Race in Cuba, 1902-1940. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 2004 The nationalist ideology that emerged from the War for Independence promoted racial equality as the basis of the formation of the national community. The ascent through military ranks of many Afro-Cubans proves this dynamic. However, Bronfman suggests racial inequalities remained entrenched through empiricist and positivist claims about the biological natural of racial differences. It a certain way, the new scientific life replace the old juridical and social hierarchies. The War for Independence also resulted in the U.S. colonial domination of Cuba. When autonomy came, it did along with the question of who must be considered citizens of the new nation. The active participation of AfroCubans put some pressure on adopting the formal legal equality and universal manhood suffrage. Although free exercise faith was also declared, it was conditioned to not violate the Christian moral and the public order. The latter in particular was useful to law enforcement officials to regulate any religious practice that was deemed problematic in the new republican order. In any case, this experiment of political formalization of liberal ideals coincided with the ascendance of scientific theories about race. Bronfman says: That science proposed new ways to rank the races just as statemakers conferred legal equality on former slaves and their descendants seems paradoxical, but it was not uncommon (p. 3). Argument: It argues that the relatively inclusive rather than relentlessly exclusive nature of the early Cuban republic legitimated hereditarian views about the inferiority of Cubans of African descent. At the same time the context of relative inclusion allowed Cubans of color to express powerful critiques of racialist views. As a result, tensions between equality and hierarchy generated a process by which political identity and citizenship were transformed. (p. 4). From this emerged after the 1940s a black political identity in step with a broader conception of citizenship imagined in collective terms. All in all, the book is more about the transformation of the political order and its patterns of participation, than about political incorporation of Afro-Cubans. Racial democracy has been already discussed by the scholarship. Aline Helg argues it was used as a tool to prevent the formation of race-oriented political movements, such as Partido Independiente de Color, that were accused of racism and disturbing the national unity and harmony. On the
contrary, Alejandro de la Fuente considers that also serve to Cubans of color
to limit the scope of white exclusionary or racist practices. On the basis of racial democracy, Cuban could demand political participation, and the political parties had to rely on black and mulattos since they were part of the electorate. This book goes further by interrogating the category of race itself through an examination of the ways state officials, social scientists, and black and mulatto activists made, changed, and legitimated its meanings (p. 5). Bronfman notes that theories of racial differences survived within the myth of racial democracy, while engaged notions of political quality. By doing this, she seeks to understand how politics and society changed the meaning of race. Race is here more an outcome of the historical confluence of ideas, events, and processes. This takes place in a particular time and space. Then, she tries to make the history of race as an idea, following the premises already exposed by Peter Wade, Thomas Holt, and Barbara Fields. Social science had a role in shaping the meaning of race, although this was contested by numerous intellectuals of color. The book engages these debates between intellectuals, institutions, and ideas as they buttressed one another and came into conflict. There debates revolved around how to erase the legacies of colonialism and bring about a sovereign modern nation-state by reforming racial practices and theories. Anthropology became the focus of a modernizing project undertaken by the U.S. military government and Cuban scientists. Several reforms were conducted at the University of Havana, including the professionalization of anthropology. Scientific paradigms that informed the interest in anthropology presumed biological, measurable differences among race, and therefore, it could state whether the population was progressing or regressing. To improve the population came to be seen by some political leaders and scientists as a requirements for full participation both political and social. In the meanwhile, Cubans of color tried to navigate through this practice demanding equality. Struggles for equality were the just the continuation of previous mobilization that dated from the times of emancipation. The active participation in the Wars for Independence gave legitimacy to their claims. So, Cubans of color sought to assert their equality through education and civil virtue, and their history of military participation. These competing notions of citizenship and equality emerged alongside legal and scientific discourses and practices also engaged in determining the boundaries and norms of citizenship (p. 12).
Chapter 1 explores the new mechanisms formulated to content perceived
threats to new order emerged after independence. In spite of the prevailing notion of equality, there was a heterogeneous response from the state to the matter of race, crime, and religion. Chapter 2 focuses on the specific case of the child murder of Zoila and looks at the debates that emerged about civilization and modernity that emerged from it. Here she argues that the figure of black delinquent became central to a number of social scientific explanations and formulations, what helped scientists to create theories to explain their social environment. The link between race and crime came to be used widely by journalists, the courts, intellectuals, and politicians. Chapters 3 and 4 talk about the ways intellectuals and activists of color debated their place in the Cuban society. They distanced themselves from those expressions of primitive religions associated to barbarism and crime. However, as the Partido Independiente de Colors rebellion of 1912, there were other forms of claiming equality, more oriented to focus on autonomous associational life and tentative formulations of a collective identity. A black political identity began to become epistemologically and politically viable. She then shows how social science responded to this process of mass mobilization. Instead of centering on reform, it did on demobilization. While it highlighted and envisioned and ordered, exotic past intended to valorize Cubas African heritage, it used eugenics to create in the present associations between race and crime, also inspired by Lombrasian scientific approaches. Chapter 5 examines the success of these endeavors in gaining state support. Social science, she says: with the exception of criminology, proved of limited value to a state interested in harnessing highly mobilized sectors of society to build political support (p. 14). As chapter 6 shows, intellectuals were not particularly interested in the promises of social sciences. However, this did not deny the fact that politicians, intellectuals, and many others saw races as distinct groups rather than disaggregated collections of individuals or one homogeneous polity. The final chapter shows how some black intellectuals formulated claims of citizenship, while embraced new intellectual trends that were reinterpreting African cultures in the 1930s. These debates about cultural representation flowed into political representation. The constitution of 1940 finally banned racial discrimination. However, as she shows, the fact that Cubans of color organized to make these claims and fight against inequality (that did not disappear after 1940) proves the vital presence of the raza de color in the political life.