A re-look at the Indo-Persian historiography of fourteenth century

By Dr. Sangeeta Sahay

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Key-words: Historiography, Persian style of history-writing, integrated Indo Muslim
society, ulama, aristocracy, Sufi.
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Interpretation of historical content available in the vast body of literature written in the
past, as also the nature of its presentation by historians studying those works, changes
the way the populace views its past. It is imperative that these processes should be
approached with utmost care and responsibility. However these processes are also
naturally dependent on the contemporary socio- economic, political and cultural
makeup of the society which shape up the way a researcher reasons and proceeds in his
field of inquiry.
The historians have depended a lot on the Indo-Persian chroniclers of thirteenth to
early fifteenth century for reconstructing the history of the Sultanate period. It is
pertinent to ask, however, whether the literary sources belonging to these three
hundred years of Sultanate should have an intellectual growth corresponding to and
bound by the political periodization. Culture in a given society is identified by a
continuous process of development that may not follow a specific ideological or
periodical boundary. So deviating from a standard approach to treat the Sultanate
period as a specific phase in the context of historiography too, as it is in the political
context, the present paper seeks to focus on both the nature and corpus of early IndoMuslim historiography in the fourteenth century. The objective of this exercise is to
show that this period marked departure from the previous Islamic pattern of history
writing found in thirteenth century in India and that it was unique in setting trends for
the times to come.
Thirteenth century Indo- Persian historiography, introduced and followed within the
parameters of Islamic traditions outside India, produced works in India to suit the
religious and intellectual needs of a newly formed empire that brought the Islamic flags
into the interior of Indian subcontinent.1 The Turkish conquerors of India belonged to
the Turko-Persian cultural zone. Persian style of history writing accompanied the Turks
to India. A Persian historian was mainly writing an account of events favourable to the
ruler or official he served and expected to be rewarded if he succeeded in his aim. Thus
as Arberry puts it, he adroitly combined the functions of the chronicler with those of
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panegyrist. 2 His selection of material and criticism of events was determined by

wishes, both explicit and implicit of his royal patron.3 However, the Muslim
historiography was not an independent intellectual discipline in Delhi Sultanate. It was
holding a subordinate role in the Muslim intellectual life. History was put after the
religious sciences It was considered as an auxiliary subject for the study of Hadith.
Though History occupied an essential position in the education of princes, it was not
included in the curriculum of Islamic schools and colleges.4
To start with, fourteenth Century opens up with a fresh tide of Indo- Muslim historians
whose works show remarkable variety and a broader approach to history writing as
compared to those who wrote in thirteenth century in India.5 Apart from the standard
chronicles or court histories, there are various types of Indo Persian works containing
valuable historical content, forthcoming in this century. These are:
1. The furstenspiegel didactic history i.e. history being treated as a branch of ethics and
facts readjusted for moral reasons, as in Zia - uddin Baranis Tarikh- i- Firozeshahi.6
2. The manqib or Fazail type of prose eulogy usually but not necessarily, of a ruler; as in
Afifs Tarikh- i- Firozshahi and Sirat i-Firozshahi by an anonymous author.7
3. Artistic form of history i.e. historical facts arranged in verses and with poetic
excellence; as in Amir Khusraus various works and Isamis Futuh-us- salatin. 8
4. Epistle Writing: A distinguished but very ornate genre of Persian prose was Epistle
writing (Insha), which was cultivated at various courts, no doubt, including that of the
Delhi Sultans, though of this very few records have survived. Amir Khusraus Izaz-iKhusravi is a good example of this type. Another surviving collection of letters of a noble
man, the insha-i-Mahru is also forthcoming in fourteenth century. 9
5. Memoir: First of its kind in India, and the only one of its kind during the pre-Mughal
period, it is to be found in fourteenth century, written by Firozshzh Tughlaq, Fatuhat-iFirozshzhi. It stands as a milestone in the historiography of medieval India.
6. Hagiological or malfuz literature: A significant development in Indian Islam is centered
on the spread of mysticism. Sufis had started influencing the life of Indian Muslims as
well as non-Muslims from thirteenth century itself and the fourteenth century
witnessed the emergence of hagiological or hagiographical tazhkira writing
(biographical notices of the Sufis). One of the disciples of Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia, Mir
Khurd, wrote down Siyar-ul-aulia which belongs to this category. 10 Other Important
examples of malfuzat or discourse literature from this period are two 14th-century
texts, the Fawad ul fawad by Amir asan Sejzi Dehlavi and the Nafes al-anfs wa
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laef al-alf of Rokn-al-Din of Kasan. The first is a report of the teachings of the
Chishti Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia in Delhi, whereas the second is a report of Shaikh,
Borhan-al-Din aribs teachings in the Deccani city of Daulatabad.11
7. Foreign travellers account: Several foreign travelers, who visited India in fourteenth
century, have also given reliable account of the political history of the Turkish rulers in
India. This category of history writing provides with clear and reliable account of various
situations on which the Indian historian often showed restraint. Ibn Battutas Rihla not
only corroborates the Indo Muslim chroniclers but also stands out as the most
informative of all.
8. Persian dictionaries composed in India: The earliest extant Persian dictionary,
Farhang-I Qawwas, was composed in India by Fakhuruddin Qawwas, a contemporary of
Alauddin Khilji (1296- 1316) . It gives equivalent Hindwi words for the Persian. This
practice was continued in Miftahul Fuzala, compiled by Muhammad Shadiabadi in
Malwa in 1468-69, concentrating on words indicating things of everyday life,
instruments etc.12
Secondly, it would seem that not only in the context of structure and presentation, the
Indo - Muslim accounts of fourteenth century deviate from the traditional as these are
now wider in the scope with an expanded choice of subjects as compared to before. It
was for the first time in India that Persian historians born on Indian soil mentioned facts
pertaining to the social and economic life of people as well as the political history of the
Delhi Sultanate, with Malfuz literature written by Sufi saints taking up a wide range of
local issues to talk about. It would seem that the Indian life and environment captured
the interest and attention of the Indo Persian historians. Issues were generally
immediate in nature and concerned the Indo-Muslim society. As Habibulla writes, By
the time of Balban, no immigration could reach India from Turkestan on large scale,
while conversion and inter marriage steadily increased the non-Turkish Mussalmans in
India. Imperceptibly but with irresistible progress, an integrated Indo - Muslim society
was coming into being.13
While the basic Persian historiographical features still remain intact: The historian
writing in the fourteenth century expected to be rewarded for his work done in the
service of the Sultan - but now he was not necessarily writing it as a court- historian. The
treatises written by courtiers, scholars and ulamas in fourteenth century display a more
open and adventurous treatment of the subjects they chose to describe. The state
administrative structure and infrastructure had expanded and required various new
types of records to be maintained like those of diplomatic affairs as well as army and
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mustering related information. Revenue and tax dues records of rural and urban
population in relation to the policies of Delhi Sultans needed to be inspected and
checked by the state officers. Market and postal reforms as well as the regular
mustering of the army and cavalry of Alauddin Khilji, token currency and transfer of
capital by Mohammad bin Tughlaq, welfare activities started by Sultan Firozshah
Tughlaq etc. all of these and more- caught the attention of the recorders of events
who praised and commented on these to please the Sultan of course, but also because
these had some historical value in their eyes.14
Writing about the historians of fourteenth century, Dowson has commented on the
style of Zia - uddin Baranis writing as well as of those other historians who wrote
Persian, but whose native language was, as he perceives, Hindui (Hindawi). Persian
was familiar to them, still it was a foreign language, and their writings could hardly fail
of receiving a tinge from the more ready and familiar expressions of their mother
tongue.15 However, that Barani was a surpassing recorder of contemporary events is
proved for all time by the excellence of his Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi.16 Barani, who belonged
to an aristocratic Turkish family several members of which had served the Sultans of
Delhi, unlike other medieval historians of the past century, does not only writes about
the Sultan, their court, nobles, battles etc. He also takes pains to narrate events other
than those relate to dynasty, such as the social and economic reforms undertaken by
the Sultans, their revenue regulations, assessment and collection of revenue, methods
of realization of taxes, market conditions, et al. Even though he belonged to a period
when the tradition spoke of political and dynastic framework, the history of Barani
imbibed in itself descriptions of some important madarsas, contemporary historians,
scholars, physicians, saints and astronomers.17 More importantly, he explains the causes
that lay behind events and measures as well as the consequences that flowed from the
latter. He has also a theory of political history based on the contradiction between the
Sultans authority and the stability of the nobility. This contradiction was bound to
create a political crisis in the Sultanate again and again.18
Amir Khusrau, pre - eminently a historian of contemporary social life, 19 belonged to a
family of Lachin Turks which joined Iltutmishs court. His father, Saifuddin Mahmud was
one of the leaders of this tribe,20and his mother was the daughter of Imadul-Mulk who
held high offices in Arz-i mamalik during the reign of Balban, a converted high caste
Hindu, perhaps a rawat or a Rajput. 21 He wrote in versified form, some of the
important works being Ijaz -i- Khusravi, Qiran us Sa'dain, Ashiqa and Khzainul futuh.
Large scale use of Hindawi by him has been noted by various historians writing on his
style of writing. He describes several events of social and religious importance in a
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versified style. An expert in various languages including Sanskrit and Hindi, Khusrau
referred to himself as Hindustani Turk. He extols the climate of India, its languages,
notably Sanskrit, its learning, its arts, its music, its people, even its animals in his Nuh
Sipihr. 22
Insha-i- Mahru or Munshaat i- Mahru is a collection of the letters and documents
drafted by Ainul Mulk Multani, a distinguished noble and administrative official under
the khiljis and Tughlaqs. Although not a chronicle in the strict medieval sense, it forms
another category of source material on the line of Izaz -i- Khusravi of Amir Kusrau and
one of the most valuable collection of documents bearing on Sultanate period. The
Ainul mulk Multani was Indian by birth, is proved by the version of Ibn Battuta, The
khurasani and foreign Amirs had great fears from him because he was a Hindi and the
Ahl-i-Hind (Indians) were displeased with foreigners. 23 Khusrau and Barani, both refer
to him as able administrator who was held in high esteem by Alauddin Khalji and
Muhammad Tughlaq. In a letter written to his son Imaduddin, Mahru says that it is only
high education and not high birth that avails a man in this world as well as in the
hereafter. The genealogical tree does not bear fruit, he observes. 24 In a letter to
Shaikh Razi-ud-din, a saint of Uch, Mahru writes in reference to Firozshas reign, I am
clear in my mind that from the days of Sultan Alauddin to this day at no time there has
been so much prosperity as these days. In those days the daily wages were two to three
jitals, a weaver charged two jitals for weaving a sheet. These days they charged thirty
jitals. The tailor charged 4 jitals then, but now he is not satisfied with 30 jitals. 25 This is
indicative of the rate of inflation during the reign of Firozshah Tughlaq.
Another genre of historical writing found in fourteenth century is Sultan Firoz Shahs
autobiography or memoir, Futuhat-i-Firozshahi. It is a mere brochure of thirty two
pages. It is significant that it appeared in the form of inscription. 26 Its importance in the
historiographical context lies in the fact that it gives the rulers own perspective to the
policies he introduced during his reign. Firozs father was one of the brothers of
Ghiasuddin Tughlaq and his mother was the daughter of one of the Rais of Dipalpur. 27
Afif at one place remarks, Among his other qualities he had a remarkable fondness for
history.28 He married twice: his first wife was a Hindu girl of Tank family of Yaduvamshi
Rajputs. His second marriage took place after his accession to the throne and his second
wife was a daughter of Qutubuddin Mubarak Shah of Khalji dynasty.29 Fatuhat , the
memoir of Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq, discusses the attempt of the ruler to lead Islam to
its former Puritanism, - to Sunni orthodoxy, it exposes the plight of the Shia sect of
Muslim. It speaks of large scale conversion from Hinduism to Islam, 30 it brings into
notice various heterodox trends and movements prevalent in the society; it describes
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the public works undertaken by the Sultan and their advantage to the common man and
mentions arbiterary taxes which were being levied on Hindus prior to his reign. 31
Fatuhat refers to women visiting the tombs on holy days, which Firoz Shah forbade as
this encouraged ruffians to indulge in improper actions. 32 It also gives a graphic
description of the demolition of idol temples in the villages of Maluha Salilpur near Delhi
and in the town of Gohana in Punjab. While describing the demolition of temples in
Maluha, Firoz gives detail of the Kund which held religious importance for the Hindus
who used to assemble there and offer prayers. Some graceless Musulmans, thinking
only of their own gratification, took part in these meeting, writes Firoz. 33 Ibahatians,
who were basically a Muslim sect, used to practice idolatory, plastering the ground with
cow dung and throwing rice and flowers over it. These were Hindu practices: apparently
the people of different communities intermixed mutually in their festivities and
celebrations. Another instance of this type of social interaction & intercourse is
forthcoming in Afifs Tarikh where he mentions the incident of a Brahman who used to
assemble Muslims and Hindus in his house and was alleged to have converted a woman.
He chose to be burnt alive over converting to Islam as ordered by the Sultan. 34
Considering that he had no precedence in following particular techniques of Historywriting and in the choice of the topics, It is a great feat of Afif to have given not merely a
eulogy but an extensive description of the contemporary History. He gives us altogether
a better view of the internal condition of India under a Muhammadan sovereign than is
presented to us in any other work, except the Ain-i Akbari. 35 As a recorder of socioeconomic conditions of contemporary times Afif surpasses previous historians. He
praises Firoz and presents him as an ideal monarch. But he doesnt overlook the other
side of the coin. He also mentions the evils that crept into administration and also in the
society due to the liberal policies of Firoz. Thus, he has given a more complete picture of
the state of the common people in relation to royal, political, economic the increase in
population, establishment of new villages and the karkhanas and religious policies of
the times. Construction of canals and structures for public accommodation, hospitals
and other public works has been described by Afif.
Afif also notes a marked change in the attitude of the Sufi saints of Chistia order
towards the state power. Formally these Sufi saints had consciously avoided mixing up
in political matters, but now it seems the Sufi saints were not averse to involvement in
politics as both Qutub-ud-din Munavvar and Sheikh Nasir-ud-din Chiragh participated in
Firoz Shahs accession to the throne.
Unique references of certain Hindu religious beliefs and practices have been made by
the Indo-Persian historians. These references indicate the historians interest and
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curiousity regarding the same. Afif claims to have studied the annals of the Hindus. He
writes, The author has read in the works o f the good historians that these colomns of
stones had been walking sticks of the accursed Bhim, a man of great stature ad size. The
annals of the infidels record that this Bhim used to devour a thousand mans (maunds) of
food daily and none could compete with him.37 Rihla of Ibn Battuta informs us that
Mohammad Tughlaq himself played Holi and consorted with yogis.38 Khusrau is
broadminded enough to talk and praise the merit in Hindu culture. He says that except
jurisprudence books on all branches of this country are like Aristotles. Indian scholars
are much advanced in logic, astrology, mathematics and physical sciences.39
The first reference to the spinning wheel in an Indian text is forthcoming in Isamis
Futuh us Salatin in 1350.40 Shaikh Ahmad attended the Madarsa at Nagaur named after
Qazi Hamiduddin Nagauri.The primary syllabus for the beginners course included texts
like Mizan, hazar alfaz mansadir, panj ganj , Tafsir - i- Imama Zahid etc to be procured
by the learners. Maulana Majduddin imparted instruction in Hadit(tradition) in the
Kushk- hazarsutun.41 A ceremony of turban-tying was performed when a pupil obtained
proficiency in one or more books read with the teacher.42
The Indo Persian historical writings of fourteenth century present variety of structure
and presentation and provide us a glimpse of contemporary life, a feature previously
absent in Delhi Sultanate. Several new aspects of Indo-Persian historiography emerging
now further developed in the next century and enriched the art of history-writing in
Indian sub-continent.
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REFERENCES:
1. A.B.M. Habibulla, The foundation of Muslim rule in India, Allahabad, 1961, p 253
2. A.J. Arberry, Classical Persian Literature, London, 1958, p.15
3. K.A. Nizami, Some aspects of religion and politics in India during the thirteenth century,
Delhi, 1974, p364
4. B.N.Luniya, Some historians of medieval India, Agra, 1969, p126.)
5. Sangeeta Sahay, Ph.D. Thesis, Aspects of socio-economic history in the chronicles of
fourteenth century, Patna University, Patna, 1989, pp. 14-15.
6. Peter Hardy in C.M. Phillips (ed.) Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon, London 1961,
p 23
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Aziz Ahmad, An intellectual history of Islam in India, Edinburgh, 1969, p. 86
10. Ibid
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11. Stephen F. Dale, Vol. XIII, Fasc. 1, pp. 53-63, March 27, 2012,
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/india-xvi-indo-persian-historiography
12. Irfan Habib, Medieval India- the study of a civilization, National Book Trust, 2009, p.93
13. Habibulla, P 150
14. See M. Habib, ed. Political Theory of Delhi Sultanate, Delhi, p. 125: For Barani, history
was not a chronicle or a story, it was definitely a science- the science of social order- and
its basis was not religion and tradition but observation and experience.
15. Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. III, Preface, p vii.
16. M. Habib, ed. Political Theory of Delhi Sultanate, Delhi, Introduction, op.cit. p. iii
17. Ibid
18. Irfan Habib, Sources of Indian History, key Note Address, Sources of Indian History and
Culture Journal, No. 29 (English) p 12), Medieval India, the study of a civilization, Ntional
Book Trust, 2009, p77.
19. K.M. Ashraf , Life and condition of the people of Hindustan,, New Delhi, .p 10
20. M.Habib, Hazrat Amir Khusrau of Delhi, Aligarh, 1927, p 6
21. Dibacha of Ghurrat-ul Kamal, as referred in S.H. Askaris Amir khusrau as a historian, p
21.
22. Wahid Mirza,The life and works of Amir Khusrau, pp182-183
23. Rehla, opcit.,II, P.67.
24. A in-ul-Mulk Multani, Insha-i-Mahru, ed. S.A.Rashid, Aligarh, 1965, p 131
25. Ibid, pp 41-42
26. K.A.Nizami, On history and historians of medieval India Aligarh, 1983, pp. 205-210.
27. E &D, Op.cit, III, P.273
28. E.& D., Op.cit., III,p 316
29. Afif, Shams Siraj, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, M.Vilayat Hussain (ed.) Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1988-91.
p.436
30. E & D, op.cit. p. 386
31. I.Prasad, A history of Qaranha Turks inn India, Alahabad, 1974, Vol.I, p.352
32. E & D., op.cit., III p.380
33. E& D, op cit. III, p381
34. ibid
35. ibid
36. E.& D., op.cit. p. 350
37. Ibn Battuta, Rehla, Beirut, 1964,pp. 544-545
38. India as depicted in Khusraus Mathnavis, Abdul Qadir Jafari, , Sources of Indian history
Journal, pp. 109.
39. Irfan Habib, op.cit. p.69
40. Z. A. Desai, Malfuz literature: as surce of political, social and cultural history of Gujarat
and Rajasthan, Patna, 1991, p.21

41. Nizamuddin, d. 1325, reminiscences of his own education in Amir Sijzi, fawaidul Fawad,
ed. M.Latif Malik, Lahore, 1966, pp95-96.

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