Project
Introduction
In
todays
society,
visual
communication
is
equally
important
to
organisations
as
written
com-
munication
is.
Visual
communication
can
convey
several
messages,
and
there
is
always
a
purpose
to
this
type
of
communication.
This
paper
will
conduct
a
multimodal
discourse
analysis
of
Grund-
fos
corporate
video
About
the
Redwolf
Project
in
order
to
account
for
the
discursive
purpose,
which
the
video
may
hold.
This
analysis
will
be
achieved
by
the
use
of
Iedemas
three
metafunc-
tions:
representation,
orientation
and
organisation
(Iedema
2001).
Furthermore,
aspects
of
Kress
and
van
Leeuwens
(2006)
theory
on
social
distance,
viewer
perspective,
and
involvement
between
viewer
and
participant
will
be
applied.
Based
on
the
findings
of
this
analysis,
this
paper
will
produce
a
conclusion
where
an
interpretation
of
the
discursive
strategies
and
their
conse-
quences
will
be
given.
Moreover,
it
is
important
to
note
that
Iedema
(2001)
proposes
six
levels
of
analysis
of
social
se-
miotics,
but
this
paper
has
decided
not
to
focus
on
these,
but
primarily
focus
on
the
three
meta-
functions,
which
are
a
part
of
the
same
analysis.
The
first
metafunction,
representation,
gives
an
explanation
about
the
world
as
it
is
depicted
in
the
video;
it
considers
how
the
meanings
of
the
video
are
represented
verbally,
visually
and
sound-wise
(Iedema
2001:191).
In
the
beginning
of
Grundfos
corporate
video
it
is
stated
by
the
journalist,
Niki
Vraast-Thomsen,
who
can
be
considered
as
the
main
actor
of
this
video,
that
the
purpose
of
the
representation
is
to
discover
what
the
Redwolf
Project
actually
is.
The
journalist
is
represented
as
being
the
actor
who
investigates
Grundfos
and
thereby
conducting
interviews
with
the
group
executive
vice
president
of
Grundfos,
Sren
Srensen,
and
with
the
manager
of
the
Redwolf
Project,
Steen
Tffner.
Furthermore,
the
journalist
also
walks
around
the
facilities
of
Grundfos
alongside
the
vice
president
where
he
is
given
insight
to
the
production
of
Grundfos
products.
To
sum
up,
the
journalist
is
represented
as
an
outsider,
who
is
there
to
discover
the
se-
crets
of
the
Redwolf
project.
The
music
of
a
video
can
also
play
an
important
part
in
the
viewers
understanding
of
a
video,
and
music
is
also
an
important
element
in
the
video.
A
logo
of
a
red
wolf
on
a
black
background,
and
it
has
the
capture
Red
Wolf
Project
introduces
the
video.
The
music
is
modern
and
dra-
matic;
it
implies
mystery
and
that
there
is
something
unknown
about
Grundfos
and
this
project.
This
musical
piece
is
consistent
throughout
the
entire
introduction,
emphasising
that
something
is
about
to
happen;
another
interesting
aspect
of
the
introduction
is
the
sounds
which
can
be
heard
although
the
music
is
still
on.
The
first
sound
appears
right
after
the
wolf
logo,
where
the
shot
changes
to
a
pack
of
running
wolves;
here
the
viewer
can
hear
a
switching
noise,
which
is
something
that
is
often
heard
in
old
videos
when
reeling,
and
it
is
also
usually
a
feature,
which
is
used
in
movies,
where
something
frightening
is
about
to
happen
most
often
it
is
in
horror
mov-
ies
where
the
actors
film
the
actions
with
a
handheld
camera
and
they
record
the
happenings
by
themselves.
Thus
the
sound
amplifies
that
something
is
about
to
happen.
When
first
introduced
to
the
journalist,
other
types
of
sounds
occur
these
are
primarily
background
noise
such
as
the
fountain
in
front
of
him,
and
the
road
and
the
cars
behind
him.
The
journalist
is
also
introduced
outside
where
the
weather
is
rainy
and
grey,
which
also
makes
the
viewer
relate
to
something
negative
and
mysterious.
The
mysterious
music
track
is
not
disturbed
by
the
fact
that
the
journal-
ist
starts
speaking;
the
volume
has
merely
been
reduced
in
order
to
not
disturb
his
speech.
The
music
becomes
lighter
and
more
upbeat
when
the
viewer
is
introduced
to
the
vice
president;
this
indicates
that
something
good
is
about
to
happen,
and
an
answer
might
be
obtained.
The
shift
in
music
is
synchronised
with
the
vice
presidents
words
welcome
to
Grundfos
(Grundfos
2012).
Additionally,
the
light
changes,
and
the
atmosphere
and
the
mood
of
the
video
become
lighter
and
warmer.
This
up-beat
and
light
music
continues
throughout
the
sequence
with
the
vice
president;
the
music
changes
once
again
when
the
journalist
leaves
the
vice
president.
Then
the
music
becomes
calmer,
but
it
still
modern
and
technological,
and
the
viewer
is
introduced
to
the
manager
of
the
Redwolf
Project,
who
gives
the
journalists
answers,
which
is
also
why
the
calmer
music
is
now
used.
Then
the
video
changes
to
the
journalist
walking,
and
the
same
music
from
the
beginning
appears
once
again
this
indicates
that
one
mystery
has
been
solved,
but
there
are
many
more
to
come,
and
once
more
the
shots
changes
with
the
same
switching
noise
as
in
the
beginning,
and
this
indicates
that
more
mysteries
will
come
and
the
entire
truth
has
not
been
discovered.
This
message
is
also
conveyed
in
the
end
shot,
where
the
text
to
be
continued
(Grundfos
2012).
There
is
coherence
in
the
music,
since
all
the
musical
pieces
belong
to
the
same
genre;
they
belong
to
the
electronic
and
modern
genre
of
music,
which
allows
the
viewer
to
cre-
ate
associations
with
technological
development
(Iedema
2001:192).
To
sum
up
on
music
and
sounds;
both
elements
are
present,
and
it
is
clear
that
the
choice
of
music
also
holds
a
message,
which
supports
the
viewer
in
his
or
her
interpretation
of
the
reality
represented
in
the
video.
The
last
thing,
which
this
paper
will
cover
under
the
heading
of
representation,
is
the
speech
of
the
actors
in
the
video.
It
is
primarily
the
journalist
who
talks,
and
the
way
he
talks
and
what
he
says
indicate
that
he
is
an
external
journalist
who
has
come
to
investigate
Grundfos
and
the
Red-
wolf
Project
in
order
to
reveal
secrets
about
the
company
and
the
project.
His
act
of
speech
and
the
way
the
video
is
made
make
the
viewer
associate
him
with
the
famous
Danish
journalist
Morten
Spiegelhauer,
who
is
known
from
the
Danish
TV-programme
Operation
X,
where
he
is
trying
to
uncover
illegal
acts
in
the
Danish
society.
The
video
made
by
Grundfos
is
very
similar
to
Operation
X,
both
when
it
comes
to
appearance
of
the
journalist
to
how
the
shots
are
construct-
ed;
Danish
viewers
might
observe
this
association
immediately,
whereas
international
viewers
might
not,
because
they
might
not
be
familiar
with
this
type
of
programme.
The
video
is
sup-
posed
to
serve
as
a
type
of
TV-programme.
Orientation
The
second
metafunction,
orientation,
has
to
do
with
how
the
characters
of
the
movie
and
the
viewers
are
positioned
according
to
meanings
(Iedema
2001:192).
First,
this
paper
will
look
at
the
use
of
camera
angles.
The
camera
angle
functions
as
the
viewers
perspective,
and
this
per-
spective
allows
the
viewer
to
create
a
subjective
attitude
towards
the
character
represented
(Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
2006:129).
The
journalist
is
seen
from
two
angles:
a
low
angle
and
eye-level
angle,
the
latter
is
the
most
dominant
one,
indicating
that
the
journalist
is
on
the
same
social
level
when
it
comes
to
symbolic
power
(Jewitt
and
Oyama
2001:135).
The
journalist
is
only
seen
from
a
low
angle
two
times,
and
thereby
indicating
that
he
has
some
symbolic
power
over
the
viewer,
since
he
is
the
one
investi-
gating
this
project,
and
this
symbolic
power
is
also
stated,
when
he
says
I
am
here
to
find
out
what
it
is
(Grundfos
2012).
However,
the
eye-level
angle
is
the
dominant
one,
and
it
emphasises
equality;
this
equality
between
the
viewer
and
the
journalist
can
also
be
related
to
the
interaction
and
involvement
of
the
viewer.
Involvement
is
seen
in
the
social
distance
of
the
shots
in
the
vid-
eo.
Medium
shots
are
shots
from
the
waist
and
up,
and
correspond
to
the
personal
social
interac-
tion
from
the
viewers
world
(Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
2006:124-125).
When
the
journalist
starts
speaking,
he
is
seen
from
a
medium
shot,
indicating
that
there
is
a
certain
social
distance
be-
tween
him
and
the
viewer.
This
type
of
shot
in
this
scene
is
relevant
because
the
viewer
is
still
not
familiar
with
the
journalist,
but
he
gives
the
viewer
information,
which
might
improve
their
relationship
and
it
does,
because
as
the
video
progresses,
the
shots
become
closer.
Close
shots,
consisting
of
head
and
shoulders,
suggests
that
the
viewer
is
or
should
become
intimate
and
per-
sonal
with
the
object
represented
(Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
2006:124),
and
there
are
several
shots
in
the
video,
where
the
journalist
is
seen
from
a
close
shot,
there
are
even
shots
where
the
frame
and
thereby
the
social
distance
is
almost
too
close,
indicating
a
very
personal
and
intimat-
ing
relationship
the
trust
between
the
viewer
and
the
journalist
is
considered
immense.
The
close
and
medium
shots
suggest
that
the
viewer
and
the
journalist
are
very
personal.
However,
as
mentioned,
the
journalist
and
the
viewer
did
not
have
a
personal
relationship
from
the
begin-
ning;
this
is
evident
since
in
the
beginning,
the
journalist
is
seen
from
a
long
shot
with
his
back
turned
to
the
viewer.
Thus,
a
shot
of
this
type
and
his
position
suggest
that
the
journalist
and
the
viewer
were
not
familiar
to
each
other
in
the
beginning
(Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
2006:125).
Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
(2006:136)
argue
that
the
horizontal
angle
defines
the
involvement
and
detachment
of
the
viewer
and
the
represented
participants.
The
introducing
scene
is
quickly
changed
and
the
viewer
is
then
introduced
to
the
journalist
by
a
close,
frontal
shot.
Throughout
the
video
the
journalist
keeps
this
personal
distance
with
the
viewer,
and
is
in
fact
the
only
rep-
resented
participant,
who
actually
engages
the
viewer
by
looking
directly
at
the
camera.
His
gaze
indicates
that
the
journalist
is
there
to
inform
the
viewer
and
to
provide
the
viewer
with
answers
about
Grundfos
and
the
Redwolf
Project.
The
second
person,
who
the
viewer
is
introduced
to,
is
the
receptionist
at
Grundfos,
she
is
obvi-
ously
not
an
important
person
because
she
is
seen
from
an
oblique
angle,
which
indicates
that
the
viewer
cannot
align
with
her
and
thereby
she
is
not
a
part
of
the
viewers
world
(Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
2006:
134,
136).
The
receptionist
is
shown
from
a
medium
shot,
but
is
hidden
be-
hind
the
counter,
and
thereby
further
away
from
the
viewer.
The
third
person
is
the
group
executive
vice
president,
Sren
Srensen.
Similar
to
the
journalist,
he
is
seen
from
a
frontal
angle
indicating
a
personal
relationship
with
the
viewer.
The
angles
are
primarily
at
eye-level
signifying
that
although
he
is
the
vice
president
of
Grundfos
and
holds
a
lot
of
power;
he
is
not
superior
to
the
viewer
(Jewitt
and
Oyama
2001:135).
There
are
also
numer-
ous
frontal
shots
of
the
vice
president,
indicating
that
the
involvement
between
the
viewer
and
him
is
big,
and
thereby
the
viewer
feels
as
if
he
or
she
is
part
of
the
represented
world.
Thus,
the
social
distance
is
regarded
as
personal,
because
there
is
a
majority
of
medium-close
shots,
but
there
are
also
shots
that
are
very
close,
which
creates
instances
of
intimacy
and
this
creates
a
trust
relationship
between
the
represented
participant
and
the
viewer
(Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
2006:124-125).
Contrasting
the
journalist,
the
vice
president
never
looks
directly
at
the
camera
and
thereby
the
viewer
he
looks
at
his
interviewer;
this
absence
of
eye-contact
creates
an
inter-
ruption
in
the
relationship
between
the
vice
president
and
the
viewer.
Furthermore,
it
counter-
acts
the
videos
attempt
to
make
the
viewer
identify
with
the
vice
president,
and
thereby
with
the
organisation
of
Grundfos
(Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
2006:118).
There
are
shots
which
represent
both
the
journalist
and
the
vice
president,
and
these
shots
are
mainly
seen
from
a
long
distance,
and
usually
the
represented
participants
are
not
in
the
foreground;
these
shots
signify
that
these
two
persons
are
walking
around
the
large
facilities
of
Grundfos,
and
that
this
is
the
world,
which
they
are
represented
in.
The
problem
of
absence
of
eye-contact
and
relation
between
the
represented
participant
and
the
viewer
is
also
a
problem
for
the
manager
of
the
Redwolf
Project,
Steen
Tffner,
who
is
the
last
person
to
be
introduced
to
the
viewer.
As
with
the
vice
president,
the
project
manager
does
not
look
at
the
viewer,
but
only
at
the
interviewer.
The
relationship
between
the
viewer
and
the
pro-
ject
manager
is
improved
by
the
fact
that
he
is
represented
from
a
close
shot
and
a
very
close
shot
of
his
face.
What
is
characteristic
about
the
project
manager
is
the
way
he
is
introduced;
he
is
introduced
in
a
long
shot,
where
his
full
figure
is
visible,
the
special
feature
of
this
shot
is
the
angle,
which
is
low.
This
low
angle
and
long
shot
direct
the
viewer
to
believe
that
this
man
holds
all
the
power
when
it
comes
to
the
Redwolf
Project,
more
specifically
he
holds
the
knowledge,
which
is
here
regarded
as
power.
Moreover,
he
is
the
one
who
can
provide
all
the
answers
to
the
questions,
which
the
viewer
(and
the
journalist)
might
have.
To
sum
up,
the
represented
charac-
ters
in
the
video
are
seen
from
two
types
of
angles:
a
low
and
an
eye-level
angle.
This
indicates
that
the
represented
participants
either
hold
more
symbolic
power
than
the
viewer,
or
they
hold
the
same
amount
of
symbolic
power
as
the
viewer,
but
it
is
important
to
note
that
there
are
no
shots
where
the
viewer
holds
symbolic
power
over
the
represented
participants.
Additionally,
the
represented
participants
are
primarily
seen
from
a
frontal
angle,
which
emphasises
that
there
should
be
a
relationship
between
the
represented
participants
and
the
viewer,
which
is
in
agreement
with
the
majority
of
the
close
shots
where
the
purpose
is
to
increase
the
involvement
of
the
viewer.
Another
way
to
observe
how
meaning
positions
the
represented
participants
and
the
viewers
is
by
looking
at
the
camera;
to
be
more
specific,
it
is
valuable
to
look
at
the
movements
of
the
cam-
era.
By
having
a
moving
camera,
the
represented
world
can
construct
a
feeling
of
dynamism
and
action
(Iedema
2001:192).
In
the
video
about
the
Redwolf
Project,
there
are
only
few
shots
where
the
camera
moves,
and
thereby
creating
dynamism;
the
first
moving
shot
is
the
very
brief
shot
of
two
wolves
running
through
a
forest
the
camera
follows
these
two
wolves
from
the
side
for
a
couple
of
seconds
(Grundfos
2012).
Another
shot
where
the
camera
follows
the
represented
participants
is
where
the
journalist,
Niki
Vraast-Thomsen,
and
the
vice
president,
Sren
Sren-
sen,
walk
down
the
production
facilities
of
Grundfos
here
the
camera
is
in
front
of
the
two
par-
ticipants
and
it
moves
backwards
in
order
to
capture
their
forward
movement.
Another
type
of
movement
is
seen
when
the
journalist
has
departed
with
the
vice
president
and
is
on
his
way
to
visit
the
manager
of
the
project,
Steen
Tffner;
here
the
camera
does
not
follow
the
journalist
in
actual
movement,
but
from
a
low
angle
it
follows
his
movement
by
turning
in
his
direction.
The
cameras
view
is
obstructed
by
a
construction
pillar,
indicating
that
the
camera
is
hidden
from
the
view
of
the
represented
participant
the
position
of
the
camera
makes
the
viewer
associate
it
with
a
wolf
stalking
and
hunting
its
prey;
it
is
actually
the
viewer
who
is
represented
as
the
wolf
on
a
hunt
a
hunt
for
answers.
This
wolf-metaphor
can
also
be
used
in
the
following
shot,
where
the
viewer
is
introduced
to
Steen
Tffner,
the
project
manager;
the
camera
closes
in
on
the
non-
moving
project
manager
from
a
low
angle
like
a
wolf
closing
in
on
its
prey,
giving
the
viewer
the
feeling
that
the
project
manager
is
the
prey,
who
holds
all
the
answers
to
this
hunt.
As
specified
implicitly,
the
camera
is
mostly
steady,
and
by
keeping
its
distance
it
represents
a
more
natural
world,
where
the
actions
are
not
forced
to
happen.
Moreover,
the
video
is
a
video
about
the
Redwolf
Project,
and
therefore
the
camera
should
keep
its
distance
in
order
to
give
the
project
and
thereby
Grundfos
credibility.
However,
despite
the
camera
being
steady,
there
is
still
movement,
and
dynamism.
One
special
type
of
dynamism
is
created
by
the
journalist,
who
at
one
point
walks
towards
the
camera
while
talking
to
the
viewer
(Grundfos
2012).
Another
type
of
dynamism
and
urgency
is
created
in
the
beginning,
where
the
viewer
is
introduced
to
the
Red-
wolf
Project;
the
shots
change
quickly
and
thereby
adding
to
the
discourse
that
this
project
is
mysterious,
exciting,
and
even
dangerous.
Particularly
the
shot
with
the
wolves
captures
the
at-
tention
of
the
viewer,
because
people
in
Western
societies
usually
see
wolves
as
wild
and
dan-
gerous
animals,
and
therefore
the
viewer
will
associate
the
Redwolf
Projects
as
something
dan-
gerous.
After
the
shot
with
the
wolves,
the
shots
become
longer,
and
the
change
in
shots
and
scenes
becomes
steadier,
which
decreases
the
urgency
of
the
message.
Thus
the
viewer
believes
that
the
truth
and
answer
is
near,
however
the
video
breaks
with
this
belief
by
changing
the
speed
of
the
shots
and
scenes
in
the
end.
Niki
Vraast-Thomsen,
the
journalist,
proposes
a
new
set
of
intriguing
questions
that
need
to
be
investigated
and
solved,
and
he
lets
the
story
about
the
project
continue;
the
viewer
is
left
with
no
real
truth,
but
instead
there
is
a
burning
desire
to
dis-
cover
everything
about
the
Redwolf
Project.
Organisation
project
in
the
beginning,
the
scene
with
the
wolves,
the
constant
mentioning
of
the
term
redwolf
project,
and
the
camera
performing
as
a
wolf
(Grundfos
2012).
This
creates
coherence,
but
this
coherence
is
at
some
point
rather
vague,
because
the
viewer
is
be
disturbed
by
the
scene
with
the
actual
wolves,
because
this
is
not
directly
related
to
either
the
company
or
the
project.
Further-
more,
this
scene
is
not
explained,
and
therefore
it
seems
as
if
it
is
just
included
to
create
action,
but
the
implementation
of
it
is
not
good,
and
it
does
not
hold
the
same
purpose
as
intended.
Another
linking
meaning
is
the
music,
which
is
also
consistent
throughout
the
video.
There
are
three
music
pieces,
and
the
first
one
slowly
fades,
when
the
second
rhythmical
piece
is
intro-
duced,
this
transitional
procedure
also
occurs
between
the
second
and
third
musical
piece,
and
then
at
the
end
the
first
musical
piece
is
introduced
again
to
round
the
video
up
with
a
new
ques-
tion,
and
a
new
investigation.
Thus,
the
video
is
made
circular
in
the
sense
of
progress:
first
there
is
a
problem
that
needs
to
be
solved:
then
an
investigation
is
set
forth;
through
this
investigation
an
answer
is
obtained;
this
answer
allows
new
questions
to
form;
incentive
for
a
new
investiga-
tion
is
given.
The
latter
is
the
chronological
order,
which
is
implemented
and
enacted
in
the
rep-
resentation.
The
last
thing
that
links
the
beginning
and
the
end
of
this
video
is
the
red
coloured
text,
which
is
the
first
and
last
thing
that
the
viewer
sees.
Furthermore,
the
red
colour
is
also
the
colour
of
Grundfos
and
can
therefore
also
be
linked
to
the
company.
To
sum
up,
there
are
many
different
ways
this
video
has
been
linked
together,
some
are
more
efficient
than
others,
and
some
have
a
clearer
purpose
than
others.
Conclusion
As
mentioned
in
the
introduction
of
this
paper,
a
piece
of
visual
communication
always
holds
a
purpose.
This
paper
set
out
to
find
the
discursive
purpose
and
strategy
of
the
video
by
Grundfos
(2012)
About
the
Redwolf
Project.
By
applying
Iedemas
(2006)
theory
on
metafunctions
of
meaning-making
to
the
video,
this
paper
has
been
able
to
put
forth
the
discursive
strategies,
which
this
video
holds.
This
analysis
was
further
improved
by
the
implementation
of
theories
on
social
distance,
viewer-participant
relations,
and
viewer
perspective
by
Kress
and
van
Leeuwen
(2006).
Based
on
the
latter,
this
paper
concludes
that
the
discursive
purpose
of
the
video
is
to
inform
the
viewer
about
the
Redwolf
Project,
and
the
way
Grundfos
accomplished
this
discourse
was
to
ap-
ply
a
more
wild
and
mysterious
side
to
the
project.
Grundfos
made
the
wolf-theme
their
discur-
sive
strategy,
and
they
amplified
this
by
adding
more
dramatical
elements
such
as
modern
music
in
order
to
show
that
Grundfos
is
a
state
of
the
art
company,
where
they
are
alert
and
their
tech-
nological
standards
are
high.
By
using
the
camera
and
the
visual
element,
Grundfos
is
moreover
able
to
create
a
relationship
between
the
represented
participants
and
the
viewer,
which
gives
Grundfos
credibility
as
a
company.
However,
the
overall
coherence
of
the
video
is
disrupted
by
the
discursive
strategy,
which
Grund-
fos
has
implemented.
The
wolves
and
the
theme
of
mystery
and
danger
is
strong
in
the
beginning
and
in
the
end,
but
in
the
middle
there
is
a
lack
of
coherence
between
the
wolves
and
the
danger
the
wolves
as
an
animal
are
not
mentioned
in
the
film
besides
the
name
of
the
project
and
the
camera
movement,
this
absence
of
representation
confuses
the
viewer,
and
leaves
him
or
her
empty;
the
action
which
is
enforced
and
introduced
in
the
beginning
is
not
present
in
the
middle,
and
therefore
the
shot
with
the
running
wolves
seems
inappropriate.
This
absence
of
coherence
can
be
critical,
because
the
consequence
of
this
discursive
strategy
is
that
the
viewer
might
not
understand
the
represented
world
completely,
and
this
can
affect
the
viewers
perception
of
Grundfos
as
a
company
and
brand.
Although
the
discursive
strategy
might
affect
Grundfos
negatively,
it
is
important
to
remember
that
the
wolf-theme
is
not
the
only
discursive
strategy
in
the
video
-
there
are
other
elements,
which
creates
coherence
in
the
video,
and
thereby
supports
the
discursive
purpose
of
the
video
and
the
brand
of
Grundfos.
Bibliography
Grundfos
(2012)
About
the
Redwolf
Project.
[video
online]
Available
at:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oxDu4eb22Uo
[Accessed
17
May
2013]
Iedema,
R.
(2001)
Analysing
Film
and
Television:
a
Social
Semiotic
Account
of
Hospital:
an
Un-
healthy
Business.
In
T.
van
Leeuwen
and
C.
Jewitt
(eds)
Handbook
of
visual
analysis.
London:
Sage,
183-204.
Available
at:
http://www.baser.dk/login?url=http://lib.asb.dk/ecompendium/4090_Iedema.pdf
[Accessed
17
May
2013]
Jewitt,
C.
and
Oyama,
R.
(2001)
Visual
Meaning:
a
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semiotic
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In
T.
van
Leeuwen
and
C.
Jewitt
(eds)
Handbook
of
visual
analysis.
London:
Sage,
134-156.
Available
at:
http://www.baser.dk/login?url=http://lib.asb.dk/ecompendium/163_Jewitt.pdf
[Accessed
17
May
2013]
Kress,
G.
and
van
Leeuwen,
T.
(2006)
Reading
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London:
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