Journalism Studies
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To cite this article: Cory L. Armstrong & Fangfang Gao (2011): GENDER, TWITTER AND NEWS
CONTENT, Journalism Studies, 12:4, 490-505
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2010.527548
With the continuing disparity between male and female mentions in news content, this study
seeks to compare how news organizations employ men and women in Twitter feeds and how that
connects to portrayals in news stories. In particular, the research examined how mentions of men
and women in tweets may influence mentions in news stories that were linked to tweets. The
study employed a content analysis of national, regional and local newspaper and television
tweets, along with their accompanying news stories to compare media platforms and coverage
areas. The results indicated a positive relationship between male and female portrayals in tweets
and portrayals in news content. Further, male mentions were more likely to appear in national
news stories than in regional or local news stories and more frequently than female mentions in
print media than in television. Thus, it appears as if news agencies have not developed new
dissemination strategies for employing Twitter.
KEYWORDS gender; news organizations; Twitter
Introduction
Numerous studies on representation of women in the mass media have shown that,
compared to men, women have been trivialized, stereotyped, and underrepresented in
media coverage (Armstrong, 2004; Tuchman et al., 1978; Zoch and Turk, 1998). According
to MediaWatch (1995), women were less likely to be the news subjects across different
media platforms including newspapers, TV, and radio; women were especially less likely to
be news subjects for topics such as politics, government, and economy, but most likely to
be news subjects for news about health, social issues, arts, and entertainment; women
were also less likely to be interviewed on television news or cited as sources (see Yun et al.,
2007). Since our society has traditionally been male-dominated (Freidan, 1963; Nelson and
Bridges, 1999), it is not surprising to find out that such gender disparity was reproduced
and maintained within the institutional practice of society in news organizations.
However, news media are in a state of transition. The emergence of the Internet
and the wide adoption of new media technology among the population make it an
important strategy for newspapers and TV stations to connect their audience through
growing online channels. As a result, newspaper websites or TV websites, reader forums,
and blogs were developed to attract an online audience. Now, with the increasing
popularity of social networking sites, traditional news organizations such as the New York
Times and the Wall Street Journal are intensifying their use of services like Facebook and
Twitter to circulate stories and attract audience (Schulte, 2009). Newsrooms are
scrambling to adjust their strategies and news-developing skills. Since these innovative
news products represent the future directions for media in the digital age, it is important
Journalism Studies, Vol. 12, No 4, 2011, 490505
ISSN 1461-670X print/1469-9699 online
2011 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/1461670X.2010.527548
for practitioners and scholars to know whether the past gender dynamics have been
duplicated in news organizations practice online, especially in social networking sites like
Twitter.
This study was designed to find out how men and women compare in news
coverage in tweets from national, regional and local newspapers and TV stations, along
with their accompanying news stories, exploring how male and female mentions vary
between media platforms and coverage areas. The overall research questions focus on
how the target audience and medium may affect the gender equity within the content. To
provide additional insight into the analysis, the social medium Twitter was used as the
stepping off point into this study. To provide an up-to-the-minute view of technological
ploys used by news agencies, the news stories associated with Twitter were the focal point
for stories chosen.
Literature Review
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news program, Hard Copy, women were used as sources in about 40 percent of
segments (Grabe et al., 1999).
Scholars have attempted to isolate some predictors of the portrayals of men and
women in news coverage by examining both sources and subjects in news content.
Armstrong (2004, 2006) argued that the overall portrayal of women in news content is
determined as much by the number of women quoted as sources as by those individuals
who are discussed in the story although not quoted. She suggested that a more accurate
examination of gender portrayals in media content would be captured by examining all
mentions of an individual within that text*even if an individual has not been explicitly
cited as a source. For example, often sports figures are mentioned with news stories for
the role they play in a sporting event, but those figures may not all be cited as sources in
those news stories. This was supported by some other researchers, such as Len-Rios et al.
(2005), who coded all individuals within a news story, whether or not they were sources, in
their study. For the purpose of this study, the term gender mentions will refer to a
combined measure of sources and subjects.
Generally, when examining news content, research has found that portrayals of men
dominate overall news coverage when compared to their female counterparts (e.g., Zoch
and Turk, 1998). A 199899 study comparing news content and photos found that roughly
75 percent of all news sources were male and roughly two-thirds of news photos depicted
men (Len-Rios et al., 2005). Their sample of 199899 newspaper stories found that more
female mentions appeared in the entertainment section of the newspaper. Cullity and
Younger (2009) found that in Top Stories section that featured hard political news on
BBC website, men and women were presented in a ratio of 4:1.
Finally, prior work into predictors of news content has found that the gender of the
writer and the genre of the content have some specific influence on gender portrayals. For
example, Armstrong (2004) found that female journalists were more likely to use female
sources in news stories and that stories in the lifestyle section had the smallest disparity
between male and female mentions (although men still appeared significantly more than
women in all types of content). However, women were less likely than men to be in the
position of the highest-level editors of traditional media as well as online publications
(Thiel-Stern, 2006). Through interviews with current and former women senior editors at
national online news publications, Thiel-Stern (2006) found that, although women
journalists expected that online journalism would become a new paradigm with less
gender disparities, new media actually mirror the gendered hierarchies and gender
disparities from the traditional newsroom. Scholars have also found that women TV
reporters were more likely than their male colleagues to use female and minority sources
(Zeldes and Fico, 2005, 2007) and that female reporters, particularly at smaller newspapers,
used a greater diversity of sources that included women and minorities (Rodgers and
Thorson, 2003). In later work, scholars found positive correlations between the genre of
the story and the gender of the source. In particular, when male public officials and
professionals appear in news stories, female public figures and professionals are also likely
to appear (Armstrong, 2006).
attempts to replicate and extend this work by comparing gender portrayals across two
media platforms*television and online news*along with news agencies from large and
small circulation areas. Armstrong (2004) examined large and small circulating newspapers but found no significant differences based on circulation. However, it seems likely
that coverage area and medium may have specific influence on gender portrayals, so
perhaps a more encompassing study would help flesh out this idea.
When examining media content, one of the first factors to consider is to whom the
content is addressed. Media organizations generally focus on a target audience within
their circulation area, and content is generally geared toward the organizations
perception of that target audience (Shoemaker and Reese, 1996). A study of newspaper
goals by a group of Cleveland State University scholars found that newspaper origin,
advertisers, and local pressures can affect the focus of a community newspaper (Jeffres
et al., 1999). As a result, two newspapers with 25,000 daily readers in two geographically
distinct communities may have vastly different content on a given day, in part because of
different audience segments (McGrath, 1993; Wicks, 1989). These authors, and many
marketing scholars, suggested that the most effective way to sell media content is to
determine which audience segment wants to consume that media and then provide
content that will best satisfy that segment. That is, give the audience what it wants to
meet the needs of the media organization (Coffey, 2008).
In addition to their target audience, journalists work under some basic values*
two of which are particularly relevant to the present work (Stovall, 2002). The first is
proximity, which suggests focusing on people and events close to the coverage area of
the news organization. The second is prominence, which notes that public figures
and other prominent people generally make news. Given these values, it seems
likely variance exists in media content between news agencies with varying coverage
areas.
Other coverage area differences may be exacerbated by media organizations
with a local focus or a national focus. For example, local and national news
organizations have different target audiences and often, different news goals. Local
television news organizations often have less money and fewer resources than network
newscasts, so the quality of the content is likely to be lower in these markets and
geared toward the local community (Armstrong et al., 2005). In national markets,
stories are nationally or internationally focused, often with shorter news stories
spanning a variety of coverage. The same rational holds for local versus national
newspapers. Larger newspapers in the United States (e.g., The New York Times, USA
Today) tend to bill themselves as national newspapers, focusing on larger issues with
nationwide implications.
Because these national newspapers have a larger and more diverse audience, they
may attempt more gender parity to reach their audience. Prior research has defined
content differences depending upon newspaper size and location. For example, scholars
have found that newspapers that focus on enterprise reporting are generally
corporately owned (Demers and Wackman, 1988), have a larger circulation size, and
often employ diverse sources (Hansen, 1991). When examining coverage of women, it
seems important to consider how women may be viewed as a target audience. In one
of the few audience-related studies of women and newspaper content, McGrath found
that newspapers have a male personality (1993, p. 103). She pointed out that men
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maintain a stronger presence in newspaper content, with more male sources routinely
appearing in content.
2.
3.
4.
5.
newsworthiness. Even if women have power over their stories, their work looks much like
that of their male counterparts (1997, p. 65).
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496
tweets are going to be emphasized in news stories, as the tweets are highlighting the
focus of the story. For example, some news organizations use automatic Twitter streams
that reproduce the headlines on stories (Palser, 2009). Headlines are generated to bring
attention to the main focus of the story. Thus, if men or women are mentioned in the
tweets, they will likely be emphasized in the story itself. It follows then that a positive
relationship should exist between male and female mentions in tweets and male and
female mentions in news stories.
Based on the synthesis of literature outlined above, the following hypotheses and
research question will be examined in this study:
H1a: Male mentions will appear more frequently than female mentions in news
organization tweets across platforms and coverage areas.
H1b: Male mentions will appear more frequently than female mentions in news stories
tweeted across platforms and coverage areas.
H2a: The greater the frequency of female mentions in tweets, the greater the frequency
of female mentions in news stories tweeted.
H2b: The greater the frequency of male mentions in tweets, the greater the frequency of
male mentions in news stories tweeted.
H3: Male writers will appear more frequently than female writers in news stories tweeted
across platforms and coverage area.
RQ1: How do mentions of men and women compare across platforms and coverage
areas?
Methods
Sample
The hypotheses and research question in this study were addressed through a
content analysis in the fall of 2009. Tweets from six newspapers and three television
stations were purposefully chosen for the analysis. The organizations were chosen based
mainly on their coverage and circulation area (national, regional and local) to represent a
broad geographic range of the United States. A second criterion was that each
organization had to have a Twitter account that had been in service from the beginning
of 2009. The organizations chosen were (national) the New York Times, USA Today and ABC
News; (regional) the San Jose Mercury News, the Minneapolis/St. Paul Star Tribune, WSB-TV,
Atlanta, and 9News (Denver, Colorado); and (local) The Anniston Star and Naples Daily News.
While we found several partial lists of Twitter accounts for news organizations,1 none were
comprehensive in July 2009 when this study was conceived and developed. Thus, our
purposeful selection attempted to maximize the difference in location and available
resources to the organization, along with focusing on news agencies who were early
adopters of the Twitterverse for news dissemination.
This study focused on the main Twitter account distributed by each news
organization.2 This was found either through a listing on the news organizations
website or through a search on the Twitter website for the individual account (e.g.,
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Results
The first set of hypotheses posited that male and female mentions would appear
more frequently in news stories and tweets, regardless of media platform or coverage
area. Overall, a paired sample t-test of the male and female mentions in tweets found that
men were much more likely than women to be mentioned in tweets [difference of
mean 0.48, SD 2.08, t (360) 4.47, pB0.01] and in news stories [difference of
mean 3.23, SD 4.99, t (322) 11.62, pB0.01]. When the mentions were broken
down by coverage area and platform, male mentions were significantly more likely than
female mentions to appear in all categories (see Tables 1a and Table 1b). Thus, Hypotheses
1a and 1b were supported.
The second set of hypotheses examined the relationship between gender mentions
in tweets and gender mentions in news stories. Using Pearson bivariate correlations,
statistically significant relationships were found between female mentions in tweets and
news stories (r0.21; pB0.001) and between male mentions in tweets and news stories
(r 0.44; pB0.001).
As noted in Table 2, significant positive correlations were found between tweets and
news stories for each gender across platforms and coverage areas, except for mentions of
both genders in local media. Also noteworthy is that all the male mention correlations
were stronger than female mentions, except for television, where the significant female
correlation (r0.41; pB0.01) was stronger than the male correlation (r0.25; pB0.01).
From these results, Hypothesis 2b was supported and Hypothesis 2a was partially
supported.
Results shown in Table 3 suggest that male writers were significantly more frequent
than female writers for newspapers [difference of mean 0.22, SD 2.21, t (221) 3.77,
pB0.01], national media [difference of mean 0.29, SD 0.81, t (106) 3.69, pB0.001]
and regional media [difference of mean 0.18, SD 0.82, t (152) 2.66, pB0.01].
However, no significant differences in the gender of the writer were found for local
media [difference of mean 0.00, SD 0.83, t (64) 0.00, p 1.00] or television news
[difference of mean 0.10, SD 0.74, t (104) 1.32, pB0.19]. Thus, the third hypothesis
was partially supported.
Our final research question compared how male and female mentions compare
across platforms and coverage areas. To examine this idea, two hierarchical linear
regressions were conducted, using male and female mentions as the dependent variables
(see Table 4). The first block of the regressions focused on the media platforms, coverage
areas and number of graphs in the stories. Statistically significant final betas for male
TABLE 1a
Paired sample t-tests of male and female mentions in tweets across platforms and regions
Male mentions
Newspaper (N 245)
TV (N 116)
Nation media (N 115)
Region media (N 165)
Local media (N 81)
Female
mentions
Mean
SD
Mean
SD
df
0.67
0.48
0.70
0.70
0.32
2.38
0.69
3.20
1.20
0.54
0.12
0.17
0.10
0.21
0.05
0.35
0.42
0.32
0.45
0.22
244
115
114
164
80
3.63
4.20
2.00
5.04
4.13
0.000
0.000
0.048
0.000
0.000
Male mentions
Newspaper (N 218)
TV (N 104)
Nation media (N 107)
Region media (N 150)
Local media (N 65)
Female
mentions
Mean
SD
Mean
SD
df
4.94
3.16
6.47
3.38
3.20
5.13
3.53
6.34
3.37
2.99
1.21
0.99
1.21
1.19
0.91
2.48
1.43
2.01
2.59
1.37
217
103
106
149
64
9.98
6.52
8.40
7.02
5.57
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000
0.000
mentions were found for national news (b 0.23, pB0.05), media platform (b 0.14,
pB0.05), and length of story (b 0.15, pB0.01). No statistically significant final betas were
found for female mentions of the first block. The second block focused on story topics and
statistically significant findings for female mentions were found for sports (b 0.13,
pB0.05) and lifestyle (b 0.15, pB0.05). For male mentions, sports topics had the only
statistically significant beta (b 0.21, pB0.01).
Finally, the third block added to the analysis the relationship between the gender of
the writer of the story and the gender mentions in tweets. Statistically significant betas for
female mentions were females in tweets (b 0.30, pB0.01) and female writers (b 0.16,
pB0.05). For male mentions, male mentions in tweets (b 0.12, pB0.05) and female
mentions in tweets (b 0.14, pB0.05) were statistically significant in the analysis. The
analysis for female mentions accounted for 19.5 percent of the variance in its model, while
the analysis for male mentions accounted for 17.9 percent of the variance, including 9.3
percent in the first block.
Discussion
This study examined how media platform, coverage area and Twitter tweets
influenced male and female mentions in news stories. Results indicated a positive
relationship between male and female portrayals in tweets and subsequent portrayals in
news content. Further, male mentions were more likely to appear in national news stories
than specific regions and more frequently than female mentions in print media. Finally,
TABLE 2
Bivariate correlations between male/female mentions in tweets and news stories across
platform and coverage area
Female mentions
Male mentions
0.15*
0.41**
0.24*
0.20*
0.08
0.47**
0.25**
0.49***
0.42**
0.24
Newspaper (N 218)
TV (N 104)
Nation media (N 107)
Region media (N 150)
Local media (N 65)
Significance statistics are for two-tailed tests.
*p B0.05, **p B0.01, ***p B0.001.
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500
Newspaper (N 221)
TV (N 104)
Nation media (N 107)
Region media (N 153)
Local media (N 65)
Female byline
Mean
SD
Mean
SD
0.49
0.35
0.46
0.48
0.34
0.55
0.46
0.59
0.55
0.48
0.27
0.25
0.17
0.30
0.34
0.47
0.54
0.40
0.49
0.48
3.77
1.32
3.69
2.66
0.00
0.000
0.191
0.000
0.009
1.000
and perhaps most importantly, it appears from these findings that news organizations are
following the same gendered patterns in their news dissemination tools, which suggests
that they may not be trying to broaden their appeal to attract a female audience. Each of
these findings will be discussed below.
One of the key results of this analysis indicated that the presence of men or women
in news tweets was a significant predictor of the presence of the same gender within news
stories. On the surface this finding may seem obvious, but this relationship underscores
the larger gender disparity that continues in news content. Tweets are generally employed
by news organizations to summarize the particulars of a news story*thus, to highlight the
points of emphasis in the story. Therefore, if the tweets contain female mentions, they are
TABLE 4
Hierarchical linear regression predicting the frequency of mentions by gender across
platforms and coverage area
Female mentions
Independent variables
Final b
Block 1
National news
Regional news
News platform (TV high)
Length of story
Incremental R2 (%)
0.05
0.05
0.10
0.08
Block 2
Political topic
Sports topic
Lifestyle topic
Crime topic
Incremental R2 (%)
0.01
0.13*
0.15*
0.07
Block 3
Male writer
Men in tweet
Female writer
Women in tweet
Incremental R2 (%)
Total R2
Variance (%)
Male mentions
Final b
Variance (%)
0.23*
0.09
0.14*
0.15**
2.1
9.3**
0.09
0.21**
0.04
0.13$
7.2**
0.02
0.05
0.16**
0.30**
5.3**
0.05
0.12*
0.02
0.14*
10.2**
19.5**
3.3*
17.9**
likely being emphasized in the stories; conversely, if male mentions are in the tweets, they
are likely being emphasized in the stories.
Twitter is a new technological tool of information dissemination. It is the hot
vehicle of news now, in much the same way as special newspaper editions, television news
crawls, the breaking news email, and RSS (real simple syndication) feeds have functioned
previously (and, presently, to some extent). If Twitter is the popular and efficient way to
gather news for an audience, then an examination of its content is important. It appears
from this analysis that even the newest technology follows the path of other media
content, emphasizing men more than women. Or, to spin it another way, news topics
involving men receive more emphasis than those involving women.
What makes this issue particularly significant is that news agencies could be using
Twitter to garner a more female-centered audience. Not only is content more malefocused, but organizations appear to be falling short in employing new media technology.
A study from Harvard Business Review found that women users held a slight majority on
Twitter, representing 55 percent of Twitter users as of May 2009; however, different from
other social networks like Facebook where most activities were women-centered, Twitter
is quite male-skewed, as men and women tweeted at the same rate but men had
15 percent more followers than women (Heil and Piskorski, 2009). Given that our finding
demonstrated there were more tweets and news from news organizations emphasizing
men, it seems possible the news delivery and news consumption on Twitter will be
increasingly male-skewed, providing less space for female perspectives and certainly not
attracting more female followers.
In a nutshell, then, it appears that news agencies are not taking advantage of social
media to attract an audience that traditionally has not been a focus in news content. While
women are certainly employing social media such as Twitter as a means to gather and
share information, news producers are not making strides toward capturing that audience.
Our findings indicated that 60.7 percent of tweets were identical to story headlines, which
means they were likely disseminated through an automatic feed to Twitter. It appears that
instead of creating new content to fit the new technology and audience, the news
organizations are trying to fit the same content into a new dissemination tool, which may
not be the best strategy. This finding supports prior work by Thiel-Stern (2006), suggesting
that the same gender hierarchy existed in online news that existed in traditional news. It
appears that some of the same practices are occurring with Twitter feeds. Future research
should further investigate this idea.
The findings from Hypothesis 1a and 1b indicate that male mentions were
significantly more likely than females to appear in both tweets and news stories across
all platforms and coverage areas. This study then replicates the myriad of prior findings of
male dominance in news content (Armstrong, 2004; Zoch and Turk, 1998), but also
extends knowledge of these findings into a new area*Twitter feeds. We argue that these
findings occur for two reasons: first, male dominance in news content is still a huge
problem, and, frankly, despite the well-documented nature of that disparity, little has been
done to combat the problem. While programs such as Gannett News Co.s All-American
Diversity Award4 reward news coverage which demonstrates racial and gender diversity in
content, these showcases are rare and often not well-supported. The second reason is that
some news organizations have not put effort into developing unique content into tweets.
Some news organizations have their headlines automatically feed into a Twitter stream,
while others have types of automated content that does not factor in any real changes to
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their traditional news content (Palser, 2009). As a result, the same stark gender disparities
favoring men found in newspaper and television news stories are being simply transferred
to Twitter.
This study attempted to isolate predictors of female and male mentions by media
platform and coverage area. Findings indicated that although male mentions were more
frequent than female mentions in all situations, some differences exist. For example, in
local media, no correlation exists between gender mentions in tweets and gender
mentions in news stories and no difference exists between the frequency of male and
female bylines. Possibly, as noted in prior work, there were stronger socialization pressures
at larger newspapers to promote sameness in journalistic routines, with male and female
reporters showing more similar reporting patterns to conform to the male-dominated
mechanism (Rodgers and Thorson, 2003). Apart from local media, the strongest
correlations between tweets and news stories appeared for male mentions, except
television, where the correlation between female mentions in tweets and stories were
more correlated.
Further, it appears that some platform and coverage area differences exist in terms of
the gender of the reporter as well. Our findings indicated that male bylines were more likely
to appear than female bylines in national and regional media, as well as newspapers as a
group, which is consistent with previous studies showing an overrepresentation of male
reporters and sources in print news coverage (Rodgers et al., 2000). However, no significant
differences were found for local media or for television as a platform. While we cannot
interpret non-significant relationships, it does appear from the results perhaps the gender
disparity may be more contextual than comprehensive. For example, in television, reporters
and anchors are seen, so parity may more noticeable. With local media, perhaps the lower
pay and less available resources keeps the scales pretty balanced. Within our results, we can
note that in all significant relationships, male writers appeared more frequently than female
writers. Since these appeared to be news stories being disseminated through Twitter, these
are the stories being emphasized by the news agencies.
NOTES
1.
2.
3.
4.
The following sites listed some twitter accounts for news organizations. All were
viewed on March 11, 2010: Graphic Designer: http://graphicdesignr.net/blog/2008/09/
03/newspapers-that-twitter-august-numbers/; Twitter fan wiki: http://twitter.pbworks.
com/NewsServices; Carlos Granier-Phelps: http://red66.com/2008/02/a-list-of-newsorganizations-using-twitter/
The specific Twitter accounts used for the study were: @nytimes, @usatoday,
@abcworldnews, @mercurynews, @MN_News, @9newsdotcom, @WSB_TV, @ndn and
@AnnistonStar.
The four-month tally was found for news organizations which frequently tweet. Tweets
for some accounts were available for up to a year, but for consistency, we focused on the
prior four months.
Details of the All-American Diversity Award, which showcases news agencies who have
outstanding source diversity within their content, can be found at http://www.gannett.
com/go/newswatch/2007/oct/nw1005-1.htm which was retrieved on March 24, 2010.
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