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Survivor Discourse: Transgression or Recuperation?

Author(s): Linda Alcoff and Laura Gray


Source: Signs, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Winter, 1993), pp. 260-290
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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Survivor
Discourse:Transgression
or
Recuperation?
Linda

Alcoff

and

Laura

Gray

ICHEL FOUCAULT argued that speech is not a medium or tool throughwhich power strugglesoccur but
itselfan importantsite and object of conflict(Foucault
1972b, 216). He also claimedthatbringingthingsintothe
of the Churchbrought
realmof discourse,as theconfessionalstructures
bodilypleasuresinto discourseand thus "created" sexuality,is not alor liberatorystrategy;indeed,it can
ways or evengenerallya progressive
contributeto our own subordination.
These claimsare at odds witheach otheror at least pointin different
directions.The firstsuggeststhat movementsof social change should
focus on the arena of speech as a centrallocus of power. The act of
power relationsand subjectivispeakingout in and of itselftransforms
ties,or theveryway in whichwe experienceand defineourselves.Butthe
second claim warns that bringingthingsinto the realm of discourse
works also to inscribetheminto hegemonicstructuresand to produce
bodies who willinglysubmitthemselvesto (and
docile, self-monitoring
thushelp to createand legitimate)theauthorityof experts.In particular,
discoursesabout sex, Foucault warns, are far fromliberatory.These
discoursesdevelopedfroma punitivestructurewithinCatholicism(the
confessionof sins forpenance and absolution)into an evaluativestructurewithinpsychotherapy
(the confessionof traumafordiagnosisand
In bothcases thespeakerdisclosesherinnermostexperiences
treatment).
those experiencesback to
to an expertmediatorwho thenreinterprets
herusingthedominantdiscourse'scodes of "normality"(Foucault1978,
67). In this way the speaker is inscribedinto dominantstructuresof
her interiorlifeis made to conformto prevailingdogmas.
subjectivity:
Thus, Foucault'sdescriptionof the confessionaldepictsit as an effective
M

to thefollowing
Weoffer
ourgratitude
helpwiththisarticle:
peoplefortheirgenerous
andRobyn
MajerO'Sickey,
TracyLawrence,
Ingeborg
DympnaCallahan,SusanJeffords,
Wiegman.
[Signs:Journalof Womenin Cultureand Society1993, vol. 18, no. 2]
? 1993 byThe University
of Chicago.All rightsreserved.
0097-9740/93/1802-0005$01.00

260

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SURVIVOR

DISCOURSE

Alcoff and Gray

forenhancing
thepowerof its administering
mechanism
experts,suban
and
under
discourse
increasingly
hegemonic
sumingsubjectivities
or
for
intervention
individthe
diminishing possibilities transgression
by
uals withinitsdomain.
Itis within
thecontradictory
spaceofthesetwoclaims-thatspeechis
an important
of
conflict
and thatdisclosures
increasedominaobject
a discussion
tion-thatwewouldliketo initiate
ofthediscourse
ofthose
who havesurvived
and
sexual
This
discourse
assault.
is
rape,incest,
in
now
the
United
States
it
is
accessible
on
new,yet
relatively
everyday
television
talkshows,on talkradio,andinpopularbooksandmagazine
ofthisspeech?Whatareitseffects
articles.
Whatis thepoliticaleffect
on
ofwomen'ssubjectivities?
and distheconstruction
Is thisproliferation
ofsurvivor
discourse
on patriarchal
semination
effect
havinga subversive
Or is itbeingco-opted:takenup andusedbutina manner
violence?
that
on
diminishes
itssubversive
Our
motivation
to
reflect
these
isimpact?
fromourneedto reflect
on ourownpractices.
suesemerges
Wearetwo
womenwho sharethreetraits:we are survivors,
we havebeenactivein
themovement
of survivors
forjusticeand empowerment,
and we also
workwithin(and sometimes
theories.
We have
against)postmodernist
also been affected
the
and
dissonance
that
institutions
by
distancing
enforce
between
and"personallife,"whichsplitstheindividual
"theory"
to
alongparallelpathsthatcan nevermeet.This articleis an attempt
rethink
and repairthisdissonanceand to beginweavingtogether
these
and experiences.
interests,
paths-and theircommitments,
The principal
tacticadoptedbythesurvivors'
movement
has beento
and
make
of
our
survivors'
disclosures
traumas,
encourage
possible
in relatively
whether
privateor in publiccontexts(Bass and Thornton
of"breaking
thesilence"is virtually
1991,260). Thisstrategic
metaphor
the
survivor
movement:
demonstrations
arecalled
ubiquitous
throughout
name
of
the
the
national
network
of
survivors
of
outs,"
"speak
largest
childhoodsexualabuse is VOICES, and the metaphorfigures
promiin booktitlessuchas I NeverToldAnyone,Voicesin theNight,
nently
Back, and No More Secrets(Adamsand Fay
SpeakingOut, Fighting
McNaron
and
1981;
1991).1SpeakMorgan1982; Bass and Thornton
out
serves
to
educate
thesocietyat largeaboutthedimensions
of
ing
sexualviolenceand misogyny,
to reposition
theproblemfromtheindividualpsycheto the social spherewhereit rightfully
belongs,and to
to
act
on
victims
our
own
behalf
andthusmake
empower
constructively
1 VOICES can be reachedat VOICES in Action,Inc., P.O. Box 148309, Chicago IL
60614; telephone312-327-1500. The metaphorof "unsilencing"what has been made
secretis also foundin Fay et al. 1979; Rush 1980; Butler1985; Gallagher1985; Polese
1985; Johnson1986; Russell 1986; Clark 1987; Danica 1988; and Sanford1982.
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SIGNS

261

Alcoff

and

Gray

SURVIVOR

DISCOURSE

As one book on the


thetransitionfrompassivevictimto activesurvivor.2
not
a taboo against
that
"We
there
is
of
believe
incest
stated,
subject
And
forthistaboo,
about
it.
the
reason
incest,merelyagainstspeaking
once examined,is clear: ifwe beginto speak of incest,we mayrealizeits
place as a traininggroundfor femalechildrento regardthemselvesas
inferior
objectsto be used bymen.... Bybeginningto speak about it,we
to
begin threatenits continued,unacknowledgedpresence" (McNaron
survivorswho oftenhave been
and Morgan 1982, 15). Furthermore,
silentbecause theyfearedretaliationor increasedhumiliationand who
have been carryingaround the burdenof a hidden agony for months,
years,and even decades reportthat the experienceof speakingout is
as well as a sheer relief.As Nancy Ziegenmeyer-the
transformative
womanwho made historybyallowingtheDes Moines Registerto use her
name in recountingthe storyof her rape-put it, "One of the most
importantthingsI've learnedis thatI foundmysanitywhenI foundmy
voice" (Ziegenmeyer1992, 218).3
On theotherhand, the speakingout of survivorshas been sensationalized and exploitedby the mass media, in fictionaldramatizationsas
well as "journalistic"formatssuch as the Geraldo Riveraand Phil Donahue televisiontalk shows.4The media oftenuse the presenceof survivorsforshockvalue and to panderto a sadisticvoyeurismamongviewers,focusingon the detailsof theviolationswithclose-upsof survivors'
anguishedexpressions.5They ofteneroticizethe depictionsof survivors
and of sexual violenceto titillateand expand theiraudiences.6Survivor
discoursehas also been used in some cases by the psychiatricestablishmentto constructvictim-and woman-blamingexplanatorytheoriesfor
abuse, such as the argumentthatsome people have a "victimpersonalare thenmade depenconstitutedsubjectivities
ity."7These discursively
2 See the chapter"BreakingSilence,"in Bass and Davis 1988, 92-103, esp. 95. More
it has been suggestedthatwe can evengo beyondsurviving;see, e.g., Dinsmore
recently,
1991.
3 See also Kelly 1988, 13.
4 We offersupportforthisclaim in Sec. III below.
fora local televisionnews show
5 One of the authorsof thisarticlewas interviewed
about sexual violence.In a half-hourof videotaping,she said threesentencesabout her
own experienceand the restof the timeofferedpoliticalanalysis.In the aired versionof
all threesentencesabout personalexperiencewere used and onlytwo
the interview,
othersentencesof analysismade it past the editingprocess.
6 There is a market
amongpornographersforsurvivors;e.g., Penthousemagazine
paid JessicaHahn-a rape survivorfroma highlypublicizedcase involvingtelevision
evangelistJimBakker-large sums of moneyto pose and has triedto enticeotherpubliclyknownsurvivorsto pose.
7 Scoresof "self-help"books maintainthat,as RichardCarlson says in the titleof
his book, "You can be happyno matterwhat" (Carlson 1992). If the sourceof happithenonlyone personis to blame
ness lies within,no matterwhat one's circumstances,
forone's misery.Susan Faludi offersa usefuldiscussionof the "masochisticpersonality
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SURVIVOR

DISCOURSE

Alcoff

and

Gray

discourse
has pardentuponexpertadviceand help.In short,survivor
to
have
effects
even
while
it
has
insome
empowering
adoxically
appeared
ofdominant
discourses.
facilitated
therecuperation
casesunwittingly
This doubleeffectcoincidesin an interesting
way withFoucault's
claims
about
Foucault
that
speech
speech.
suggests confessional
disparate
of domination
instrument
is not liberatory
but is insteada powerful
(Foucault1978). Yet he has demonstrated
(along withothers)8that
in
which
domination
and resisan
site
of
is
struggle
speech
important
tanceare playedout.Forthisreason,Foucault'sanalysesoffera useful
forourconsiderations
ofsurvivor
frame
discourse;
theyhelpus to reflect
of
out
and
the
to
evaluate
dynamics speaking as a politicaltactic.
upon
be thefocusof thisarticle,norwillhis acFoucaultwillnot,however,
overourdiscussion.
we willsetourselves
countssitin judgment
Rather,
and
but capableof
as
the
momentary,
up
"experts":fallible,partial,
do notwant
without
outside
mediation.
We
nonetheless
expert
judgment
a
role
for
but
traditional
ourselves
insteadseek
to
assume
simply
expert
andmeanings
ofexpertise,
towardlegitimatto reconfigure
thepractices
discourse.9
ingsurvivor
we willexplorethe
Withina generalaccountofspeechand discourse
we will discuss
of
survivors'
Then
character
speech.
transgressive
modeofspeechparticipates
Foucault'saccountofhowtheconfessional
in theconstruction
of domination.
Throughspecific
exampleswe will
and
subtle
mechanisms
consider
the
multiple
by which
subsequently
haveco-opted
ourcollective
and
whether
dominant
discourses
this
speech
One
toward
can
be
resisted.
of
our
ceneffectively
tendency
co-optation
willbe how thetendency
of theconfessional
tralconcerns
structure
to
will
the
can
be
overcome.
we
offer
some
confessor
disempower
Finally,
constructive
andreconstructive
theuseofspeaksuggestions
concerning
a
out
as
tactic.
ing
political
I. Speech and discourse
ofconflicts
and systems
ofdomina"Speechis no mereverbalization
tion... it is theveryobjectof man's[sic]conflicts"
(Foucault1972b,
disorder"createdby theAmericanPsychiatric
Associationin 1985 and includedin the
powerfulDiagnosticand StatisticalManual of Mental Disorders(Faludi 1991, 356-62).
The APA panel thatintroducedthis"disorder"suggestedthatmasochists(read: women)
choose "people who 'disappoint'or 'mistreat'them"and choose to remain"in relationships in whichothersexploit,abuse, or take advantage."See also Chesler1972.
8 See, e.g., Habermas 1981; Lyotard1984.
9 We realize
thatpart of Foucault'sprojectas well is to criticizethe authorityof experts;thisis one of the featureswe findusefulin his work. Our concernis withthe way
in whichFoucault's textsare sometimesused as an authoritative
sourceto repudiatecertain kindsof voices,despitehis own repudiationof thatrole.
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DISCOURSE

becausespeechitselfis that
216). Speechis thesiteofpoliticalconflict
overwhichthereis struggle.
have
themselves
Philosophers oftenrelegated
ofthecontent
ofspeech,distilling
toan analysis
thelivedreality
ofspeech
whichcouldbe analyzedthrough
intoa setofpropositions
of
procedures
and
More
(Foucault
1972a,
231).
empiricalanalysis
logical
recently,
however,
(on bothsidesof theanalytic/continental
manyphilosophers
of speechwhich
divide)havepointedout thatthereare otherfeatures
deservemorethansociologicalor stylistic
analysis.Speechis an event
of
an
and
it is an actin which
hearers;
involving arrangement speakers
and
relations
constituted
and
aremediated.10
experience subjectivities
get
contentof speech,buttheyalso
Thesefactsbearon thepropositional
content
thatan analysisofpropositional
alonecanprovideonly
suggest
an inadequateaccountofthefullmeaning
ofanyspeechact.In orderto
in anyparticular
variablesthatareinvolved
assessthediverse
discursive
a
we mustavoidreducing
to
collection
of
situation
speech
propositions
and recognize
it as a temporally
and spatially
event.
specific
specific
In anygivendiscursive
eventtherewillbe a normative
in
arrangement
are designated
whichsomeparticipants
and
others
are
speakers
desigsomeparticipants
are acnatedhearers.In manyspeakingsituations
statusofinterpreters
andothersareconstructed
cordedtheauthoritative
ofrawexperience."
Suchsituations
revealclearly
as "naivetransmitters
butalso setsup roles
thatspeechnotonlycontainssenseand reference
betweentheseroles.Conforparticipants
and determines
relationships
in a courtroom,
ofspeakingin a classroom,
in a
siderthearrangements
in
a
or
child's
bedroom.
the
office,
Moreover,
particular
psychiatrist's
toplayaffect
ourinternal
ofourselves
as
rolesweareassigned
experience
ofwhatitmeansto be a self.Whathappensto
wellas ourconstruction
in
yourspeechand senseofselfas youmovefromtheroleofprofessor
a classroomto theroleof daughter
or son whenvisiting
yourparents
as superficial
to your"true"selfthatliessubshouldnotbe construed
of suchchanges.Yourtrueselfsimplyis
mergedbeneaththeinfluence
thatchanging
self.Thisis partofwhatitmeansto saythatthestructures
and experiences.
ofspeechactsmediateoursubjectivity
of speaking
willaffect
thesubjectivity
and experiThe arrangements
in bothpoliticaland metaphysical
enceof survivors
ways.Our power
to thosewithwhomwe are speakingand our senseand
relationships
10The
conceptof mediationcomes froma Hegelian traditionthatopposes the notion thatexperienceor the selfexistsin a pure,uninterpreted,
directlyapprehensible
state.For Karl Marx, labor or practicalactivityprovidesthe mediatorbetweenhuman
beingsand nature,whereasforFoucault,discoursesand epistemeswould seem to play
thisrole. But the criticalpointhereis thatno entitysuch as "human being,""nature,"
or "experience"can be describedor apprehendedpriorto its mediation.See "Mediation,"in Bottomore1983, 329-30.
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willbothbe changedby
and ofourexperiences
ofourselves
knowledge
thestructural
of
the
discursive
event.
arrangements
as distinct
fromspeechor
Foucaultintroduces
theconceptofdiscourse
a collection
ofspeechacts.The term"discourse"forFoucaultdenotesa
ofpossibilities
forspeechacts.Throughrulesof
particular
configuration
thatoperateas unconscious
divisions
backexclusionand classificatory
a
discourse
can
be
said
to
set
out
not
what
true
is
groundassumptions,
atall,orinotherwords,
andwhatis falsebutwhatcanhavea truth-value
whatis statable(Foucault1972a).Discourses
structure
whatitispossible
to say through
of
exclusion
such
as
the
of certain
systems
prohibition
mad
and
sane
and
the
division
between
the
words,
speech,
(historically
between
trueandfalse.In anygivencontext
there
disjunction
contingent)
than
one
will
in
exist
more
discourses
exist
discourse,although
may
hierarchical
relations
withone another.
Foucault'saccountof discoursesrefusesto attribute
theirultimate
of speakers.The structural
features
to theconsciousintentions
regularin relationship
itiesof a givendiscourseshouldbe understood
to the
between
not
a
discursive
reference
to
level
of
elements, by
interchange
and
as
somewhere
conceptualized existing
manipulation intentionality
"behind"thediscourse.
havea dynamicall their
Justas conversations
ownthatcanseemtocarryspeakers
so
discursive
events-whether
along,
writtenor spoken-are guided,constrained,
and organizedby rules
in theirown right"(Foucault1970,xi-xiv;see also
"neverformulated
Foucault1973,xvii).
Thisanalysiscan usefully
be appliedto survivor
Thespeech
speech.11
of
ofsurvivors
their
assaults
has
been
excluded
reports
involving
speech,
constrained
thanexplicitbutnonetheless
by rulesmoreoftenimplicit
Atvarioustimesandindifferent
locationssurvivor
powerful.
speechhas
beenabsolutely
as
mad
or
or
untrue, rendered
prohibited,
categorized
11The analysisin thispaper is primarilyapplicableto the experiencesof survivors
who are female.We stressthatthisis not because we do not recognizethe existenceand
of male survivors.The significant
special difficulties
majorityof sexual violenceoccurs
betweenperpetrators
who are male and victimswho are women or children(because so
manysexual assaultsgo unreported,all statisticsare provisional,but theportionof sexual violencethatfitsthismodel rangesbetween80 and 90 percent).Our focuson female
victimsis not based solelyon numbers,however.The strategiesby whichsurvivorsare
silencedvaryby the genderof the survivor.The violationsand silencingof women and
childrenare intrinsically
connectedto the societalsystemof male dominanceand to ancientstructures
of asymmetrical
discursiverelationships.To some extentchildrenoccupy
the same positionvis-a-visdominantmale power regardlessof theirgender.But thereare
in the relationshipwomen and girlshave withthe dominantdiscursive
unique differences
For example,while a younggirlmay not be believedor may be called crazy
structures.
when she disclosesincest,a youngboy is morelikelyto be silencedthroughhomophobia. We regretthatwe have not had the timeor the space to exploreadequatelythe specificsilencingstrategiesimposedon adult male survivors,but it is likelythatwe will not
be the best theoristsforthatissue in any case.

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DISCOURSE

inconceivable:presumingobjects (such as a rapistfather)thatwere not


statableand thereforecould not exist withinthe dominantdiscourses.
The speech of incest survivorshas been especially restrictedon the
groundsthat it is too disgustingand disturbingto the listeners'conwhichoftencontinueto receivedeferential
structedsensibilities,
preference. Incest survivorshave also been construedas mad-"hysterical"
women who are unable to distinguishrealityfromtheirown imaginations.TruddiChase recountshow herfatherkepthersilentbytellingher
that "no one is ever going to believea word that you say, so my best
advice to you is don't say anything"(Chase 1990). Dominantdiscourses
have assistedsuch silencingstrategiesthroughformationrules that invalidate"rapistfather"or "rapistboyfriend"as an object of discussion
or fathercould not simultaneously
be one's
or analysis;one's boyfriend
rapist.
A varietyof discursivestrategieshave operatedto preemptor to dismiss the speech of women and childrengenerallyand survivorsin particular(Brownmiller1975; Rush 1980; Davis 1983; Delacoste and Alexander 1987; Estrich 1987; Warshaw 1988; Madigan and Gamble
1991). Withinthe arena of legal discourse,much of survivorspeech
continuesto be excluded in most states because husbands cannot be
chargedwithrape and because childrenare generallyconsideredincapaWomenwho are accusingboyfriends,
ble of givingcredibletestimony.12
and
womenwithhistoriesinvolvinganycriminalor drug-related
activity,
womenwho wait too long to report(so thatan examinationforphysical
evidencecannot be performed)are usually excluded fromspeakingin
courtrooms.Withinmore informaldiscursivearenas,women and chilhavebeenprohibitedfromspeakingin anypublicplace;
drenhistorically
thisis now changingforwomen but not forchildren.Homophobia operatesto intimidatemale survivorsfromspeakingout, althoughas one
authorityon the topic puts it, "A child molesteris neitherheterosexual
nor homosexual.He is a childmolester"(Sanford1982).13The ideology
of machismoalso shamesmale survivorsto such an extentthattheyare
less likelythan femalesto tell anyone. For survivorsgenerally,incest
than
accountsand reportsof acquaintancerape havehad less credibility
accountsof strangerrape. But even reportsof strangerrape have been
discountedunlessthe survivorslooked and acted in certainways. Older
attractiveoftenhave a
women and women who are not conventionally
12
Many prosecutorsstillroutinelyrefuseto put forwardcases thatinvolvea child's
testimonyagainsta male adult's unlessthereis "corroboration"by physicalevidenceor
by an adult witness.And manyprosecutorswill defendsuch decisions,arguingthatalto get juriesto convict
thoughtheythemselvesbelievethe child,it is extremelydifficult
solelyon the basis of a child'stestimony.
13 Most
againstboys undertwelvealso assault girls(Rush 1980).
perpetrators

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hardertimegettingacceptancefortheiraccounts. Then again, women


are either
who are considered"too sexy" and womenwho are prostitutes
not believed about rape or held responsiblefor it. Women fromoppressedraces who have been raped by whitemen are muchless likelyto
be believedthanwhitewomenreporting
rapesbymenof oppressedraces.
Lesbian survivorsmay be believed,but theirrapes are more oftendiscountedas less important(and may be seen as therapeutic).Survivorsof
multipleincidentsof sexual violenceare not believed.Survivorsof especiallyheinousritualizedsexual abuse are not believed.14The patternthat
emergesfromthesedisparateresponsesis thatif survivorspeech is not
silencedbeforeit is uttered,it is categorizedwithinthemad, the untrue,
or the incredible.
Foucault'sconceptof discoursehelpsto explainwhyfeminist
renamof
sexual
violence
has
incurred
so
much
from
the
resistance
dominant
ing
discourses.Given that each discoursehas what Foucault calls its own
"positivity"thatsetsrulesfortheformationof objectsand concepts,new
and anomalous objects and conceptswill implicitlychallengeexisting
positivities.Discourses mustbe understoodholisticallyas interconnecting elements.In Foucault'sview,therulesforformationof conceptsand
objectsdo not existpriorto or apart fromthe systemof statementsbut
of thespeechacts and theirinterrelations
emergefromtheconfigurations
Given
(Foucault 1972a, 79).
this,a change in statementsalone or the
of
do not coherewiththewhole will have
new
statements
that
emergence
a disruptiveeffecton discursiveformationrules.15
Survivorspeechinvolvesmultiplesucheffects.
It is transgressive
firstof
all in simplychallengingconventionalspeakingarrangements:arrangementsin whichwomenand childrenare not authoritative,
wheretheyare
oftendenied the space to speak or be heard,and wheretheirabilityto
men'sspeechand to speak againstmen-to contradictor accuse
interpret
men-has been severelyrestrictedto a few veryspecifictypesof cases
(e.g., in U.S. dominantculture,a whitewoman may speak against,and
14 For
withthe San Franexample,Sandi Gallant,a police officerand investigator
cisco Police Department,says of ritualsexual abuse cases, "The reason so fewof these
cases are successfully
is so unpleasantthatno one
prosecutedis thatthe information
wants to believeit. The investigators
hear thesestoriesand theysay to themselves,
"No,
thiscan't be true,"and so theydon't writeit down, theydon't documentit.... The
most unfortunate
thingis thatthe victimsare so oftenaccused of makingall thisup.
The victimsend up beingthe suspects,and the suspectsend up beingthe victims";see
Bass and Davis 1988, 420-21.
15 Liz
discussionof the ways in whichthe dominant
Kelly(1988) offersan insightful
in the literatureof
categoriesof sexual violenceand conceptualizationsof sex offenders
psychologyand sociologyfunctionto minimizethe acknowledgedharmsto victimsand
deflectresponsibility
fromtheperpetrator.
Thus, theyfunctionin generalas an attempt
to minimizethe disruptivepotentialof survivorreportson dominantdiscoursesand
practices.

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may even be encouragedto speak against,an AfricanAmericanman or


a Latino). The case of AnitaHill demonstrates
thistransgressive
quality
of survivorspeech. Despite all of Hill's extensivepersonal and professional credentials,her sexual harassmentallegationsagainst Clarence
Thomas in the fall of 1991 elicitedfantastichypothesesabout her psychologicaland emotionalmotivationsfromU.S. senatorsand members
ofthepressand werenotallowedto thwartThomas's appointment
to the
U.S. SupremeCourt.
to the extentthat it presumes
Survivorspeech is also transgressive
antithetical
the
dominant
discourse.
Giventhatsuch termsas
to
objects
"husband" havehistorically
been definedas theman to whom a woman
has givenunconditionalsexual access, the term"husband rapist" will
of the terms"husnecessarilytransformour previousunderstandings
band" and "rapist,"whichin turnwill affecthow we understand"wife,"
and even "man." The forma"woman," "sexuality,""heterosexuality,"
and thattellspeakthegenerationof statements
tionrulesthatdetermine
can
formand utter
ershow and in what circumstances
they
meaningfully
will
about
violence
also
be
affected.
The simple
statements
sexual
specific
havetheeffectof calling
use of theterm"husband rapist"will therefore
into question rules of the dominantdiscoursefor formingstatements
about whethera rape occurredand how to distinguishrape fromsex.
To the extentthatsurvivorspeechacts cannot be subsumedwithina
givendiscourse,theywill be disruptiveof itspositivityand at leastpoint
set of formationrules. The tendency,
to the possibilityof a different
for
dominant
will
be
the
discourseto silencesuchspeech
however, always
it
outlets.Silencingworks
to
channel
into
or,failingthis,
nonthreatening
a
certain
individuals
speakingrole-for example,
by physicallydenying
of
access
to listenersor readers,or the
denial
throughinstitutionalization,
of drugs.But dominantdiscoursescan recucontrolledadministration
perate theirhegemonicpositioneven when disruptivespeech is not siof the discoursein such a
lencedby subsumingit withinthe framework
no
and
that
it
is
longerdisruptive.Strategiesof reway
disempowered
include
survivor
speech as mad, as evidenceof
cuperation
categorizing
women's or children'shystericalor mendacioustendencies,or even as
testimonyto women's essentialnature as helpless victimsin need of
movementhas helpedto reducethe
patriarchalprotection.The feminist
of silencingtechniquesby creatingforumswheresurvivors
effectiveness
can speak-in magazines, newsletters,journals, support groups, and
As a result,the dominantdiscoursehas shiftedits emdemonstrations.
from
strategiesof silencingto the developmentof strategiesof
phasis
recuperation.
One importantformof recuperationthat Foucault discussesresults
fromthemerenegationof a dominantclaim. When resistancetakes the
268

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DISCOURSE

Alcoff and Gray

itremains
withinthesameeconomy
formofa simplenegation,
ofmeanin
can
dominant
ofthe
and
and
fact
reinforce
the
status
ing
signification
to
which
Foucault
refers
is
the
The
term.
primary
example
way
negated
inEuropeandtheUnited
inwhichtherepression
oftalkaboutsexuality
theverypowerand significance
of
Statesin theVictorian
erareinforced
suchtalk:themoreit was repressed,
themoreeagernessand pleasure
to tell(Foucault
therewas in thetellingand thusthemoreincitement
does
not
1978,23, 33, 45, 48-49, 71-72). (Foucault
denythatrepressioncausedsuffering
butclaimsthatitincited
pleasuresandproduceda
neweconomy
ofdesireas well.)Thekeypointhereis thatdisclosure
and
are
as
to
a
so
constitute
reinforcing,
repression mutually
singleeconomy
of discourse.It was fromwithintherepressive
Victorianera thatdiswithmyriad
coursesaboutsexuality
institutionalized
proliferated,
explonew
sexual
and
rations, categories,
identities,
performative
descriptions,
so on.
The disclosure
ofsurvivor
discourse
mayat first
appearto exemplify
If the survivor
thisformof recuperation.
mustovercomegreatodds
ofthatdissimplyto disclosea sexualassault,thepoliticalsignificance
to itsrepression
closuremayappearto existin inverse
and
proportion
evento be dependent
on itsrepression
therefore
(Foucault1978, 6-7).
The discourseby survivors
abouttheirexperiences
of sexualviolence,
is notthesameinstructure
orcontent
as discourse
aboutsexual
however,
or pleasures.Whereastheexhibitionist
identities,
practices,
pleasureof
aboutsexualpractices
and pleasuresincreases
reportage
proportionally
withthedegreeto whichsuchreportage
is frowned
upon,a different
ofsexualviolence.The survivor
structures
whoreports
economy
reports
sexualviolencemayfeelempowered
butthatdoesnotgenerpolitically,
ofdisclosure
thepainandhumiliation
and itsrecollection
allyoutweigh
ofthefrightening
and agonizing
assaultand abuse(Ziegenmeyer
1992).
ifdisclosure
canmakethesurvivor
feelcourageous
andtransMoreover,
thisrepresents
a positiveintervention
intopatriarchal
construcgressive,
tionsof subjectivity
and is not simplycaughtwithintherecuperative
ofpower.
machinations
Wewouldsuggest
is closerto thediscourse
thatsurvivor
discourse
of
themad,as Foucaultdiscussesit,thanto thediscourse
oftherepressed.
Survivor
speechis positioned(or at leasthas thepotentialto be posibutstillharmonious
with
tioned)notinan oppositional
complementarity
thedominant
discoursebutratherin violentconfrontation
withit: its
of the
expression
requiresnot a simplenegationbuta transformation
The pointof contention
dominant
formulation.
betweendominant
and
survivor
discourses
is notoverthedetermination
of truthbutoverthe
determination
of the statable.Whenwe claim,forexample,thatour
is our rapistwe are oftenfacednot
husband/father/brother/boyfriend
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DISCOURSE

withdisagreement
but withchargesof delusion,hysteria,and madness.
Danica
writes
thatwhen she triedto tell familymembersthather
Elly
fatherraped her,"I don't getdisbelief.I getshockedoutrage.How could
I do thisto him?How could I eventhinkthisabout him?How could I be
such a meanand awfulbitch?"Such responsesconfirmed
his warningsto
her: "Do you thinkanybodywill believeyou?... I [will]tellthemyou're
crazy. I'm your father,they'llbelieve me. They'll never believe you."
Finallyshe says, "I am silent.I have lost the abilityto speak. He said if
I told anybodyhe would haveme lockedup forbeingcrazy.Or he would
kill me. I no longerhave the courageto speak about anything"(Danica
1988, 37, 50, 54). How manywomen consignedto "madness" began
theirjourneyin thisway?
Our conclusionsat thispointmustremaincautious. Giventhe structurednatureof discourses,survivorspeechhas greattransgressive
potential to disruptthemaintenanceand reproductionof dominantdiscourses
as well as to curtailtheirsphereof influence.Dominantdiscoursescan
also, however,subsumesurvivorspeechin such a way as to disempower
it and diminishits disruptivepotential.These discoursesshould not be
conceptualizedas static,unchanging,or monolithicentitiesbut as fluid,
as flexible,and as capable of transforming
to accommodatesurvivors'
while
not
the
systemsof domispeech
significantly
changing underlying
nance. Certainlysome have argued that thisis occurringin major U.S.
media, where previouslyexcluded survivorspeech is now included in
1990). We will
waysthatdo notseriouslythreatenpatriarchy(Armstrong
to determine
whetherand how
considerspecificexamplesofrecuperation
thedisruptive
potentialof speakingout can be actualized.First,however,
we will look at the effectsof a veryspecificdiscursivearrangement,
the
one thatmostoftenframessurvivorspeech: the confessional.
II. The confessional
Accordingto Foucault,the confessionalstructureachieveda central
role in theciviland religiouspracticesof Westernsocietiesfromthetime
of thecodificationof thesacramentof penancebytheLateranCouncil in
an imperativeto
1215 (Foucault1978, 58). The confessionalconstituted
or
norms.In
the
societal
those
acts
that
contravened
law, God,
speak
of
would
the
the
actions
these
acts,
ostensiblybe transagents
speaking
formed.The confessionalwould realignthe speaker's desiresfromthe
to the legitimateand thuschangethe speaker'sverysubjecillegitimate
from
bad
to good, fromoutsidelaw and truthto inside.In thisway,
tivity
the confessionalbecame "one of the main ritualsreliedon forthe productionof truth"(Foucault 1978, 58).

270

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Alcoff

and

Gray

theexpertmediator,
or thepersonto whom
Therelationship
between
andsubmission.
andtheconfessor
was oneofdomination
oneconfessed,
be madeandto
Theexperthadthepowerto demandthattheconfession
a
oftruth
decidewhatwas to followit,thereby
"discourse
constituting
The
confessor's
basedon itsdecipherment"
(Foucault1978,67).
status,
and valuewereall determined
bytheexpertmediator
identity,
through
theconfessor's
andevaluating
discourse.
Thus
theprocessofinterpreting
on
was bydefinition
the
theconfessor
expert'sinterpretation
dependent
and thoughts.
Muchlater,
of therealtruthof heractions,experiences,
the
church
into
the
confession
domainsof
proliferated
beyond
principally
criminal
and
thus
these
orand
became
spheres
psychology,
psychiatry
of
and
relations
discursive
subordination.16
ganizedpartially
by
through
GivenFoucault'sanalysis,althoughconfessional
modesof discourse
an
to
survivors
to speak,"
mayappear grant
empowering
"permission
the
mediator
the
to
determine
the
of
power
theygive expert
legitimacy
survivor
discourse.It is theexpertratherthanthe survivor
who will
underwhatconditions
thesurvivor
determine
the
speaksand whether
survivor's
is
true
or
within
the
dominant
discourse's
acceptable
speech
codes of normality.
The confessional
discursive
structure
producesan
incitement
to speak"(Foucault1978,18) or an imperative
"institutional
to speak,basedon thepresumption
churchdogma
(encodedinChristian
the
and
the
that
the
"sinner"
has
to
penance)
through pastoral
something
Theimperative
tospeakcomesintheformofa command
"confess."17
or
froma dominant
or judge(usuprescription
figure-priest,
psychiatrist,
a
a
dominant
subordinate
male)-to
"neurotic,"
ally
figure-sinner,
or criminal
(subordinate
male,or woman,or child).
"pervert,"
At thesametimethatspeechis incited,a "policingof statements"
therawdata oftheconfessor's
occurswhereby
theexpertsiftsthrough
for
of
or
(Foucault1978,18). Theexpertwill
speech signs sin pathology
thespeechaccordingto dominant
culturalcodesand,on the
interpret
16

We do not mean to suggestthatdiscursivesubordinationoperatesonlyin the


and criminalpsychology,
thusleavingout economic,sexual, or sospheresof psychiatry
cial subordination.Rather,discursivesubordination,as we understandit, is also inseparable from,inclusiveof, transformed
by,and subjectto theseotheroppressiverelations.
17 Foucaulttracesthe Westernevolutionof the confessionalfrom
earlyin the thirteenthcenturythroughto the presentday. While once bound exclusivelyto the Christian
confessionalstructureoftenoperatesoutsideof Christiandocchurch,the contemporary
stillproducessimilardiscursivearrangements.
trines.Yet thisconfessionalstructure
Historicallywithinthe Christiantradition,Foucaultstatesthatthe disclosureof sexual acts
was the "privilegedthemeof confession"(Foucault 1978, 61). In thisspecificritualof
discourse,both withinand outsideChristiandogma, the one who speaks the confession
is always also the subjectof thatspeech.It is thisritualof confessionthatcontinuesto
unfold"withina power relationship,forone does not confesswithoutthe presence(or
the virtualpresence)of a partnerwho is not simplyan interlocutor
but the authority
who requiresthe confession,prescribesit,and appreciatesit" (Foucault 1978, 61).

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DISCOURSE

basis of his interpretation,


"punish,forgive,console, or reconcile"and
determinewhetherthe confessorcan have absolution (Foucault 1978,
of
61-62). The confessionalis always implicatedin (both constituting
an
of
and constituted
relation
And
the
by) unequal,nonreciprocal
power.
explicitgoal of theprocessof confessionis always the normalizationof
thespeakingsubjectand thustheeliminationof anytransgressive
potentialwhichmightexist.The sexual energyoftheconfessoris funneledinto
a processthatproducesanxiety,confusion,guilt,and subservienceto an
indisputableauthority.
Foucaultalso arguedthattheconfessionalmappedthespace in which
discourseson truthand sexualitymightbe joined, notingits genealogy
froma religiousritual designedprimarilyaround the organizationof
sexual practicesand imbued with the beliefin an intrinsicconnection
betweenthebody,sin,and truth.The confessional'sdemandfora transformationof "sex into discourse"resultedin the "dissemination... of
heterogeneoussexualities" aligned with heterogeneoussubjectivities
(Foucault1978, 61). Throughtheconfessionaltheparametersof normal
and/ormoral sexual functioning
could be "discovered"or constituted
FromtheearlyChristiandogma
and theforbiddencould be articulated.18
a
to
more
manifestation
of thethirteenth
contemporary
centurythrough
of the confessionalin Freud's work,we findthe argumentthatan indithe "deep truth"about hermoraland/
vidual's sexual historyrepresents
or psychologicalcharacter.
Moreover,in Foucault'sview,theproductionof sex as a discourseof
truthwas always predicatedon desire and pleasure. The confessor's
disclosurewas always pleasurableto hear because it paralleledthe "entirepainstakingreviewof thesexual act in its veryunfolding"(Foucault
1978, 19). The sexual act itself,understoodas requiringa fulldisclosure
of mind and body, was repeatedin the confessionalprocess that debe told, be laid bare. And the pleasureproducedby
mandedeverything
of extractingthe disthe confessionwas enhancedby theverydifficulty
had an interestin constructclosure.This economyof pleasuretherefore
and arduousextractionso as to investit
ing theconfessionas a difficult
itspleasure.This required
withmoremeaningand powerand to intensify
thattheconfessionoccur in a privatizedspace, intendedto reinforcethe
perceivedlinkbetweensexualityand the"deep, hiddentruth"of subjecrevealedby theexpertmediatoras an "individualsecret."Givena
tivity,
18Accordingto Foucault,the Christianpastoralprescribedthe imperativethatChristheireverydesireinto discourse(Foucault
tiansmustconfessall acts and thustransform
1978, 21). The confessionalwas the space in whichthosevocabulariescensoredelsewherewere demandedto be spoken.As Foucaultelucidates,this"dutyto confess,"prerenderedsuch speech "morally
scribedearliestby the Christianchurch,also effectively
acceptable,and technicallyuseful" (Foucault 1978, 21).
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Alcoff and Gray

in whichsexuality
situation
is said to represent
thecoretruthof one's
in
a
can
as
but
be
revealed
identity person
only a privatespace by a
of
the
the
can
designated
interpreter, power
expertovertheconfessor
indeedbecomeenormous.
oftheconfessional
inFreudThesedangerous
features
areexemplified
ian seductiontheory.
and
of
feminists
survivors
sexual
violence
Many
ofsexualabusereports
havearguedthatFreud'sattribution
to neuroses
and internal
fantasies
rendered
therealeventsinvisibleand
effectively
hindered
to
deal
with
incest
and
sexual
abuse.As longas womattempts
en'saccountsofsexualviolenceandabusecouldbe subsumed
underthe
of
or
"far
the
fantastical
as
mere
were
less
threattheatrics,
category
they
to
the
fabric
of
ening
society"(Masson1986,5).
Buttheseduction
revealsmorethanthepowerofandrocentric
theory
theories
aboutwomen'sexperience.
Becausetheseduction
theory
originatedin theconfessional
of thetherapeutic
structure
it also
situation,
revealstherolethattheconfessional
has in subverting
women'sautonIn
a
in
an
discursive
structure
which
individual
woman
transmits
omy.
herfeelings
of"rawdata"to an expertentrusted
as reports
withthetask
of interpreting
thetruthof herexperience
backto herand prescribing
and
how
we
see
theconfessional
model
diagnosis treatment,
dangerous
can be. Becauseoftheauthority
in
them
the
discursive
granted
arrangementoftherapy,
Frenchand Germanpsychiamanynineteenth-century
trists
wereableto rejecttheirpatients'
ofrealsexualassaultsand
reports
them
as
internal
often
thewomenfor
fantasies,
repackage
traumatizing

the restof theirlives.19


The seductiontheoryalso effecteda shiftof focus away fromthe
in the
perpetratorof the crimeand onto the victim,a shiftprefigured
confessionalitself,which is organized around locating the problem
withinthe confessor.Influencedby Freud,many doctorsbegan to prethatthevictims'accusationswerefalseand
supposewithoutinvestigation
orientedtheirtreatmenttoward discoveringthe reasons that theirpatientsengagedin the "simulationof sexual abuse" (Masson 1986, 106).
FrenchphysicianAlfredFournierwrotethatit is the "simulators'perfidious cunningand heartrending
despairof theirvictims[thatforcedhim]
... to denouncesuch monstrosities
and expose themto public indignation" (Masson 1986, 107). The word "victim"hereis beingassignedto
the man accused of rape. For Fournier,the accused perpetrator'sspeech
by itself,the fact that he "energeticallydenies it [the rape]," servesas
proofof the man's innocence.Here, the disclosureand speakingout by
19For a more sustained
argumenton thisview,see Masson 1986. In her introduction
to thatbook, CatharineMacKinnon assertsabout theseGermanand Frenchpsychiatrists,"The doctorssay thatthe victimsimaginesexual abuse, whichis fantasy,not real,
and thattheirsexualitycaused it" (xiv).
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and

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victimsof sexual violence is transformedinto evidence of theirown


pathology,while the speech of the accused perpetratoris takenas deciand privileged.
sivelyauthoritative
A more contemporaryversionof recuperationis the currentpublic
fascinationwithsurvivorsof childhoodsexual abuse who developmultiplepersonalities.TruddiChase, a name thatrepresentsseveraldistinct
personssharinga singlebody,has appearedtwiceon thenationallytelewho is
vised "The Oprah WinfreyShow," each timewitha psychiatrist
billedas an expertin thesedisorders(Chase 1990; see also Chase 1987).
In theshows,Chase occupiesthepositionof thespectaclethatthemedia
sittingnextto her esrequiresforviewerinterestwhile the psychiatrist
to dominantthetablishesthevalidityof Chase's discourseby reference
ories about incest trauma and multiplepersonalities.The shows are
structuredaround the assumptionthat Chase's own descriptionof her
ninety-twopersonalitieswill not (and should not) be believed by the
audienceuntiltheexpertvalidatesit as trueand not a lie or an act. Her
autobiography,When Rabbit Howls (Chase 1987), is similarly"legitiand epiloguewrittenby her
mated" and "explained" by an introduction
her
own
to
contain
words
byliterallysurroundtherapist(whichoperates
and
of
effect
such
mediation
is to softenthe
The
interpretation
ingthem).
there
to
our
are profound
Chase
society.Moreover,
challenge
presents
the
claim
be
raised
about
that
that
need
to
multiplepersonality
questions
disorderis a functionalresponseto traumaticchildhoodexperiences.For
whom and forwhat is the splittingof ego identitiesfunctional?By isolatingtheirmemoriesof sexual abuse, thesesurvivorsare able to develop
identitiesthatcan functionbetterin thesensethattheyare not
alternative
debilitatedat everymomentby agonizingflashbacksand fears.For the
are necessarysurvivalmechanismswhen
child,such acts of self-splitting
thetraumais too greatto bear,and some loss of memoryis fairlycommon amongmanysurvivorsof childhoodsexual abuse because thememto maintainwhenone mustcontinueto relyon and
oriesare too difficult
trustadults. In this sense, the loss and disruptionof memorymay be
functionalforthesurvivor.Anothersenseof "functional,"however,may
be at workin psychiatricaccountsof multiplepersonalities.The loss of
memoryand the abilityfor survivorsof prolonged sexual trauma to
and foroverall
developmultipleegos is also functionalforperpetrators
a
in
which
there
the
is ongoing
systemstability(with systembeing society
within
assault
of
children
and
families).
Multiplepersonalitiescause
rape
the survivorratherthan the societyor familyto bear the burdenof her
own survival.To call thisa functionalor positiveresponseis dangerously
of theburdenscaused by
close to valorizinga terribly
unjustdistribution
sexual violence.

274

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Alcoff and Gray

In thepast decade,first-person
sexual-assault
accountshavemade
on
TV
talk
headlinesand beenfeatured
an
shows,reaching
prominently
audienceof millions.The veryact of speakingout has becomeusedas
and spectacle.
ofthisphenomenon
Thegrowth
raisesquesperformance
modeswhichrecuperate
tions:has itsimplyreplayed
confessional
domsubversive
or
inantpatriarchal
discourses
without
has
it
been
able
effect,
to createnewspaceswithinthesediscourses
and to beginto developan
autonomouscounterdiscourse,
one capableof empowering
survivors?
orprimarily
Giventhatpoweroperatesnotsimply
exclusion
and
through
and
but
the
of
repression through veryproduction proliferation disto the
courses,shouldwe notbe morethana littlewaryofcontributing
recent
of
survivor
discourse?
The
answers
to
these
proliferation
questions
willinvolvepayingcloseattention
to thestructural
of thedisfeatures
cursivearrangements,
as we willshow.
III. Scenes fromtelevision
In thefallof 1990,"The HomeShow"on ABC television
invited
two
student
to discussrapeon collegecampuses.
activists
fromouruniversity
Ouruniversity
waschosenbecauseithadrecently
gainednational
notoriety
forthehighnumber
ofrapesreported
andbecauseoneofthe
byitsstudents
recent
onthechancellor's
lawn.Theproducers
contacted
rapeshadoccurred
a student
fortheexpress
andpreventpurposeofdiscussing
groupfounded
forsurvivors
whowouldappearonthe
ingsuchrapesandaskedspecifically
show(to be airedSeptember
10, 1990). Theyalso said thattheywould
recent
survivors
andsurvivors
ofrapesthatoccurred
on thecampus
prefer
itself.
Thestudents
inthegroupdiscussed
volunteered
this,andonesurvivor
to do theshow,alongwithanother
ofthegroup.
member
Whenthesegment
began,thecamerazoomedin to do a close-upon
as GaryCollinsand Dana Fleming,
theco-hostsof
Tracy(thesurvivor)
theshow,askedherto telltheaudience"whathappened."Tracyproceededto outlineheracquaintance
on thenormality
ofthe
rape,focusing
situation
usefulfor
priorto theassault.Her goal was to saysomething
otherwomenwhomaybe struggling
ofan assaultand
withtheaftermath
as uncertain
aboutwhattodo as shehadfelt.20
however,
feeling
Fleming,
wantedtofocuson theviolentactitself;
sheaskedTracytoexplaintothe
audiencewhether
she had done"anything
thatin anyway couldhave
provokedhim [therapist]."Flemingprefacedherquestionby saying,
"You havetounderstand
thatweareonyoursidebutI thinkthequestion
has to be asked,"implying
thattheaudiencemaynotcomprehend
Tra20

Personalcommunication,December 1990.

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SIGNS

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and

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cy's behavior.This, of course, made assumptionsabout the audience,


or skeptical,perhaps displacingFleming's
positioningit as unfriendly
own reactiononto the audience.
And thusit was not Collins but his femaleco-hostwho put Tracyin
thepositionofhavingto defendherself.Tracytriedbravelyto respondby
shiftingto the issue of why the assumptionis usually made that the
woman is responsible.And Lindy Crescitelli,the otherstudenton the
show, also made an effortto shiftthe focus fromwomen's actions to
for rape, but neitherhis nor Tracy's points were
men's responsibility
takenup fordiscussion.Collins asked insteadwhat parentscould do in
preparingtheirdaughtersforcollegeto reducetheriskof rape. An "experton rape preventioncounseling"thenproceededto discusstheways
in communicatingtheir
in which women in our societyhave difficulty
sexual desiresand how sex can be morepleasurableformen when it is
done witha willingpartner.
What did thisshow do? It producedan emotionalmomentof a surto getaudienceattention,
it focuseda discussionof
vivor'sself-disclosure
or
a scenariowhere
and
it
created
re-created
on
women's
behavior,
rape
olderwomenare skepticaland judgmentalof youngerwomenand where
oldermenare paternalistic
protectors.Tracybecamean objectof analysis
of the
and evaluationfor expertsand media-appointedrepresentatives
cut away to Tracy's
masses(Collinsand Fleming).The camerainsistently
faceevenwhenotherswerespeaking,as ifto displaythe"example" being
and cultural
discussed.The students'attemptto focuson theinstitutional
or
on
victim
was
in
which
is
is
blamed
the
excused
effectively
ways
rape
when the show's hostsput Tracyin thepositionof having
circumvented
to defendher own actionsand when theydirectedthe discussionto the
ways in whichwomenshould changetheirbehaviorto preventrape and
how their(paternalistic)
parentscould educatethemtowardthisend. The
of the"expert"was to reiteratethehosts'focuson women's
contribution
behaviorand parentalprotection.When she was asked to say something
about men,she discussedthe enhancementof theirsexual pleasure.The
of survivors,a reacentireshow was characterizedby an objectification
and a deflection
tionto survivoraccountsthatmixedpityand skepticism,
for
And
the
from
men's
repeatedinvocationof
responsibility rape.
away
the idea that "our daughters"leave "a protectedenvironment"when
theyleave home forcollege reinforcedthe myththat rapes most often
happen away fromhome,when the reverseis the case. The notionthat
the"home" signalssafetyand protectionis a claimthatis notonlywrong
but complicitouswithsexual violence.21
21
forwomenand childrento
It is complicitousbecause it makes it moredifficult
name theirfathers,brothers,uncles,and neighborsas theirattackersand be believed.It

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Alcoff and Gray

Numerous"Phil Donahue," "Geraldo," and "Sally JessyRaphael"and, to a lesserextent,"Oprah Winfrey"-showshaveproducedsimilar


effects.These shows displaythe emotionsof survivorsfor public conmediatethesurvivors'discoursethroughexpert
sumptionand unfailingly
and
Usually the formatfollowsthispattern:at
analysis
interpretation.
the start of the show survivorsare shown in close-up, "tellingtheir
stories."22The host of the show makes sure to ask questionsthat are
sufficiently
probingto get the survivorsto cry on screen (this can be
accomplishedby discoveringtheirmost vulnerableissues in a preshow
interviewand thenkeyingin when cameras are rolling).23Aftera few
minutesof this,the host usuallysays "wow" or somethingcomparable
and breaksto a commercial.The show resumeswitha periodof audience
questions;then (or sometimesbeforehand)the inevitableexpertshows
up: almost invariablya white man or woman with a middle-classand
but dispassionateair,
professionalappearance,who, witha sympathetic
to
the
the
and
audience
nature,symptoms, possibletherapiesfor
explains
suchcrimesofviolence.The survivorsare reducedto victims,represented
as patheticobjectswho can onlyrecounttheirexperiencesas iftheseare
of theuniversaltruths
and who offerpitiableinstantiations
transparent,
the expertsreveal.These shows especiallylike to get victimswith "disorders,"such as multiplepersonalities,because thiscan expand opportunitiesforsensationalismand widentheemotionaldistancebetweenthe
audienceand thesurvivors,
makingit easierto objectifythemas victims.
Riveraconsistently
heightensthe drama of his shows by includingparwho
thestoriesof thesurvivors.His shows are often
contradict
ticipants
around
ratherthanperpetrators,
organized
havingsurvivors,
explainand
In a culturewhereaudiencesensationsare dulledby
defendthemselves.24
also makes it more likelythat,internalizing
the ideologyof "home," women and childrenwill blame themselveswhen the romanticimageis not fulfilled,
ratherthan understandingthe structuraldangersinherentto a systemthatmakes women and children
vulnerableto and dependenton men.
22 There are numerousexamplesof this.ConsiderRaphael's typicalopeningremarks
fromher show of January21, 1991: "Our firstgueststoday say theyneverthoughtthey
would survivethe hell theirliveshave become. Stephaniewas walkingthrougha park
near her home when a man pulled a knife.He draggedher 100 yardsand thenviciously
raped her.To make mattersworse,Stephaniewas threemonthspregnantat the timeof
the rape. Stephanie,take us back to thatday and, fairlybriefly,
tell us about this."
23 Personalcommunication
withKristinEaton-Pollard,May 1990. Pollard has appeared on numeroustalk shows,including"Geraldo."
24For example,on Rivera'sNovember14, 1989, show on "campus rape," one of the
survivorswas challengedby the vice-provostforstudentlifeat her university,
thusunof her disclosureand analysisby presentingthe skepticaland
derminingthe credibility
views of an "authority,"
i.e., someonehigherup on the dominantdiscurcontradictory
sivehierarchy.
It also divertedthe discussionfromits earlierfocus-on the problemsof
securityand supportproceduresforsurvivorson collegecampuses-to a debate over
whethera rape reallyoccurredat all. Survivorsoftenwalk onto a show unawareof who
the otherguestswill be, and Ziegenmeyerrelateshow she felt"sandbagged" when she
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DISCOURSE

graphicdepictionsof violence(bothreal and fictionalon television)and


in whichmass sensibilitieshave atrophiedunderconditionsof late capitalism,theseshows providea momentin whichreal, raw,and intense
This emotional
feelingscan be observedand in some cases remembered.
"shock value" is theiruse value as a media commodity.It appears,however,thatthegoal of producingdisturbing
feelingsfortheaudiencemust
be temperedwitha dose of moderation:too fewfeelingswill make fora
and alienateviewersand induce
boringshow but too manymayfrighten
themto changethe channel.The mediationof a coolly disposed expert
withthevictimsto
can serveas a mechanismfordisplacingidentification
reducethe emotionalpower of the survivorpresence.
Now, the precedingaccount may appear to be an excessivelypessimisticreadingof theseprograms.Certainlyitis a one-sidedanalysis.The
media moguls,producers,and show hosts do not have absolute control
overaudiencereactionsto theirproducts.In a discursiveregimein which
survivorstoriesare excluded speech,hearingthese storiescan be very
powerfulfora survivorin theaudience.This has at least thepotentialto
help the survivorname and validate her experienceand to bringthe
traumaout of theprivacyof her psycheand into thepublic arena. And
has
thevisual imageof thesurvivor,
althoughit can be used to objectify,
the potentialto explode stereotypesabout who survivorsare as well as
that in the long run servesonly to hide the true
counteran invisibility
whichcondones and promotessexual violence.
natureof patriarchy,
But recuperationoccurs when the public arena does not take up the
survivor'sdiscourseexceptas a way to experiencea sensationalmoment
of confession.And the transgressive
potentialof the discourseis lost
when the victimis reifiedpurelyas object,in need of expertinterpretation, psychiatrichelp, and audience sympathy.The most transgressive
momentshaveoccurredon TV talkshowswhenthesplitsbetweenvictim
of exand audienceand betweenrecorderof experienceand interpreter
"The
on
This
has
occurred
are
obstructed.
Oprah Winfrey
perience
to her own historyas a survivorand
Show" when Winfreyhas referred
thus subvertedher abilityto be a more objectiveand dispassionateobwith
serverof thevictimson thestage.Because of herown identification
in
of
the
allows
them
to
be
survivors,
position having
put
Winfreyrarely
to defendthe truthof theirstoriesor theirown actions.And when the
does notalwaysdeferto an expert
focusis on childsexual abuse,Winfrey
stillworkingthroughand thebut presentsherselfas a survivor/expert,
own
her
experience.
orizing
walked onto the SallyJessyRaphael show because she had not been told thata guest
hostileto her storyhad also been invited(Ziegenmeyer1992, 214).

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Alcoff

and

Gray

Oneparticularly
of"TheOprahWinfrey
Show"
transgressive
segment
standsout:nearlyall oftheaudienceofabouttwohundred
womenwere
themselves
and a wide-ranging
"horizontal"
survivors,
groupdiscussion
tookplacewithlittledeferral
to thedesignated
Thisshowhad
expert.25
themostpotentialto thwarttheefforts
to containand recuperate
the
of
survivor
discourse
it
because
could
not
be
disruptive
potential
precisely
contained
or segregated
withina separate,lessthreatening
realm:there
was too muchof it forany one expertto effectively
handleand the
not
could
be
maintained.
a
Without
disvictim-expert
split
segregated
cursive
victims
of
sexual
violence
could
as
on
arrangement,
speak experts
sexualviolence.For at leastone briefmomenton television,
survivors
werethesubjectsoftheirownlives.
IV. Dangers of the confessional

Survivor
discourse
and thetacticofspeaking
outmayofteninvolvea
confessional
mode of speechincludingpersonaldisclosure,autobioand theexpression
of feelings
and emotions.This
graphicalnarrative,
modeofspeech,as we havediscussed,
is fraught
withdangers:
1. As in the television
examplesabove,one of the dangersof the
confessional
discoursestructure
is thatthesurvivor
speechbecomesa
mediacommodity
thathas a use valuebasedon itssensationalism
and
dramaand thatcirculates
withintherelations
of mediacompetition
to
boostratings
andwakeup viewers.
In thisway,a goalor effect
probably
notintended
is madetheorganizing
forhow
bythesurvivors
principle
theshowgetsarranged,
andedited.Theresults
ofthisprocess
produced,
on theproduction/reproduction
effect
ofpracmaywellhaveno positive
ticesofsexualviolence.26
2. Another
drawbackoftheconfessional
modeis thatitoftenfocuses
attention
ontothevictim
andherpsychological
stateanddeflects
itaway
fromtheperpetrator.
Althougha ruleof exclusionis brokenwhena
25 This show aired

April14, 1988, on ABC.


This point and othersare corroboratedby a studythatsociologistJoelBest undertook of the culturalrepresentations
of child abuse in the UnitedStatesoverthe last
thatthe structureof news shows is such thattheytendto
thirtyyears.Best demonstrates
describethe problemratherthanto explain it or to considersolutions,and thattheir
mostcases of child sexual
descriptionsare usuallymisleading,e.g., in characterizing
abuse as involvingstrangersratherthan familymembersand as caused by individual
devianceratherthan social forces.He also shows that"the pressis mostlikelyto repeat
... claimsthatare constructedso that... thereseemsto be a consensusamong knowledgeable,interestedparties,and the explanationsand solutionsofferedare consistent
withexistinginstitutionalized
authority[emphasisours]. Of course,radical demandsfor
social changecannotmeetthe lattertwo criteria,and it is not thensurprisingthatradical claimsrarelysurfaceon the networknews" (Best 1990, 110).
26

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SIGNS

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SURVIVOR

DISCOURSE

survivornamesand describesherexperience,themovefromprivatization
to a public or social arena does not occur if the survivorspeech gets
constructedas a transmissionof her "inner" feelingsand emotions,
which are discussedseparatelyfromtheirrelationshipto the perpetrator's actions and the society'srules of discourse.The discussionof the
survivor's"inner" selfand feelingsreplacesratherthan leads to a disit.
cussionof linksto the "exterior"and ways to transform
3. Given its historicaltrajectorythroughreligiousritual to institutionaltherapy,theconfessionalmode can also inviteor appear to necessitate the invocationof a dispassionatemediator.If thereis someone
playingthe role of the confessor,historicalprecedenceand the logic of
dictatethatthereneedsto be sometheconfessional'sdiscursivestructure
one who is beingconfessedto-someone who has theroleoftheabsolver,
and/orjudge. This stripsthe survivorof her authorityand
interpreter,
an effectcan be mitigatedif the one beingconfessedto is
Such
agency.
forexample,withina survivors'supportgroup.Disclosalso a survivor,
worksto underminethe assumptionthata meto
another
survivor
ing
diatormustbe neutraland objectiveand mustderiveher authoritynot
from"personal experience"but from"abstractknowledge."
4. The confessionalmode also reproducesthenotionof "raw experibetweenexperienceand theory,feelence" and setsup binarystructures
and
and
objective,and mindand body.These
knowledge,subjective
ings
binariesare instantiatedin the discursivearrangementof the confessional,whichsplitsspeakingroleson thebasis of thesedivisions.Such a
splitis not onlypossiblebutconsiderednecessaryforthedevelopmentof
a credibletheorybecause of the internalstructureof the binary,which
subordinatesone term to the other. The firstpart of the binaryexperience,feelings,emotionalpain-provides the raw data needed to
produce theoryand knowledge.But these "subjective"entitieswill be
obstaclesto theproductionof theoryunlesstheyare made sharplysubordinateto and containedand controlledby thetheory,knowledge,and
"objective" assessmentsof the second half of the binarystructure.The
confessionalconstructsa notionof theoryas necessarilyotherthan,split
from,and dominantoverexperience.And it createsa situationin which
the survivor-because of her experienceand feelingson the issue-is
paradoxicallythe least capable person of servingas the authorityor
expert.The survivor'sviews on sexual violence will oftenenjoy less
before
thananyoneelse's.27The femalewitnesseswho testified
credibility
ValerieHeller explainsthispoint in termsof child sexual abuse as follows:"The
... thatthey
mythis thatadultswho were sexuallyabused see sexual abuse everywhere
are 'too sensitive'because of what happenedto them.... The resultis that... the survivor'srealityis seen as fantasy.The truthis not thatsexual abuse survivorsare 'too
sensitive.'It simplyis thatwe know what abuse looks like,what it feelslike,and what
27

280

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DISCOURSE

Alcoff and Gray

theU.S. Senateon behalfof AnitaHill wereeach askedbeforegiving


If they
whether
of sexualharassment.
testimony
theyhad beenvictims
had been,theywouldhavebeendisqualified
as incapableof providing
credibletestimony.28
"objective"and therefore
5. Thereis one finaldangersurvivors
facein confessional
discourse.
Whenbreaking
thesilenceis takenup as thenecessary
routeto recovery
or as a privileged
on
politicaltactic,it becomesa coerciveimperative
survivors
to confess,
to recountourassaults,to givedetails,andevento
do so publicly.
Ourrefusal
to complymightthenbe readas weaknessof
willor as reenacted
victimization.
Butitmaybe thatsurvival
itself
somea refusalto recountor evena refusalto discloseand
timesnecessitates
dealwiththeassaultor abuse,giventheemotional,
andphysfinancial,
icaldifficulties
thatsuchdisclosures
cancreate.Manysurvivors
areputin
riskofphysical
retaliation
disclosure
and
also
face
difficulties
on
by
may
theirjobs,negative
for
their
or
the
repercussions
supportive
relationships
oftheirchildren,
welfare
anddebilitating
emotional
trauma.Disclosures
can elicithorrifying
flashbacks,
insomnia,
eatingdisorders,
depression,
back pain,suicidalthoughts,
and otherassortedproblems,
whichthe
survivor
oftenhastohidefromco-workers
andcopewithalone.Therapy
is extremely
and fewsurvivors
can easilyaffordall of the
expensive,
assistance
to
work
need
theseproblems.
therapeutic
theymight
through
Thecoercive
stancethatonemusttell,mustjoina support
group,ormust
into
is
of
the
of the
go
therapy justlydeserving
critiqueFoucaultoffers
wayin whichthedemandto speakinvolvesdominating
powerand an
theoretical
structure
(Foucault1978, 61). Thisis, of course,
imperialist
the
case
when
it is an expert,therapist,
or "well-meaning"
outdoubly
siderwho demandsofthesurvivor
thatshespeak.
effectit will have on the abused"; see her excellentdiscussionin Heller 1990, 157-61,
esp. 159. Madigan and Gamble also discussa case wherea defenseattorneytriedto discreditthe testimony
of a rape survivoron the groundsthatshe was molestedas a child
(Madigan and Gamble 1991, 51). This notion,thatsurvivorsare less credibleon issues
of sexual violencethan anyoneelse, has affectednearlyeverysurvivorwe know,as well
as each of us. In responseto herwhistle-blowing
on a sexual harassmentcase, one of
the authorsof thisarticlehas been rumoredto be "overlysensitive"because of her
childhoodexperienceand because she is Hispanic. Here, racistimagesof Latinas as
"over emotional"collude conveniently
withthe discrediting
of survivorson the same
grounds.
28 It is also
to note thatthe witnessesin supportof ClarenceThomas
interesting
were allowed to testify
even if theyhad historiesof harassment(as some of themdid),
whereasthe witnessesin supportof Anita Hill werenot. The logic hereis thatifwomen
who had experiencedharassmentpreviously-and thuswere certainto be overlysensitiveto it now-did not see Thomas as a harasser,thisprovideda strongcase forhis innocence.In otherwords,a biased perspectivecould servethe purposesof the case for
Thomas, but not the case againsthim.The assumptionat workis thatwomenwho have
experiencedsexual harassmentpreviouslycannotprovidean objectivejudgmentbut will
erron the side of the accuser.Thanks to LynneArnaultforpointingthisout.
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and

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DISCOURSE

survivorsface,we
Althoughwe stressherethetremendousdifficulties
deemit equallyimportantto avoidviewingsurvivorsas dysfunctional
or
as emotionallydefective,which essentializesand reifiessurvivors.All
survivorsfacedebilitating
trauma,and no "cure" existsthatcan take the
or
all
remove
the
effectsof sexual violence,but we are not
pain away
with
attributes
objects
("syndromes"or "disorders").We are fluid,constantlychangingbeings who can achieve great clarityand emotional
insighteven fromwithinthe depthsof pain.
Our summaryof these dangers is not meant as an argumentthat
speaking about one's experienceson TV or in any public arena will
The natureof the
inevitablybe recuperativeratherthan transgressive.
and instabilityto
discursivelandscape involvesenough indeterminacy
or monodimensionaleffects.Nevertheless,
resistabsolute predictability
in evaluatingthe likelypolitical effectsof various speakingevents,the
of thespeakersand hearerswill be keydetermistructuralarrangements
listed
evenifnot inevitable.
and
the
above are significant
nants,
dangers
In thisfinalsectionwe turnto a moreconstructive
question.How can we
of
discourse
in such a way
survivor
maximizethetransgressive
potential
of thesurvivorwho is speakingas
thattheautonomyand empowerment
well as of survivorselsewherewill be enhancedratherthanundermined?

V. Subversivespeaking
is the
Clearly,a primarydisablingfactorin theconfessionalstructure
role of the expertmediator.To alter the power relationsbetweenthe
or eliminatethisrole.This
discursiveparticipantswe need to reconfigure
bifurcation
between
the
that
experienceand analysisembodied
requires
in the confessional'sstructurebe abolished. We need to transformarrangementsof speakingto createspaces wheresurvivorsare authorized
to be both witnessesand experts,both reportersof experienceand thewill alterexistingsubjectivities
oristsofexperience.Such transformations
as well as structuresof dominationand relationsof power. In such a
scenario,survivorsmight,in bell hooks's words, "use confessionand
forrecuperratherthanas instruments
memoryas tools of intervention"
ation (hooks 1989, 110).
In her essay "FeministPoliticization:A Comment,"hooks suggests
how the productionof personalnarrativescan effectpoliticaltransformationsinsteadof increasingthe privatizationand individualizationof
politicalphenomena.29In part,this discussionconnectsto the ongoing
29
For an example of the discussionoverpersonalnarrativesand whethertheyare
criticizesself-helpbooks
political,see Armstrong1990. In thatreviewarticle,Armstrong
outand "I-story"collectionsforchannelingsurvivordiscoursetowarda nonthreatening

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DISCOURSE

Alcoff

and

Gray

ofconsciousness
debateamongfeminists
aboutthepoliticaleffects
raisof
CR
have
it
moves
Critics
that
into
argued
politics the
ing(CR) groups.
andemphasizes
realmofthepersonalandtheindividual
individual
transin largersocial spaces (Freeman
formation
at theexpenseof struggle
the
1983). In ourviewthiscritiquecorrectly
1975; Eisenstein
perceives
of
in
the
establishment
at
work
CRrecuperative
strategy
therapeutic
whichtendsto promotea solutionof privatetherapygearedtoward
social functioning
ratherthan politicalactiongearedtowardsocial
But
the
a one-sidedaccountof CR's
change.
critiqueerrsin offering
a personal/political
effects
and
once
political
againpresupposing
split.
Individual
CR
or
is itselfa politicalacempowerment
therapy
through
tionwithsocialconsequences
is notdesigned
to em(unlessthetherapy
but
to
the
which
has
shut
until
been
the
power
personup,
recently
of
most
for
women
[Chesler1972]).
purpose
therapies
designed
morecurrent,
ofpersonalnarraAnother,
critiqueoftheproduction
tiveshasbeenthattheyessentialize
and
often
as well.
experience
identity
Thishappenswhenindividual
narratives
arerelatedas iftheywerenot
butsimplereports,
narratives
thusobscuring
thewayinwhichall experienceis itselfdiscursively
mediated.In hooks'sview,therealmof the
efficacious
and transformative
andneed
personalcan becomepolitically
oftheproduction
ifwomendo
notobscuretheconditions
ofexperience,
not merely"name" theirexperiences
but also "place thatexperience
withina theoretical
context"(hooks1989, 110). In thiscase, "storyIt does not removewomen
tellingbecomesa processof historization.
fromhistory
butenablesus to see ourselves
as partof history"(hooks
If
the
narration
of
not
fromtheory,
is
bifurcated
1989, 110).
experience
as
hooks
of
the
act
out
can
become
a wayfor
then,
suggests,
speaking
womento cometo power(hooks1989, 129).
One alreadyexisting
survivor
exampleofthisis self-facilitated
support
in
which
a
survivor
out
other
and in
survivors
groups
speaks
among
whichsheparticipates
ina collective
of
and
evaluation
of
process analysis
Such
a
collective
enhance
a
survivor's
individual
experience.
processmay
ofherownexperience.
abilityto act as thetheorist
Weneednewwaysto analyzethepersonalandthepoliticalas wellas
newwaysto conceptualize
theseterms.Experience
is not"pretheoretical" noris theoryseparateor separablefromexperience,
and bothare
A
of
social
doesnot
alwaysalreadypolitical. project
change,therefore,
needto "getbeyond"thepersonalnarrative
or theconfessional
to becomepoliticalbut ratherneedsto analyzethe variouseffects
of the
let. See also the ensuingheated debate in the letterscolumnin the followingissue of the
Women'sReview of Books, April 1990.

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DISCOURSE

confessionalin different
contextsand struggleto creatediscursivespaces
in whichwe can maximizeits disruptiveeffects.
A nonbifurcating
ontologyof experienceand theoryrequiresus to
in reportingour experienceswe are merelyrethe
idea
that
relinquish
To becomethetheoristsof
internal
events
without
porting
interpretation.
our own experiencerequiresus to becomeaware of how our subjectivity
will be constitutedby our discoursesand aware of the dangerthateven
in our own confessionalswithinautonomous spaces we can construct
ourselvesas reifiedvictimsor as responsibleforour own victimization.
This recognitionthatno experienceis "pretheoretical"does not entail
a completerelativizing
of experienceor of theeffectsof sexual violence.
It does mean that thereare multiple(not infinite)ways to experience
sexual violence,forexample: as deservedor not deserved,as humiliating
or as an inevitable
to the victimor as humiliatingto the perpetrator,
featureofwomen'slot or as a sociallysanctionedbuteradicableevil.And
thismoreadequatelyreflects
theexperiencemostof us havehad of "comour
and
even
our hurtonly afterwe have adopted the
to"
ing
anger
and
theoretical
positionthatwe did not deservesuch treatment
political
nor bringit on ourselves.
Our analysissuggeststhat the formulationof the primarypolitical
to speak out,as this
tacticforsurvivorsshouldnot be a simpleincitement
formulation
leavesunanalyzedtheconditionsof speakingand thusmakes
us too vulnerableto recuperativediscursivearrangements.Beforewe
to speak originates,what
speak we need to look at wheretheincitement
relationsof power and dominationmay exist betweenthosewho incite
and thosewho are asked to speak, as well as to whom the disclosureis
directed.We mustalso struggleto maintainautonomyover the conditions of our speakingout if we are to develop its subversivepotential.
of
And an importantaspect of thisautonomyis the disenfranchisement
outside expertauthorityover our discourse,obstructingthe abilityof
to put us in a defensiveposture,or
"experts"to "police our statements,"
of our discourse.
to determinethe focusand framework
to the
We are not arguingthat(nonsurvivor)
expertscannotcontribute
of
This
contradicts
our
own
exand
survivors.
empowerment recovery
Our
we
know.
is
and
those
of
survivor
that,
point
nearlyevery
perience
as we beginto breakour silences,we mustbe waryof helpingto create
a public discursivearena that confersan a prioriadvantageon the exoverthesurvivor's.We may be able to use
pert'sanalysisand credibility
and even sometimesin group therapy
in
individual
therapy
experthelp
mediationof our experience
situations,butwe do not need authoritative
validation.Nor willwe submit
forpublicconsumptionor forexperiential
our experienceuncriticallyto the judgmentof outsider'stheories:we

284

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DISCOURSE

Alcoff and Gray

whichtheories
havevalidity
and usefulness,
or
ourselves
willdetermine
we willconstruct
ourown.
or therapy
hereis notdirected
Thusourargument
againsttheory
per
andtherapeutic
that
se butagainsttheories
practices positionthemselves
discourseconceptualized
as "nontheoretias dominant
overa survivor
and
cal." Ourintent
is to redefine
itsrelationship
theory reconceptualize
to experience
and thento claimit forourselves.Boththepsychiatric
theoriesand Foucault'stheoriesof speechand sexuality(and anyone
can thenbe submitted
to an interrogation
on our
else's,forthatmatter)
on us as if froma more
termsratherthanallowedto pass judgment
advanced"position.
"theoretically
Also important
hereis theissueof emotionaldisclosure,
usedto establishthehierarchy
betweenexpertand survivor
and to discredit
survivorsin a varietyof ways.Somescenariosdemandthatsurvivor
disand explicitly
emotional
beforeitwillbe credible.
If
coursebe intensely
thesurvivor
doesnotcrywhenshetellsherstory,
shewillnotbe believed;
thisis truein placesas disparateas policestationsand TV talkshows.
in all mediasituations,
Andcertainly
someemotional
content
is encourfor
because
of
its
use
value
the
anesthetized
of
market
aged
commodity
In
stimulated
media
consumers.
other
the
scenarios,however,
overly
emotionalcontentof survivor
discoursehas to be toneddown to be
is givinga speechabouttheissueof sexualvioaccepted:ifa survivor
for
to be angrybutnottoo angryandto
she
is
lence, example,
permitted
be distressed
butnotexcessively
so. Ifwehadat somepointinthisarticle
disclosedourownintense
on thisissue,evenifitweredonein
emotions
connection
witha relevant
it
point, is likelythatsomeof our readers
wouldbe concerned
abouttheappropriateness
ofsuchemotional
content
in themiddleofa theoretical
Andon thisbasisit is possible
discussion.
in othersectionsof thearticlemightbe calledinto
thatour arguments
doubtas well."Too much"emotionis oftenviewedas consciousmanipulation,evidenceof lack of control,or as simplyinappropriately
perofsurvivor
sonal.Theemotional
content
discourse
is policedinregardto
certainrulesand codes,whichvaryfromcontextto context.Withina
ofthefemalehysteric-popularly
context
wherethefigure
understood
as
and
thus
her
own
and
trauma
of
selfimagining
producing
incapable
control-iseverpresent
as a background
codeinterrogating
eachrepresentation
of femaleanger,a discursive
that
be
strategy might viewedin
anothercontextas originaland effective
is herealwaysundersuspicion.
The fearof beingseen as "overreacting"
has quelledmanysurvivors'
desiresto speakout.
We mustquestiona positionthatassumesthatit is alwaysa good
to "control"our emotionsin regardto our experithingforsurvivors

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SIGNS

285

Alcoff

and

Gray

SURVIVOR

DISCOURSE

encesof sexual violence.Who benefitsthemostfromsuch control?Certainlysurvivorsbenefitin the sense thatwithsome controlwe can continue to keep our jobs and relationshipsand thus get some of our
importantneeds met. But such controlis also functionalat a broader
social level.Uncontainableemotionaloutburstsmay threatento disrupt
the smoothflowof patriarchalsocial commerce.When survivors'emotional displaysare carefullypackaged into media commoditiesto boost
ratingsor sell magazines,theirimpacthas been used to servetheneedsof
we mustdevelopand identify
methods
commoditycapital. As survivors,
and forumsin which emotionalexpressioncan activatethe subversive
potentialof our rage. Too manysurvivorsfeelno such rage and experience onlyself-directed
anger.Women'sangeris generallysanctionedonly
whenitis on behalfof others-primarilychildrenand otherfamilymembers; anger on our own behalfis a success won throughpolitical and
theoreticalstruggle.The difficulty
we face in experiencingangeron our
own behalfis indicativeof the threatit poses forpatriarchalsociety.In
whatways can we as survivorsexpressthisangerand unleashits disruptivepotentialwhileminimizing
its adverseeffects
on our safetyand wellbeing?
One recentapproach has been the methodof anonymousaccusation.
In fall 1990, studentsat Brown Universitybegan listingthe names of
rapistson the walls of women's bathrooms.30By not signingsuch lists
and by choosinga relatively
secludedplace in whichto write,thewomen
could minimizetheirown exposureto recrimination,
althoughmorethan
a fewsurvivorsdeclinedto participateevenin thisanonymousactionfor
fear that perpetratorswould guess or surmisewho had writtentheir
and innovative
names. But the bathroomlist representsan interesting
in
make
survivor
discourse
such
a
to
attempt
public
way as to minimize
the dangersof speakingout for survivorsyet maximizethe disruptive
potentialof survivoroutrage.
And thisincidentcreatedtremendousdisruption:greatconsternation
forthe named perpetrators
and franticresponsesby administrators
unable to "contain" the discourseabout sexual assault on theircampus.
Althoughcustodianswereinstructed(in some cases againsttheirwishes)
to erase thelistsas soon as theyappeared,thelistskeptreappearingand
grew fromten names to about thirty.The "Brown AlumniMonthly"
was in themidstof a "thoroughexamination
reportedthattheuniversity
of its policies relatingto sexual assault" when the list began to appear
("BrownAlumniMonthly,"December1990, 13-15). In otherwords,an
forspeaking
officially
organizedand sanctioneddiscursivearrangement
30
This incidentis describedin People magazine,December17, 1990, 102, and in the
"Brown AlumniMonthly,"December 1990, 13-15. It was also the topic of the "Phil
Donahue Show" on December4, 1990.

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DISCOURSE

Alcoff and Gray

deaboutsexualviolenceon campusalreadyexistedwhenthestudents
bathroom
on
the
walls.
cidedto createtheirowndiscursive
Their
space
wereineffective
beliefthattheofficial
avenuesforsurvivor
discourse
was
behind
the
the
as
evidenced
what
motivation
clearly
graffiti,
by
they

wrote.Here is a sample:

[X] is a rapist.
Reportthe animal.
If you think"reportingthe animal" will do any good at all, you
have a lot to learn about the judiciarysystem.
Let'sstartnamingnames.Ifwe don'ttakecare ofeach other,no one
will.
Who erased all the names?
Don't let thisget washed away.Fight!
[Y] is a rapist.Nothingcan gethimoffthiscampus.He's beentried,
wenthomefora weekfor"psychiatric
evaluation."Richwhiteboys
can do whatevertheywant on thiscampus.
You haveerasedour list,butthatdoesn'terasetheircrimes.We,the
survivors,are stillhere.
wereso incensedbytheirloss of discursivecontrolthat
Administrators
accused
thelistwriters
of libel,harassment,and of "striking
theypublicly
the
of
heart
the
American
judicialsystem."Theyalso wroteto the
against
to help themfilea complaint.The bathroomlists
menon thelistoffering
resulted,however,in an increasedcommitment
ultimately
by theuniverto
and
their
for
with
crimesof
sity strengthen improve
procedures dealing
sexual violenceand in thecreationoftwonew administrative
positionsto
deal withwomen's issues.
This suggestsagain that Foucault is correctto argue that speech
itself-words,theirdiscursivecontext,and the conditionsin whichthey
are spoken-is a criticalsite and object of conflict.We conclude that
survivorstrategy
mustcontinueto developand exploreways in whichwe
can gain autonomywithin(notover)theconditionsof our discourse.The
disruptivepotential of this strategymust overridea concern about
"bringingsex into discourse"; certainlya strategyof discursiveautonomywill resistthe effortto inscribethisdiscourseinto dominantcodes.
The applicabilityof Foucault's analysisto survivordiscoursethus ends
here: what we need to do is not retreat-as Foucault mightsuggestfrombringingsexual violenceinto discoursebut, rather,to createnew
discursiveformsand spaces in whichto gain autonomywithinthisprocess. What we need is not to confess,but to witness,whichZiegenmeyer
definesas "to speak out, to name the unnameable,to turnand face it
down" (Ziegenmeyer1992, 218). A witnessis not someone who conWinter 1993

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Alcoff and Gray

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DISCOURSE

fesses,butsomeonewhoknowsthetruthand has thecourageto tellit.


In a poemtitled"157 Waysto TellMyIncestStory,"
EmilyLevyencourin
to
to
sexual
violence
that
us
witness
cannotbe conages
ways
give
or ignored:31
tained,recuperated,
Tellitin Spanish
In SignLanguage
Tellit as a poem
As a play
As a letterto President
Reagan

Tell it as if mylifedependedon it....

Tellit as a courtcase
As a congressional
debate
As ifthepowerofchildren
wererespected
Tellit as domestic
terrorism
As a nationalsport.
Tell it as a jump-ropegame ...

Tellit as graffiti
As a religious
service
ad ...
Tellit as a classified
Tellit as a TV commercial
As a scienceexperiment
As a country
western
song.
Tellit as ancienthistory
As sciencefiction.
Tell it in yoursleep ...

Tellit as a mapoftheworld
to speakthewords...
As ifI werestillforbidden
Tellit so itwillneverhappenagain.
Departmentof Philosophy(Alcoff)
The WritingProgram(Gray)
SyracuseUniversity

31

288

The completepoem can be foundin Bass and Davis 1988, 101-3.

SIGNS

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SURVIVOR

DISCOURSE

Alcoff and Gray

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