Koha Digest # 91

FRONT PAGE: FORMING "NATIONAL" TEAMS

DATE: 14 February 1996

EDITORIAL

THE MINUTE OF TRANSITION

by VETON SURROI

In average 1,3 persons were forced to flee their houses per minute in the last three years of
war in Bosnia. This is a result of a mere division of the number of people expelled (refugees
in and as well as outside the country) by number of minutes of war whose end, many hoped,
had come.

Not only that this arithmetic is inhuman, because of the number of the expelled, but because
the balance of "the average" may be expressed in decimals, it is also convincing enough to stir
up the conviction that "the matter of Bosnia has ended, and new crisis are left". In fact, the
Bosnian issue is in front of a great cross-road of this year, and the result of the road to be
found in the end of the year cannot be predicted with accuracy today. For example, there is no
one who can guarantee that unity of Bosnians will be rebuilt: therefore, among others, or in
the first place, a vice-verse arithmetical process should take place, that every minute, in the
next three years, 1,3 persons should have to return to their homes. Or, there is no one to
guarantee that the whole procedure of rebuilding Bosnia will not be stopped by the very first
obstacle which is the matter of war crimes and the need to punish those accused for such
crimes. Or, there is no one to guarantee that even if Dayton process ends up in free
democratic elections, they would result in a divided election body, which by process of
blocking of democratic life in Bosnia and Herzegovina creates room for double links,
connection of Serb regions with Serbia and Croat regions with Croatia.

Transition, a process in Bosnia assessed as such, has become a fashionable word after the fall
of communism. It is a word that defines everything, from the movement of economic and
social systems in former Eastern countries up to the efforts to create a new system of common
security in Europe. This year, however, may be key year in defining transition. In Russia,
voters will say their word on the role of Russia as military power through their vote for the
president, and thus will determine more closely the direction that the large Euro-Asian
country will be heading to, whether it will be towards the western integration and cooperation
or towards some other direction. In the European Community, spring will mark the beginning
of the process of European re-considerations as regarding the future of eventual further
integration of 15 Western countries, and at the same time, the expansion of the Union by new
countries from Mediterranean (Cyprus, Malta) up to former Soviet East (Poland, Czech
Republic, Hungary). In USA, precedential elections should show the role America will play:
whether, among others, they will make efforts to be the backbone of a new system of

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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cooperation in Europe, or they will be a large island between the two oceans trying to play the
smallest possible political role but the largest possible economic one.

For the small man in Bosnia, the everyday life man, the one that is expressed in decimal
figures, these will be important events. It is him on whom it'll depend how long will the
foreign troops stay in his own country, what will be their further mandate, how much and in
what way will he be interested to rebuild and maintain the integrity of his land. And the small
man in Bosnia is not more than a kin to many others in other places, among others, to the
small man in Kosova.

KOSOVA

LOOKING FOR TEAMS

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

The second round of the Consultation, foreseen to be held during the

last week, has not been celebrated yet. It seems that even after the
technical preparations, contacts between participants of the meeting,
the preparation and presentation of the draft-declaration, no final word
was agreed as regarding the date of the meeting. The key moment for this
non-appointment was the fact that there was no final answer by president
Rugova. The meeting foreseen between the organisers, i.e., the
Parliamentarian Party and President Rugova, was postponed several times
due to the engagement and many meetings the president had. This led to
the fact that the (non) celebration of the Consultation (with or without
the president) remains lingering. While, it was seen once again, Rugova
remained the central point of the meeting, for the moment being it is
still unknown if the Consultation will continue its work with the
formations it had in the first meeting. Whether the draft-declaration
would be adopted as a kind of program declaration obliging, at least
morally, the representatives of political and social organisations in
Kosova, or will there be continuation by keeping alive a backbone idea
to gather a political block, this remains to be seen.

However the past week was by all means marked by open pronunciation of
an old dissident who, it seems, has decided to be publicly engaged in
politics. Obviously Demaçi is keeping his New Year's promise when he
emphasised that he is not only a human rights activist. Translated in
a more understandable language, Demaçi had two powerful public
appearances during the week. One in the quarter of Vranjevc (or "the
Hill of the Brave") and the other one in a press conference for foreign
correspondents.

After release from prison - pointed out Demaçi at the meeting in the
"Hill of the Brave" - I was asked may times why I was not engaged in
politics. "I have always thought that the current Albanian leadership
of Kosova, whom I had considered to be educated enough, would manage to

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realise the objectives for which people were declared". But, "... since
I am not satisfied with the activity of our political parties so far,
that is with our nationwide movement, I have expressed the readiness to
be engaged politically and to contribute to benefit of my people"! These
are Demaçi's words which without any doubt show his willingness to enter
political waters. And this is concretely seen in his positive reply to
the request to be elected for MP in Parliament of Kosova, replacing late
Anton €etta. For this, even the president of Republic of Kosova, dr.
Ibrahim Rugova was pronounced - explained Demaçi. There are some
procedural obstacles, but I think that they can be overcome - expressed
his confidence Demaçi, stating an important opinion: that he would
accept to become "... member of the parliament that would immediately
be constituted with all its organs"! Demaçi expressed these opinions in
a meeting of LDK's sub-branch in presence of Mehmet Hajrizi, member of
presidency of LDK and former political prisoner.

Demaçi made his positions even more precise in the meeting with foreign
reporters pointing out that if the Parliament of Republic of Kosova
fails to be constituted, then he would ask for new elections during May
when the mandate of MPs elected in 1992 expires. In this press chat
Demaçi repeated his opinion that there is need to move, which could be
understood as demonstration of dissatisfaction and civic disobedience
which would include all pores of life where Albanians have been de-
institutionalised. Maening, attempts to return to former jobs, to
schools and university, hospitals, radio and TV etc. His insisting for
political demonstration may be illustrated in his words in the meeting
in the "Hill of the Brave" when he alluded to last demonstrations of
Chechens and to the Palestinian Intifada which after many years is
yielding results. At last, the original expression by Demaçi in the
meeting that he does not fight for power, but for the state - should
show his determination for the promotion of a new and firm political
engagement. Simplified into a concrete tactical expression, possible
engagement of Demaçi as member of parliament could mean his decision to
become president of the Parliament of Kosova (as it may be heard from
some sources which are not confirmed). What would this mean?

First, Demaçi would approach such a work with great devotion, and his
devotion can be measured with his 28 years spent in prisons. If he
entered the Parliament with his both feet, he would at least in the
beginning be able to bring a fresh element in the politics of Kosova,
also surprising Milosevic's rulers who are preparing for their party
congress in the beginning of March. Such a coincidence would at least
draw the attention of SPS, that Kosova is the burden in a sack which
they have been carrying on their backs and for which they never know
when it will be opened. The same would go for the international warrants
of the post-Dayton agreement, who, have paved a kind of path to control
the rhythm of political developments in this part of Balkans. Normally,
attempts to activate the Parliament of Kosova do not mean that the
international policy for the region will change, but it would at least
put sweat to those factors who do not hide it that they are directly

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interested to solve the issue of Kosova. This would be a judgement as
regarding foreign aspect of the problem. In terms of its internal
aspect, Parliament of Kosova with its work would mark a kind of "a moral
demarkation line", that the "decision of people" (for the Republic of
Kosova) cannot be stepped over! If parliamentarians, as "speakers" of
vox populi would insist in this dimension of theirs, then
"parliamentarians" would directly dictate the political life in Kosova,
i.e., they would be able to determine the political platform for
possible negotiations with Serbs. Taken from this aspect, the one who
can put into function Parliament of Kosova, will by all means be a
strong factor of political life among us. Under one condition! To really
reach this goal. Whether this is possible, this can be seen only when
all the factors, which are in the present moment linked between
themselves mentioned here are calculated. But, the tendency to
institutionalise this kind of "legislation" of Republic of Kosova, would
in fact be followed by a series of attempts indicated by Demaçi such as
demonstrations, gatherings, protests, civil disobedience, in a word -
political engagement of masses, similar to those in the beginning of
nineties. The question again rises, is this possible?

In any case, engagement of such a political course would not leave

indifferent many of those in the political scene in Kosova and around
Kosova. In fact, on the day when organisers of the Consultation failed
to meet with president Rugova, he was receiving an American delegation
that had come to Prishtina for an important issue. It was Charg‚ of the
American Embassy, Perina, and the one in charge of the USIS office in
Prishtina. As it may unofficially be found out, the main subject of the
discussion was precisely the opening of USIS in Kosova, as well as the
iniatives for dialogue between Belgrade and Prishtina. There is no doubt
that this initiative and visit by Americans should also be understood
as the American interest and support that the initiation of the solution
of issue of Kosova is placed within the framework and rhythm foreseen
by them. Many see this as American support to Rugova, although there is
the assessment of the other side that this would by all means mean
American support to Rugova's "speed". On the other side, there is the
public statement made by Demaçi that his attempt to be elected for MP
was supported by president Rugova! Does this mean that if they do not
come to an accord, then at least they do not oppose each either, or
would this mean something completely different? Demaçi has stated
several times recently (even before delegations from abroad) that no one
wishes to replace or deny Rugova! Similar statement was made in the
Serbian press by the lady activist engaged in the idea of the
Consultation. President of Social-Democrats, Luljeta Pula-Beqiri, has
said that next parliamentary elections in Kosova, which could be held
this spring, should not dispute president Rugova's post, which should
be automatically extended for one more mandate. But under condition that
presidency is renewed with a body of 6 members! Based on this it may be
said that Demaçi and some other politicians who are engaged for more
involving methods (maybe even for changes inside the decision making
centre), consider that disputing the present legitimacy of the head

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representative from Kosova, in times like this (when negotiations may
be launched) could lead to unwanted difficulties.

Anyhow, let's turn to Demaçi's attempts, which along side Rugova's may
mark one higher "speed gear" in the Kosova politics machine. This
momentum seems to be indisputable not only for other operators of this
machine but even for the _ conditionally called - bloc who is supporting
the Consultation (or part of them). In one "speed" in one machine, or
alternatively in two of them - this seems to be the internal dilemma of
the political activists involved in the initiatives mentioned here. But,
not to forget; the "speeds" of our political machine, may be looked on
through establishment of the mentioned Information Centre. Speaking of
"speed" regarding Kosova, we may emphasise that the same problem was
treated by the commentator of Belgrade's "Vreme", Stojan Cerovic, who
stated that even though Milosevic seems to be slow regarding Kosova he
will be much quicker than the Serbian opposition (as it was the case
with Bosnia). We should not be surprised if, prior to elections, we
heard Milosevic speaking on TV about "co-habitation and dialogue", which
would show the Serbian opposition as war inciters who would want to beat
and kill Albanians - stated the Belgrade magazine. And not only this.
One should not forget that, the constitution of Parliament of Kosova,
or maybe new elections in Kosova in spring would be something particular
in the region. In this same year, there will be such important elections
in the neighbourhood as well. In summer - in Albania; in winter - in
Serbia/"FRY"!

Hence, it is likely that this will be a year of elections and of

different "speeds" in the region to bring in teams which will most
probably be playing in the Kosova grounds. The question rises: Which
will be our team?

KOSOVA

BACK TO THE FUTURE

by VISAR REKA / Geneva

Conformity of statements made by international factors with the ones

made by Dr. Rugova ends up even worse because, as regarding solution of
the problem of Kosova, international factors, regardless to national
belonging, talk of the '74 Constitution and not of independence,
neutrality or protectorate even as a transition phase. However, if
international factors agree that the issue of Kosova must be solved and
that the solution should be an autonomy similar to the one guaranteed
in the Constitution of 1974 of the former SFRY, when asked about details
of when and how autonomy would be restored and to what measure the
new/old autonomy would be similar to the original one, answers depend
on parties asked and in this aspect great differences in opinions are

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heard, especially in the relation Europe - USA.

As regarding the time-table of diplomatic activities in exercising

pressure to both sides (because it is clear that such a solution to
Albanians would mean little and to Serbs very much) Americans are of
opinion that they should by all means use the present momentum which is
considered to be very favourable for two reasons mainly. First,
according to American analysts presence of IFOR in Bosnia, is a
sufficient guarantee that a possible dialogue between Serbs and
Albanians, no matter how much emotions would be involved (in Balkans
emotional tenseness usually end up in blood), will not end up in
conflict; and second, since Serbs are hurrying to be included in
international flows there is room to exercise pressure on Serbia by
including the solution for Kosova in the package of conditions for
reintegration of Serbia there. On the other side, Europeans think that
Serbia (and when they talk of Serbia they mean Milosevic) first should
taste results of Dayton peace and that at a later stage, in a more
favourable social atmosphere, start the dialogue on Kosova in
international forums such as OSCE, UN etc. This posture of Europe is
expressed by European Coordinator for Bosnia Carl Bildt saying that "it
is still early to start a serious treatment of Kosova issue". In
addition to this, Europeans add that it should be waited for
constitutional changes announced in Belgrade circles hoping that Serbs
themselves might offer a solution that Albanians might like!...

Anyway, big divergencies in Europe-USA relations regarding Kosova are

related to means of pressure to be used towards both sides in convincing
them first to start dialogue and then to find a compromise about details
of the future constitutional regulation of Kosova.

To Europeans, the Albanian side does not represent a problem because,

according to them, "there is no one in Kosova to refuse the offer for
autonomy", and therefore they have a more relaxed approach and state
that Serbia should be given attractive proposals due to which it would
give in, including the guarantee that the agreement regarding Kosova
would contain amendments which would make it impossible for Kosova to
secede from Serbia or have statal structure. Not seldom, European
diplomats state that opening a dialogue contains the danger of damaging
the constellation of political forces among the Albanian leadership,
because other forces might emerge, which would not accept to discuss
anything less than full independence of Kosova. "If we are all of the
opinion that Kosova should not be independent and that if Albanians say
that independence is the only solution, then it means that we share
Milosevicþs opinion", said a European diplomat in Geneva, adding that
Milosevic is a skilful politician and finds it very easy to justify the
refusal for dialogue on grounds of "unrealisable demands of Albanians"
which are not supported by the international community either. Talking
of this subject, diplomats most commonly mention the Serb Krajina in
Croatia - partly as "threat towards radical forces in Kosova" but mostly
as explanation for fruitless politics in Kosova. In this light, European

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diplomats see the (non)ability of Albanian-Serb dialogue, because their
suggestions lead to a project (let's suppose it would be in favour of
Serbia) which would be offered to both sides for signature in the "take
it or leave it" style, forgetting the experience from Bosnia where
suggestions without consultation with all sides had no success at all,
but maybe "desiring" the experience from FYROM where selection of
Albanian representatives according to needs of European politics ended
up in accusing Albanians for "irreal demands" and for "lack of unity in
making political projects".

On the other side, Americans are of opinion, and they express it openly,
that Albanians should be paid more attention, that they should be
offered guarantees that the future Constitution will be actually
implemented, whereas establishment of American Information Centre in
Prishtina is considered as first concrete step in this direction. It is
obvious that Americans wish to use the strategy which proved to be
successful in Bosnia where the combination of pressure over Serbs and
presentation of the agreement as such lead to no losers nor winners,
enabling Serbs to withdraw from a part of occupied territories, and
Milosevic to justify himself before the public that Serbia has won. "The
only winner should be peace and coexistence" should be the slogan in the
"sale" of an eventual agreement between Serbs and Albanians regarding
Kosova.

Any ways, both currents in international circles are very far away from
wishes (at least verbal statements) of the majority of political
structures in Kosova, and consequences from such circumstances can be
even deeper, negative and long lasting. Because, on one hand, to accept
a solution within the frames of the '74 Constitution, could easily mean
to "return to future" for Kosova, or more precisely, go back to 1981
when people went on streets to demand for more, whereas politicians in
cabinets stated the opposite. But on the other hand, the refusal of
dialogue with Serbia under the conditions set by international community
might throw Kosova in an even further past when we all used to think in
the same way, but no one would listen to us. Whether this situation can
be avoided (because it seems that it is already to late for
improvements), this will most probably be seen in the near future.

ALBANIA

ALBANIANS AND... KOSOVANS ARE WE ONE OR TWO NATIONS?

by AGIM ISAKU / Tirana

National flag with a double eagle. A nation divided in two since the
creation of the first Albanian state. Two dialects of Albanian. Two
literatures. Two types of journalism, issues, fashion trends... Two
presidents of the two halves meet and appear on television discussing

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in Albanian, without translators... The question arises by itself: Are
we one or two nations?

Among ordinary people, but also among the not ordinary ones in the
territory of Republic of Albania, there is an opinion not quite a good
one, which is emerging and being rooted about Kosovans (read ironically:
simply for a part of Albanians) for some years now. They steal from us,
they sell us water for such and such prices, they have our nicest girls,
they bring us drugs, they corrupt us, they buy our shore and shops, they
take our jobs, even put in danger our peace...

At the same time in the other side of the border the same taste has
started to be elaborated in relation to, let's call it, Albanians on
this side of the border. They are doing nothing for us, all they care
of is themselves, they are not patriots, they are all spies and
communists, uncivilised and uneducated. Seemingly, a black hand has been
permanently taking care to hold us like this: two dialects, two
journalists, two presidents...

A book was published recently in Tirana by an author "from Kosova" which

treated relations between, let's say, "Kosovans" and "Albanians" (absurd
continues!). The author revealed his judgements regarding these
relations, but the response in intellectual circles of the Capital, was
negative and aggressive, because of the very same moments. More or less:
Why should he condemn us for being members of Communist Party of Albania
at the time when he himself used to be member of Communist League of
Yugoslavia? Why should he condemn us for bowing to the repressive
communist regime, when has been doing the same before the Serbian
occupying regime himself? Why this and why that? Why do "they" (i.e.,
"Kosovans") have the right to call us anti-nationals only because of a
statement or an action. Don't we have the right to make even one remark
on their behalf?

Gossips in cafes?... Yes. And no. Regardless of postures and without

having any will to give right to this or that wing, I might say that it
is not difficult to notice the lack of simple civil or even human
communication between the two sides. "Rilindja" daily, or other media
in Kosova give little room for treatment of problems in Republic of
Albania and vice versa, those in this side of the border give little
room to problems of Kosova, if official statements are not to be
considered. Kosovans write, meditate, exchange replies with Kosovans;
citizens of Republic of Albania do the same with their compatriots. The
situation looks absurd, looked at it now, after five years of increase
of reciprocal exchange. Things have gone so far that now there are
"Kosovans' Cafes", "Kosovans' Clubs", "Kosovans' Sweet shops",
"Kosovans' Restaurants" in Tirana... Even names of some such places have
been brought from Kosova. At first sight, there is nothing bad in this,
of course. The evil emerges afterwards, since this reduces the
possibility of human integration. Is this due to their self-isolation
or isolating climate in this side of the border? There is no doubt this

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is due to both these reasons. And, in the middle lies the black hand
which takes care to keep things as they are and we naively obey to it.
Two. Two. Two.

But is there really and anti Kosovan predisposition in Albania?

But is there really an anti "Albanian" (to hell, what other word can I
use?) predisposition in Kosova? There is something much simpler which
rises above these questions, something too simple and too high to which
we should obey: we are one nation. And, if we accept that one part or
the other is characterised by this or that feature, at the same time we
accept that we all have those features.

Same like water in a barrel which cannot be held half clean and half
dirty. Its like spitting up in the air and having it back down to your
face. It is not rare that Albanians have forgotten these things during
history. There are rumours going on recently of a possible dialogue with
Belgrade, and for some time now, there have been rumours of a dialogue
with Athens, Moscow, Washington, Peking, Ulan-Bator or Malaysia... All
these are to be greeted, but let us first start human and civil
discussion and dialogue between ourselves.

In any way, apart from romantism and good will, let us turn to facts.
The event dates two years ago. Walls in Tirana were filled with
political slogans. Berisha - yes. Berisha - no. Nano - yes. Nano - no.
King -yes. King - no. There was also one slogan: "Kosova Republic". One
morning, the slogans were covered with paint. There were no more pro et
contras NanoBerishaKing. Only one of them was there uncovered. "Kosova
Republic". But I trust the sensitivity of the man whose hand, while
painting walls to cover slogans in a night, would not obey to put paint
over that slogan, more than any psycho-analytical-political confusion.
I do not want to judge the slogan, I only wanted to explain the
sensitivity of the man's hand whom I trust more than the black hand
which is taking care of the opposite.

KOSOVA

COLONIZERS RAISE THEIR HEADS

by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Shaban Rexhepi from the village of Lloshkobare, near Ferizaj, could be

only the first victim of an "excessive" dialogue with a Serb colonizer
from Croatia. He, without any bad intentions, asked the latter why had
he fled his birthplace? The answer was as one should assume: "Because
of the war. Tudjman wanted to kill us all.". "But do you know that
things are not good here. You might need to run away soon" - said
Shaban. He could not even guess that he would be sentenced to 60 days
in prison because of this sentence. Rumours say that the coloniser, as

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soon as he went be to the sports hall in Ferizaj, told his fellow
countrymen about his dialogue with the Albanian. They got ready to leave
in the same day "before war started in Kosova". They had even protested
why they were brought in the focus of crisis. Police found out who had
made the statement creating the panic. They went at Shaban's and after
searching his house arrested him and sentenced him under urgent
procedure. Statement: "He has disturbed the opinion". This was the case
of disturbance of colonisers.

Then there was the case in Deçan, when after a quarrel with colonisers
from Albania of Montenegrin origin, accommodated in the children's
resort, the Shabanaj family suffered a tragedy when Ali Shabanaj died
from the wounds from a knife (bayonet), and four others were wounded.
Witnesses, citizens in town, say that the attack against the family was
not an accident. It was prepared in advance. That this is truth can be
confirmed by the fact that colonizers entered the premises where
Shabanaj brothers worked carrying weapons such as the knife and that a
police vehicle was stopped just opposite, not very far away from the
place where the quarrel took place, as if it were following the flow of
events and standing guard for Matanovic's, the colonisers, whereas two
members of the Shabanaj family were previously called to police station
and kept there until the tragic event ended. It is true that the
colonisers were arrested by the police, but the punishment they will get
will be much smaller than the one Shabanaj's got.

Conflicts between Albanians and colonisers are not rare phenomena in

Deçan and surroundings. They are even getting more common, which proves
that the latter feel encouraged and ready to settle any dispute by
force. Once they maltreated Albanian school students in a bus. It was
them who incited the conflict in the market place in Deçan when the
Serbian police started shooting, which lead to one mortal victim,
Violeta Dervishaj. Smaller quarrels cannot even be counted.

Chronologically looking, it is clear that the more time is passing the

more encouraged the colonisers feel and behave as if they were in their
own land. In the first days when they were deported from Montenegro,
they were disappointed with the treatment they got from the authorities
of the "state of dreams". According to Serb press, some of them
protested openly and did not want to be accommodated under the pine
trees in Deçan because "we have run from Albanians and they want to put
us in special settlements to live near them." They had requested to be
settled somewhere in Serbia or in Montenegro because their children
would preserve their identity there. Their grumbling did not last that
long and they agreed to the fate, or maybe were convinced that it would
not be that bad in Kosova after all. They started to appear in streets
of the town and to be present in other public places, and even started
to find jobs for themselves. Their job was nothing more than smuggling
cigarettes or other items brought in from Albania without facing any
special difficulty at the border. It seems that Serb authorities do not
create any special problems to them to cross the border whenever they

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like, or to bring items from Tuz for the market in Deçan. This means
that they got accustomed step by step and this is the greatest risk not
only for the places where they are accommodated but for all Albanians
in Kosova. Especially taking into consideration that Albanians easily
create good relations with their neighbours.

There is no other case proving that someone was punished because of

quarrels with new settlers or ending up tragically. But there are many
elements that show that any contact with them is very dangerous, even
creation of friendships or business relations with them. Although any
quarrel might be considered only as result of personal relations between
the comers and natives the experience so far shows that the further away
from them the safer you are.

In the beginning the Serb authorities were taking care where to

accommodate the colonisers. They were mainly left in collective centres,
where it was easier to control them. In the first wave, colonisers from
Croatia were settled in 23 schools, in 7 kinder gardens, 9 student
dormitories,, in 5 cultural and sports centres, in 2 heath houses and
in 16 other premises. During this time, an open form of violence against
Albanians was shown: different goods were robbed from them to fulfil
colonisers' needs, and some flats where Albanians used to reside were
usurped. There are 4 cases of usurpation of Albanians' flats and nine
camping houses in Banjska near Mitrovica. In regard to flats Serb
authorities made a kind of factious cover, whereas the camping houses
were taken "as surplus of living space" not used by owners. It is
characteristic to mention that, in the prospective, Serb authorities
think to distribute colonisers throughout Kosova, especially in the
places where the Serb population is absolute minority, hence the final
task is to change ethnic structure. If they manage to fulfill plans
adopted by municipal authorities installed by Belgrade, then each
municipality in Kosova will have at least one settlement or a village
inhabited by colonisers. Let's mention that up to middle of September
last, Serb newspapers came up with the data that there were about 30
thousand hectares of arable land reserved for the future "kibbutzs".
Actually, one settlement has already been built up in Junik near Deçan
and the other one near Vushtrri is being completed. Others have started
to be build up like in Gjakova, Prizren, Suhareka. If such "kibbutzs"
get inhabited as planned by Serb strategists, then colonisers will
really become a heavy problem for the Albanian population of Kosova.
Firstly, those who came from Croatia, having lived in condition of war
for years and also having lived for a long time under Serb propaganda
that Serbs are the ones who should rule, wherever they were, brought
heavy traumas and have learned that the most "suitable" means to solve
problems is violence, finding it easy to use weapons. Added organised
protection from Serb regime, and that Albanians dare not disturb them
even verbally, it is very likely that the native population - Albanians
- will be mostly affected.

Will a dangerous chapter for inhabitants of Kosova end up with the

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Shabanaj family? This is difficult to say, but one cannot say that life
in colonisers' neighbourhood will not be idyllic. At least, we can learn
from history of both world wars that any closeness to colonisers was
dangerous. Living witnesses of those periods even today tell us of
nights in fever and fear and of continuous threats from gendarmery and
colonisers backed by them. Maybe history will not be repeated in its
most cruel way but what happened to Shaban Rexhepi, to children in the
bus in Deçan and recently to the Shabanaj family is enough to make us
say: "Warning, colonisers!"

Data prove that there are little over 13 500 colonisers from Croatia and
Albania in Kosova. As a figure it is not concerning, but knowing that
it is a result of a process which Serb authorities think to implement
according to accurate plans, then one should be worried. Statements made
by colonisers in Vojvodina and elsewhere in Serbia that they by no means
want to be settled in Kosova give us a reason to think that they might
be convinced that they will not find themselves home in this region.
However, this is opposed to the fact that colonisers in Kosova have
adjusted very rapidly, managed to understand the patience that Albanians
exercise and now are behaving as if they were lords not only of places
were they are accommodated but broader.

For Albanians in Kosova it would not be of favour if they followed the

old rule that fire is extinguished by a bigger fire, at this moment it
would even endanger their position. However, in this situation it is
difficult to understand creation of such closeness between Albanians and
the colonisers. Actually one cannot say that colonisers are received as
welcome friends, but quarrels for DM 20 or trade with cigarettes and
other items is a matter of even smaller interests. People say that where
interest is involved there is no real friendship. So it is much more
preferable to replace Albanians' silence towards hooliganist behaviour
with another form of action: complete break of any contacts with them.
Such an action would not be unique in world, since many nations that did
not have enough power to win their victory in short time, and did not
manage to do more in their struggle, broke all contacts with those who
brought the evil and occupation. Such an action in Kosova would not
affect Albanians at all. Colonisers, e.g., those accommodated in Deçan,
do not posses any real economic potential, nor do they have the
possibility of conducting any important business. Most what they can do
is to cross the border whenever they need to go to Albania. From there
they bring cigarettes or some other attractive items.

Albanians, would not lose anything in material aspect if they did not
buy anything from this new group of dealers and thus they would avoid
unnecessary quarrels which may have tragic ending, as it was seen in
Deçan.

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MACEDONIA

ALBANIANS (DON’T) WANT THE POWER

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tetova

At last Macedonian Social-Democrats and Lberals dissolved the marriageþ

called League for Macedonia. Liberals of Stojan Andov seem to turn to
opposition definitely; it seems that from now on president Gligorov will
be forced to read the Constitution more often, meanwhile prime minister
Branko Crvenkovski is expected to proclaim his cabinet, þreconstructedþ
with a new chief of diplomacy but also with þfreshenedþ team of Albanian
ministers.

During these active days (between the two issues of KOHA) Albanian
political factor proved (its) political (i)maturity.

This is a rough assessment made by an analyst from Shkup. Events, like

in a film tape, show the reality: leadership of PPD of Abdurrahman Aliti
offers to Democratic Peopleþs Party (PDP) of Iljaz Halimi, joint
participation in Government. The latter would be represented, according
to a draft agreement which is stamped but not signed, by a minister, one
vice-minister and two deputy ministers. One of the intellectuals who
made efforts to bring together Albanian parties called this as a brick
on the wall towards the much needed unity. But PDP's leadership claimed
that the one who should invite them should be the Macedonian prime
minister and not PPD. This was the first disappointment of the new
president of PPD, Bejtullah Ademi (former political prisoner), who
mediated between these two parties like Holbrooke between Ankara and
Athens.

As for the government in reconstruction, as KOHA finds out, two other

Albanian parliamentarian parties have expressed their interest: PPDSH
through their MP who, via vice-president of the parliament, Tito
Petkovski, sent greetings to Cervenkovski and see what staff could be
provided; LDSH-PL writes to the prime minister and offer their
services...

All these in the function of participation in solving the Albanian

question!

But the greatest concern was noticed among PPD, among those who have
tasted ministers armchairs so far, but also with those who thought that
this would be the momentum to add a brick in the common house and the
personal house. Branches of the PPD, even sent their ultimatums in the
either... or style, hence the list of new ministers is the Optimum of
the Presidency of A. Aliti. No doubt that those who up to yesterday were
ministers have the right to be dissatisfied (THEY MUST HAVE READ THE
GLORY AND THE FALL OF COMRADE ZYLO) but the way they demonstrated their
fall at the time when glory was ahead of them, is another matter.

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A chapter in itself is also the persistence of branches and sub-branches
to have at least one post of a minister, vice minister or deputy
minister. And I think that the rhetorical question quoted in the heading
of this article will be actual for us for a long time to come. Certainly
MPs open to Stojan Andnov should be aware of this: why do(not) they
participate in the work of the highest organ of power. The two
Prosperities are expected to meet their swords for two eventual posts
of MPs in the Parliament above whose entrance stands SOBRANIE....

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