To what extent was the Japanese Occupation of Southeast Asia during
World War Two, the turning point in the development of nationalist
movements? Japanese Occupation of Southeast Asia with general time period from 1942 to 1945 marks a change of colonial power from the Western powers to the Japanese as a byproduct of World War Two. While the Japanese Occupation was not the decisive event that made possible the post-war decolonisation process in Southeast Asia, it prepared the nationalists for the handling over of power when the colonial masters wanted to do so. Hence, this essay seeks to argue that Japanese Occupation of Southeast Asia was a turning point for the development of the nationalist movements because the ability of the nationalist to rule and ensure stability as well as the effectiveness of their nationalist movements was significantly increased. Notwithstanding that the impact of Japanese Occupation was not uniform across the Southeast Asia, overall Japanese Occupation still had a positive impact on Southeast Asia nationalist movements because there was a clear momentum towards independence as shown by the achievements of independence by all the Southeast countries after the war. Japanese Occupation allowed the once-marginalised nationalist elites greater participation in government affairs while limiting the role of those who had cooperated with the pre-war colonial powers. With the gaining of valuable administrative experience by those nationalist leaders, it provided boost to popular confidence in their governing ability and paved the way for the rejuvenation of the political fortunes after the war. The establishment of the BaMaw government which lasted from 1942 to 1945 included key Thakin leaders such as Aung San the defence minister and Than Tun the agriculture minister and this allowed them to acquire valuable administrative experience so that they would be able to provide leadership to guide the nationalists to independence. Moreover, it changed their political fortune because instead of being regarded as rebels, they are now government leaders. This can also be seen in Indonesia. Japanese, seeking to enlist thee active support of local secular and Muslim elites to mobilise Indonesians to assist the Japanese war efforts, sidelined the pre-war pro-Dutch moderate nationalists and gave the radical nationalists the chance to pursue their agendas without fear of suppression. Open collaboration and participation in the management of Indonesia gave the Indonesian nationalist leaders such as Sukarno and Muhammad Hatta valuable administrative experience and massive boost to their self-confidence for them to advance their nationalist movement. As such, Japanese Occupation provided the Southeast Asian nationalists valuable administrative experience and gave them a great confidence boost. Japanese Occupation enabled the nationalist movements to establish for the first time a well-trained and organised military force, which gave a drastic boost to the feasibility of revolutionary tactics. The acquisition of a
powerful military army by the nationalist greatly strengthened their
bargaining position with the colonial powers in their struggle to achieve independence after World War Two. In Burma, in 1945, Karen Battalion was formed under the Major-General Aung Sans command to defend and advance the interests despite strict Japanese control. The acquisition of a powerful military army greatly improved the Burmese negotiating position with the British in their struggle to achieve independence after 1945. Similarly, in Indonesia, Japanese sponsored the establishment of Pembela Tana Air (PETA) in 1943, a well-trained paramilitary force of 65000 which would become the backbone of the Indonesia Republican Army after the Japanese defeat. Furthermore, Barisan Hizbullah, a military wing for Masyumi which numbered 50,000 by 1945, formed by the Japanese in 1944, posed a serious military challenge to the Dutch through their active involvement in guerilla warfare in the struggle for Indonesia independence. This is made worse by the fact that after the Japanese surrendered, they passed their weapons to the Indonesians thereby empowering them with arms. In this way, the Japanese Occupation actually effected an evolution in the Southeast Asia nationalist movements with the emergence of a well-trained and organised military force, which would be significant on the bargaining table with the colonial powers for independence. Japanese Occupation allowed the nationalists that were previously suppressed in the pre-war times to rise into national prominence and establish their presence which would be significant in influencing the decision of the colonial powers to grant independence by convincing the colonial masters that they had sufficient support base to pose a serious challenge to the colonial powers. In Vietnam, for example, whereas the Indochinese communist party (ICP), founded in 1930, was previously suppressed by the French as shown in the 1930-1931 Nghe An and Ha Tinh Revolt, the Vietminh founded in 1941, under the leadership of ICP, was able to establish a liberated zone in the mountainous provinces of Tonkin and obtained economic and military assistance from the US and China during the Japanese Occupation, allowing them to burnish their nationalist credentials. Similarly in Burma, while the nationalist leaders who advocated independence such as Bamaw, aung san, than tun and u Nu were previously imprisoned or exiled under the british colonial rule, they were able to rise to national prominence with effect from the Japanese Occupation. With the formation of the Anti-Fascist Organisation (AFO) in 1944, British was willing to cooperate with the Thakins, give them military aid, treat them as equal and see them as future leaders of Burma for the first time. This provided a veneer of legitimacy to the Thakins as the main representatives of the Burmese nationalist movement even after the end of the war. Therefore, the Japanese Occupation allowed the popularity of the nationalists to grow and that would play a part in influencing the willingness of the colonial masters to grant independence. War time hardship under the Japanese Occupation together with manipulation of Japanese Occupation policies resulted in increased
nationalist consciousness among the masses and thus greater unity so as
to come up with a more cohesive force to advance the nationalist movement against Western imperialism. The sustained propaganda campaign launched by the Japanese not only imbued a feeling of hostility among the Burmese towards Western imperialism but it also promoted Indonesian nationalism because the Indonesians saw not difference in actions of the Japanese from the Dutch in the sense that real power resided in the hands of the Dutch even though they utilised indirect rule and employed local collaborators to administer the country. The permission for western-educated elites to use national symbols like Indonesia flag, anthem and Bahasa Indonesia increased to sense of unity among Indonesians. Under the Japanese Occupation, Sukarno was able to broadcast his double message speeches and reach out to an unprecedented number of Indonesians including those in the rural areas to promote the nationalist cause through a network of radios linking Java and Outer Island that is authorised by the Japanese for the purpose of gathering Indonesian support for the Japanese. Likewise in the Philippines, Japanese attempt to de-americanise Filipinos by banning the use of English and supporting the kalibapis initiatives to promote use of Tagalog language cultivated a central feature of the Fllipino identity. Harsh Japanese wartime policies towards Filipino due to the widespread pro-US sentiments and popular support for the anti-Japanese guerrilla movement helped to instill a unifying sense of Filipino pride in uniquely being the only Southeast Asian country to have actively resisted the consciousness of the masses and enhanced unity in movements with the hardship it brings and its policies. However, there were also instances where the development of the nationalist movements remained unchanged. Token gestures practiced by the Japanese without intent to grant independence restricted the nationalists to the permissible limits of the Japanese without the intention to grant independence restricted the nationalists to the permissible limits of the Japanese at the end of the day. For example, in the Philippines, independence was only granted conditionally in October 1943 to win over the loyalty of the Filippinos. The signing of the military alliance shows that it was not a genuine independence. In fact, the agreement was one level lower than the Tydings macduffie act of 1934 negotiated by quezon, which promised full independence for the nationalists by July 1946. This token gesture gave by the Japanese did not benefit the nationalist movements into closer towards independence. Just as in Vietnam, Japanese supported pro-Japan and anti-communist Cao Dai and Hoa Hao in Cochin-china to perpetuate the territorial divisions between the Cochin-china, Tonkin and annam so as to undermine Vietminhs attempt to forge unity to build up separate and powerful nationalist forces in Southern Vietnam to compete with the Vietminh breaking them into different factions, it caused a disruption to the nationalist movements. Therefore, the boost the Japanese Occupation gave to the nationalist was limited.
In conclusion, the Japanese Occupation was a turning point for the
Southeast Asia nationalist movement in terms of their ability to achieve independence. The Japanese Occupation gave the once marginalised nationalist elites valuable administrative experience which provided a strong boost to the popular confidence in their governing ability and even if the decolonisation process had not begun after World War Two. In addition, wartime hardship under the Japanese Occupation together with the other Japanese policies resulted in increased nationalist consciousness of the masses. This coupled with the rise of prominent nationalist leaders under the Japanese Occupation would influence the willingness of the colonial powers to grant independence. Even though the Japanese Occupation impeded the nationalist movement in some Southeast Asia country, overall there was still a clear momentum towards independence for most Southeast Asian countries. The intention of the Japanese Occupation to retain control over their colonies is not so significant as compared because the Japanese Occupation of Southeast Asia was shortlived and the positive impacts it brought about was nevertheless concrete and lasting. Hence, I take the stand that Japanese Occupation was a turning point in the development of nationalist movements.