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The Ghanaian Drug Economy: Some Evidence for Reflections


Thomas Antwi Bosiakoh

Department of Sociology P. O. Box LG 59
University of Ghana
Legon, Accra
Mobile Phone Contact: +233 244 882 190

The drug problem has become widespread and endemic not only in the Ghanaian society but the
world at large. It transcends both national and continental frontiers. According to Frey (1997),
illegal drugs constitute a major social problem all over the world and have therefore sparked off
enormous amount of literature in several scientific fields. Consequently, its presence is felt in
the US and Jamaica, in Bolivia and Switzerland, in Peru and Mexico, and in Columbia and Fiji
just to mention but a few. In the Golden Crescent of Pakistan and Afghanistan, the least said
about illegal drugs, the best. So widespread is that, in Nigeria, it has assumed the description ‘the
Nigerian Connection’. In the Golden Triangle of Thailand, Burma, and Malaysia, illegal drug is
considered not only as a nuisance but also as real social problem because it impinges on the
conscience of the people. In Ghana, literature on drug is particularly paltry. There are hardly any
published sources of any kind on drugs. This situation notwithstanding, reflections on the
Ghanaian drug situation is interesting on two accounts. First, is that, most of the drugs especially
marijuana, cocaine and heroin are of recent provenance and have gained widespread discussion
within the Ghanaian society. Secondly and most importantly, reflection on the Ghanaian drug
situation is justified on accounts that, the drug phenomenon, if not controlled, could meddle in
the relative peace the country has achieved on the political and security fronts. In Ghana, drug
dealings occur in diverse forms and therefore present diverse ramifications. In this paper, efforts
are made to unpack some of the diversified facets that the phenomenon presents itself. In the first
few sections, emphasis is placed on definitional issues and the historical development of drug
use in Ghana as well as the production modes of drugs in Ghana. Following then, drug
trafficking is taken up with focus on the motivating factors. In the light of the increasing
shrinking of the world, in what has been described as globalization, we ground the discussions
on the motivating factors in a transnational perspective and then isolate the elements of
economics underlining drug trafficking and drug trade in Ghana.
Unsettling the Definitional Disquiet
In some studies, drug is considered as a chemical used for the prevention, treatment, and
alleviation of disease. The term ‘medicine’ (as used in prescription-only medicine) is sometimes
used to distinguish therapeutic drugs from recreational and other drugs, such as opiates, which
are used illegally or abused. Some sources bring out the natural or artificial nature of drug
substances that alter the functions of organisms (for pleasure and or improve performance)1. In
most countries, these drugs are forbidden to the general public. Most countries restrict the use of
such drugs, although what is and is not legal varies widely. Whereas the legal position in
different countries reflects historical and cultural attitudes to the drug in question, in many
countries it is a matter of continuing controversy. Drugs are divided into three classes—A, B,
and C—in descending order of gravity: offences concerning class A drugs attract the most severe
sentences. The commonest class A drugs are heroin (diamorphine), cocaine, ecstasy, and lysergic
acid diethylamide (LSD); class B drugs include amphetamines and opiate pain-relief compounds;
class C drugs are generally sedative drugs and cannabis (cannabis was reclassified from class B
to C in 2004 by the UK government). Ghana has long been identified as a major producer of
cannabis in West Africa. Indeed Ghana’s production of cannabis is only surpassed by Nigeria in
the West African sub-region and much of it is said to be of ‘high quality - high delta-9-

The discussions in the next two paragraphs are from the same source unless otherwise specified. The text being
referred to here is Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia (2005). Microsoft Corporation.
tetrahydrocannabinol or THC levels - with a large domestic market and large exports’ (Bernstein,

The use of drugs among humans dates from prehistoric times. The first list of drugs with
instructions for preparation, called pharmacopoeia, appeared in 1546 in Nuremberg, Germany.
With time, drug offences have come to reflect continuous use of restricted drugs. In criminal
law, drug offences refer to any of the various offences connected with drugs. In Ghana, all mind-
altering or mood-changing drugs are controlled, taken only under medical observation.
Exception is made to alcohol. A similar case is also found in other countries, such as Nigeria and
the United Kingdom.

Tracing the history and cultivation of cannabis and marijuana in Ghana

The Second World War (1939-1945) represents the first time drug production and usage
especially of cannabis was introduced into the country. This period, which extended into the late
1950s saw the introduction of cannabis by soldiers who had returned from Asia, having fought
on the side of the group Britain belonged. This Asian attribution of narcotic use in Ghana is also
expressive in the terms Indian hemp and bhanga among marijuana users albeit marijuana has
been christened among users and non-users alike as wee. In the most dominant local language
Twi, marijuana is referred to as obonsam tawa, literally translated as the ‘devil's tobacco'.
Following the introduction, cultivation was initiated in areas around Accra and the Eastern
Region in small scales. According to a publication by Paris-based Observatoire Geopolitique des
Drogues in 1995, the early cultivation of cannabis in and around Accra created drug use and
diffusion among lower-class social and occupational groups, especially in the cities (OGD, 1995,
cf. Bernstein, 1999). It was the period between 1960 and 1980 that provided avenue for
expansion in cultivation to areas in Ghana beyond the south-eastern drug production enclave.
During this time, cultivation was expanded to new growing areas in the Ashanti and Brong
Ahafo regions. Drug use had become a habit for the lower-class social and occupational groups
while young upper-class Ghanaians found 'recreational' service in drugs. Like the Nigerian case
well articulated by Klein (1994) drug use by upper-class Ghanaians was first pursued during
periods of study and vacations abroad. Klein’s observation on the Nigerian case finds application
in Ghana. Klein states:
‘There is evidence that the habit of taking hard drugs was first acquired by
Nigerians during periods of study and vacations abroad. On their return they
had the means to pay for the ‘stuff’ and, what is also important in as
overcrowded a city as Lagos, the hotel room, if no private house was
available, where the ritual of consumption could take place’ (Klein, 1994:668-
Clearly it was on their return that young upper-class Ghanaians joined in the use of drugs in
Ghana, which of course had been dominated by the lower-class social and occupational groups.
Latter on according to Bernstein (1999) middle-class Ghanaians badly affected by the declining
economic fortunes of the country also adopted drug consumption as a habit. In all these, it was
the period beginning from the1980s that Ghana's drug market attained the maturity status
(Bernstein, 1999), having achieved an estimated 15 per cent of the population, and exports
estimated at 50 per cent of domestic production by the Narcotics Control Board (ibid:14).
Presently, areas in the Sefwi (eg. Humijebre) and Aowin areas of the western region of Ghana
are heavily noted for the cultivation of cannabis. Here and in other growing areas, the cannabis
tree is intercropped with other plants such as cassava and okra to make for its concealment. Both
cannabis and marijuana come in different types. Bernstein (1999) cites one trader in the business
in the following manner:
‘The following types and sources of cannabis were identified by a trader (well
informed about cultivation and trade in the south, but not the north), in
descending order of quality: 'no seed dope': grown in the most fertile soils,
often marshy and deep inside forests, on the Afram plains, in Ashanti and
Brong Ahafo, with marijuana from Wenchi especially prized; 'taffeta': dense
leaves and very small (concealed) seeds, grown in Volta Region; 'seed dope':
which grows anywhere; 'area dope': grown close to Accra and cut early to
avoid detection, giving the lowest quality marijuana’ (Bernstein, 1999: 15).

Trafficking in drugs: Some motivating factors

Trafficking in drugs is a worldwide activity. It is a black market consisting of production,
distribution, packaging and sale of illegal drugs. The illegality of the black markets purveying
the drug trade is relative to geographic location, and the producing countries of the drug markets.
For instance many South American, far Eastern, and Middle Eastern countries are not as inclined
to have "zero-tolerance" policies, as the consuming countries of the drug trade, mostly United
States and European countries. Demand underlies the increasing drug trafficking offences, for
without it, the economics of it cannot be sustained. Increased demand has therefore led to
increased practitioners, and consequently, refined techniques and operational procedures. Being
at least a step ahead of the law enforcement authorities has been a requirement for all
practitioners, especially those who operate from a low resource base.
The origin of illegal drug trade is rooted in jurisdictions where legislations prohibit the sale of
certain popular drugs. In such jurisdictions, it is common for illegal drug trade to develop. For
example, the Ghana government has identified a number of controlled drug substances. The
same can be said of Britain and, USA and indeed very many countries across the world. As a
world-wide phenomenon, illegal drug dealing has been explored as topic in books and films. The
phenomenon has become a major staple for humour and entertainment and was the topic of The
French Connection (films), Midnight Express (1978), Scarface (1983), Clear and Present
Danger (1994), Traffic (2000), 2 Fast 2 Furious (2003), Bad Boys II (2003), and Miami Vice
Drug Trafficking: A Transnational Business?
Transcending political borders and knowing no bound, not a single country is insulated from its
effects. According to one literature, a high number of jailed Africans in Western Europe and US
are Nigerians who have been arrested on drug charges3. This reflects the trans-nationality of the
drug trade, and the complex operational techniques associated with it. In very many cases of
illegal drug dealings and general drug pushing activities, people of diverse nationalities are
involved. Here, the infamous East Legon Cocaine Saga is handy, because it reflected
collaboration between Ghana and Venezuela4 and comes close to what can be described as a
perfect copy of the Colombian model. This however is not to suggest that, the trade thrives only
on groups of diversified nationalities. For instance, Klein observes that, some Nigerians have
their own syndicates5. The same can be said of the Mexican and Ghanaian cases. The Mexican
case for instance has been described in the literature as a Drug Trafficking Federation, posing a
tremendous drug threat along the US southwest border through its poly-drug smuggling
operations. This federation has patrons, division heads, gatekeepers and family syndicates6.
Other producing countries such as Colombia, Bolivia, and Peru (the Andean producers) as well
as Thailand, Burma and Malaysia (the Golden Triangle) are also into the drug trafficking

See Wikipedia, the free online encyclopedia.
Klein, A. (1994). Trapped in the Traffick: Growing Problems of Drug Consumption in Lagos. The Journal of
Modern African Studies, Vol. 32, No. 4:657-677, p. 660.
Cases of this nature have recently engaged the attention of the Ghanaian media. The East Legon Cocaine Saga
for one has been in the media for over a year now, beginning from the last quarter of the year 2006. Prior to this,
there had been other high profile cases that involved people of Ghanaian and British nationalities and were also
captured by the Ghanaian media. See for example Daily Graphic, July 20, 2006, April 30, 2007 editions and
Ghanaian Times, April 30, 2007 edition.
Cf. Klein, op cit., p. 660.
Cf. the website of the Drug Enforcement Administration of the U. S. Department of Justice.
business. Not even the devoutly Islamic countries of Afghanistan and Pakistan claim insulated
from the drug trade.

In all these, the practitioners of the trade look up largely to the western world for market. The US
has long been cited as a major market for the trade. Increased demand for drugs in the US fuels
continuous engagement in the activity. Britain also appears in the list of countries that have
historically stimulated the drug trade. But whilst it remains true that much of the illegal drug
from the Third World, particularly Ghana is smuggled onwards to the lucrative markets of
Western Europe and the United States, a considerable amount is also consumed by a rapidly
growing number of local drug users7. That Ghana has over the recent years been an exporter of
heroin, and an importer of cocaine including bi-products of the refinement process of ‘crack’
confirms the local consumption hypothesis. This fact has consistently been pointed out by the
media. There are similar developments in some other producer countries that have no history of
internal consumption. For instance, it has been said of Pakistan, one of the classical opium
producers of the ‘Golden Crescent’ that, it acquired a community of several thousand heroin
users within a decade8.
In recent years moreover, some African countries (specifically Ghana and Nigeria) have been
cited as a transit points for illegal trade in drugs9. Ghana for instance has become a major
transshipment point for illegal drugs, particularly cocaine from South America, as well as heroin
from Southeast and Southwest Asia. And while Europe remains the major destination, drugs also
flow to South Africa and to North America, with Kotoka International Airport being cited as a
focus for traffickers. In all these, one would think the menace affects only the country’s capital
city, Accra and its transit entry-exit points. This is not the case, for Tema, Sekondi, and Takoradi
ports also feature considerably in the Ghanaian drug pushing trade, while border posts at Aflao,
Elubo and Sampa also see significant drug trafficking activity. It is said that, in 2006, South
American cocaine trafficking rings increased their foothold in Ghana by establishing well-
developed distribution networks run by Nigerian and Ghanaian criminals.
Explaining the Motivating Factors
Several reasons have been assigned to the increased spate of drug pushing syndicates across the
world. In a famous submission, a former Inspector General of Police (IGP) of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria, in listing the factors that contribute to engagement in drug trafficking
prefixed the argument with ‘societal values placed on the acquisition of wealth irrespective of the
source’10. This submission apes the Ghanaian situation. Unlike the good days of yore when
society busied itself to find the very root of its members’ wealth, the same cannot be said today.
In the past, collective responsibility was the guiding principle even for the offense of a single
individual. There was a threat that wrongdoing of a single individual could bring catastrophe not
only to the individual concerned but the security of the entire society11. The concern then was to
avert such diversified effect especially on the innocent members of society. Consequently,
society went beyond the ordinary to find the underlying understanding of a person’s wealth, just
to make sure calamity does not befall it. This however, is not the case now albeit, the desire for
wealth continues to persist, and among the youth, its shadow coaxes the more.

Cf. Klein, op cit., p. 659.
Gillis, J. (1990). Narcotic Abuse Prevention: What Works?. In Awa Kalu and Yemi Osinbajo (eds.), Narcotics:
Law and Policy in Nigeria, Lagos.
See the 2007 International Narcotic Control Strategy Report (INCSR) on Ghana. The citations in the rest of this
paragraph are from the same source.
Cf. Klein, op cit., p. 661.
For detailed discussion of this, see Assimeng, M. (1997). Social Structure of Ghana. 2nd ed. Tema: Ghana
Publishing Corporation, and Nukunya G. K. (1992). Tradition and Change in Ghana. Accra: Ghana Universities
Like lottery, the fruit of this trade for its practitioners is sweet, and as explained by Chukkol, the
name of the game is money12. ‘Since money is the name of the game’ explains Chukkol, ‘we
must recognize that, no matter how tough our legislation … people will go all out to get it’13. In
this connection then, one can safely argue that economic principles and greed lie at the base of
the trade. Unbridled desire for money in the shortest possible time and the power of the trade
because it involves huge sums of money all conspire to create increasing number of practitioners
in Ghana. But in all these, one needs to take cognizance of the unabated demand for these drugs
in the west (see above), for demand, wherever it occurs, especially when affordability exists,
induces supply, no matter where it has to come from. It is therefore not surprising that the drug
trade thrives in this part of the world. The economic reality of the massive profiteering inherent
in the drug trade serves to extend its reach, despite the best efforts of the Ghanaian law
enforcement agencies. Illegal drug business in Ghana therefore thrives on greed and the demand
principle of economics.
A significant motivation commonly cited in the literature is financial. The drug market
mechanism provides incentives that transcend the licit/illicit divide. Most operators seek to
prosper commercially without worrying and or having quarrel with the social order that nurtures
them. Profits high enough to warrant great risk continue to encourage import and export despite
tightened laws.
Elsewhere, two other motivators need mention, both of which link financial gain to other issues.
Drug trafficking linked to political transformation (or action to prevent political transformation)
is very well established in relation to many regional and national situations in Latin American
countries, Southeast Asia and Afghanistan14. There has also been mention of guerrillas, whose
objective has been to seize political power. Woodiwiss for instance notes systematic criminal
activity for money or power, mentioning a number of cases in which political motivations
became intertwined with drug trafficking – for example that of ex-Gestapo officer Klaus Barbie
who in 1951 went to Latin America to continue his anti-Communist activities and became
security adviser to a top Bolivian trafficker Roberto Suares in the 1980s and assisting the 1980
coup which brought to power Colonel Gomez, who subsequently oversaw a national cocaine
These obviously should be a concern for all well-meaning Ghanaians, and by extension, West
African countries. Drug trafficking practitioner’s ability to wobble the relative peace of the
country should not be underestimated. The case of the Andean region should be a constant
reminder of what could befall us, should we fail to deal with the drug rings in the country.
Already, some anecdotal evidence suggests that Ghana and Nigeria have earned the reputation of
‘star pupils’ in the drug trafficking business. This could enlarge the route to unexpected political
take-over, and the related consequences, which Rubin captures aptly in the final year of Taliban
rule as follows: ending the Afghan war converted the criminalized war economy into an even
high-speed expanding criminalized peace economy16. In either case, incentive for
misgovernment will be common.
Some groups also traffic in drugs at least with a motivation to fund political and/or military
campaigns. The case of Khun Sa, a notorious trafficker who formed an alliance with and became
the leader of secessionists in the Shan plateau State of Myanmar (Burma), typifies this stance17.

Chukkol, K. S. ‘Towards a National Drug Control Strategy – A Blueprint’ in Awa Kalu and Yemi Osinbajo
(eds.), Narcotics: Law and Policy in Nigeria, Lagos, 1990.
UNODC (2003) The Opium Economy in Afghanistan: An International Problem, Vienna: United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, pp 222.
Woodiwiss, M. (2001) Organised Crime and American Power. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Rubin, B. (2000). The Political Economy of War and Peace in Afghanistan. World Development, Vol. 28, No.
See Dorn, N. Levi, M. and King L. (2005) Literature Review on Upper Level Drug Trafficking. US Home
Office Online Report 22/05.
Other evidence suggests risk-taking, often related to social and economic marginals, for whom
risk seems a 'normal' part of life. Gruppo Abele et al for instance show very clearly the
involvement of very young, quite inexperienced people in synthetic drug trafficking in
Barcelona, Amsterdam and Turin, moving in and out of drug trafficking and other illegal or
irregular activities. Because of their low level of criminal skills and precautions, in principle they
are exposed to law enforcement but, in practice, quite often are not detected as they are not
known to law enforcement authorities18.

The Economics of Drug Trafficking

The economic thinking underlying drug trafficking is simply predicated on rational choice
theory. The harm (cost) of being caught is almost always weighed against the benefit of it when
one succeeds in outwitting law enforcement authorities. Ultimately, the benefits far outweigh the
costs. It is here that motivation for it is established. Even in situations where they are caught,
dealers are quick in ‘buying their way out’.
Indeed, it makes far greater economic sense to invest available capital in an enterprise that has a
dramatic dollar yield in the very short term. In Ghana, it is said that, the risks involved are not
that much greater than those in ordinary course of commerce. Klein has suggested in the
Nigerian case that, ‘one man carrying a bag-full of cocaine to London can realize a larger profit
than a fishing company running several trawlers, with 200 employees on its books’19. The case
of the Mexican drug baron Carrillo is often cited. Carrillo made huge sums of money in his drug
business. He later wanted to make a pact with the Mexican government to help the country’s
economy with his dollars, and act as an entrepreneur.
As the trade involves international travel, the glamour of it, as in exquisite hotel rooms, airport
lounges, shopping sprees (in the case of women), been-to label, et cetera all conspire to provide
food for the imagination and thought of it. Though miserable when caught, as the case of mere
abettors suggests, the fruit of it is tasteful, blissful and totally glorious, so much so that, neither
official exhortation to abide by laws, nor the grueling prospect of capture, incarceration, or even
execution are ineffective deterrents.
Traditionally a male-dominated activity, the glamour associated with the trade has succeeded in
bringing some women aboard. Some women curriers are lured into it by the promise of monetary
price in return for transport services. The trade also involves market women at the local level,
women merchants, as well as prostitutes, often serving as abettors or conspirers. Agencies of the
state – the police, judiciary et cetera have also been cited to be part of the drug trade. According
to one source, the trade requires swiftness and is therefore practised in general terms, by the
youth up to about 40 years and brings onboard sailors especially those working with mixed
crews in international environment20.
Preventing Drug Trafficking And Drug Consumption: Some Approaches
Attempts at preventing drug trafficking and drug consumption have been varied in orientation.
However, the general pattern has been, in the case of drug trafficking, to stiffen anti-drug
legislations21. This, in the view of some academics has led to a thriving illegal drug market
which can only be sustained by criminal activity22. For now, it has become clear that, at best it
will be ironic for a national policy to resort exclusively to legislative sanctions to eliminate
illegal drug trade. It is perhaps out of this that the US combines both tougher anti-drug

Gruppo Abele and Massari, M. et al., (editors), (2003) Synthetic Drugs Trafficking in Three European Cities:
Major Trends and the Involvement of Organized Crime. Torino:
Klein, op. cit.
Mc Goldrick, D. et al (2000). Drug Trafficking at Sea: The Case of R. v. Charrington and Others. The
International Law Quarterly, Vol. 49 No. 2:477-489.
Mushkin, S. (1975). Politics and Economics of Government Response to Drug Abuse. Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Sciences. Vol. 417, Drugs and Social Policy. Pp. 27-40.
Holahan, J. (1972). The Economics of ‘Heroin’ in Dealing with drug Abuse. A Report to the Ford Foundation.
New York: Praeger Publishers.
legislations and narco-diplomacy23. In general terms then, US drug prevention approaches have
What remains to be learnt by Ghana from the general assessment of the US military and
diplomacy efforts towards curbing narcotic trade is that anti-drug fight has to be two sided. It
should tackle both the demand and the supply sides at the same time. Better still, time, attention
and resources are to be directed at both ends. Ghana’s anti-drug efforts should never be unilateral
in orientation. Rather, it should be a cooperative endeavour.
Drug consumption on the other hand constitutes the demand side of the drug trafficking problem.
In Ghana, it is thought the act is practised by highly qualified Ghanaians in hotels, brothels,
restaurants, behind hotel fronts, bars, joints etc., and affects very many influential people. Moore
suggests that a large majority of drug consumers fund their act through illegal means –
shoplifting 22.2%, burglary 19.6%, pick-pocketing 5.4%, Larceny 7.4%, robbery 3.4%,
confidence games 4.7%, and prostitution 30.7%24.
For a long time, attempts at dealing with drug consumption have been on the repression model.
This is the case in Ghana, and was so in the US, Switzerland, and Britain. It was thought possible
to suppress drug consumption by police actions and or by sentencing drug dealers or users. For
instance, the drug policy for Switzerland for a long time mimicked the repression model. As the
case of the largest city Zurich proved, this belief was based on a mistaken assumption. And so in
1987, the police failed to prevent the emergence of an open drug scene (the famous Needle Park)
which later on became ‘Letten’. The repression policy then was seen to be of no essence.
It was in 1994, that the city’s authorities decided to pursue a ‘third way’ approach between
repression and liberalization. This ‘third way’ approach had it that, city authorities provide drugs,
mostly heroin, under carefully screened heavily addicted users at a low price. This was to make
sure the drug trade was unprofitable for its operators. Participants were to consume the drug in
special offices to ensure the drug was not traded. Only persons having lived in Zurich for an
extended period and with a long drug-taking career and several futile attempts at medical and
psychological treatment were accepted for the programme. A second major component of the
‘third way’ approach was that participants attended regular discussion and counseling sessions,
whilst undergoing medical observation. Finally, there was conscious attempt by the police to
raise drug consumption entry cost for non-drug users.
An evaluation of the programme later suggested that, the ‘third way’ approach looked promising.
Specifically evaluation suggested that the health of the heavy drug users in the programme
improved dramatically, and no death due to drug taking had occurred. Participants also produced
much less external cost. Also the evaluation affirmed that, no less than half of the participants
had regular job, and four-fifths of them no longer committed property crimes. The final
observation was that, more than two-thirds lived in an apartment and could be considered
socially integrated. Prior to the programme, only 16% of the participants held regular job, but
this increased to 50% after twelve months in the programme. Also, 50% were unemployed at the
beginning of the programme, but this reduced to 14% after one year. Additionally, at the
beginning of the programme, 12% committed heavy and petty theft, and 54% engaged in drug
crimes. These figures fell to 2% and 20% respectively.
Obviously, the approach was successful. It led to unprecedented improvement in both social and
criminal situation of Zurich by drawing drug users away from illegal drug markets. It does
suggest then that, not only is the repressive approach futile, but also involves huge material and
human costs, and still will almost certainly prove ineffective. The experiment in Zurich can
therefore be modeled by Ghana, and suggests quite clearly that the repression posture is not only
futile and ineffective but also a waste of resources. Going by this study, the Ghana government,

The discussions on US drug prevention strategies draw extensively on Bagley, B. M. (1992). After San
Antonio. Journal of International Studies and World Affairs. Vol. 34 No. 3 Special Issue: Drug Trafficking
Research Update. Pp. 1-12.
Moore, M. (1970). Economics of Heroin Distribution. Crotonon-Hudson: Hudson Institute
acting through the Ghana Police Service will have to direct resources and attention to other areas
where they are needed most. From other drug trafficking prevention studies comes also, the
lesson that, one-sided military and narco-diplomacy efforts towards curbing narcotic trade is
ineffective. A suggested strategy has been that these attempts focus on both sides at the same
time, and or directing time, attention and resources at both ends. Unilateral efforts are effective
but cooperative endeavours more likely to succeed.