
Navarre (regnumNavarrorum),614
Neues Archiv,596

Niebla (Nebula),ancientIlipla, 636,652,654,
Normandy (Normannia), 660
Northmen (Majuis, Madjous), 636

Noya Bay, 615

Odelouca,river,618,619, 620

Odiana, Odianum, see Guadiana


Ogrimera,see Ghom.ra
Oliveira, F. X. d'A., A Monograflade Alvor,


Onuba, see Huelva

Oporto (Portugalia), 615

Saga, editor,G. Vigfu'sson,
Oropesa (Orpensa),provinceof Castell6nde
la Plana, 641; Cabo de, 641
Ossonoba,see Ocsonoba

Pharum, see Faro

Poitou (Pictavia), 612, 613


Port, the (El Puerto), see Alvor

Porta da Cidade, 645

of Villa
Portimao (Porcimunt),forerunner
Nova de Portimao,633,634
Portugal,594, 595, 600, 607, 609, 612, 614,
616,617,631, 633,634, 635, 636, 637,648,
623,626, 629, 630,631,632,643, 644, 656,
Portus Hannibalis, see Alvor
Primera Cr6nicaGeneral,editor,R. Menendez


Princeps miliciae Portugalensis,commanderof

thePortugueseforces,618,619, 632,633

Promised Land (terrapromissionis),610

Propugnacula, 622, 624, 625
Prutz, Hans, GeistlichenRitterorden,
Puteus, 620, 625

Quarrel (seditio)betweenKing Sancho and


599,613,614,615; province Quellen zur Geschichtedes Kreuzzuges Kaiser

I, editor,A. Chroust,595
QuiberonBay, 612
Pagans (pagani),602,621,623,625,626,628, Rabad, 644
Rabat, 637
Palaeographia Latina, editor,W. M. Lindsay,
de Diceto,608,616,617,618,620,628,
Parietes lutei,622

Pasini-Frassoni,F., Bertini, C. A., and

Odriozola, C. de, Histoire de l'Ordre Militaire du Saint-Sgpulcre,631

Passage betweenAfricaand Spain (generalis

630, 644; Opera Historica, editor, William

Stubbs, 608; Ymagines Historiarum,608
Ralph of Coggeshall, ChroniconAnglicanum,

664; De Expugnaeditor,JosephStevenson,
tione Terrae Sanctae Libellus, 664

IV, countofBarcelona,642
Rand,E. K., 596
Patetta,Federico,607, 610, 611; "Di Alcuni Reconquista,
Recueil des Historiens . . . de la France,
Pedites, see foot-soldiers
Pegolotti,Francesco Balducci, La Pratica Regra da Cavallaria e Ordem Militar de S.
transitus de Africa in Hispania et e converso),640

della Mercatura,613

Bento de Avis, 631

le Baronde, 606,611
Pefliscola(Pinniscula),provinceof Castell6n Relics,holy,at Oviedo,599, 614,615
de la Plana, 641

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RerumHispanicarum Scriptores... ex BibliothecaRobertiBeli, 614

Reusner, Nicolaus, Epistolarum Turcicarum,


Revue de l'OrientLatin, 614

Revue Hispanique, 633
Reyes de Taifas, see Taifa kings
Riant, Paul, Expeditions et Pelerinages des

Santa Maria de Faro, Cabo de, 633 637

Santa Maria and Santa Maria de Algarve,see
Santa Maria, Nicolao de, Chronica da Ordem
dos Conegos Regrantes do Patriarcha S.

593; " InventaireCritiquedes Santiagode Compostela,599, 615
LettresHistoriquesdes Croisades,"665
RichardI, kingofEngland,593,595,630
SantosCoco,F., see Historia Silense
Sao Bartolomeude Messines(Mussiene), 634
Rio Tinto,see Tintoriver
Saracens,614, 621, 623, 624, 625, 627, 628,
Rivista Contemporanea,596
Robertof Auxerre,608, 664, 665; Chronicon, Scalae (scalingladders),621, 622, 623, 624,
Rochiel,see La Rochelle
Scaphae (boats),619,639
Roger of Howden, 608, 636, 659, 660; Schaifer,Heinrich,Geschichtevon Portugal,
R6hricht,Reinhold,665; Beitragezur Ge- Scheldt,river,606,610,611
schichteder Kreuzzuge,608
Gustav, editor,see Ursprungliche
Rosenzweig, Louis, Dictionnaire Topographique de Departementde Morbihan,612
Rota (Roda), 637


Schott,A., Hispania Illustrata,614

Sea, British(mare Britannicum),611,614
Rue, see Tuy
Sepulchre,Holy,see Holy Sepulchre
Seville(Ispalis, Sivilia, Sibilia), 594,602,603,
Sado, river,659
615,635,636, 637,647, 650, 651,652, 654,
Saettia, see sagittina
Sagiccina, see sagittariae
Seybold, C. F., "Monchique et Arrifana
Sagitta (boat), see sagittina
Shantamariyat,MuslimnameofFaro, 633
Sagittariae,sagiccinae, sagittinae,617, 618
Sheres, see Jerezde la Frontera
Ships (naves),.602, 610, 611, 614, 615, 616,
617,618,619, 623,632,633,639, 663, 664,
Saladin (saahadinus),sultan of Egypt, 605, SidreyIbn Wazir,see AbuiMuhammadSidrey
Ibn Wazir
Siedschlag,B. N., English Participationin the
Sale (Zale), 637,655,656
Crusades, 595
Salgado, Vincente,Memorias Ecclesiasticas do
Siege engines (instrumenta,machinae, eriReino do Algarve,665
cium), 623,624,626, 650,658
SanchoI, kingofPortugal,595,600,611,616, Silva Lopes,JoaoBaptistada, 606, 608, 610,
611, 617, 633; Memorias para a Historia
617,623, 624, 626, 627,628, 631,632, 633,
Ecclesiastica do Bispado do Algarve, 592;
Relacao da DerrotaNaval, 592
Sancta Maria de Chaphairum,see Faro
Silves,594,595,599,600-603passim; 607-611
Sancta Maria de Pharrum,see Faro
passim; 617-620passim; 628,629,632-635
Sancti Jacobi, terra (region of Santiago de
passim; 638, 643-666passim; addiof,661;
Sanctus Matheus, see Pointe-Saint-Mathieu
dynastyof,633; bishopricof,633; canons
Sanctus Salvator (Oviedo), 614-615
of,633Sanduuic, Sanduuinc, see Sandwich
Sandwich (Sanduuic, Sanduuinc), 611, 612, Solinus,603
Souza Holstein,Marquezde, 633
Sanhaja tribe,628
Spain,594, 595, 600, 602, 603,607, 611, 612,
Santa Cruz of Coimbra,monastery
614-616 passim, 621, 629, 637, 639, 640,

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641, 643,645,646, 647,648, 649, 652, 654,
St. Agapitus,feastof,623
feastof,627; vigilof,627
St. Bartholomew,
St. Cosmas,feastof,639
St. Damian,feastof,639
St. Elmo's fire (candelae in summitatemali),

St. Felicissimus,
St. Giles,day of,628
St. James,shrineof,at Compostela(limina
sancti Jacobi), 599, 615

St. Johnthe Baptist,vigil,feastand octave

St. Lawrence,octaveof,626; vigilof,624
St. Martin'sofTours,665
St. MaryMagdalene,feastof,622; octaveof,
St. Mary (Genetrix),
625; Virgin,feastofthe
nativityof,633; vigilofthenativityof,632
St. Matthew,vigilof,635
St. Mauricius,day of,635
St. Michael,feastof (Michaelmas),639
St. Sixtus,feastof,623
St. Vincent,cape,616,633,634,652
St. Vincentde Fora, monastery
of,at Lisbon,
Stade (Stadium),provinceof Hanover,599,

shall, ChroniconAnglicanum
Strictummare, see Gibraltar
Stubbs, William, editor, see Gesta Regis Henrici Secundi; Itinerarium Peregrinorumet
Gesta Regis Ricardi; Ralph de Diceto, Opera
Historica; Roger of Howden, Chronica
Studien und Darstellungenaus dem Gebieteder
Sturgeon,see rumbus
Suburb, see rovalle
S?fi mystics,


Taipa, tapia, walls of, 644, 645

Tambre,riverand portof,615

Tangier (Tanchia), ancient Tingis, Arabic

Tanja, 638

Taifa kings,648,649, 650
Tapia, see tdipa


(Iezitarisif, Iezirataris, Ierizitarit),


Tavira (Thavira), ancient Balsa, 634, 635



Tents (temtoria),
Toledo (Tolletum),
C. J.,editor,see Ibn Abi Zar'
620, 621, 623, 624, 625, 628,
Treaty (compactum,
pactum),between King Sancho I and the northern
Turin Academyof Sciences,595, 596, 607;
Tuy,604,617; galleyof,604,616,617,618
'Ubaid ad-dawla,650
Ulixibona,see Lisbon
UrbanII, pope,610
editor, Gustav
U. S. HydrographicOffice,Bay of Biscay
Pilot,613; East AtlanticPilot,618; Mediterranean
Pilot,637; charts,613-614
G., editor,seeOrkneyinga
Villa do Infante,633
VillaNova de Portimao,see Portimao
Vindilis(Vindelis),see Belle Ile
Vozdo Sul ofSilves,620
Wadi Bu Ragrag,river,637
Wadi Sebu,river,637
Wadi Ummal-Rabia,river,637
Waitz, D., editor,see ChronicaRegia Coloniensis
see Gascony
see Belle Ile

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Wideloc,see Odelouca
William,dean ofthe canonsofSilves,633
Windsin the Straitof Gibraltar,

Yah.yaIbn C,Thaniyd,
Yarmouth,Isle ofWight,612
YTisufb. Sulaiman,governor
of Seville,655

of Yah.ya b. Bakr,
Zadulpho, grandfather
Zale, see Sale
Yah.yab. Bakr,lordofprovinceofOcsonoba, Zurita, Jer6nimo,Anales de ta Corona de

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