Altruism and Volunteerism

Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 39:3
0021-8308
Altruism and Volunteerism: The perceptions

of altruism in four disciplines and their impact
on the study of volunteerism
DEBBIE HASKI-LEVENTHAL
jtsb_405
271..299
INTRODUCTION
One of the important aspects of human altruism is long-term and organized

activity for the benefit of others, that is, formal volunteering. Not every act of
volunteering is altruistic and not every altruistic act is volunteering, but the
connection between the two concepts is so strong that one cannot speak of the
one without the other. In 1957, Sills was the first to write a book on organized
volunteering, and the study of volunteerism has since developed greatly. Scholars
have studied different aspects of volunteering such as motivation to volunteer,
related cost and benefits, socio-demographic characteristics and turnover.
Although there are some reviews on altruism (see Piliavin & Charng, 1990),
and some on volunteerism (see Wilson, 2000), surprisingly there is no review
which binds the two. Therefore, the current article will examine the different
philosophies that led social disciplinarians to study altruism and the ways the
basic perceptions of human behavior led to designing research of altruism and,
later, the research questions regarding volunteerism. We will show that psychology,
sociology, economy and socio-biology based their study of altruism on the
perception of rational and economical man, which led to research on volunteerism
which followed such perceptions. However, we do not intend to widely discuss
each discipline but rather the approaches of the mainstream in each to altruism.
Altruism and Volunteerism Defined
Altruism, from the Latin, means for the other, caring for the alter. Different
definitions of altruism have emphasized the orientation toward the other, whether
exclusively or not. In his book The Altruism Question, Batson (1991: 6) defined
altruism as a motivational state with the ultimate goal of increasing anothers
welfare. For a goal to be ultimate it must be an end in itself and not a means to
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Journal compilation The Executive Management Committee/Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2009. Published by Blackwell
Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.
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Debbie Haski-Leventhal
another goal. Hoffman (1979) defined altruism as behavior such as helping or

sharing that promotes the welfare of others without conscious regard for ones
own self interest (p. 2). David Horton Smith (2000), on the other hand, saw
helping others as a means to increase the helpers satisfaction. Smith defined
altruism as an inner tendency of a group or an individual, focused on giving
meaningful service(s) to other person/s, neither toward oneself nor ones family
(and by that excluded parental sacrifice for a child or self-help groups). Indeed,
Smith claimed, and not for the first time (see D.H. Smith, 1981), that pure
altruism does not exist and that every altruistic act is basically egoistic.
Whether an altruistic act has to include some self-sacrifice is debatable. Some
(for example, Sigmund & Hauert, 2002) claimed that any act for another will be
considered altruistic if it benefits the recipient and harms the helper. If both gain
from the interaction, then it is cooperationnot altruism. Monroe (1996: 6) also
defined altruism as behavior intended to benefit another, even when this risks
possible sacrifice to the welfare of the actor. However, Batson (1991) argued that
altruistic motivation does not necessarily involve self-sacrifice, although it may. In
his opinion, including self-sacrifice in the definition of altruism shifts attention
from motivations to consequences, while ignoring the possibility that self-benefit
may be greater, as the costs to the helper increase.
Definitions of volunteerism also focused on aspects of helping another without
material rewards, but emphasized the helpers free will. Volunteering is based on
the Latin voluns (choose) or velle (want): the choice and the (free) will to help are
essential to determine volunteerism. Van Til (1988: 6) emphasized the lack of
coerciveness in volunteering, which he identified as a helping action of an
individual that is valued by him or her, and yet is not aimed directly at material
gain or mandated or coerced by others. Ellis and Noyes (1990: 4) pointed to the
importance of free will and saw it as a positive social action, performing an act
without coercion and going beyond ones basic obligations. However, Smith (D.H.
Smith, 1981: 223) showed his disbelief in pure altruism by defining volunteering
as a behavior that is essentially motivated by the expectation of psychic benefits
of some kind as a result of activities that have a market value greater than any
remuneration received for such activities.
Cnaan, Handy and Wadsworth (1996) showed that most definitions of
volunteerism have four main components: free will behavior, with no monetary
reward, aimed to help strangers/beneficiaries, on a long-term basis or in a formal setting.
A narrow definition will include only an activity that is done completely of ones
free will, with no material rewards whatsoever, to complete strangers, and within
an organization or as long-term behavior.
Unsurprisingly, there are similarities between definitions of altruism and those
of volunteerism. They are so similar that it is hard to understand why so little has
been written about the two concepts together. However, the free will concept is
found in most volunteering definitions, but not in those on altruism. One
explanation (for example, by Monroe, 1996) is that altruistic behavior is often
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Journal compilation The Executive Management Committee/Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2009
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perceived by the helpers as a reflex, a sense of duty, whether as an inner voice

(conscience) or perceived social norms and duty. Furthermore, the social-biological
approach sees altruism as an instinct to preserve the genes and as a reflex.
THE EGOCENTRIC APPROACH TO ALTRUISM
In Organizational Psychology, Schein (1980) argued that in every motivational theory

(especially in the motivation to work) there are different perceptions of human
nature that guide the theory and the managerial strategy that derives from it.
Schein described four such perceptions: economical-rational man; social man; self
actualizing man and the complex man.
In this article we aim to show that the perception of human beings as rational
and economical underlies most theories and studies of altruism and volunteerism
in social sciences. According to Schein (1980), the perception of economical
man means that people are motivated mainly by economical incentives for their
own needs, desires, satisfaction and survival. Thus, scholars in philosophy,
psychology, sociology, socio-biology and economics strive to explain the self
benefits underlying altruism. In fact, the egocentric approach is so rooted in these
disciplines, it has become white noise that no-one seems to hear and ask about
any longer.
According to the egocentric approach, every altruistic act is done for future
benefit/s or cooperation, and what motivates a person to help another are the
tangible and perceived benefits she or he may gain, directly or indirectly. This
approach actually rejects the idea of altruistic motivation to volunteer or to help,
and only perceives satisfaction and benefits to the self as the true motives
(Clohesy, 2000; Khalil, 2004). Such an approach ignores the emotional process of
the helper, including feelings of empathy and sympathy. Compassion, desire to
benefit others and sacrifice, are considered as means to improve self-image and
social appreciation. However, this approach does not explain why the helper must
act and not rely on others to help. Further, if self satisfaction is all there is to
altruism, then why do people endanger their own lives to rescue others?
The Utilitarian Approach to Morality

Particularly since Plato and Aristotle, Western philosophers have dealt with
questions of morality. But while ancient Greek philosophy dealt with the question
of who is a moral man, modern philosophy focuses on what is moral behavior.
The two main approaches in moral philosophy are the Deontological Moral of
Kant (17241804) versus the Utilitarian approach of Bentham (17481832) and
John Stuart Mill (18061873). It was the latter approach that generated the
egocentric perceptions of altruism.
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In the basis of the Utilitarian philosophy is the Hobbesian approach to human

nature of homo homini lupus (a man to a man is a wolf) where humans were perceived
as calculators of self-interests, driven by pleasure and suffering (Batson, 1991).
Utilitarian philosophers defined what is good as what achieves the greatest
benefits, and maintained that benefits can be pleasures, preferences and
satisfaction. Utilitarianism is consequentialist, since its main argument is that the
right thing to do is the one that leads to the best results in terms of welfare and
pleasure.
As for altruism, Mill (1861) argued that the Utilitarian morality does
recognize in human beings the power of scarifying their own greatest good for
the good of others; it only refuses to admit that the sacrifice is itself good
(Chapter 2, paragraph 17). According to Mill, altruism is a result of socialization
and people may allegedly be altruistic, if they be brought up to believe that altruism
could benefit them (socially, personally or by God) or, alternatively, that not
acting altruistically may lead to punishment. Thus the motive to help others is
basically egoistic.
Adam Smith (17231790) further asserted that altruism occurs when one feels
distress facing anothers suffering. According to Smith, the power that underlies
altruistic behavior is the desire to reduce this distress, as well as the desire to
improve our social image and to avoid social and self-censure. Therefore, altruistic
persons do not help in order to benefit others, but rather out of a desire to receive
benefits, avoid distress and discomfort, and relieve their sense of obligation
(Batson, 1991).
THE EGOCENTRIC APPROACH IN EARLY PSYCHOLOGY
Freud (18561939) perceived altruism as acting for ones own well-being.

Even if altruistic motivation could develop, it is only a strategic expression of
a more fundamental and egoistic one (Batson, 1991). In his General Introduction to
Psychoanalysis, Freud (1920) explained that children love themselves, and only
through a socialization process do they learn to love others. Children even love
their parents simply because they need them, out of egoistic motives. Only later
in life do love and egoism separate. Freud described the importance of aggression
in peoples lives, and the ever-lasting struggle between the creative love force, eros,
and the destructive death force, thanatos. A moral power to balance the two is
required: the super-ego. Thus, when people realize that the ego cannot be fully
satisfied and that aggression toward others is undesirable, they turn their
aggression toward themselves and produce guilt. As for altruism, Freud explained
in Civilization and Its Discontents (1930), that the individual development is a product
of the interplay between the struggle for happiness (egoism) and the impulse
toward merging with others in the community (altruism). The super-ego,
through an instituting restriction, represses the selfish needs, and altruism
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develops, either as a result of guilt or as the product of values and social standards
learned in childhood.
Although, since Freud, perceptions of man, needs and impulses have altered,
psychological egoism was still influential in the 1970s and 1980s on sub-disciplines
in psychology, such as social psychology and developmental psychology (Batson,
1991; Monroe, 1996, 2001). The theory of Ultimate Psychological Hedonism
(UPH), as one example, is a widespread motivation theory which assumes that
actions are ultimately carried out to maximize the level of ones own pleasure and
to minimize ones own pain (Mees & Schmitt, 2008).
Developmental Psychology
Developmental psychology was influenced by the notion that egoism and
aggression mellow as a child grows older, and also by the concept that altruism is
actually a product of socialization. That is, a child is naturally egoistic. As such,
the focus was on the influence of learning and growing on the development of
altruism, and the manners in which aging reduces egocentric impulse. Developmentalists have examined the manner in which children come to feel moral
emotions such as guilt and empathy; and how they become capable and willing
to behave accordingly to rules and values without a need for external control
(Kochanska & Aksan, 2004). However, some scholars in this discipline did argue
that children can be empathic and altruistic.
Hoffman (1978) argued that humans are programmed not only to be egoistic,
but also, under certain conditions, to help other human beings, even at cost to
themselves. In his theory on the development of altruistic motivation (1975),
Hoffman suggested that an altruistic motivation is developed in infants in several
stages: from empathic distress (the involuntary experiencing of another persons
painful emotional distress) to sympathic distress, which is divided into three levels.
At the first level, child knows that others are separate physical entities but does
not realize that they have thoughts and feelings different from his own, thus, the
child can sense the distress of others, and tries to comfort them in the same way
he or she likes to be comforted. At the second level, the child becomes aware of
others as sources of thoughts and feelings and tries comforting them in means that
are suited to their individual situations. The final level occurs when the child can
be sympathetic to the overall life situation others. In 1979, Hoffman argued that
empathic affect arousal is involuntary and occurs in infants, even a few days old,
but that only with time, a child learns what the other is, and how to comfort
another in a helpful manner (see more about empathy and altruism in different
stages of childhood, Hoffman 1975, 1979).
Piliavin and Charng (1990) explained that the ability to help others increases
over a life-time: as children grow older they develop empathy and social responsibility. Based on Banduras theory of social learning (1963, 1977), Piliavin (2000)
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asserted that altruism develops through learning and parental modeling. Thus,
children that were exposed to altruistic behavior tended to demonstrate such
behavior themselves. Furthermore, the most effective learning of altruism by
children is by practice, and therefore childrens participation in the altruistic and
voluntary activity of their parents, as well as volunteering in school, may lead to
an earlier development of an altruistic self.
Krebs (1982; Krebs & Van-Hesteren, 1994) captured altruism as a continuum
ranging from completely self-centered behaviors on the one hand, and completely
alter-centered behaviors on the other. Based on scholars who dealt with human
development (such as Piaget, Maslow, Loevinger, and Kegan), Krebs explained
that peoples ability to understand others changes over time, and thus, in different
stages of life, people differ in their social abilities (even if they do not always
behave accordingly). Krebs suggested a model of seven stages or levels of altruism, and in each stage a person gets closer to the altruistic end of the continuum.
The stages move from egocentric accommodation (mainly to relieve distress
and fulfill safety needs) and instrumental cooperation, to mutual altruism
(sensitivity to others in general, fulfilling role obligations) and conscientious
altruism (pro-social behavior guided by an internal sense of social responsibility);
until one reaches autonomous altruism (based on internal high values) and
integrated altruism (full identification with humanity). Very few reach the last
stage: universal self-sacrificial love.
Zahn-Waxler (Zahn-Waxler & Radke-Yarrow, 1990; Zahn-Waxler, 1991;
Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow, Wagner, & Chapman, 1992) argued that the old
conceptions of children as egoistic are not necessarily true, and that pro-social
behaviors and attitudes can develop in early childhood, due to environment
(socialization or parental emotional state) or temperament (character or
personality). As early as two years of age, children can show (a) the cognitive
capacity to interpret physical and psychological states of others, (b) the emotional
capacity to experience, affectively, the state of others, and (c) the behavioral
repertoire that may help them to alleviate discomfort in others.
Impact of Developmental Psychology on the Study of Volunteerism

The approach of developmental psychology to altruism influenced research on
age and volunteering behavior (see Pearce, 1993; Wilson, 2000). Some scholars
argued that the tendency to volunteer increases with age, and therefore people
volunteer more as they retire. In addition to the leisure time, which increases in
old age, altruism is stronger then, and that is why older people volunteer more
(Putnam, 2000). This is mainly based on the perception that people are born
egoistic and change through socialization and up-brining.
Patterns of volunteering through the life cycle were also studied. Atchley
(1971, 1989) developed the continuity theory of aging and argued that people of
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older age tend to make decisions and behave according to patterns formed
from a younger age. Indeed, studies show that people who volunteered when they
were younger, tend to so as they age. An Independent Sector (2001) survey found
that 44 percent of adult volunteers began to do so in adolescence, and that people
who volunteered as adolescents have twice the chance to volunteer as adults.
Therefore, much research was done on volunteering in adolescence. Factors
that may lead adolescents to volunteer were studied, and socialization to volunteering through parents, school and church was found to be very important
(Janoski & Wilson, 1995; Jones, 2000; Raskoff & Sundeen, 1994, 1998; Sundeen
& Raskoff, 2000). A few studies have tried to understand personal motivations
of youth to volunteer. Schondel and Boehm (2000) found that, in general, youth
motivation to volunteer was similar to that of older volunteers while HaskiLeventhal, Ronnel, York and Ben-David (2008) found that adolescents had
different motivations and that social motives were uniquely strong (also see:
Jones, 2000; Omoto et al., 2000). Volunteering was found to have a positive
impact on adolescents success in school, and it helped reduce several behavioral
problems, such as substance abuse, violence and early pregnancy (Schondel et
al., 1995; Uggen & Janikula, 1999).
Social Psychology
Studies on altruism in social psychology are based on the notion that prosocial
behavior, as any behavior, is a result of the interaction between a person and his
or her environment (for example, Bierhoff & Rohmann, 2004). Such studies
emphasized social norms and values, emotional reactions, situational factors and
social relations between helpers and receivers (Batson, 1991; Monroe, 1996).
Monroe (1996) explained that altruism is a result of an interactive decisionmaking process in which the characteristics of the helper connect with those of
the environment, and the parties influence is mutual.
The symbolic interaction theory was often used to explain altruistic behavior
(Mead, 1934, 1970). The idea is that people attach symbolic meaning to objects
and behaviors, to themselves and others, and develop and pass on these meanings
by interaction and communication. Furthermore, people strive to know others
interpretations of their own behavior. Mead explained that moral behavior is a
result of peoples capability to see themselves from the others points of view, and
of their desire for reassurance.
However, according to Khalil (2004), writers who used the symbolic interaction
theory failed to explain why different people react to the same situation differently. Why do some people act according to social expectations and some not?
Why do only certain people appreciate altruistic behavior? By using the theory,
too much emphasis was given to the situational factors over the personality
aspects.
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What Makes an Altruist: Altruism and Personality Issues

A small number of writers assumed that there is an altruistic or prosocial
personality (Allen & Rushton, 1983; Oliner & Oliner, 1988). By studying personality
traits, such as the Big Five (or the five factors model, see: Digman, 1990; John,
1990), scholars concluded that some factors are indeed related to altruism,
including extraversion and emotional stability (Batson, 1991; Bekkers, 2004).
Oliner and Oliner (1988) interviewed over 400 people who helped Jews in
Nazi-occupied Europe during World War II, and came to the conclusion that
there is an altruistic personality, which includes several characteristics, such as
being empathetic and generous. Other studies pointed to a strong self image, self
efficacy, inner locus control, and a low need of appraisal. Moral norms and
commitment to such norms, a sense of responsibility and a low desire for free
riding were also correlated to altruism (Piliavin & Charng, 1990). Empathy is
related to prosocial and altruistic behavior in two possible manners. First, by
identifying with the other, one may feel secondary distress, and thus the desire to
help is aimed to reduce ones own distress. Alternatively, empathy can create a
sincere desire to help. If the aim is to reduce ones own distress, then the given
help may be done by others or be ineffective.
An interesting explanation to empathic behavior and altruism is based on the
Attachment Theory of Bowlby (1969), according to which human beings are born
with attachment behavioral system that motivates them to seek proximity to
people who will protect them (attachment figures). Theoretically, people who have
the benefits of secure social attachment (based on good care-giving system in early
childhood), find it easier to perceive and respond to other peoples suffering
(Mikulincer & Shaver, 2005). Several studies demonstrated that compassionate
feeling and values, as well as altruistic behavior, are promoted by attachment
security (Mikulincer et al., 2005; Gillath et al., 2005).
An additional personal perception that may influence altruism is the
psychological sense of community, which was defined by Sarason (1974: 1) as
a sense that one belongs in, and is meaningfully a part of a larger collectivity.
McMillan (1996: 315) later defined it as the spirit of belonging together, a feeling
there is an authority that can be trusted, an awareness that trade and mutual
benefit come from being together. An enhanced sense of community benefits the
community, encourages trust and generates a feeling of belonging among its
members (Omoto & Snyder, 2002).
Altruism and Situational Factors

Research shows that certain situations (and their interpretations) are related to
peoples readiness to help. For example, people will be more willing to help after
a disaster rather than in day-to-day situations (Piliavin & Charng, 1990). Another
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important situational factor is the number of other people who are present and
could give help. Darley and Latane (1968) presented the bystander effect: a
psychological phenomenon in which someone is less likely to intervene in an
emergency situation when other people are present and able to help than when he
or she is alone.
Additional situational factors may impact the decision to help, such as the
characteristics and state of the needy: women tend to receive more help than
men, and the more that the victim is perceived as helpless, the more chances
actual help will arrive (Piliavin & Charng, 1990). Relationships between helpers
and beneficiary and the existence of former acquaintances can also lead people
to help (Oliner & Oliner, 1988).
Impact of Social Psychology on the Study of Volunteerism

Several studies examined personality traits and their impact on volunteering (see
Penner, 2004), and found that empathic ability, self-efficacy, inner locus control,
strong morality and self image influence the tendency to volunteer (Bekkers, 2004;
Piliavin & Charng, 1990; Smith, 1994). Penner (Penner & Finkelstein, 1998;
Penner, 2002) found that two factors were related to volunteering: a sense of
helpfulness and other-oriented empathy (feeling responsible for the welfare of
others). People with prosocial personalities tend to volunteer twice as much
when volunteering requires overcoming difficulties and obstacles (Herman &
Usita, 1994; Lau et al., 2004; Spitz & McKinnon, 1993). Regarding attachment
style and volunteering, some studies show that avoidant attachment is related to less
volunteering and to self-enhancing motives for volunteering (Gillath et al., 2005).
Volunteering is related to a psychological sense of community in two ways:
volunteering enhances the sense of community, and a strong sense of community
is also an indicator of further volunteering (Okum & Michel, 2006). It is cultural
capital, which along with human capital (e.g. education and income) and social
capital (networks), predicts volunteering (Wilson & Musick, 1998). Haski-Leventhal,
Ben-Arieh, and Melton (2008) found that neighborly volunteering in American
rural areas was enhanced by participants strong sense of community.
It is interesting to note that similar personality traits impact both altruism and
volunteerism, and therefore we may conclude that people with a prosocial personality would tend to help, whether through spontaneous altruistic behavior or
through organized voluntary action.
The concept of behavior as a result of the person-environment interaction
entered the study of volunteerism only recently. Penner (2002) suggested a
theoretical model which combines personal factors (such as socio-demography,
values, attitudes, prosocial personality and motivations) and situational, organizational and social factors to explain volunteering, the decision to volunteer and
different stages in volunteering.
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Social psychology also influenced the study on motivations to volunteer, which

has been defined as internal, psychological forces that move people to overcome
obstacles and become involved in volunteer activity (Clary et al., 1996: 486).
Motivation to volunteer is the most studied aspect of volunteering, as so many
scholars strived to explain the gap between the egocentric approach and volunteering (Cnaan & Goldberg-Glen, 1991; Fitch, 1987; Penner & Finkelstein, 1998;
Pearce, 1993; Qureshi et al., 1983; Yeung, 2004; Zakour, 1994).
Motivation to volunteer is usually perceived as a combination of several
motives, altruistic and egoistic alike (see Cnaan & Goldberg-Glen, 1991), which
may imply that pure altruism is impossible or unlikely. Different writers have
offered different categories to these motivations: Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen
(1991) presented the three dimensional model, consisting of altruism, egoism and
social motivation. Yeung (2004) suggested the octagonal model, which describes
four motivational dimensions: getting-giving; action-thought; newness-continuity;
and proximity-distance.
Another important contribution of social psychology to the study of volunteerism
is the functional approach (Katz, 1960), according to which we adapt and alter
our attitudes during our life to fulfill different psychological functions. Clary,
Snyder and colleagues (Clary et al., 1996; Omoto & Snyder, 1993) have proposed
the functional approach and employed it in the study of volunteerism. It
emphasizes the diversity of motives that underlie volunteer behavior and shows
that the same volunteer behavior can serve different functions for different
individuals. Clary and others (1996) have identified six major motives for
volunteer service: Expression of Values (acting on the belief of the importance
of helping others); Understanding (to understand others or oneself); Career
(enhancing career opportunities or skills); Social (to meet the normative
expectations of others); Self-Esteem (to feel good about oneself); and Protective
motive (to relieve or escape negative or aversive feelings). Studies have suggested
that matching motives to volunteer activities results in higher performance ratings
and greater satisfaction with service and that some motives are better predictors
of continued service than others (Clary & Snyder, 1991).
SOCIOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL EXPLANATIONS OF ALTRUISM
In the 19th century, as sociology began to develop as an academic discipline,

theories on altruism emerged. Sorokin (18891968) was a Russian-American
sociologist, who established the research center on volunteerism, linked altruism
and love, and described the different aspects of both: ethical, religious, biological,
psychological and social. Sorokin (1965) perceived helping and giving in a community as love. Kropotkin (18421921), also born in Russia, attributed the central
role in human moral development to altruism. Kropotkin established the social
theory, which conceives mutual help to be a basic trait of all living beings (including
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animal herds) and not as a result of culture or civilization. In Mutual Aid: A Factor
of Evaluation, Kropotkin (1902) explained that altruism has a major role in our
moral development. He disagreed with Darwin, who said that nature is all about
a struggle for existence, in which only the fittest survive. In Kropotkins vision
such a struggle was only one aspect of nature which was balanced by an opposite
onespontaneous solidarity. Kropotkin believed that mutual help is a strong and
natural human trait, stronger than egoism or the search for power.
According to Shalev (2003), later in the 20th century sociologists generally
found little interest in studying altruism, and only in the 1970s did such interest
reemerge. The alter-centric approaches of Sorokin and Kropotkin disappeared,
and the focus shifted to personal factors that may lead to altruistic behavior. If
social psychologists looked at personality traits, sociologists studied aspects of
group, community, religion and socio-demographic features.
Collective Norms and Group Influence

People are social entities whose interactions with their social surroundings
(from early childhood to adult life) shape their behavior, beliefs, values, and world
perspectives. The self evolves not as a distinct physiological or psychological entity,
but as a social construct (Mead, 1934). Peoples affiliation group (be it family,
community, or a congregation) play an important role in developing the norms
and values of both the group and the individual. Group membership influences
behavior through the mediating role of group norms. People will be more likely
to engage in a particular behavior if it is in accord with the norms of the group
(Terry & Hogg, 1996; White et al., 1994).
Durkheim (1897/1997; 1912/1995) presented the idea of norms and norm
conformity. In traditional mechanistic societies, argued Durkheim, the collective
consciousness entirely subsumes individual consciousness. Social norms are strong
and social behavior is well-regulated. However, in modern organic societies,
individual consciousness emerges distinct from collective consciousness, often
finding itself in conflict with the collective consciousness. Durkheim demonstrated
that, in more cohesive groups and communities, people better comply with the
norms of the group. Participation in collectivities is not only the result of group
cohesion, but also strengthens the sense of belonging to the group.
Durkheims theory of social norms can be interpreted in two ways. In the first
interpretation, sometimes labeled as structural, social norms reside outside the
individual, and become visible through the actions of other members of ones
community or group and therefore cohesion and group structure are most important. In the second interpretation, social norms reside within the individual, in his
or her beliefs and internalized value system. According to the second cultural
interpretation, individuals are more likely to obey social norms when they have
internalized these norms through socialization (Bekkers, 2004).
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Studies on the percentage of population involved in volunteer work show stable

trends in different countries (Hodgkinson, 2003; ONeil, 2001; Pearce, 1993;
Penner, 2004; Wilson, 2000). For example, annually about a half of adult Americans
volunteer while only one-third of adult Europeans do so, and only 15 percent
volunteer in post-communist countries (Anheier & Salamon, 1999). As such, it is
possible that social norms and other characteristics of the society and community
in which one lives have an affect on both the altruistic tendency and volunteering
habits. In previous studies of altruism and volunteering in different societies, both
the structural and cultural perspectives were taken into account: some have studied structural features such as community size and networking (Monroe, 1996;
Pearce, 1993; Penner, 2004; Smith, 1994; Wilson, 2000) while others studied
cultural aspects, such as religion, social values, social pressure and reciprocity
(Bekkers, 2004; Monroe, 1996; Oliner & Oliner, 1988).
The Importance of Values in Enhancing Altruism

Social values can also explain altruism and volunteering (Bekkers, 2004). Rokeach
(1969: 160) defined values as belief that a specific mode of conduct or end-state
of existence is personally and socially preferable to alternative modes of conduct
or end-states of existence. Schwartz (Sagiv & Schwartz, 2000) described ten
personal values which impact our attitudes and behavior, among them the value
of benevolence: concern for others welfare, aspiration for responsibility and
loyalty, honest relationships with others and lending a hand in a time of distress.
We may assume that people with strong values of benevolence will demonstrate
strong altruism and voluntary action.
Human and Social Resources

Alongside collective affiliation and norms, sociologists studied socio-demographic
factors and their impact on altruism and volunteerism such as: income, education,
gender and age. Two theories on the relation of such factors to voluntary action
emerged: the dominant status approach and the social resources theory.
According to David Horton Smith (1994), the dominant status is defined by
components which are perceived as prestigious. Thus higher status in the Western
World is dominated by white men, with higher income and education, middle
aged, who are active in church and in sports. Smith showed that the features of
the dominant status are also related to volunteering. Wilson and Musick (1998)
wrote about the contribution of social resources to volunteering, and explained
that high social involvement depends on social capital (social networks, social
contacts, and affiliation to church and other organizations) and human capital
(education and income).
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IMPACT OF SOCIOLOGY ON THE STUDY OF VOLUNTEERISM
The impact of sociology on the study of volunteerism can be seen by the vast
body of research on the way in which socio-demographic factors, social capital,
and cultural norms and values are related to volunteering.
Pearce (1993) explained that there is a large body of data and knowledge on
the socio-demographic factors of volunteers, and that, in general, people
with higher income, higher education, jobs and family tend to volunteer more, to
volunteer in several organizations, to undertake leadership roles and to be more
committed to their volunteer work. However, the literature review shows that the
findings are not definitive. Except for education, which was consistently found to
be related to volunteering (Pearce, 1993; Wilson, 2000), other socio-demographic
factors (such as income, age, gender and being employed) led to mixed results
(Mostyn, 1983; Wilson, 2000).
Research shows that religious affiliation is also related to volunteering
(Independent Sector, 2001; Toppe & Kirsch, 2003) and its influence can be
explained according to the structural and cultural interpretations of Durkheims
theory. First, religious affiliation increases a feeling of belonging, a psychological
sense of community, social networking and the visibility of the voluntary acts of
other members. In addition most religions promote the principles of helping
others and love thy neighbor, and teach people values such as altruism and
giving. As such, in a congregational setting one is introduced to the religious
teaching and values of helping the needy and is surrounded by other members
who are active in helping the needy (Cnaan, 2002).
Findings consistently show strong correlations between peoples social capital
and tendency to volunteer (Pearce, 1993; Wilson, 2000). Social contacts usually
encourage volunteerism, either by direct request or by setting an example. People
are more likely to volunteer in response to a personal appeal, particularly from a
current volunteer. It was found that people who are asked to volunteer are four
times more likely to do so than others (Penner, 2004). In fact, social capital can
also explain the impact of human capital (income and education) on volunteering,
given that individuals with higher positions at work and those who attended
college have more social contacts. Furthermore, social networks provide rewards
for helping behaviors, in the form of increasing positive attitudes from significant
others and increased prestige (warm-glow: Andreoni, 1995). Simon, Strumer,
and Steffens (2000) showed that the more that a person has a collective
identification with others, the more she or he will work and volunteer for the
members of the in-group and be committed to it. Additionally, the volunteer
group is important for maintaining volunteers and enhancing their satisfaction
and commitment (Haski-Leventhal & Cnaan, 2009).
Cross-cultural studies have showed that people in different countries have
different perceptions of volunteering and who is a volunteer (Handy et al., 2000;
Meijs et al., 2003). Local cultures, political climate, government policy, history
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and norms can all impact the trends of volunteering in a given country. As
Anheier and Salamon (1999) explained, volunteering is a cultural and economic
phenomenon, and it is part of the way societies are organized and allocate social
responsibilities, and how much participation they expect from citizens. The
authors showed that in different countries and different political regimes people
volunteer at different rates and for different causes. Haski-Leventhal, Cnaan,
Handy et al. (2008) showed that students vocational choice impacted their
tendency to volunteer, more than other background factors, but that the way
vocational choice impacted the tendency to volunteer varied in different countries
and cultures.
Sociologists also studied the personal values that lead to volunteering. Shure
(1991) described three catalysts that enhance volunteering: individual and group
norms; sense of empathy; and guiding universal principles. Dekker and Helman
(2003) wrote that among the values that lead to volunteering are altruism,
solidarity, a desire to do good, a sense of justice and equality, and religious values.
Reed and Selbee (2003) showed that volunteers have a distinctive ethos, manifested
in the importance placed on civic and community action; in a belief that people
ought to give and help; and in a feeling of universality. Smith (1994) found that
volunteering was related to values of integrity, patriotism, democracy, political
involvement, and willingness to help others.
IS ALTRUISM ECONOMICAL? ECONOMICS, ALTRUISM AND THE HOMO ECONOMICUS
The fact that many persons give time and money for the public good instead of
relying on others to provide is an enigma to many economists (Andreoni, 1995).
In his book, The Logic of Collective Action, Olson (1965) offered the idea of free-riding,
and showed that any group can be affected by people who only ask for the
collective good, but do not share the duty of the collective effort.
The perceptions of people as economical and rational beings (homo economicus),
acting by cost-benefit calculus in order to maximize their own good, also affected
the study of altruism. Not only does the mainstream in economics see people as
egocentric creatures, but also as those who have enough information and ability
to make calculated decisions. Altruism becomes a product with a price tag, as well
as with a potential profit.
Knox (1999) explained that, according to this approach, only a person who
helps others out of egoistic motives, for his or her own good, is rational and
truthful. As such, it is irrational and senseless for a lawyer who earns $250 per
hour to volunteer in an activity that is worth one tenth of that amount: it would
be more sensible to work for another hour and donate the money. Monroe
(1996) asserted that, according to economists, altruism becomes a short term
strategy, which aims to gain some good for the altruist, be it different benefits or
avoiding guilt.
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The main impact of economics on the study of altruism and volunteerism has
been the adoption of Blaus theory of social exchange (1967). Blau was a social
psychologist, but the theorys foundations are the homo economicus perceptions. The
basic concept in the social exchange theory is that people who give and help
others expect something in return. An individual who helps another creates a
feeling of obligation. In order to relieve him/herself from this obligation, the
beneficiary will try to reward his or her helper. If each of them perceives the
received benefits as valuable, this cycle will be maintained.
Blau claimed that people are eager to receive social approval for their decisions,
actions and opinions. People often change their attitudes, improve their decisions
and act for the benefit of others, just to receive social approval. Therefore,
according to Blau, an egoistic motive underlies any altruistic act:
An apparent altruism pervades social life; people are anxious to benefit one another and to reciprocate for the
benefits they receive. But beneath this seeming selflessness an underlying egoism can be discovered; the tendency
to help others is frequently motivated by the expectation that doing so will bring social rewards (p. 17).
However, economists also understand that altruism has unique components

that are missing from economic exchange relationships. Even according to the
social exchange theory, people act for some future obscure benefit, but, since they
cannot assure such a benefit, social exchange requires trust. Thus, social
exchange, although it may be derived from purely egoist motives, creates trust in
social systems. Collard (1978, 1983) called for moral economical behavior, and
argued that altruism is a necessary condition for such morality. According to
Collard, mutual trust is a necessary but not sufficient condition for moral behavior
in economical life. However, it should be noted that what Collard referred to as
altruism also included paying progressive tax, which does not completely fall into
the above definitions of altruism.
The Impact of Economics on the Study of Volunteerism

Many writers on volunteerism have based their explanations of volunteering on
the social exchange theory (Black & DiNitto, 1994; Cnaan & Goldberg-Glen,
1991; Qureshi et al., 1983; Wilson & Musick, 1999; Wilson, 2000). Thus, volunteers
are perceived as people who give their time to help others in order to receive
something in return: satisfaction, prestige, appraisal or social approval. Such
benefits can be intrinsic or extrinsic (e.g. symbols of appraisal, material rewards
or training; see Cnaan and Amrofel, 1994; Gidron, 1978). Wilson (2000)
explained that social exchange underlies volunteering on two levels: on the first
level, a person receives help (for themselves or their close ones) from society when
it was needed and feels obligated. Volunteering is a way to relieve such obligation.
On the second level, people volunteer since they fear one day they will be in need
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and, by volunteering today, they create credit to rightfully ask for societys help
in the future.
Relying on exchange theories to explain volunteerism led to a vast number of
studies on the benefits and rewards related to volunteering, showing that
volunteers reported different actual and expected intrinsic and extrinsic benefits
from volunteering (Cnaan & Amrofell, 1994; Mostyn, 1983). Volunteers reported
different benefits to be of importance: appraisal and approval (Haski-Leventhal
et al., 2008); training and career enhancement (Zakour, 1994); responding to
different needs (Miller, 1990); and economically worthwhile benefits (Wilson &
Musick, 1999). Cnaan and Amrofell (1994) divided volunteering benefits into five
categories: tangible or material rewards that are not pay-for services; internal
rewards and a good feeling about oneself; social interaction rewards; norms and
social pressure (relieved); and avoidance rewards. In addition to the perceived
benefits of volunteering, Wilson (2000) reviewed actual benefits and positive
consequences such as better physical and mental health, addressing social
problems (for example anti-social behavior of youth), and building civic society.
If the idea is that people calculate their costs and benefits to see if their
volunteering work is profitable, then the costs and difficulties of volunteering
should also be acknowledged. The literature indicates three major costs related to
volunteering: less available time and a feeling that volunteering takes more time
than expected (Blake & Jefferson, 1992; Omoto & Snyder, 1993); stigma and
negative social reaction, due to working with controversial organizations or
populations (such as AIDS patients or anti-governmental organizations; Omoto
& Snyder, 1993); and psychological difficulties like burnout, secondary trauma,
stress and despair (Capner & Caltabiano, 1993; Cyr & Doerick, 1991; HaskiLeventhal, 2005; Mitchell et al., 2004). As Chinman and Wandersman (1999)
showed, costs and benefits are also related to the kind of organization and role
the volunteers undertake.
Economists tried to explain altruism by offering formula to calculate the
cost-benefit ratio of altruism, and by focusing on the bottom line: the economic
profit of volunteering, both to the volunteer and to society (Andreoni, 1995).
Others have tried to calculate the monetary value of volunteering. For example,
Independent Sector (2001) concluded that the volunteer workforce gave
approximately 15.5 billion hours a year, representing the equivalent of over 9
million full-time jobs at a value of $239 billion.
In various studies, Handy and her colleagues (Cnaan et al., 1996; Handy et al.,
2000; Meijs et al., 2003) examined public perceptions on who is a volunteer and
showed that an activity was often considered volunteering, if the costs involved
were high. Thus the concept of net-cost in volunteering emerged. Researchers
used economics to study volunteering, but the results of these studies showed that
people actually perceive volunteering as non-economical.
Is volunteering economical? Knox (1999) disagreed with the narrow economist
approach to study altruism and volunteering. In his article, the volunteers folly and
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the socio-economic man, his argument was that volunteering is not folly, but rather
that economic rationality is too narrow and therefore fails to give a satisfactory
explanation to the altruistic choice to volunteer instead of just working and
donating the money. Knox thought that volunteers can be truly altruistic and
still decide to give time instead of money. He offered a wider definition, not taking
for granted that altruistic acts are rational, and suggested seeing people as social,
deontological and community-oriented beings.
IS ALTRUISM NATURAL? SOCIO-BIOLOGICAL AND EVOLUTIONARY

APPROACHES TO ALTRUISM
Darwins natural selection theory gave an innovative explanation to the development of mankind, an alternative to the theological explanations, and impacted
the emergence of other disciplines, such as psychology, sociology and biology. One
of the basic concepts in Darwins theory is the survival of the fittest, through
struggling for existence over resources with other species or within ones own. As
such, from an evolutionary point of view, it is difficult to explain why people risk
their life to save others.
However, altruism and self-sacrifice do exist in nature. We may even find
altruistic behavior among animals: a bee sacrificing itself to protect the queen
supposedly acts against natures laws and its basic survival instincts. Altruistic
behavior, human or not, challenged the Darwinist theory in two ways. First, how
can we explain such behavior which is supposedly against our nature: sacrificing
oneself instead of struggling for existence? And second, how is it that people who
act for the benefit of others survive no less than those who do not, and that groups
that encourage altruism survive even more than groups that do not?
Socio-biologists defined people as altruists if they give more weight to others
outcomes than to their own in deciding on game strategies (Piliavin & Charng,
1990). Socio-biology addresses altruism only from the point of survival and
genetic outcome, without dealing with moral questions (Sigmund & Hauert,
2002), and it does so through two main concepts: kin selection and group selection.
Kin-selection is acting altruistically for a group of the same genes to assure
the survival of the genes (Piliavin & Charng, 1990; Sigmund & Hauert, 2002),
such as parents who die to protect their children. Group selection is helping
people who are parts of ones affiliation group (even with no genetic relation) in
order to maintain the survival of an endangered small group (for example, Jews
helping Jews). Although kin-selection and group-selection can explain both
human and non-human altruism, one may still wonder if it really is altruism (since
the definitions of altruism above exclude helping relatives), and what explanation
can we offer for the many instances of human altruism aimed at total strangers?
Fehr (Fehr & Fischbacher, 2003; Fehr & Rockenbach, 2004) agreed that we
may find cooperation among animals as well, but asserted that human beings
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differ from animals, since humans may help those outside their affiliation group.
Such behavior may pose some questions on evolutionism, and additional
explanations are needed. Thus, the idea of reciprocal selection emerged (Fehr
& Rockenbach, 2004; Sigmund & Hauert, 2002). Reciprocal selection means that
people choose to help those who, in the future, could help them or their relatives,
that is, for their own survival or for the survival of their genes (Piliavin & Charng,
1990). Reciprocity is essential to establish cooperation in a group of egoistic
individuals. Giving up ones interests for the group is not evolutionary sensible, but
it was found that strong reciprocity may enhance survival (Fehr & Fischbacher,
2003). Sigmund and Hauert (2002) explained that economical ties can be almost
as strong as genetic ones, regarding an individuals decision whether to give up
his or her resources for another. However, it is an uncertain investment, since we
never know for certain if the other whom we helped will indeed help us in the
future.
Although this may remind us of the social exchange theory, the goods
exchanged here are the survival chances of a person (or his/her relatives). However,
socio-biology cannot yet fully explain altruism. Often people help others who are
neither their relatives nor members of their affiliation group. Sometimes altruism
is demonstrated for complete strangers, for people we do not know and surely do
not know if they will ever be able to help us in the future. Even the indirect
reciprocal selection is not a full explanation, since not all helpers believe in
cosmic justice.
Recently, socio-biological explanations focused on genetic influence on altruism
and empathy. One study examined behavior among 9424 pairs of twins, to
investigate the genetic and environmental influences on prosaically behavior from
early to middle childhood, and concluded that genetic effects account for change
and continuity in prosocial behavior, while environment contributes mainly to
change (Knafo & Plomin, 2006). Other studies tried to actually point to specific
genes related to altruism and prosocial behavior. It was found that the length of
the gene AVPR1a RS3 was related to altruist behavior (allocation of funds in the
Dictator Game). Interesting enough, a short version of this gene is related to
autism (See Israel et al., in press; Knafo et al., 2007).
Since all of the above socio-biological rationalizations to altruism would not fall
under the narrow definition of volunteering, it was not used to explain volunteerism,
and its impact of this field of study is unclear. However, it is part of the egocentric
approach which dominates the general approach to volunteering and to the vast
study on volunteering as (at least partly) egoistic behavior.
THE ALTER-CENTRIC APPROACH TO ALTRUISM
In this article we demonstrated that the study of altruism and, therefore, of

volunteerism in different disciplines (psychology, sociology, economics, and
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socio-biology) has mainly been based of the egocentric perceptions of man: a

rational, economical being who, above all, acts to enhance self-interest. The
egocentric approach is so inherent that very rarely does anyone question it.
Instead, scholars simply take it as given, make definitions and design research
questions accordingly, and strive to close the gap between homo economicus and the
undeniable human phenomenon of freely giving time and money to others or
even of self-sacrifice to save strangers.
Instead of focusing on these gaps, a new approach can be offered: the altercentric approach, accepting the possibility that people sometimes act on behalf of
others simply because they care about humanity and that altruism is one of their
core values. Indeed, if we were all egoistic, working for our own interests and
satisfaction, then we no longer need to speak about egoism. We rather need to
ask why some people derive satisfaction by helping and giving, while others derive
it from self-centered behavior. That is, the egocentric approach contradicts itself:
if everyone is egoistic, then we only have to differ between those who enhance
their own good by helping others (which should be called altruistic) and those who
do that by self-centered behavior (egoistic).
The Deontological Moral Philosophy

The alter-centric approach is based on the Kantian Deontological philosophy.
Immanuel Kant (17241804) argued that one should act not out of tendency but
out of duty; only then could ones action be considered moral. Our motivation to
act is neither altruistic nor egoistic, but should be a result of our moral duty. In
the Ground Work of the Metaphysic of Morals (1785/1889), Kant articulated four
principles to the categorical imperative, two of which can explain how we need
to perceive altruism. The principle of Universal Law is: Act only on that maxim
through which you can at the same time will that it should become a universal
law (Kant, 1785: 88). We should behave with others in the same manner we
would like others to behave, and, therefore, behaving altruistically is acting
according to this principle, since this is the manner in which we would like
everyone to act towards us. The second principle is that of End in Itself, which
says: Act in such a way that you always treat humanity (. . . ) never simply as a
means, but always at the same time as an end (p. 96). Thus, pure altruism, which
sees the other as an object in itself and not as a means to achieve benefits for ones
self, is not only possible but also moral.
Altruism as a Continuum
One way to rise above the egoistic-altruistic debate is to perceive altruism as a
continuum (Krebs & Van-Hesteren, 1994) not as a dichotomy. Krebs suggested
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that self and other are not necessarily psychologically separate entities, and that
altruism is a continuum between maximum enhancement of self, and maximum
enhancement of others. Usually, peoples actions are directed toward the enhancement of varying combinations of self-in-others and others-in-self. On this
continuum, relative altruism is measured by two criteria: exclusiveness (exclusively
helping others versus exclusively helping self) and quantity of helping (maximized
or not). Thus, behavior can be mainly altruistic, even if it is not exclusively or
maximally so.
In The Heart of Altruism, Monroe (1996) agreed that altruism should be perceived
as a conceptual continuum, which allows us to view self-interest and
altruism as the two poles, between which human behavior oscillates. The world
is not divided into altruists and non-altruists, she wrote, but rather the potential
for altruism exists in all people (1996: 13). Monroe distinguished between pure
altruism (which is helping another, even at risk to ones self) and particular
altruism (which is helping only certain groups or people, perceived as worth the
altruistic act due to certain features, such as similar background or family ties).
Cnaan and Goldberg-Glen (1991) offered the concept of altruistic continuum.
In their article on motivation to volunteer, the authors claimed that volunteering
is neither egoistic nor altruistic, but usually a combination of both. The various
studies on motivation to volunteer suggest that people usually volunteer out of
both, and that the altruism-egoism dichotomy is artificial.
Alter-Centric Theories and Models

Although the ego-centric approach is fairly dominant in the study of altruism and
volunteerism, over the years theories and models emerged which emphasized the
alter-centric approach. Detailed are some prominent books and articles written in
the alter-centric approach.
Titmuss (1970) recognized the importance of altruism to society. In The Gift
Relationship, Titmuss presented an altruistic approach to describe human behavior.
By studying blood donors, Titmuss suggested different categories of giving,
from the paid donor (which according to any definition above is not really
altruism) to the voluntary community donor. Titmuss believed that human lives
can be improved by human actions. His main argument was that we cannot
understand human behavior and needs without recognizing altruism as a human
need, not only of the beneficiaries, but also of the giver. Titmuss thought there is
an impulse to help others and to need others. Therefore, a true welfare state is
not only examined by what it gives to its citizens, but also by the opportunities it
presents so people can satisfy their need to give to others. However, Titmuss did
not believe in pure altruism, acting spontaneously without any self-interest. In his
opinion, there has to be a sense of duty, an agreement or an interest to guide the
giver.
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Nagel (1970) went a little further with the altruistic approach than Titmuss.
In The Possibility of Altruism, Nagel examined the possibility of complete (pure)
altruism and disputed the traditional egocentric approach. Based on the Kantian
Deontological moral philosophy, Nagel claimed that altruism (which he defined
as a willingness to act in consideration of others interests) is a moral virtue which is
manifested in moral behavior, and others are the subject of such behavior. Nagel
believed that altruism itself depends on recognizing the reality of others, and on
regarding oneself as one individual among many. People have a direct and rational
interest in helping others, without the need of moderators such as sympathy,
justice and rewards, and therefore altruism and rationality are not distinct. Similar
to Kants principle of universalism, Nagel thought that we want to act toward
others in the same manner that we would like others to act toward us, and therefore
altruistic society is what most people desire. Thus, altruism is an inner duty, and can
only derive from ones core values, not out of external incentives or punishment.
Nagel believed that pure altruism exists, even if combined with other motives.
In their book Unto Others, Sober and Wilson (1998) claimed the egoistic
approach became so rooted in peoples minds, that altruism is perceived as
remarkable and unnatural. The authors discussed the ego-centric approach
in psychology and social-biology (evolutionary altruism) to formulate the
hypothesis according to which humans may act to benefit others, even through
self-sacrifice, only because they care about the well-being of others as an ultimate
purpose. Sober and Wilson argued that individuals can evolve to benefit their
group, and that group selection can evolve helping behaviors that individuals
produce via mechanisms that are psychologically egoistic. Individual selection
can evolve self-serving behaviors that individuals produce via mechanisms that
are psychologically altruistic.
In psychology, Batson (1991, 2009) argued that pure altruism is possible.
Reviewing the literature on altruism in psychology and philosophy, Batson
pointed that the ego-centric approach is too dominant. Through experiments, he
demonstrated that people are likely to help others when empathy occurs.
In The Heart of Altruism, Monroe (1996) showed that the altruism described by
Nagel, as a way of perceiving others, does in fact exist, calling it the altruistic
perspective. Monroe studied the behavior of non-Jewish rescuers of Jews in
World War II and showed that there was no difference between rescuers and
non-rescuers regarding religion, family background, or community factors. Thus,
Monroe rejected the socio-cultural explanations to altruism and determined that
altruist people differ from others by their moral perception, and by altruistic
perspectives. This perspective was based on perceptions of shared humanity;
belief in a just world, and canonical expectations of altruism as normal behavior.
The altruistic rescuers perceived their altruism as something anyone would do: a
reflex, a deed that had to be done.
Clohesy (2000) also rejected the egocentric approach to the study of altruism,
and the neoclassical economists who believe people to be rational self-serving
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beings. Clohesy relied, as others before him, on the example of Jews rescuers:
people who helped strangers while risking themselves, with no external rewards,
and he therefore concluded that altruism does exist. Clohesy explained that
altruism is caring for others, and it does not matter what the helper may gain,
since the focus should be on motivations and not on results.
Khalil (2004) explained that the alter-centric approach recognizes a prosocial
character which includes personal traits. Scholars who follow the alter-centric
approach pay little attention to the decision-making and needs of the benefactor
him/herself, but rather accept that the actors altruistic action is almost dictated
by moral and obligatory dictums. According to Khalil, only a few authors have
written on altruism and volunteerism according to the alter-centric approach.
The fact that some of the alter-centric models and theories received a strong
criticism and provoked controversy can testify for the dominance of the ego-centric
approach. Additionally the impact of the alter-centric approach on the study of
volunteerism was limited, as will be discussed below.
CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTED FURTHER STUDY
Although altruism is defined as acting on behalf of others, it was here demonstrated that the study of altruism in different disciplines is generally based on an
egocentric approach and a homo economicus perception of man, seen as a rational
being who acts foremost to fulfill his or her own needs and interests. Accepting
the Utilitarian approach to morality, it was understood that people only act to
enhance their own happiness and avoid suffering. Such an approach has
influenced the study of volunteerism, the research questions as well as perceptions
of the volunteer.
Psychological egoism, beginning with Freud, has also found its way into developmental psychology and social psychology. In developmental psychology
there are theories of the stages and development of altruism (usually according to
ones life cycle), based on the idea that a person is born egoistic, and only through
time and socialization learns to control these impulses. This led to a study on
volunteering and age, and volunteering in adolescence and in retirement. Social
psychologists have studied altruism as an interaction between a person and
environment: personality traits and other virtues on the one hand, and situational
factors on the other. That is an unusual situation, in which unique personal
features must exist in order for altruistic behavior to take place. Thus the relationship between prosocial personality and volunteering has been studied, including
the impact of different personal and situational factors on the decision to volunteer. Psychology has also led to a major interest in motivation to volunteer and
there are numerous theories, models and studies on the subject.
Sociologists have contributed a number of key concepts and theories to the
study of altruism, such as group norms, structural and cultural feature of a
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community, and core values. It has explained altruism as acting according to

norms and expectations as well as values. Additional explanations to altruism
have been based on socio-demographic factors. Sociologys impact of the study of
volunteerism is mainly expressed by the vast data on socio-demographic factors,
and by the concept of social resources to volunteering. Additionally, there are
several studies on the value of volunteers, and cross-cultural studies comparing
volunteering trends in different countries, political regimes, and cultures.
The concept of homo economicus derives, naturally, from perceptions of altruism
by economists, and is best expressed in the social exchange theory. This theory
is the starting point for several studies on volunteering, and has led to broad
research on costs and benefits of volunteering, the net-cost theory and the
attempts to measure the economic value of volunteering. However, this approach
fails to explain why people act on behalf of others when there is no chance of
social exchange, or why some give much more than they would be able to receive.
The ideas of satisfaction and warm glow are not enough to explain all altruistic
behavior, especially self-sacrifice.
The approach of socio-biology to altruism is based on the notion that in the
struggle for existence, people (and animals) would do anything to assure selfsurvival and the survival of close ones (mainly genetically). As such, socio-biology has
explained altruism through the concepts of kin-selection and group-selection. Since
the two concepts cannot count for all altruistic behavior, the concept of reciprocityselection was offered, which also cannot explain why people sometimes help
complete strangers while risking their own lives, when reciprocity is uncertain.
Therefore, it is clear that none of the four disciplines here studied can offer an
inclusive theory of altruism, since they base most of their research on the perception of rational, economical and utilitarian man. It is time to more broadly
acknowledge the possibility of a moral and alter-centered humanity, and to see
that not all altruism demonstratively serves the helper. First, altruism can be
perceived as a continuum and not as a dichotomy. Second, an alter-centric
approach recognizes the impact of values, conscience and altruistic perspective on
altruistic attitudes and behavior.
Research on volunteerism which is based on the alter-centric approach is not
occupied so much by the question of why (why do people volunteer? What do
they gain?). Therefore it can deal with new aspects, such as the impact of volunteering on society; the way volunteering changes the volunteer; the processes one
undergoes while volunteering; the meaning of volunteering; and the relationship
between the volunteer and the recipients.
Centre for Social Impact
Australian School of Business, UNSW
Level 6 East, UNSW, Kensington NSW 2033
debbiehl@unsw.edu.au
2009 The Author
294
Acknowledgements. The author would like to thank David Bar-Gal, Alan York and
the three anonymous reviewers of this article, for their helpful comments.
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