DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580934.003.0002
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2.1. Introduction
Foreign aid and its effectiveness in promoting growth and development in developing
countries has been an area of intense controversy ever since RosensteinRodan (1943)
advocated aid to Eastern and SouthEastern Europe. Early optimism and confidence in
the impact of foreign aid have been tempered with time. In the first edition of his Leading
Issues in Economic Development, Meier (1964) dedicated some eighteen pages to the
issue of foreign aid. He started by asking, How much aid? By the time of the sixth edition
(Meier 1995), the treatment of foreign aid had been cut in half and the questions raised
were: Why official assistance? and Does aid work? In the 2000 edition (Meier and
Rauch 2000) foreign aid is not listed in the index.
Meanwhile the debate about the usefulness and design of foreign aid has continued
unabated. Some insist aid is a waste of resources and even harmful to aidreceiving
countries (Dichter 2005). They point in particular to Africa and scores of failed projects
and swiftly conclude that aid has been an outright disaster. Others are disappointed and
sceptical, a prominent example being Easterly (2001, 2003, 2008), who highlights aid's
inability to buy growth. (p.21) Birdsall, Rodrik, and Subramanian (2005) view the
potential impact of aid as seriously circumscribed, but remain largely supportive. A
complementary approach in the middle ground is that aid has worked in the past in
furthering growth and development, but aid is not equally effective everywhere and
much remains to be learnt about how aid impacts in theory and practice (see Tarp 2000).
Given this, the focus should be both on ways and means to improve the effectiveness of
foreign aid disbursements and on increasing the total flow of resources. A final approach
is to emphasize that a doubling of worldwide aid flows is our generation's challenge, a
moral obligation of rich countries that will send forth mighty currents of hope and lead to
the end of poverty (see Sachs 2005).
The analysis of aid's impact on growth became dominated by modern panel data
macroeconometric frameworks during the second half of the 1990s.2 Much of this debate
has focused on whether the effectiveness of aid is conditional on policy, or whether aid
can be expected to have a separate and positive impact independent of policy. This has
involved a mixture of concerns. They range from technically demanding econometric
modelling issues, to fundamentally different approaches, to the design and implementation
of development strategy and policy. Overall, a substantial body of literature has emerged
which suggests that aid works in promoting growth and development.3 However, others
remain sceptical and disagreement is characteristic in assessments of the necessary and
sufficient conditions for aid to have a positive contribution on the development process.
The same goes in relation to (i) different views on what constitutes good economic policy
and how economic policy and deeper structural characteristics interact with the efficiency
of foreign aid; and (ii) the institutional framework through which aid is channelled.
Widespread calls have also been made for a big push or a Marshall Plan for Africa. Sachs
(2005) is a passionate spokesman for this approach, which is set out in the UN Millennium
Project Report (2005). Also the World Economic Forum (2005) and the Commission for
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USA
Japan
1960731
1992
1998
2002
2006
16.3
15.8
10.6
14.9
23.5
(42.2)
(20.0)
(15.8)
(18.6)
(21.5)
2.6
10.8
10.8
9.5
11.2
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France
Germany
UK
(6.9)
(13.7)
(16.0)
(11.9)
(10.2)
5.7
10.3
7.4
7.9
10.6
(14.7)
(13.1)
(11.0)
(9.8)
(9.7)
3.8
8.8
6.7
7.3
10.4
(9.9)
(11.2)
(10.0)
(9.2)
(9.5)
4.3
4.8
5.2
6.7
12.5
(11.2)
(6.1)
(7.8)
(8.4)
(11.4)
10.3
11.0
12.8
14.9
(4.9)3
(13.1)
(16.5)
(16.0)
(13.6)
4.0
16.2
13.9
16.6
21.3
(10.3)
(20.5)
(20.7)
(20.8)
(19.5)
1.8
1.4
4.3
5.2
(2.3)
(2.1)
(5.3)
(4.7)
Other DAC
NonDAC
Total4
38.6
78.9
67.0
80.0
109.6
of which:
(100)
(100)
(100)
(100)
(100)
Bilateral
32.9
53.7
44.9
56.1
81.4
(85.2)
(68.0)
(67.0)
(70.0)
(74.3)
6.2
24.7
22.1
24.0
28.1
(16.0)
(31.3)
(33.0)
(30.0)
(25.7)
Multilateral5
USA
Japan
France
Germany
UK
1960731
1992
1998
2002
2006
83.2
62.0
39.2
51.6
78.6
(0.4)
(0.2)
(0.1)
(0.1)
(0.2)
25.9
87.2
85.0
74.6
87.6
(0.2)
(0.3)
(0.3)
(0.2)
(0.3)
116.3
179.6
126.6
132.4
167.2
(0.8)
(0.6)
(0.4)
(0.4)
(0.5)
64.5
109.7
81.5
89.1
126.6
(0.4)
(0.4)
(0.3)
(0.3)
(0.4)
79.4
83.1
87.7
113.7
207.0
(0.5)
(0.3)
(0.3)
(0.3)
(0.5)
59.53
306.5
370.0
432.8
488.2
(0.3)3
(0.9)
(0.8)
(0.9)
(0.9)
38.7
87.9
75.6
93.1
124.1
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(0.2)
NonDAC
(0.3)
Total
(0.3)
(0.3)
(0.3)
89.3
56.1
(0.3)
(0.1)
(0.3)
(0.2)
64.1
99.0
80.2
88.0
111.9
(0.4)
(0.3)
(0.2)
(0.2)
(0.3)
Notes:
(1) Average over the years.
(2) Average over the countries.
(3) Excluding Luxembourg.
(4) Sum of DAC and nonDAC countries, total. Discrepancies due to averaging and
rounding.
(5) Disbursements by donor countries to multilateral aid organizations. Denmark (DK)
since 1978; Luxembourg (L) since 2000; Netherlands (NL) since 1975; Norway (NO)
since 1976; and Sweden (SE) since 1975 have all had ODA as percentage of GNI
above 0.7.
Source: OECD (2008: table 1); ODA by donor:
<http://webnet.oecd.org/wbos/Index.aspx?DataSetCode=ODA_DONOR#>.
(p.25)
Table 2.2. Aid disbursements by multilateral organizations
2006 prices (US$ billion)
1960
731
20.4
United Nations
1.0
6.1
3.2
4.1
3.3
28.9
29.7
16.5
17.9
14.2
IMF and WB
1.0
6.9
6.6
8.7
6.4
29.6
33.7
34.2
38.0
27.0
European
Commission
0.9
5.4
6.7
7.4
9.5
26.2
26.4
34.8
32.6
40.2
Regional
Development
Banks
0.5
2.1
2.5
2.3
2.9
15.2
10.3
12.8
10.2
12.2
Other
Multilateral
Institutions
0.0
0.0
0.3
0.3
1.5
0.0
0.0
1.6
1.2
6.5
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(p.26)
Table 2.3. Average annual (19962005) aid shares for countries with
populations larger than 2 million
Aid as percentage of GNI, increasing by
country
Korea, Rep.
0.03 Azerbaijan
3.59
Korea, Rep.
22.3
Hong Kong,
China
0.00
Kenya
3.65
Malaysia
0.7
Burundi
24.0
Singapore
0.01
Zimbabwe
4.05
Saudi Arabia
0.8
Azerbaijan
24.5
United Arab
Emirates
0.01
Vietnam
4.31
Hong Kong,
China
0.9
Hungary
24.5
Saudi Arabia
0.01
Mexico
1.0
Moldova
25.0
Kuwait
0.01
Yemen, Rep.
4.45
United Arab
Emirates
1.2
Tajikistan
25.1
Mexico
0.02
Macedonia,
FYR
5.19
Singapore
1.2
Sri Lanka
25.2
Malaysia
0.04
Cameroon
5.22
Brazil
1.2
Central
African
Republic
25.5
Brazil
0.04
Angola
5.23
India
1.4
Czech
Republic
26.8
Costa Rica
0.04
Togo
5.46
China
1.5
Tunisia
26.8
Libya
0.05
Moldova
5.71
Libya
1.6
Niger
27.3
Venezuela,
Republic of
0.05
Jordan
6.38
Kuwait
1.7
Chad
28.0
Argentina
0.05
Serbia and
Montenegro
6.75
Costa Rica
1.8
Poland
29.1
Turkey
0.10
Georgia
7.08
Venezuela,
Republic
Bolivarian
2.0
Cte
d'Ivoire
30.2
Chile
0.11
Nepal
7.27
Myanmar
2.0
Slovak
Republic
30.3
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Uruguay
0.12
Albania
7.35
Iran, Islamic
Republic
2.3
Guinea
31.5
Iran, Islamic
Republic
0.13
Papua New
Guinea
7.66
Argentina
2.6
Angola
32.3
China
0.16
Guinea
7.74
Turkey
3.1
Cambodia
32.5
Panama
0.25
Haiti
8.00
Belarus
4.7
Uganda
33.5
Oman
0.25
Bolivia
8.66
Thailand
5.6
Tanzania
34.7
Thailand
0.27
Honduras
8.81
Chile
5.8
Madagascar
34.8
Belarus
0.30
Central
African
Republic
8.87
Korea,
Democratic
Republic
6.0
El Salvador
35.0
India
0.31
Benin
9.76
Cuba
6.1
Cameroon
36.1
South Africa
0.36
Armenia
9.98
Uruguay
6.4
Haiti
36.1
Croatia
0.40
Senegal
10.27 Uzbekistan
6.7
Benin
36.3
Colombia
0.42
Cambodia
10.55 Indonesia
6.7
Ghana
38.2
Czech
Republic
0.42
Ghana
10.92 Nigeria
6.8
Mali
38.5
Russian
Federation
0.43
Congo,
Republic
Liberia
38.6
Jamaica
0.44
Chad
11.63 Iraq
8.2
Malawi
39.0
Hungary
0.48
Tajikistan
12.17 Philippines
8.4
Algeria
0.50
Ethiopia
13.08 Colombia
8.5
Bulgaria
40.8
Dominican
Republic
0.60
Tanzania
13.22 Pakistan
8.6
Latvia
42.2
Poland
0.61
Uganda
13.27 Ukraine
8.8
Lithuania
45.9
Slovak
Republic
0.69
8.9
Kyrgyz
Republic
47.0
Philippines
0.76
Madagascar
8.9
Peru
0.77
Kyrgyz
Republic
14.24 Algeria
9.1
Rwanda
49.4
Kazakhstan
0.80
Niger
14.33 Bangladesh
9.1
Papua New
Guinea
51.9
Ecuador
0.82
Bosnia and
Herzegovin
14.62 Panama
9.2
Senegal
52.2
Indonesia
0.83
Mali
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Israel
0.88
Lao People's
Democratic
Republic
16.47 Dominican
Republic
12.3 Georgia
56.3
Syrian Arab
Republic
0.89
Zambia
17.31 Paraguay
12.7 Eritrea
58.8
Turkmenistan 0.90
Mauritania
17.64 Jamaica
12.9 Zambia
61.1
Paraguay
0.97
Mongolia
19.71 Kazakhstan
Romania
1.03
Congo,
Democratic
Republic
19.80 Sudan
14.4 Armenia
73.5
Ukraine
1.05
Nicaragua
19.91 Ecuador
14.6 Lebanon
74.4
Guatemala
1.18
Rwanda
21.44 Nepal
16.2 Congo,
Republic of
74.8
Lithuania
1.20
West Bank
and Gaza
22.07 Togo
16.3 Honduras
78.0
Latvia
1.21
Burundi
23.96 Kenya
16.3 Bolivia
82.2
Tunisia
1.22
Malawi
24.16 Peru
16.7 Mauritania
87.0
Nigeria
1.28
Sierra Leone
27.06 Ethiopia
16.8 Mongolia
92.5
Uzbekistan
1.35
Liberia
28.34 Oman
17.3 Albania
97.6
Lebanon
1.44
18.2 Macedonia,
Republic of
104.5
Morocco
1.50
Afghanistan
31.61 Somalia
107.5
Pakistan
1.65
Eritrea
32.60 Yemen,
Republic of
19.5 Jordan
117.5
El Salvador
1.72
Myanmar
Zimbabwe
19.8 Israel
147.4
Egypt, Arab
Republic
1.78
Korea,
Democratic
Republic
Morocco
20.0 Nicaragua
150.9
Bulgaria
2.21
Cuba
Congo,
Democratic
Republic
Bangladesh
2.37
Iraq
Croatia
276.4
Sri Lanka
2.77
Somalia
Romania
21.2 Afghanistan
Sudan
3.08
Guatemala
21.6
Notes: Aid per capita is constant (prices in year 2000) US$ and aid as percentage of
GNI are averages of annual observations.
Source: World Bank (2007).
(p.27)
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(p.28)
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relations that go far beyond changes in foreign aid. Figure 2.3 shows how global trade as
well as ODA, GNI, remittance, and FDI flows to aidreceiving countries evolved from
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2.7. Conclusion
Controversy is rampant in the debate about aid, growth, and development. This is not
particularly surprising. Even a cursory look at history shows that development over the
past thirty to fifty years has been a complex and variegated process. There have been
interrelated changes in resource accumulation, (p.46) population growth, growth in
knowledge, and improvements in production technology, all operating in an environment
characterized by frequent and dramatic transformations in politics and institutions.41
Social science has to rely on interpretations of history in trying to come to grips with
these processes, and the analyst must be aware of the dangers of oversimplification.
Singlecause theories have not fared well in development economics. This reflects that
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