Patricia Richards (2007) Bravas Permitidas Obsoletas

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Bravas, Permitidas, Obsoletas: Mapuche Women in the Chilean Print Media

Patricia Richards
Gender & Society 2007 21: 553
DOI: 10.1177/0891243207304971
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BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

Mapuche Women in the Chilean Print Media
PATRICIA RICHARDS
University of Georgia, Athens
The author explores how dichotomous representations of women and Indians came into
play in Chilean print media representations of Mapuche women from 1997 to 2003, at the
height of conflicts between the Mapuche people, the state, and elites in southern Chile. The
author finds there were three competing representations of Mapuche women, which reproduce assumptions not just about them but about the people as a whole. Together, they
accentuate, and simultaneously complicate, dichotomous views of Indians and women.
These media portrayals are significant because they reflect and reinforce the central principles of neoliberal multiculturalismthe prevailing form of governance in contemporary
Latin Americawhich promotes diversity while perpetuating the marginalization of
indigenous peoples and many of their rights. This analysis of images in print media contributes to understandings of how race and gender ideologies continue to inform debates
over national belonging in contemporary Latin America.
Keywords:
indigenous; Mapuche; Chile; media; conflict
ndigenous women are located at the boundaries between race and gender in nation-building discourses. In these discourses, Indians and
women alike are often represented in dichotomous terms. Hale (2004,
2006) characterizes the first of these dichotomies as hinging on a dialectic of authorized and insurrectionary Indians. Authorized Indians
willingly assimilate into the dominant system; insurrectionary ones seek
rights that transcend the nation-state (Fenelon 1997; Hale 2004; Nelson
1999). A similar long-standing dichotomy has been applied to women.
Good women adhere to the roles scripted for them within a patriarchal
system. Chaste, gentle, and subservient, they give birth to multiple children,
endow them with cultural knowledge, and raise them to be fruitful and
AUTHORS NOTE: The author thanks Oscar Chamosa, Linda Grant, Nichole Arnault,
Susan Franceschet, Yun-Joo Park, Linda Renzulli, and the Gender & Society editors and
reviewers for their constructive comments on previous drafts of this article.
GENDER & SOCIETY, Vol. 21 No. 4, August 2007 553-578
DOI: 10.1177/0891243207304971
2007 Sociologists for Women in Society
553
554
GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007
loyal citizens (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1989; Evans 1989; Stephen 1997;
Walby 1996). Bad women flout these expectations, violating norms in
the sexual, social, economic, and political spheres. For indigenous
women, representations in the national imaginary combine these sometimes contradictory, sometimes mutually reinforcing discourses of race,
gender, and nation.
The continued relevance of these dichotomies is evident in southern
Chile, where the Mapuche people are engaged in an ongoing struggle for
land, cultural preservation, and autonomy in their ancestral territory. While
state discourse regarding the conflict with the Mapuche has been addressed
elsewhere (Richards 2004; Valds 2000), little systematic attention has been
paid to the medias role in the cultural politics surrounding the conflicts.
Drawing on the work of Gamson and Modigliani (1989), I suggest that the
media contribute to the issue culture surrounding the conflicts, forming
part of the cultural resources people use to make sense of them. I analyze an
archive of print media articles about the Mapuche for the period from 1997
to 2003, focusing on the ways Mapuche women are portrayed. Focusing on
women allows me to examine how dichotomous representations of Indians
and women combine and sustain one another in media portrayals and how
these portrayals, in turn, reflect and reinforce a particular vision of the
Mapuches place in the Chilean nation. I argue that media portrayals collapse images of Mapuche women into three distinctive archetypesbravas,
permitidas, and obsoletas. These images fit well with political discourses
that characterize the Mapuche in ways that are convenient to elite attempts
to co-opt them and repress their demands.
Similar to Brown and Ferrees (2005) analysis of pronatalism in the
British press, I am interested in how racialized and gendered nationalist
assumptions are reproduced in media portrayals. The newspaper articles
analyzed here function as commentary on Mapuche women and the extent
to which they meet traditional Chilean expectations for feminine behavior. At the same time, they serve to advocate authorized Indian behaviors
and attitudes, which promote integration into the Chilean nation and
global marketplace. They likewise serve to reject insurrectionary ones,
which challenge Chilean identity and national development. Media representations of Mapuche women reinforce the tenets of neoliberal multiculturalism, the dominant form of governance in Latin America, which,
through a combination of prodiversity discourse and restrictive socioeconomic policies, simultaneously recognizes the indigenous and perpetuates
their marginalization (Hale 2006). They also demonstrate that race and
gender discourses that envision indigenous women in very particular ways
continue to have strong relevance in modern-day national imaginings.
Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS
555
RACE, GENDER, NATION, AND THE MEDIA IN CHILE

Race and gender ideologies shape struggles over national identity and
indigenous rights and are key components in the process of subject formation (Foucault [1982] 1983; Ong 1996). Controlling images reflecting these ideologies distort the identities of subjugated groups and
manipulate them for political and economic purposes (Collins 1991).
These images are reflected and reproduced in citizenship regulations, education, religion, and of particular interest here, the mass media. In this section, I outline the tenets of neoliberal multiculturalism and suggest that
although the interests it represents are not identical to those of the state,
the Chilean print media complement and extend on neoliberal multiculturalism in its portrayals of the Mapuche.
In Latin America, despite a long-standing emphasis on cultural and
racial mixedness (mestizaje), nation-building ideologies long subordinated women, Blacks, the indigenous, and mestizos to men of purportedly
European descent (Appelbaum, Macpherson, and Rosemblatt 2003; Wade
2004). In recent decades, multiculturalism, which recognizes some cultural rights and advocates equality among cultural backgrounds, has
replaced mestizaje as the hegemonic nation-building discourse (Hale
2006; Postero 2004; Sieder 2002). The shift toward multiculturalism has
taken place in the context of neoliberal reform, broadly characterized by
an export-based economic strategy, elimination of trade barriers, decentralization, privatization, and the elimination of universal social services.
Multiculturalism is an important means of generating consent for the
neoliberal project. Indeed, some indigenous rights are permissible under
neoliberal multiculturalism, but only insofar as they do not threaten
national identity or development plans. Latin American states highlight
and promote diversity but tend to construe demands for autonomous territory and self-government as counterproductive for multicultural society
(Hale 2002; Richards 2004). In addition, many policies directed at the
indigenous emphasize increasing their access to the market rather than
recognizing their status as sovereign peoples. Neoliberal policies also
place a disproportionate burden on women, in part because they are the
main participants in the neighborhood organizations and solidarity movements that pick up the slack in the face of cutbacks in social services.
Hale (2004, 2006) links the confluence of neoliberalism and multiculturalism to the formation of new indigenous subjects: the indio permitido
(authorized Indian) and its Other, the insurrectionary. While the authorized
Indian may readily embrace integrationist policies and participate unquestioningly in government programs, the insurrectionary Indian challenges
556
the principles of neoliberal multiculturalism, opting instead to pursue

recognition of ancestral rights and redistribution of power and resources.
Hale (2006) notes that these categories are reflected in contemporary racial
discourses, which rarely contend that Indians or Blacks are biologically
inferior and give credence to the notion that all cultures are created
equal. This move, however, allows racism to be expressed in cultural terms;
racial hierarchies are still defended, but with carefully drawn distinctions
between worthy and unworthy Indians, authorized and prohibited ways of
being Indian rather than universalizing, biologically driven statements
about indigenous inferiority (Hale 2006, 20). This discursive shift justifies
the way in which neoliberal multiculturalism simultaneously promotes
diversity through recognition of the authorized Indian and relegates the
insurrectionary to racialized spaces of poverty and social exclusion (Hale
2004, 19). As I demonstrate below, notions of authorized and insurrectionary Indians under neoliberal multiculturalism are gendered as well.
In Chile today, the Mapuche represent 5 to 10 percent of the population
and about a third of the population in their ancestral territory. The priorities of Mapuche organizations and communities range from demands for
land, agricultural subsidies, health care, and education to collective claims
for political autonomy and constitutional recognition that they are a people. Mapuche activism against the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990) led
to hope that their claims would be addressed on the return to democracy,
but despite the creation of an Indigenous Law in 1993, the relationship
between the Mapuche, regional elites, and the Concertacin (the CenterLeft coalition that has held the presidency since 1990) has been fraught
with conflict.
The privileged status of neoliberal development over indigenous rights
is at the root of these conflicts. Garbage dumps are disproportionately
located in Mapuche communities, and highways run through their lands.
The state-supported construction of the massive Ralco hydrodam forced
scores of Pehuenche (a branch of the Mapuche who reside in the
cordillera) families to relocate and flooded sacred sites. National and foreign logging companies own three times more land in ancestral Mapuche
territory than do the Mapuche themselves (Aylwin 2002). Pine and eucalyptus plantations belonging to the heavily subsidized timber companies
surround Mapuche communities, leach the soil of water and nutrients, and
make subsistence agriculture unsustainable. They are a target of Mapuche
protests, including land occupations, plantation burnings, and equipment
sabotage. Mapuche men and women have also been accused of burning
crops and houses on the fundos (estates) of European-descended Chileans
who reside in disputed territory. All of these issues have led to violent
557
confrontations among carabineros (the police; in Chile, a national force

dependent on the Defense Ministry), local and regional elites, and the
Mapuche. In fact, between the late 1990s and early 2000s, more than 30
Mapuche were imprisoned on charges of conspiring to commit terrorist
acts (more than 200 were imprisoned overall). The conflicts have received
extensive coverage in the press, which plays an important role in framing
them.
Most Chilean print media are oriented toward the political Right.
Bresnahan (2003) explains that this is a product not only of the 17-year
dictatorship but of the Concertacins decision, during the transition to
democracy, to allow the market to determine the fate of Center-Left papers
and magazines. This neoliberalist decision proved fatal for these publications, which had lost the NGO funding they relied on during the dictatorship, were not subsidiaries of Rightist corporations, and struggled for
support from advertisers. Today, all but one Chilean daily is associated
with one of two corporations: El Mercurio and COPESA. COPESA, a corporation that rose in prominence during the dictatorship, owns La Tercera
and La Cuarta. El Mercurio, owned by the Edwards family and published
in Santiago, is the oldest paper in Chile. El Mercurio also owns La
Segunda and Las Ultimas Noticias and has a monopoly on provincial
papers, of which there are 18, including El Sur and El Austral, the leading
papers of regions VIII and IX (both part of ancestral Mapuche territory).
El Mercurio is notoriously Rightist. In one dramatic instance, this newspaper accepted $1.6 million (in 1970 dollars) from the CIA in support of
its anti-Allende smear campaign (U.S. Senate 1975). Later, El Mercurio
supported the coup and the Pinochet dictatorship.
Mapuche leaders have denounced what they perceive as an alliance
among the mass media, Rightist political parties, and timber companies.
All of these parties, argues Aucn Huilcamn, leader of the Consejo de
Todas las Tierras (Council of All Lands) have a common interest in promoting the criminalization of the Mapuche struggle (Mapuches protestan, El Austral, February 3, 2001). Political-economic links between
timber company owners and the mainstream media have been documented
by Mapuche activist Alfredo Seguel (n.d.). The Matte family has a controlling interest in Empresas CMOS, which owns the Mininco timber
company (about 500,000 hectares concentrated in regions VIII and IX).
Members of the family are also involved in various capacities in Rightist
think tanks and private foundations and are members of several media outlets boards of directors. Moreover, along with the Edwards family, which
owns El Mercurio, the Mattes were deeply involved in efforts to prevent
Allende from winning the presidency and later actively promoted his
558
overthrow (Zeitlin and Ratcliff 1988). These linkages are important, contends Seguel, because the media consistently defend the interests of the
timber companies, present Mapuche actions in the conflicts as violent, terrorist, or illegal, and fail to examine the historical roots of the conflicts.
Seguel alleges that the media often accuse Mapuche of responsibility for
incidents without sufficient evidence. He suggests that this tendency provokes a terminological association, Mapucheviolent actorterrorist,
which is extremely harmful, noting that the media not only influence
public opinion but promote racist attitudes or outright rejection of
Mapuche claims. The medias stance on the Mapuche thus reflects elite
interests and is an important cultural resource for making sense of the
nation in the contemporary context.
The place of the Mapuche in the nation is a matter of continued debate
in Chilean society. Although at least 80 percent of Chileans are mestizo,
few identify as such, calling themselves only Chilean or, less often,
Mapuche (Bacigalupo 2004). While some large-scale surveys conducted in major cities (all outside the conflict zone) indicate endorsement
of Mapuche claims of historical injustice (Instituto de Estudios Polticos
2003), others indicate support for use of stronger tactics against Mapuche
activists (LyD, La Tercera, 2002). Moreover, recent studies suggest that
many Chileans, particularly those who reside in ancestral Mapuche territory, harbor the belief that the Mapuche are lazy, violent, drunk, uncivilized, and primitive (Merino et al. 2004). The mainstream media reflect
and sustain these prejudices and use descriptions of Mapuche women in
particular to reinforce dominant assumptions about the Mapuche people
as a whole. In the process, the media contribute to debates over race, gender, and the meaning of the Chilean nation in the neoliberal multicultural
context.
METHOD AND SAMPLE
Since 1999, I have conducted two and a half years of fieldwork in
Chile. My recent work focuses on how gendered and racialized meanings
of the nation are deployed by different groups in southern Chile, including the government, settler elites, the media, and Mapuche leaders. My
interest in this article is how media portrayals of Mapuche women contribute to the cultural politics surrounding the conflicts. Like Dworkin and
Wachs (2004) and Hall (1980), I focus on the preferred meanings that
emerge in the articles. These are the meanings that producers of media
images and texts build into [the media] with the intention of shaping the
559
messages derived by the audience (Dworkin and Wachs 2004, 613).

Although media discourse cannot be conflated with public opinion
(Gamson and Modigliani 1989; Hall 1975; Schudson 1989), it is part of
social discourse (Misra, Moller, and Karides 2003) and reflects wider
social conflicts and interests (Brown and Ferree 2005). In times of social
flux, such as turn of the twenty-first century southern Chile, people may
be particularly receptive to the influence of cultural resources such as the
media (Hall 1975; Swidler 1986). Thus, it may be especially imperative to
examine the cultural assumptions reflected in the media with regard to the
Mapuche. By examining media portrayals, I seek to shed light on dominant cultural assumptions about womens role in the Mapuche struggle
and the Mapuches place in the Chilean nation.
My sample is derived from the online archive of the uke Mapu
Mapuche Documentation Center, located in Sweden (www.mapuche.info).
The archive is composed of articles on the Mapuche collected from
Chilean and Argentine newspapers between 1997 and 2003. According to
uke Mapu Coordinator and Uppsala University sociologist Jorge
Calbucura, the archive was established to demonstrate the lack of representation of Mapuche points of view in the mainstream media and was
constructed simply by searching all newspapers for any articles on the
Mapuche or related to the conflicts (personal communication, 17 April
2006). The first two years of the archive are incomplete and contain few
articles, but for 1999-2003, there is a near complete collection. To derive
a sample, I eliminated articles from Argentine papers, which focus on
Mapuche who live in that country. I also eliminated articles from weeklies, bimonthlies, and online-only publications.1 Eliminating these publications means a loss of Left-leaning outlets such as El Siglo, Punto Final,
and El Mostrador. Nevertheless, for consistency, I sought to limit my
analysis to papers that are available at kiosks and on the street on a dayto-day basis (i.e., dailies). This means that my analysis pertains most
directly to papers belonging to the two corporations, El Mercurio and
COPESA, with the most interest in appropriating Mapuche resources. La
Nacin, founded in 1917 as the news organ of the government and 69 percent state-owned, is also included, although only as of 2002, when it
emerged in a new format for public readership. This sample accurately
reflects reality, to the extent that the daily print news that is most widely
accessible leans almost exclusively to the Right.
This left 2,343 articles from which to draw a sample. I began by searching the articles for pieces featuring Mapuche women. This resulted in a
total of 664 articles. Of these, the vast majority527focused on the
conflict about the Ralco dam. I then read the 137 articles that did not focus
560
TABLE 1:
Articles on Women in the uke Mapu Archive
Ralco
Other
Bravas
Integradas
Bravas and integradas
Crime victims
Total
Articles on Women
in Archive
Articles Included
in Analysis
527
41
54
74
3
6
664
54
74
3
6
178
on Ralco, in addition to a purposively selected sample of 41 representative Ralco articles, for a total of 178 (see Table 1). All but three items were
news or feature articles, as opposed to opinion pieces. To these I added
one opinion piece that was not included in the archive because it is a useful extreme case (see appendix).
On a second reading, I coded the text into several general categories:
violence, protests, cultural traditions, entrepreneurship, victimization, and
state support. In the process of analyzing these categories, three archetypical portrayals of Mapuche women emerged: mujeres bravas, mujeres permitidas, and mujeres obsoletas. These archetypes, which emerged from
the articles themselves, reflect dichotomous portrayals of Indians and
women. They are broad categories and, as shall be seen, not always logically consistent. Although sometimes contradictory, the three competing
portrayals are, in the final analysis, mutually reinforcing.
Mujeres bravas are fierce women who participate in land occupations, protest volubly against timber companies and the state, and seek
reparations for past and present violations of Mapuche rights. The articles
depict bravas as oddities among women, but since their activities ostensibly threaten the rule of law, they also represent them as deserving of punishment under antiterrorism laws. Mujeres permitidas, in contrast, are
integrated women who contribute to the enhancement of diversity in
Chilean society by sharing their knowledge about Mapuche traditions,
language, and medicinal herbs with the general public. Many seek to
exploit their cultural resources for the financial uplift of their families by
creating ethnotourism projects or selling handicrafts and specialty agricultural products. Mujeres obsoletas are obsolete women. The category,
I argue, represents a rare exception in which aspects of the brava and permitida archetypes are combined to create a hybrid type. Obsoletas are portrayed alternately as bravas and as people legitimately defending their
561
land and culture against the encroachment of modernity. In the end, however, they are represented as obsolete, subjects for whom there is no place
in Chilean society. Forty-one articles constituted the mujeres obsoletas
category, 54 featured mujeres bravas, 3 featured both bravas and permitidas, and 74 featured mujeres permitidas. Six articles focused on Mapuche
women who were crime victims; they will not be further analyzed here.
MUJERES BRAVAS
Although most portrayals of insurrectionary Mapuche in the media feature men, women have drawn attention as participants in several major
events and ongoing conflicts. This includes Ralco, discussed separately
below. Articles about mujeres bravas assert, often implicitly, that they are
somehow different from Chilean women. Sometimes the difference is portrayed as endemic to Mapuche culture. Other times the implication is that
the women choose to break dominant norms. In either case, portrayals of
womens participation in the conflicts serve to comment not just on them
but on the people as a whole, a people so out of control that even their
women behave violently.
The press is highly interested in mujeres bravas violations of gender
norms and simultaneously marvels at and rebukes their actions. Even in
articles about incidents led by men, the media often highlight womens
participation. One account begins, A total of 34 Mapuches, four of
them women, were detained yesterday in the early morning hours
(Frustran ocupacin, El Sur, April 20, 2002). Another headline reads,
Confrontation between carabineros and Mapuches ends with two
detained, followed by the subhead, Among the apprehended is one
woman who acted with her face covered (Palomera, La Tercera,
September 7, 2001). Near the end of the same piece, the writer refers to
a dozen hooded individuals, women among them, who resisted police
during the conflict. Another notes that eight people arrested during a confrontation over Ralco were to be processed for mistreating carabineros
and committing minor assault. Seven were men, all of whom remained
anonymous, while the only woman who will face trial is the leader Mara
Curriao (En libertad, El Sur, March 12, 2002). That the press so regularly highlights Mapuche womens participation in the conflicts demonstrates the extent to which they violate expectations for proper feminine
behavior.
Other articles refer to violent protests in which women were the central
protagonists, exemplifying the out-of-control brava archetype. One of the
562
most controversial of these occurred in 1999, when several women, members of the Consejo de Todas las Tierras, assaulted Rodrigo Gonzlez, then
director of the National Corporation for Indigenous Development, during
a meeting in Temuco. El Sur explained, The lack of control began when
a [Mapuche woman] lunged at [Gonzlez], head-butting and punching
him because she was upset with the lack of progress that had been made
in negotiations over Mapuche land claims (Mapuches golpearon, El Sur,
July 6, 1999). Despite womens central role in the incident, El Mercurios
coverage attributed responsibility to the Consejos male leader: This situation was witnessed with complete passivity by Aucn Huilcamn, who
made no attempt to control those he represents (Mapuches golpearon,
El Mercurio, July 6, 1999). This suggests that either the women would not
have behaved as they did unless compelled to do so by a man or, conversely, Huilcamn is not enough of a man to control his women.2
The following Sunday, a commentary by Chilean author and critic
Enrique LaFourcade satirized the incident (El Mercurio, July 11, 1999).
Although this piece is not part of the archive, and LaFourcade is well
known for his particularly virulent views, it is a useful extreme case of
how race and gender stereotypes shaped portrayals of this altercation. The
column is titled Sir Rodrigo and the Head-Butting Mapuche Women.3
Instead of las Mapuche, the title uses the derogatory las Mapuchas.4
Intended to be humorous and provocative, the column begins, The
Mapuche at last use their head. It features a drawn caricature of
Gonzlez, dressed in a suit, being shoved by three women in indigenous
dress along with one man, as a fourth woman flies through the air to headbutt Gonzlez. LaFourcade refers to a combat brigade from the
Araucanian ethnic group, who gave ethnic head-butts, noting that this
time, the embattled hoards of the indomitable Arauco were constituted,
mostly, by women.5 A section titled Deceptive Fatties (Gordas que
engaan) begins, These repollos coloreados [literally, colored cabbages]
from the border are deceptive.6 They seem to be asleep, but they are agile
as deer. LaFourcade feminizes Huilcamn as a small Mapuche with the
long and straight mane of a messy haired woman [seora medio chascona] . . . and reinforces the authorized/insurrectionary dichotomy by
calling forth an authorized Indian against whom to compare Huilcamn:
Of the ethnic archetype of the indomitable race, well, [he has] nothing!
He resembles a Spanish man on clearance, an Andalusian dwarf.
In the end, LaFourcade turns serious, asking, What are we going to do
with this problem? He answers, I see no other solution but a gigantic
educational plan. Education and health, rather than their own land which
563
they will sell at a despicable price in the first drunken binge they go on.
Education to not get drunk, to not sign papers that they cannot read or
interpret. Education to learn to work their land, when they possess it. He
writes of the need for the Mapuche to live in equal conditions with all
Chileans. Respectful of the law, which is for all. Proud of their traditions,
but at the same time, completely integrated into the country. This call,
which perfectly sums up the neoliberal multicultural ethic, is not directed
at the Mapuche; LaFourcade seems to assume that the Mapuche are a
problem for nonindigenous Chileans to solve. Still, he concludes the column with an admonition for the Mapuche: The heads of cows, bulls,
billy-goats, the poor pigheaded ones [pobre cabezotas] no nos caben en la
cabeza [literally, do not fit in our heads; this expression suggests that we
cannot fathom these beasts way of thinking because they are so far
beneath us]. Unlike most articles on the conflicts, which are short and,
ostensibly, factual, LaFourcades is an opinion piece. This allows racism
and sexism, usually reflected implicitly in the obsession with mujeres
bravas, to appear in a more explicit form. Indeed, racist and sexist attitudes reinforce one another in LaFourcades analysis. He uses this unusual
event not to reflect on womens participation per se but to argue that the
Mapuche in general are out of control and animalistic.
It is a popular belief in southern Chile that the Mapuche encourage
women and children to participate in protests as a strategy to avoid police
repression. One general overview of the conflicts by Jos Ignacio Saffie
in La Tercera (2001) touches on this issue. The piece begins with the running header, The fifteen communities that are fighting in the principal
disputed zones act in coordination and with the participation of children
and women, yet it is only near the end of the article that the subject is
broached, when a male Mapuche leader denies using women and children as shields. A sidebar accompanying the article, however, featured
the views of several carabineros on the conflicts. One signaled that the
Mapuche purposely involved women because when women and children participate in the protests, we dont use tear gas or anti-riot rifles.
On the contrary, we make an effort that they wont be hurt. This assertion has proved untrue time and again, as Mapuche women repeatedly
have been victims of police violence (Seguel 2004). But for many who
view Mapuche womens behavior through a lens of Chilean gender
expectations, it can only be explained by calling it strategic. On another
note, by viewing their involvement in terms of male leaders strategies,
and in this particular piece, by interviewing only men about womens
564
participation, the media denies womens status as actors who make their
own decisions to participate in the conflicts.
One article, Mapuche Women Warriors by Cherie Zalaquette (El
Sbado, Mercurio supplement, December 26, 2003), celebrates the
strangeness of the bravas while simultaneously questioning their authenticity. The article is a biographical feature about three women arrested for
participating in the conflicts. Its lead-in touts, They speak here for the
first time, defend their cause, and allege innocence. While this does
appear to be the first article in which women speak at length about their
participation in the conflicts, its subtext is insidious, evoking racist and
sexist images. Zalaquette makes observations about the womens physical
appearance and implicitly judges their authenticity as Mapuche.
The first woman featured is Patricia Troncoso. After explaining that
Troncoso was absolved of terrorist arson and threats in the case of a house
fire on the Fundo Nancahue and was being processed for illicit terrorist
association, as a member of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco,
Zalaquette appraises her physical appearance. She quotes Juan Agustn
Figueroa, a former government minister and owner of Fundo Nancahue,
who observed, I understand that she is not Mapuche and is very good
looking. Zalaquette describes Troncosos face as finer and more angular
than what is common among the Mapuches, and notes that some
Mapuche do not accept her because she lacks authentic blood.
Zalaquette then turns to Mireya Figueroa (no relation to Juan Agustn). At
the time of the interview, she had been in jail for more than a year (but not
yet tried), accused of helping to burn 100 hectares of pine and eucalyptus
that belonged to Forestal Mininco. Her physical attributes, as described by
Zalaquette, stand in sharp contrast to those of Troncoso: Her wide face,
with its short nose and markedly Mapuche factions, reveals no trace of
vanity; the long, straight black hair falls over her body, dressed with very
simple clothes. In other words, Figueroa, unlike Troncoso, is authentically Mapuche. Still, how Mapuche is she? Zalaquette notes that while
Figueroa understands Mapudungun (the Mapuche language), she does not
speak it fluently. The same is said of Anglica ancupil, the third woman
featured in the article, who was under house arrest pending trial for illicit
terrorist association.
The use of controlling images is apparent in this article. Although
Zalaquettes stated intent is to reveal why these women participate in the
most radical arm of the Mapuche movement, she ultimately turns to more
feminine concerns: How beautiful are they? She offers a racialized interpretation of their legitimacy: the more beautiful by Chilean standards, the
565
less authentically Mapuche. Zalaquette also measures authenticity by the

womens ability to speak Mapudungun. She seems to suggest, as many
Chileans argue, that if the Mapuche do not look Mapuche and do not even
speak the language, they are more integrated than they would like us to
believe, and their land claims are thus less legitimate. In a sense,
Zalaquette is also measuring the bravas up against the permitida ideal. But
unlike the permitidas, the bravas commonalities with non-Mapuche
women do not integrate them into the multicultural nation. Rather, they
accentuate their foreignness: They are not fully Mapuche, because they do
not look or speak as such, but their participation in violent protest and
demands for autonomy make them unacceptable candidates for Chilean
womanhood as well.
The brava archetype reflects cultural assumptions that have as much to
do with race, ethnicity, and nation as with gender. While the overwhelming obsession with Mapuche womens participation in the conflicts can be
chalked up to a general thrill at womens doing what they are not supposed
to, the brava image also combines sexist and racist assumptions: Women
should not do these things, but Mapuche women do. Mapuche women are
different from other Chilean women and dangerous. Womens participation in the conflicts is ultimately a comment on the Mapuche people, a
people so barbaric that even their women break the law and behave violently. Women in these articles come to embody what is wrong with the
Mapuche as a whole.
The peculiar attention paid to mujeres bravas connotes horror and surprise that women would break gender norms and disbelief that their
involvement could be anything but strategic. Presented in this way, stories about mujeres bravas may be a useful cultural resource in calling for
the application of more repressive measures against the Mapuche. In
addition, the notion that Mapuche women are bravas may contribute to
the use of violence against them. Once constructed as bravas, they
become unworthy of the protection that befits a woman, and the use of
state violence against them becomes justifiable. Mapuche men and
women who participate in the conflicts are portrayed as terrorists at worst
and delinquents at best; their behavior represents a violation of the citizenship agreement. The newspapers never entertain the legitimacy of the
rights the Mapuche are pursuing, rights that at their very core challenge
the relationship between the state and indigenous citizens. Nevertheless,
the prospect that women are simply the pawns of men points to the possibility for reform; perhaps, with a little work, the bravas could be reprogrammed as authorized Indians.
566
MUJERES PERMITIDAS
The second category of articles represents Mapuche women who
embrace integration into Chilean society, now characterized by neoliberal
multiculturalism. In contrast to those about mujeres bravas, articles about
mujeres permitidas serve to emphasize that Mapuche women are not
irreparably different from other women. Indeed, their difference is minor
enough that they, with a little effort and a little help, can contribute positively to the development of their people and even to Chilean society.
These articles project positive representations of Mapuche women and
could be used to support the argument that the mainstream media are not
biased against the Mapuche. They reflect international trends that take
cultural diversity as an asset and value non-Western traditions. Despite
this positive spin, however, they also demonstrate the limits within which
indigenous actions are authorized in the neoliberal multicultural context.
The number of articles in the permitida category increased over time,
corresponding with the worsening of the conflicts.7 Articles about permitidas outnumber those on bravas. Equally important, very few authorized
Indian articles feature men.8 This may be due in part to the association of
women with culture. Presenting women, who embody and transmit culture to future generations, as willing to integrate into the dominant system
may be more believable than presenting men in a similar capacity.
However, it may also be due to the association of indigenous women with
death by culture (Narayan 1997), the notion that they need to be saved,
by Western ideas and peoples, from the traditionsand menthat
oppress them.
Indeed, some articles present Mapuche women as a particularly vulnerable segment of the population. One describes 10 women, including
several Mapuche, feted for accomplishments on International Womens
Day. A sidebar features the plight of Mapuche women, noting that authorities wished to remove them from their state of passivity (Diez
Mujeres, El Austral, March 9, 2001). Others point to government efforts
to help Mapuche women.9 While economic, literacy, and health indicators
confirm that Mapuche women are a particularly vulnerable group, these
articles imply that with the assistance of NGOs or the state, the women are
capable of progressing beyond the limits of their culture. Although it is
probable that more state and NGO funds actually go to men (especially
when agricultural loan programs are included), when combined with the
multitude of articles describing men as delinquents or terrorists, the focus
on programs for women implies (as state employees who serve Mapuche
communities often assert) that womens passivity is desirable; they, at
least, are tractable.
567
Mapuche women often appear in articles about indigenous policy.

Bacigalupo (2004) documents the government practice of inviting lonko
(Mapuche political leaders, usually men) and especially machi (Mapuche
shamans, mostly women) to appear at events announcing new programs or
policies. Their presence is designed to demonstrate that the government
has the approval of authentic Mapuche, and if they are machi, spiritual
authorities. Similarly, articles about indigenous policy and culture frequently include archival photos of women in traditional dress, even if
there is no mention of women in the article. This implies that women support the policy even when they do not. The photographs also reinforce the
notion that women are the promoters of culture and custodians of tradition; part of the issue is that papers want to include an authentically
Mapuche photo, and Mapuche women are more likely than men to use traditional dress.
Another major theme in the permitida articles involves Mapuche
womens contributions to diversity in Chilean society. Several articles feature Irene Hueche, who runs an ethnotourism center and embodies this call
for diversity. In one article, she says, We should show the hardworking
Mapuche, not only the conflictive one. The article focuses on a wheat harvest to which the general public was invited and concludes that the idea is
that all people and tourists. . . . take advantage of this unique activity
which will help establish and reaffirm the links of friendship with this
proud people of the Araucana (Renace la trilla, El Austral, February 13,
2003). Featuring a Mapuche woman who reaches out to Chileans, and herself draws a distinction between hardworking and conflictive
Mapuche, reinforces the notion that Mapuche should contribute to diversity without making claims for ancestral rights. I do not argue that these
articles misrepresent Mapuche women as valuing their culture; Bacigalupo
(2004) and Richards (2004) demonstrate that many Mapuche women are
deeply committed to transmitting traditions and worldview. Nevertheless,
when taken in conjunction with the bravas articles, these articles are problematic. In reality, the same communities often participate in cultural initiatives, take advantage of government programs, and support the
autonomous movement. But these articles posit that being acceptably
Mapuche entails contributing to diversity without making claims for reparations or rights that might challenge the national imaginary.
The ultimate embodiment of the new Chilean diversity is Ximena
Huilipan, who has a Mapuche last name and the body of a supermodel.
Huilipan is a young model who was discovered by European fashion
designer Oscar de la Renta. An interview published in El Austral even
568
covered her opinions on the conflict (Bustamante, El Austral, October 9,

2001). She spoke with pride of her Mapuche roots and was emphatic in
her support for the struggle. Still, her political opinions are not generally
the subject of interest. Many articles call Huilipan the Mapuche model
but also emphasize how tall and thin she is, suggesting that although she
is to be celebrated as evidence of a diverse Chile, she does not embody
stereotypically Mapuche physical characteristics. She is ethnic enough to
sell in the world market but Euro-featured enough for everyone to be
comfortable.
In a neoliberal world, the greatest evidence of integration is incorporation into the free market; to become part of the global economy is to enter
into modernity. Thus, many articles focus on how Mapuche women can
use their cultural uniqueness for economic gain. They focus on intercultural health care (especially the role of machi), ethnotourism, and efforts
to produce, sell, and export woven items, medicinal herbs, honey, eggs, or
flowers. They refer to the help women received from a state agency or
NGO to produce culture for profit. They are very approving in tone and
sometimes make comparisons between these authorized Mapuche and
other, insurrectionary ones. For example, one describes the efforts of a
womens collective to sell handcrafted weavings with credit and assistance from the government. The article ends with the phrase, A comforting example, implicitly comparing these women to those involved in land
occupations and the fight against the timber companies (Tejidos
Pehuenches, El Mercurio, July 26, 2000). Again, the presentation of
authorized Mapuche as a discrete category serves to reinforce the notion
that insurrectionary ones actually exist. This contrasts with real life, where
most Mapuche women and men resist such characterizations and sympathize with the struggle if not the tactics of more radical groups.
Overall, the permitidas articles use women to show how Mapuche can
be acceptable. These articles were developed in response to the violence
and are often directly juxtaposed to it. Mujeres permitidas behave differently than bravas and delinquent or terrorist Mapuche men. An authorized
Mapuche woman tries not only to preserve her culture but to share it with
others and, ideally, to make money from it. She seeks not conflict but connections with others. As an authorized Indian in the neoliberal multicultural system, she approves of government projects and is willing to
integrate into the nation and be a citizen on the same terms as all others.
In todays world, being a citizen means being a seller and/or consumer in
the global economy. In this archetype, indigenous women are still the
defenders and promoters of culture, but within a neoliberal setting in
which culture becomes yet another brand to be sold.
569
Mujeres permitidas are held up in opposition to the bravas. They are the
authorized Indian, the acceptable model for being Indian in a neoliberal
multicultural society. They do not challenge the interests of the political
and economic elite. It is no mistake that these articles focus so overwhelmingly on women. Showing NGOs and the state helping indigenous
women overcome their vulnerability reproduces the white men saving
brown women from brown men trope enunciated by Spivak (1988). In
effect, these women are being helped not only out of vulnerability but into
a mode of being that fits more easily into prevailing neoliberal multicultural ideologies. Women have long been considered the bearers and reproducers of culture (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1989), somehow more
Indian than men (de la Cadena 1995). In these media stories, however, it
is only those women who use their culture to integrate into dominant society who are considered authorized Indians. These nonconflictive women
are portrayed as more authentically Mapuche than the rabble-rousing men
and mujeres bravas; the mere existence of the indio permitido proves the
unreasonableness of the Other.
MUJERES OBSOLETAS
The neoliberal goal of making Mapuche culture marketable is a low
priority, however, when compared to expanding public and private investment in southern Chile. This is strongly indicated in the articles focusing
on Ralco, the second in a series of dams planned for construction along
the Bo-Bo River by ENDESA, the national energy corporation purchased by a Spanish company in 1999. This exceptional case also demonstrates that the limits of the benign permitida archetype are tested when
women move from simply defending their culture to leading resistance
movements against large-scale development projects. In the printed press,
this equation translates into a changing role for women who might otherwise be considered permitidas; by resisting development, their brava elements are revealed.
Ralcos construction was announced in 1994. An opposition movement
developed as it became apparent that the dams construction would entail
relocating 91 Pehuenche families, flooding ancestral lands, and destroying
cemeteries and other sacred sites. The majority of the affected families
eventually accepted land swaps and other compensation offered by
ENDESA. By 1999, after much debate, all of these agreements had been
approved by the National Corporation for Indigenous Development. In the
meantime, work began on the dam, and a handful of families, led by
570
elderly sisters Berta and Nicolasa Quintremn, continued to resist pressure from ENDESA and the state to abandon their lands. In December
2002, out of concern for her ill son, Nicolasa accepted ENDESAs compensation offer. Several other families followed suit, and by March 2003,
Berta was the only one left to sign; she did so that September. The controversy did not end there, however. In April 2004, ENDESA opened the
floodgates ahead of the agreed-on schedule, resulting in the inundation
of a Pehuenche cemetery before families could move the remains
(Observatorio 2005).
The Ralco saga constitutes a category of its own not only because of the
absolute quantity of articles about it but because of the ambivalence with
which the sisters were portrayed. Indeed, although they are ultimately represented as obsolete, their characterization is more complex than the brava
and permitida archetypes and combines aspects of both. Las Quintremn
were presented as obstinate, irrational, and antimodern but also as fierce
and dignified defenders of their land and culture. Age, gender, and nation
all entered into these portrayals. Had they been young men, their fierce
opposition to the dam might have met with solid reprobation, but because
las Quintremn were grandmas, they were considered relatively harmless.
In addition, most observers felt from the beginning that the struggle of
these old women against the encroachment of modernity would prove
futile; perhaps for this reason too, it was difficult for the media to judge
them by the same standard as other bravas. In a sense, the exceptionality
of this casethe age of the women, their oft-commented-on maternal
roles, the high visibility of the Ralco conflictled the media to represent
the sisters with ambivalence. This ambivalence nevertheless is built on the
dichotomous portrayals that dominate media coverage of other Mapuche
women.
Many articles focused on the brava, delinquent character of the sisters
actions. El Metropolitano related that some indigenous advisors to the
National Corporation for Indigenous Development were assaulted and
obligated to escape by Pehuenche women who wanted to negotiate
directly with government officials (Reunin en, El Metropolitano,
February 17, 2001).10 Several items highlighted the sisters role in altercations, even when others were involved. One featured a headline about the
two Pehuenche women and a lead-in that explained they attacked
police (Fue Abierto, El Mercurio, March 28, 1999). Two paragraphs
into the article, however, we learn that las Quintremn were only two of
eight who appeared in court in relation to the charges. Other articles portray the sisters as sneaky or illogical. A piece about Nicolasas settlement
notes that each sister had accepted 10 million pesos the previous year
571
when they signed a promise to sell, on which they later reneged

(Nicolasa Quintremn La Tercera, December 19, 2002).
Some articles about Nicolasas settlement imply that by accepting recompense, she failed to uphold her role as a bearer of culture (Nicolasa
logr, La Tercera, December 24, 2002). This notion was reinforced by
Roberto Celedn, the sisters lawyer, who told La Tercera that Nicolasas
sale was lamentable. He added, At the root, she has violated her dignity as a symbolic woman of this struggle, but I do not judge this person
who has acted in her capacity as mother. . . . Her only worry is her son
and his health and well-being (Nicolasa Quintremn, La Tercera,
December 19, 2002). Yet by his comments, Celedn does judge Nicolasa.
In fact, he can only accept her decision by reframing her as another archetype; no longer the emblematic spokesperson and defender of the earth,
she is now simply a devoted mother.
Still, by 2001, it was common to see articles referring to the women as
aas, a Mapuche term of endearment meaning little sister, indicating
empathy for their cause. But articles from this era also seem to accept the
dam as inevitable, documenting, for example, the arrival of equipment and
transformers for the dam and noting that the sisters opposition persisted
all the same (Fuerte custodia, El Sur, March 3, 2002). The implication
is that the sisters was a futile struggle of tradition against modernity. How
could two old women deter capitalist development? Indeed, the obsoleta
category demonstrates the limits of authorized indigenousness in the era
of neoliberal multiculturalism. They can keep their culture, but not their
land, especially if it interferes with Chilean national development plans.
Unlike women protagonists of other conflicts, las Quintremn were frequently quoted in the press, giving the impression that they were understood as agents in ways that other women were not. In one article,
Nicolasa declared, The lands where we were born and raised are our
mother, and it would be too painful to abandon her. They will [only] take
us from here dead (En Europa, La Tercera, November 17, 1998).
Another cited her speech during a protest in Santiago: I am here to
defend my land. I am Pehuenche, born and raised [here the author highlighted with sic the fact that she used the wrong gender on these adjectives11]. The land for us has no price (Solis, La Tercera, October 13,
1998). Allowing las Quintremn to speak for themselves connoted a
degree of respect and granted legitimacy to their resistance, even if their
lack of formal education was sometimes highlighted.
There is dissent on the issue of the sisters agency, however. Many
pieces were paternalistic in tone, expressing suspicion that Mapuche and
environmental organizations were manipulating the sisters from behind
572
the scenes (Pugna entre, El Sur, November 2, 1998; Slo falta, El Sur,
March 24, 2003). Other pieces expressed admiration for the sisters astute
negotiations but tended to go to another extreme, suggesting that money
was what they were after all along. For example, when Berta finally sold
in 2003, an editorial in La Nacin, titled Tenacious aas, noted that the
women ultimately received much more money than they were offered at
the beginning. It ends by saying, The aas, with their willpower, managed to increase their patrimony considerably. . . . The Quintremns
knew that at some moment they would have to move, the point was when
and for how much. Yesterday we found out (aas tenaces, La Nacin,
September 17, 2003). This piece expresses vague admiration while implying that the sisters did not really want to protect the land, just to come away
with as much as possible. (This strategy, it is worth noting, is entirely in
line with neoliberal ideology.) Unlike articles that focused on the sisters
ignorance, this piece reduced their struggle to a materialist ideal.
Altogether, media portrayals of las Quintremn demonstrate a tension
between the two previous archetypes. They were bravas but also dignified
women defending their culture. Judging them as wayward women or
insurrectionary Indians like other bravas was complicated by the fact that
they were living up to social expectations for grandmotherly Indians.
Indeed, las Quintremn were trying to do what all women are meant to do:
preserve their culture. Nevertheless, by stepping into the public sphere to
do so, they broke with gender expectations (as did so many Chilean
women who took on the dictatorship from their positions as wives and
mothers years ago). As a result, there was always some doubt about the
extent to which they were being influenced by outside (male) forces
unlike the aas, these outsiders could be held responsible without violating cultural norms. And yet the sisters also broke with the acceptable
behavior epitomized by the permitidas. I thus take the case of las
Quintremn as a rare deviation that actually underscores the prominence
of the dichotomous portrayals that dominate media coverage of Mapuche
women. Prior to the invasion of their territory, they might have been portrayed as permitidas, quietly living out their traditional lifestyle. In the
heat of resistance, they would have been classified as bravas. Still, their
age and frequently-commented-on maternal roles made them harder to
place in that status than other women who behaved comparably.
Ralco is the story of a battle between tradition and modernity, between
sovereignty and assimilation, as embodied in two elderly women.
Ultimately, they were left with little choice but to relinquish to the imposition of the global economy onto their lands, responding with the very
neoliberal logic that had defeated them. The story of las Quintremn as
573
told by the Chilean press suggests the futility of resistance and the obsoleteness of the rural Pehuenche; the cultural assumption, after all, is that
Indians will fade away. In the end, the obsoletas are the most authentic
Indians of all: faced with the imposition of modernity in their communities, they are destined for extinction.
CONCLUSION
Media portrayals shed light on dominant cultural assumptions about
womens role in the Mapuche struggle and the Mapuches place in the
Chilean nation. It is at the intersection of gender, race, and nation that
mujeres bravas, permitidas, and obsoletas are created. While the conflicts
are usually projected in male terms, the Chilean press draws on race,
nation, and gender in its categorization of Mapuche women as bravas, permitidas, or in rare cases, ambivalently both. The extent to which portrayals of bravas, permitidas, and obsoletas are controlling images becomes
clear when they are taken together. The archetypes rely on crude racial
and gender dichotomies rather than representing real Mapuche women,
whose perspectives are more likely to embody aspects of all three archetypes and to support some autonomist demands while also seeking inclusion and opportunities for themselves and their families (Richards 2004).
Through the medias reliance on dichotomous representations, these subtleties are elided, and Mapuche women are converted into objects for public consumption.
The neoliberal multicultural context is essential to understanding the
significance of these representations. Although media interests are not
identical to those of the state, the media have a stake in shaping notions of
national belonging. Indeed, national development priorities as well as the
medias linkages to big business, including the timber companies, shape
representations of the Mapuche. It is in this context that the authorized/
insurrectionary dichotomy takes on particular relevance, setting the limits
of acceptable behavior for Mapuche in neoliberal multicultural Chile.
Those who are willing to integrate and accept the rules of the market are
deemed authorized members of the nation. Those who refuse are consigned to police harassment, accusations of terrorism, and political and
socioeconomic marginalization. There is no space for re-envisioning the
Chilean nation as a multiethnic, multinational space in which Mapuche
claims of difference are validated and their ways of life promoted.
As we might expect, representations of Mapuche women fit the authorized/
insurrectionary dichotomy. In addition, however, gender discourses
574
combine with racial ones to convey specific views, encouraging readers to

reflect not just on womens participation in the conflicts but also on the
place of the Mapuche in the Chilean nation. Indeed, that the archetypes
are based on commonly held and mutually sustaining cultural assumptions about race, gender, and nation may facilitate their usefulness as
a cultural resource in the context of the conflicts. The archetypes use
assumptions about indigenous women, and the extent to which they meet
ideal-typical expectations for womens behavior, to emphasize that there
are ways of being Indian that are authorized and ways that are not.
It is not authorized to challenge the boundaries of the nation-state by
making claims for historical reparations or autonomy, activities in which
only men and out-of-control, manipulated, or obsolete women engage.
Indeed, the brava archetype uses gender norms to communicate that if
even their women are out of control, dominating the Mapuche is paramount. Yet representations of the bravas also imply that women are pawns
of men, suggesting that they are redeemable. This trope leads nicely into
the permitida archetype, which conveys that it is permissible to sell
Mapuche culture in the global marketplace or to use it to enhance the
diversity of the nation. Valuing diversity, in turn, is essential for giving at
least an illusion of respect for indigenous rights under neoliberal multiculturalism. And according to the permitida archetype, womens association with culture makes them the ideal candidates for this task. The
permitidas presumed passivity, moreover, enhances their suitability for
this role because it suggests that they need to be, and can be, saved. The
obsoletas tough stance against Ralco fits them in the bravas camp.
Nevertheless, their association with tradition and culture leads the press to
express an ambivalent regret for the inevitable death of a way of life. Each
archetype, then, uses race as well as gender to describe the limits of
indigenous belonging in the neoliberal multicultural era.
As part of the issue culture surrounding the conflicts, the medias reproduction of cultural assumptions perpetuates a vision of the nation in which
the Mapuche are subordinate. The archetypes also offer a prescription for
a national future, suggesting that a successful neoliberal multicultural
Chile requires that of these three archetypes, one must be thwarted,
another promoted, and the last allowed to fade away. In practical terms,
these portrayals make it easier for business interests and the state to refuse
to negotiate with Mapuche communities, dismiss their rights claims, and
develop strategies for co-optation that rely on converting women in particular into authorized neoliberal subjects.
Overall, the findings presented in this article have implications for
understandings of nation building in the contemporary world. They
575
highlight the role of the media as a cultural resource that can reflect, reinforce, and shape dominant views in times of heightened social unrest. They
also emphasize that nation building is an ongoing, multifaceted process
rather than something that occurred only when nations were first formed or
that is undertaken only by the state. Finally, they demonstrate that new
forms of governmentality, such as neoliberal multiculturalism, continue to
rely on race and gender to shape the contours of national imaginings.
APPENDIX
CHILEAN NEWSPAPER ARTICLES CITED
El Austral
Bustamante, Marcela. Ximena Huilipn y sus sueos en el modelaje. October
9, 2001.
Diez mujeres de La Araucana destacadas en Da Internacional. March 9, 2001.
Mapuches protestan contra medios de comunicacin. February 3, 2001.
Prodemu y Conadi firman convenio por mujeres. April 14, 2003.
Renace la trilla mapuche. February 13, 2003 (accessed April 7, 2005 on diarioaustral.cl).a
Sernam y Conadi apoyan a mujeres mapuches. March 23, 2001.
El Mercurio
Fue Abierto Proceso contra Dos Mujeres Pehuenches. March 28, 1999.
LaFourcade, Enrique. Don Rodrigo y las mapuchas cabeceadoras. July 11, 1999.b
Mapuches golpearon a director de Conadi. July 6, 1999.
Zalaquette, Cherie. Guerreras Mapuches. El Sbado (Mercurio supp.).
December 26, 2003 (accessed February 27, 2004).a
Tejidos Pehuenches. July 26, 2000.
El Metropolitano
Reunin en La Moneda por descoordinacin oficial en conflicto mapuche.
February 17, 2001.
La Nacin
aas tenaces. September 17, 2003.
El Sur
Apoyo a mapuches que son asesoras del hogar. September 22, 2002.
En libertad 43 pehuenches. March 12, 2002.
Frustran ocupacin de un fundo. April 20, 2002.
Fuerte custodia en Alto Biobo. March 3, 2002.
Mapuches golpearon en Temuco a director nacional de Conadi. July 6, 1999.
Pugna entre indgenas y la Conadi. November 2, 1998.
Slo falta que permute Berta Quintremn. March 24, 2003 (accessed April 3,
2003).a
576
La Tercera
En Europa buscan apoyo a pehuenches. November 17, 1998.
Nicolasa logr mejor negocio que dems pehuenches. December 24, 2002.
Nicolasa Quintremn cede y finalmente acuerda permutar sus tierras con
Endesa. December 19, 2002.
Palomera, F. Enfrentamiento entre carabineros y mapuches termina con dos
detenidos. September 7, 2001.
Saffie, Jos Ignacio. El conflicto mapuche por dentro. February 4, 2001.
Solis, Pablo. Pehuenches a la cabeza. October 13, 1998.
a. uke Mapu recently switched over to a new server, and with this move, the January through March
2003 articles were inadvertently cut out of the archive, as were articles from the end of December
2003. Access information for the three affected articles is noted above; all other articles are accessible at www.mapuche.info.
b. As noted in the text, the LaFourcade article is not accessible in the uke Mapu archive.
NOTES
1. I excluded items from foreign papers, organizational announcements, radio
transcripts, and a few items that pertained to peoples other than the Mapuche.
2. Gonzlezs response also reflected gender expectations; El Mercurio reports that he
denied having been hit by the women, although photos and video indicated the opposite.
3. I use the translation head-butting, but cabezazo also refers to heading the ball in
soccer, and part of the column is devoted to a satirical comparison of the altercation to a
soccer match.
4. Las Mapuchas is an invented word, used to mock or demean. It does not
correspond to the vocabulary the Mapuche use to identify themselves. Nor does it follow
Spanish language rules, whereby a proper noun that ends in e only takes on gender in
the pronoun that precedes it.
5. Araucanians is the name the Spanish gave to the Mapuche on their arrival in
South America; the term is considered offensive by many Mapuche today.
6. Because the Bo-Bo River once marked the border between Chilean and Mapuche
territory, border is still used to refer to the region south of that line. The significance of
colored cabbages is unclear.
7. Excluding 1997 and 1998 (no permitidas articles appear in the incomplete archive
for those years), only 1 of 12 articles featured permitidas in 1999, but by 2001, a slight
majority had this focus (23 out of 41). In 2002, 26 of 36 articles focused on permitidas
(with 3 more focusing on both permitidas and bravas), and in 2003, it was 14 of 21.
8. In those that do, themes are similar to articles on women, but with an added focus
on Mapuche businessmen and folkloric acts memorializing Mapuche heroes. Also,
headlines for articles about state programs for women are often phrased with women as the
subjects; similar articles regarding programs for men usually feature the state agency as
the subject.
9. Sernam y Conadi, El Austral, March 23, 2001; Apoyo a mapuches, El Sur,
September 22, 2002; Prodemu y Conadi, El Austral, April 14, 2003.
10. El Metropolitano was a conservative, short-lived daily (1999-2002).
11. She said, nacido y criado rather than nacida y criada.
577
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Patricia Richards is an assistant professor of sociology and womens studies at the
University of Georgia.

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Bravas, Permitidas, Obsoletas: Mapuche Women in the Chilean Print Media

Sociologists for Women in Society

>> Version of Record - Jul 18, 2007

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BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

indigenous; Mapuche; Chile; media; conflict

GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

RACE, GENDER, NATION, AND THE MEDIA IN CHILE

GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

the principles of neoliberal multiculturalism, opting instead to pursue

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

confrontations among carabineros (the police; in Chile, a national force

GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

messages derived by the audience (Dworkin and Wachs 2004, 613).

GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

Articles on Women in the uke Mapu Archive

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

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GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

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Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

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GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

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less authentically Mapuche. Zalaquette also measures authenticity by the

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Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

Mapuche women often appear in articles about indigenous policy.

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GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

covered her opinions on the conflict (Bustamante, El Austral, October 9,

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

when they signed a promise to sell, on which they later reneged

GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

combine with racial ones to convey specific views, encouraging readers to

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS

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