(03:33)

MB:

Why do you think its mattered so much and the philosophers of so many centuries have argued about it?

SB:

I think two things: one is that its irritating because we feel ourselves to be free. We feel that we face an open future and we feel that we can do as we choose. And if we did one thing we could have done otherwise. So that seems to be almost the datum of consciousness in many peoples mind. Umm so thats one thing.

The other thing is of course moral responsibility. We feel that if somebodys a victim rather than an agent, then its unjust to blame them for a, say, bad action. Err. when we find causes, we do tend to go into patient mood within that the poor chap couldnt help it. For example, if somebody starts to behave badly, then it turns out theres a tumor affecting his system in various moods and serious respects. We say, well, it
wasnt his fault, its the fault of the tumor. But then we think, Well theres always something like a tumor. It may not be an actual tumor, but it may be, you know, structures and chemicals and hormones .. in the brain which always make us do whatever we do. And if we forgive the chap with the tumor, then why shouldnt we forgive everybody? And so our moral responsibility seems to fly out of the window.

MB:

Helen Beebee, one obstacle to believing in free will is an idea known as determinism. Can you explain what this is and why its so important for our argument?

H BB:
Yes so imagine watching a game of snooker on television. You press the pause button just after the player hits the cue ball. If you watch a lot of snooker on TV, youre probably quite good at predicting whats gonna happen next. You might be able to predict that the black is gonna go into corner pocket and whites gonna come back on the table and line up with the red for the next shot. Now you can ask yourself the question
what would it take to be able to in principle, to be able to absolutely certain about whats going to happen next.

And one thing that would have been the case is the laws of nature that govern the behaviors of snooker ball on the table, and the law of motion and so on would have to take you from the given situation, and given arrangements of balls and given way of striking the cue ball to one exact outcome. Theyd have to say look, in this kind of situation theres only one thing that could possibly happen. And then if you knew the laws
of nature, youd be able to predict with certainty whats gonna happen. So now determinism is really the idea that the entire universe is like the snooker table. Given the state of the universe at any one time, the laws of nature only leave one possibility open. So that covers the whole of the universe, not just snooker ball and ants and rocks, chairs and tables and cats, but also human beings, our thoughts, our decisions, our intentions and our actions. Now its
easy to see why thats gonna raise the worries for freedom of the will because the cause, if all of our decisions and our actions are completely determined by facts about the nature and facts about the past, that looks like theres only one option available to us. Its not the case that I could choose the chicken or I could choose the beef of the menu. Actually its determined that Im going to choose the one I actually choose. Its not just determined by what
happened two seconds ago, its determined by what happened 5 years ago, a hundred years ago, a hundred thousand years ago, long before we were born. It was already setting stone that I was going to choose the chicken.

MB:

You make it sound like fate on us. Is there a distinction?

HBB:
Well, I think theres a distinction between determinism and fatalism. So I think in so far as I understand belief in fates, I think that amounts to thought that whats going to happen is going to happen, no matter what you do. So imagine you went to a job interview last week. You put in a good performance and you ended up getting the job of your dream. Now if it were really fated to happen that you were going to get that job.
That it doesnt really seem to matter whether or not you put in a good performance, or indeed whether or not you even bother showing up for the interview. You were gonna get that job any way somehow even if you stay in bed, the job would have ended up falling in your lap. Now, determinism doesnt have that consequence. Even if you think you are determined to get that job, its still going to be the case that one of the things that determines that you would
get the job was that you went to the interview and put in a good performance. So, you still it still needs to be the case that certain things happen in certain orders in order for the things that re determined to happen get to happen

RANGOON Burmas government is asking for public feedback on a controversial religious

conversion bill that many activists have condemned as restrictive and undemocratic.
State-run newspapers on Tuesday published a draft of the bill, which is part of a package of
proposed legislation to protect race and religion in the Buddhist-majority country.
The government says the religious conversion bill, drafted by the Ministry of Religious Affairs,
is intended to prevent forced conversions. According to the draft published in newspapers,
forcing someone to convert to another religion would be punishable by one year in prison, while
insulting another religion would be punishable by between one and two years in prison.
But activists in Burma have raised alarm over the restrictive nature of the bill, which also
requires people to seek permission and register with local government authorities before
converting.
According to the draft bill, authorities would ask several questions about an applicants reasons
for changing faiths. Approval or rejection of the conversion request would occur within 90 days.
Burmas Constitution guarantees freedom of religion. However, the country has seen a surge of
anti-Muslim violence in recent years, while a growing movement of Buddhist monks has urged
people to shun Muslim businesses.
This movement, known as 969, has seen firebrand monks such as U Wirathu preach sermons
warning that the Muslim population in the country is increasing. Some observers see the
governments attempts to protect race and religion as a way to specifically stop Buddhist
women from converting to Islam if they marry a Muslim man.
Some monks have spoken against discrimination, including Mandalay-based U Kavira, who
cautioned against passing any bill that negatively targets religious minorities.
It is important to have sincerity when issuing the bill. There should be no bias, he told The
Irrawaddy on Tuesday.
In state-run newspapers, the government provided a fax number along with the draft bill, urging
people to send their suggestions for possible changes.

Abu Tahay, a Rohingya Muslim leader and chairman of the Union National Development Party,
said his party would send recommendations.
Burma has multiple religions and the country is moving toward democracy. If there are
restrictions on religion, this will tarnish the image of democracy, he told The Irrawaddy.
Zaw Win Aung, joint chairman of the Christian Association Council in Mandalay, said he was
worried about a loss of religious freedom.
It is unacceptable for people to be required to ask permission if they want to convert to another
religion, he told The Irrawaddy.
I am worried this regulation will be similar to Article 18, he said, referring to a law that
requires Burmese people to get permission from authorities before staging protests. They would
take action if you convert to another religion without permission.
The protection of race and religion legislation package includes four controversial bills. In
addition to the religion conversion bill, it includes a bill that restricts interfaith marriage, a bill
that puts forward population control measures, and another that bans polygamy.

(New York) Burmas government should publicly condemn grossly discriminatory remarks by
a regional official about gay men and transgender women, Human Rights Watch said today in a
letter to senior Burmese officials. The Burmese government is obligated under international law
to protect all people in the country regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity
During a regional parliamentary session in Mandalay in August 2015, the regions minister of
border and security affairs, Dr. Myint Kyu, called on police to arrest gay people: The existence
of gay men who assume they are women is unacceptable and therefore we are constantly taking
action to have the gays detained at police stations, educate them, then hand them back to their
parents. He also indicated that the authorities had checked on and arrested nine gay men for
acting inappropriately.
Burmas government has a responsibility to ensure noxious statements about gay people dont
go unchallenged, said Graeme Reid, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights
director. Unless the government speaks out against such hateful words, it could open the door to
more abuse of the sort described by this minister.
Mandalay authorities have previously demonstrated disregard for the fundamental rights of
LGBT people. In July 2013 plainclothes police officers in Mandalay arbitrarily arrested a group
of 10 gay men and transgender women and abused them in detention. An investigation
committee composed with township police chiefs from Mandalay division announced it was
investigating the case but no subsequent information was ever reported.

Burmas criminal law embeds discrimination against LGBT people. Section 377 of the penal
code, drawn from a British colonial-era law, criminalizes same-sex sexual behavior. Such laws,
which should be repealed, have an impact that extends far beyond their use by the justice system,
heightening concerns of legalized discrimination and other abuse. The government should
properly investigate the arrests and alleged abuse in detention in the 2013 case and more recent
arbitrary arrests of perceived LGBT people.
For the government to treat LGBT people as potential criminals should worry everyone in
Burma who values their rights and liberties, Reid said.

Myanmar to mull interfaith marriage law

President Thein Sein asks parliament to consider an
intermarriage bill aimed at 'protecting' Buddhists.
28 Feb 2014 14:33 GMT |
Aljerzera
Myanmar's president has asked parliament to consider an intermarriage law, spearheaded by an
extremist monk that is aimed at "protecting" Buddhists in the former junta-ruled nation.
The move on Friday by President Thein Sein follows several waves of anti-Muslim violence that
have coincided with a groundswell of Buddhist nationalism.
While the proposals seen by the AFP news agency are vaguely worded, they appear to call for
some kind of restrictions on inter-faith marriages.
The proposals include a law "to give protection and rights for ethnic Buddhists when marrying
with other religions", as well as a ban on polygamy and legislation to "balance the increasing
population".
Thein Sein, who has won international plaudits for his political reforms, submitted the proposals
to the legislators after receiving a petition led by Buddhist leaders last year.

A radical monk called Wirathu has campaigned for a law to force non-Buddhist men wishing to
marry a Buddhist woman to convert and gain permission to wed from her parents, or risk 10
years in jail.
"We have tried continually to have a national protection bill. Now it has started to come true with
the president's message. We are so glad," Wirathu told AFP.
Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has previously slammed his proposals as "a violation of
women's rights and human rights".
Myanmar has already faced criticism from rights groups over a controversial "two-child policy"
in parts of the western state of Rakhine.
Minority Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine face a slew of restrictions that have led the United
Nations to consider them as one of the world's most persecuted peoples.
Two waves of deadly communal violence between Buddhists and Muslims in Rakhine in 2012
left more than 200 mainly Rohingya people dead and around 140,000 displaced.
Sectarian bloodshed, mostly targeting Muslims, has since spread to other parts of the country and
laid bare deep divides that were largely suppressed under decades of military rule, which ended
in 2011.
Radical monks, once at the forefront of the country's pro-democracy movement, have led a
campaign to shun shops owned by Muslims and only to visit stores run by Buddhists. Some were
also involved in the religious unrest.

Cannelnews Asia

EU slams Myanmar inter-marriage bill

A controversial Myanmar marriage bill is discriminatory
and risks undermining democratic progress, the EU said,
after parliament passed the legislation this week in another
sign of hardline Buddhist nationalist influence.

POSTED: 09 Jul 2015 20:48

YANGON: A controversial Myanmar marriage bill is discriminatory and risks undermining

democratic progress, the EU said, after parliament passed the legislation this week in another
sign of hardline Buddhist nationalist influence.
The Buddhist Women's Special Marriage bill, which was approved by the combined houses of
parliament on Tuesday (Jul 9), is part of a package of laws originally suggested by radical
monks, who have risen to prominence as religious tensions simmer in the diverse nation.
A draft of the bill published in December laid out a web of rules governing marriage between
Buddhist women and men of other faiths, including a rule that the couple must apply to local
authorities for permission and publicly announce the engagement.
Only if there were no objections could they go ahead with the wedding and failure to comply
was punishable by a two-year jail term. It was not immediately clear what aspects of the draft
were retained in the approved version.
"The bill discriminates against women by placing restrictions on Buddhist women's right to
marry outside their religion," the European Union said in a statement released late on
Wednesday, adding it would also be detrimental to religious minorities, especially non-Buddhist
men.
The bill, which still needs to be signed into law by President Thein Sein, is the second of four
proposed laws to go through parliament that rights groups see as exploiting fears between
Buddhist and Muslim communities.
A population control law, allowing regional governments to introduce family planning
regulations to lower birth rates was approved by the president in May.
Taken together the planned legislation could "undermine the transition towards national
reconciliation and an open democratic society," the EU said.
It added that the marriage bill "appears not to respect international human rights standards" and
fails to uphold Myanmar's own treaty obligations.
'EQUAL RIGHTS'
Buddhist-majority Myanmar has suffered from rising religious intolerance in recent years,
following waves of bloodshed in western Rakhine state in 2012 that mainly targeted Muslims
and has since erupted in pockets across the country.
Around a hundred women's rights groups signed an open letter against the marriage law proposal
last year. Several said they received threats and harassment as a result.

"Our country's democracy is very fragile and weak. This law should not be enacted," Zar Talian,
an MP from western Chin State told parliament ahead of the vote on Tuesday.
But supporters brushed aside those fears. Saw Hla Tun, a member of the ruling army-backed
party, said it would give Buddhist women "equal rights" if they married a man of another
religion.
At least four per cent of Myanmar's population is thought to be Muslim, while another four per
cent is Christian, although these figures are old and likely underestimates.
Myanmar has faced intense international scrutiny over its treatment of Rohingya Muslims in
Rakhine state in recent months after thousands of desperate migrants were rescued from rickety
boats in Southeast Asian waters.
Some 140,000 Rohingya were left homeless after the Rakhine violence three years ago and they
have fled the discrimination and hopelessness of displacement camps in droves.

http://www.religionnews.com/2014/12/18/myanmar-women-object-proposed-restrictionsinterfaith-marriage/
YANGON, Myanmar (RNS) Governments and religious leaders might control who marries
whom in Myanmar, but laws cant restrict love and faith, say women of different races and
religions in the country.
Late last month, Myanmar President U Thein Sein sent a controversial draft law to parliament
that would restrict the ability of Buddhist women to marry non-Buddhist men. Supporters say the
law, which lawmakers are expected to debate in January, would protect race and religion.
Some opponents, however, say that rationale is nonsense.
Love and marriage is a social issue a clash between parents and partners. It shouldnt be
dictated by religion, said a Muslim woman in Yangon who is married to a Hindu man. Like
other women interviewed, she asked not to be identified in hopes of not showing disrespect to
Buddhism and Buddhist leaders.
Despite social pressure from other Muslims and from her husbands family, the couple has been
married for 25 years. The couple has three children, which has further complicated matters with
their devout families.

I dont want to restrict my childrens religion. It is their choice, she said. Now that they are
young, we share our faiths with them now, but they can decide for themselves when they are
older.
The draft marriage bill would govern unions between Buddhist women and men of other faiths.
Under the provision, interfaith couples would need to apply to local authorities, gain the approval
of the womans parents if she is under age 20 and post a public notice announcing the
engagement.
The marriage could only then take place if no objections were raised. Non-Buddhist men who
violate the proposed law would face up to three years imprisonment, a $50 fine and mandatory
divorce, and they would forfeit their share of any property and guardianship of children born
through the illegal union.
Theravada Buddhism, practiced by the majority of Myanmars citizens, does not specifically
restrict interfaith marriage. Local customs, cultures and differences among sects affect whether
Hindus, Christians, Muslims or Jews can marry individuals of other faiths.
Taboos on interfaith marriage permeate much of Myanmar society, not just Muslim and Hindu
communities. Some question what new laws to restrict the practice will actually accomplish.
We already have restrictions on marriage because we need to marry in the same faith and caste,
said a Hindu woman from Yangon who also requested anonymity. Im curious how this law will
actually protect Buddhist women.
It wont, said Daw Thin Thin Aung, a member of the Womens League of Burma. She told The
Myanmar Times that the proposed law would infringe womens rights.
If they intend to control interfaith marriage and monogamy, this law only covers women. What
about Buddhist men, and others? she asked.
Thin Thin Aung is a Christian who married a Buddhist man. She said she opposes the law not
because of her own interfaith marriage but because she believes it places an unreasonable and
unacceptable burden on women.
The law implies that women are weak and need protection from husbands, family and society,
Thin Thin Aung said. Yet women are blamed when they are raped because of how they dress.
All social norms and attitudes toward women are discriminatory, she added, speaking of the
Myanmar context. We need to change our old attitudes and put more priority on education so
that women can make their own decisions and not always follow others.
Last May, more than 100 civil society organizations issued a statement denouncing the proposed
legislation, calling it undemocratic and discriminatory. Some of those who spoke out received
death threats via anonymous letters, phone calls, text messages and online messages.

I will continue to raise awareness despite receiving death threats because I want all women to
awaken and see reality, Thin Thin Aung said.
The proposed law is one of four protection laws that would affect religious conversion,
interfaith marriage, polygamy and population control. These bills, collectively known as the
protection of race and religion laws, were proposed in 2013 by Ma Ba Tha, a group of
nationalistic Buddhist monks.
Magway Sayadaw U Parmaukkha, a senior monk from Ma Ba Tha, told The Myanmar
Times that his group plans to launch an advocacy campaign later this month to encourage
understanding of and support for the proposed laws.
Activists blindly oppose them, and some have little knowledge of the laws. We understand there
are different attitudes, but we welcome discussion and are ready to explain the purpose of the
text, he said.
Ma Ba Tha members say the new marriage bill would protect women from pressure to convert to
their husbands religion, protection they say is not provided by an existing marriage law
introduced in 1954.
It will not discriminate against any race or religion, or infringe on democracy or international
human rights standards, Magway Sayadaw said.
Some women who have suffered domestic abuse applauded the bill, saying it would protect
women who are too shy to speak out against such abuse for traditional or cultural reasons.
Religious and social issues are intermingled, complicated and controversial in Myanmar, said
Buddhist womens rights advocate Daw Phyu Ei Thein.
Groups that proposed the law said its purpose is to preserve and purify Buddhism and that it
protects Buddhist women, but I do not understand that clearly, Phyu Ei Thein said. If clergy
wish to purify and preserve Buddhism, there are many subtle ways Buddha taught us to do so.
Why tickle the sensitive issue of marriage?

by ZARNI MANN / THE IRRAWADDY | 08 Sep 2015

MANDALAY After Burmas president signed off on the last of four controversial bills
collectively known as the race and religion protection laws last month, Ma Ba Tha, the

Buddhist nationalist group that first introduced the legislative package, has announced plans for a
nationwide celebration.
According to an official announcement attributed to the groups central office in Rangoon,
celebrations will begin on September 14 in Burmas commercial capital and continue across
almost all states and divisions until September 28.
The celebration is to tell the world that we have such laws and that many people are welcoming
and agree with the laws. [We will] celebrate the enacting of these laws after [they have] been
opposed and critiqued widely by many people, said U Wirathu, a well-known nationalist
Buddhist monk and among the most prominent supporters of the laws that were first put to
Parliament in late 2014.
The four bills, which set new regulations on interfaith marriage, birth spacing, religious
conversion and monogamy, have been roundly criticized by rights groups as discriminatory on
religious grounds and possibly in violation of Burmas human rights obligations.
Although Bhaddamta Tiloka Bhivunsa, a prominent monk in the Ma Ba Tha movement, warned
against demonstrations that may stoke community tensions, a large parade is expected in
Mandalay on September 21, with a march to the citys famous Maha Muni Pagoda.
Since the celebration will be organized and led by Buddhist monks, I believe the parade will be
in control and will not affect stability, U Wirathu told The Irrawaddy, adding that the group will
seek permission to march under Burmas Peaceful Assembly Law and that hundreds are expected
to join.
We are fully aware of the election campaigns and will not let this affect it because [the election]
is very important for the country. Hopefully local authorities will take care of the situation, he
said.
Campaigning for Burmas November general election officially began on Tuesday, with major
players such as the countrys opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi expected to drum up support
at rallies across the country.
In recent months, Ma Ba Tha has been accused of taking political sides ahead of the November
vote, with the groups secretary, Bhaddamta Vimala, telling his fellow clergyman at a conference
in Rangoon in June to rally support for the incumbent Union Solidarity and Development Party.
According to Ma Ba Tha, initial funds of 700 million kyat to hold the celebrations have been
donated by Moehti Moemi Golden Mountain Buddhist Mission Group, backed by gold mining
firm Myanmar National Prosperity Public Company.
Since the funding source was announced, many Burmese have taken to social media to speculate
which other well-known businesspersons or companies are supporting the Buddhist nationalist
organization.

This is not the first time the company chief Soe Tun Shein donated to Ma Ba Tha. He already
donated 1 billion kyat to the group for the flood victims. And he also donated to a school which
will be run by the group and which will open very soon, U Wirathu said.
We have to accept any type of donation from any kind of donors, since it is to support the
groups work of protecting race and religion, and other development works, he added.
Some Mandalay residents, who recall violent clashes between Buddhists and Muslims in the city
in July last year, are concerned that the upcoming celebration could reignite religious tensions,
particularly during the sensitive campaigning period.
We are worried that their parade might trigger hate between the two [Muslim and Buddhist]
communities again, said a member of Mandalays interfaith group. Since most of the members
of Ma Ba Tha have accused the National League for Democracy of being an Islamic party, we
are afraid our citys stability could be affected.

Trade Ballhorns Ayyarwady

RANGOON Ma Ba Tha will trade in their bullhorns for broadcast towers after a Thai
religious delegation pledged funding to construct two radio stations for the Burmese Buddhist
nationalist group.
The Thai delegation, which included the president of the youth wing of the World Federation of
Buddhists, signed a memorandum of understanding and formalized an offer of 40 million kyats
(US$35,800) to finance equipment and construction of the stations during the two-year
anniversary conference of Ma Ba Thaalso known as the Association for the Protection of Race
and Religionwhich was held in Rangoons Insein Township over the weekend.
We only had pens before, but weve got microphones now, so thank you for the donation, said
outspoken Ma Ba Tha member U Wirathu. We will begin a revolution for our own media to
protect our religion.
Dr. Pornchai Pinyapong, the president of the World Fellowship of Buddhist Youth who was
presence at the Ma Ba Tha anniversary conference, told The Irrawaddy that Thailand and Burma
both needed Buddhist monks to aggressively defend their religion in the face of what he
characterized as threats from minority Muslim populations.
We need to have some monks like Wirathu. About 80 percent of monks only act according to
tradition. Sometimes we need fighter monks, he said.
Dr. Pornchai, who has since 2009 served as an advisor to various committees on Buddhist
matters in the Thai parliament, justified the establishment of Buddhist radio stations by raising

the specter of the 55-year-old Thailand insurgency, which has claimed the lives of more than
5,000 Thai Buddhists and ethnic Malay Muslims in the countrys far south.
Known for their anti-Muslim activism, including the sponsorship of legislative measures to
reduce the reproductive rights of the countrys Muslim minority, Ma Ba Tha members have been
vocal critics of the international medias coverage of the Rohingya crisis in western Arakan
State.
On several occasions, Ma Ba Tha leaders have rallied demonstrators to protest against the United
Nations and international news networks, accusing them of mischaracterizing inter-communal
violence and discrimination, and denying that the Rohingya Muslims constitute a legitimate
ethnic group.
At the weekends conference, Ma Ba Tha representatives also called on the Buddhist clergy to
support the incumbent Union Solidarity and Development Party in the coming election, and
proposed a ban on schoolchildren wearing Muslim headscarves.

Ayyarwady
RANGOON Nationalist Buddhist monk U Wirathu said he will hold another large conference
for thousands of monks from across Burma next week. He said the monks would gather in
Mandalay and discuss his controversial proposal to restrict marriages between Buddhist women
and Muslim men.
In June last year, U Wirathu organized a large gathering of monks in Rangoon, who came out in
support of his draft Law for the Protection of Race, Religion and Language.
This proposed law would require any Buddhist woman seeking to marry a Muslim man to first
gain permission from her parents and local government officials. Any Muslim man who marries
a Buddhist woman is required to convert to Buddhism. The monks said at the time that they
would pressure lawmakers into adopting the proposal.
On Thursday, U Wirathu told The Irrawaddy that he expected 5,000 monks to attend his
Mandalay conference on Jan. 15 and hold discussions on the perceived threats to Buddhism in
Burma.
Mainly our intention is to protect our race and religion. We will discuss issues of our race and
religion, he said. This meeting is very important for Buddhist people and the result from the
meeting will provide complete security for the country.

U Wirathu said he would again lobby for the clergymens support for his controversial proposal.
We found on the ground in almost every township that there are women who were forced to
convert to another religion. We need to have an interfaith marriage law to protect them, he
claimed.
U Wirathu hails from a monastery near Mandalay and is considered the leader of a large group of
monks belonging to the 969 movement. The group has organized a nationwide campaign calling
on Buddhists to shun shops owned by Burmas Muslim minority.
The movement is accused of spreading hate speech and has been linked to growing intercommunal tensions in Burma. In 2012 and 2013, outbreaks of anti-Muslim violence have left
more than 200 people dead and displaced about 150,000 people, most of them Muslim.
Last year, U Wirathus proposal sparked widespread criticism from different corners of Burmese
society, with some raising questions about the monks interference in politics and lawmaking.
The 969 movement has since been campaigning in support of the proposal among Burmas
largely rural Buddhist majority, who deeply revere monks. U Wirathu now claims that 4 million
people signed a petition in support of the proposed law.
In November, the controversial monk also made headlines by suggesting that the hugely popular
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is unfit for the presidency.
His remarks come at a time when Suu Kyi has been stepping up pressure on the ruling Union
Solidarity and Development Party and the military to amend the Constitution and remove a
clause that prevents her from becoming president.
On Thursday, U Wirathu repeated his claims about the National League for Democracy leader
and said that increasing security along Burmas border with its Muslim-majority neighbor
Bangladesh was of more importance then discussions about Suu Kyi becoming president
She should not be our national leader because we cannot rely on her to protect our national
interests, he said, adding, I am with the group who want to build a fence along the border.

MMtimes
What feminism means in Myanmar
By Nora Pistor | Tuesday, 29 July 2014

Whether among activists, scholars or ordinary women, feminism in Myanmar falls under
two major factions.

The more conservative say women here have, and have always had, the same rights and
opportunities as men. Evidence, if presented, usually points to pre-colonial times though
whether we can call this view feminist at all is debatable, given it says everything is all right.
A second opinion usually held by the younger and more progressive, as well as those working
in newly established networks, NGOs and community-based organisations says traditional
gender roles are discriminating, repressive and crying out for systemic change.
Which is correct? Its true that Myanmar has made greater strides in gender equality than
neighbouring countries such as Cambodia, Bangladesh, Laos and even democratic India, all of
which rank lower on the Human Development Reports Gender Inequality Index.
And Myanmars legal framework does support gender equality having ratified international
conventions such as CEDAW and the Beijing Platform for Action 17 years ago. Gender equality
is also enshrined in the 2008 constitution: Article 348 unequivocally states the Union shall not
discriminate [against] any citizen ... based on race, birth, religion, official position, status,
culture, sex and wealth.
But a closer look at the constitution and at the daily lives of women nationwide reveals a
very different story.
Naturally suitable for men only
Despite Article 348, the constitution also provides for substantially unequal treatment of men and
women, for example when it comes to the appointment of government posts, some of which,
chapter 8 states, are deemed naturally suitable for men only. The generously advertised
principle of equality for women receives a harsh restriction in light of the jobs they are actually
allowed to do.
Womens participation in key ministerial positions and in the parliament is further restricted by
the requirement that 25 percent of seats of the legislature are reserved for the military. Recent
developments also allow women to work in the armed forces, though mostly in positions related
to healthcare and accounting.
Does nature determine if, and in which positions, a person can work in a countrys government?
Or might this suitability be socially constructed, rather than predetermined by a persons
natural and biological features?
The most basic principle of feminist theory the difference between sex and gender appears
violated, under the very system that writes gender equality on its facade.
Women as second-class citizens

Especially in rural areas, various discriminating practices are supported or at least silently
acknowledged. This include: polygamy; child marriage; mobility restrictions for women;
discriminating inheritance rights; patri-local practices where women move into their husbands
familial home upon marriage; not to mention existing dowry practices; male decision-making in
the households and in government; and, as often, domestic violence.
Women also suffering from lack of reproductive healthcare services and rights, and lack of
access to information and technology.
The contemporary patriarchal system and attitudes in society, which see women as second-class
citizens, indicate that substantial equality of women and men is still a distant hope. As one lady
from a womens organisation in Chin State once told me when summarising her feelings of
inequality of women and men in Myanmar, Women are nearly like slaves for men.
Sisterhood for survival
With this background in mind, what possibilities for positive change toward substantial gender
equality do women activists see? And what is the role of civil society to bring about that desired
change?
Civil society organisations working for womens rights and gender equality range from smallscale grassroots groups of a few people to bigger networks combining a number of national and
international NGOs. While Myanmars governmental institutions are overwhelmingly male,
NGOs employ a higher number of female staff and often have female leadership.
The governments womens machinery expands to all administrative levels throughout the
whole country. But often on the state and township levels the offices are under-staffed and sorely
lack important resources. This gap is what many civil society organisations are eagerly trying to
fill, by addressing some of the prevalent discriminations with their projects and advocating for
the strategic goal of gender equality.
On the grassroots level, community-based womens groups play a crucial role to trying to fulfill
what might be called typical womens interests, such as (reproductive) health issues, education
and childcare. These are the areas of life that traditionally fall under womens roles.
Nevertheless, a positive side effect of these womens groups is the strengthening of Myanmar
womens voices and acting as one, as a community of women. As such, they slowly contribute to
rising empowerment of the female group members and elevate their standing in society.
Even though the goals and initiatives of these groups might be conservative in nature, they
produce practical benefits for those women struggling with daily needs. Sisterhood becomes a
way of surviving the hardships of life.
Fear of feminism means fear of equality

Why does feminism have such a negative connotation amongst many people men and women
in Myanmar? Even female womens rights activists often deny being feminists, trying to avoid
being labelled as such. Most initiatives that carry the label of working toward gender equality are
indeed focusing on womens issues instead of on gender rights more generally.
Other categories of gender beyond the female-male dualism, such as LGBTI rights (of lesbian,
gay, bisexual, transsexual and intersexual persons) are hardly ever discussed in mainstream
activists circles as of now. In fact, current activities under the gender rights agenda truly
constitute what we could call a new feminist movement while both civil society and the public
authorities are reluctant to commit to feminism as part of the gender and development approach.
The biggest problem the womens rights movement in Myanmar faces is societys widespread
failure to grasp that gender is pervasive and affects all spheres of life. Politics, peace, military
and defence, economics, society and culture are just as much womens issues as they are mens.
Unfortunately, it seems like the awareness on the importance of gender equality is not being fully
grasped and endorsed. One Myanmar politician, struggling with the increasing workload since
the new government took power in 2011, recently exemplified this by saying, Yes, gender
equality is important and interesting, but there are many, many things that are important and
interesting now and we simply dont have time for that.
The personal is political, and the political is personal
Gender equality needs to be integrated as a crosscutting issue and mainstreamed in all areas and
structures of Myanmars government. If gender inequality continues to be neglected, both social
and economic development will be flawed, unsustainable, and twice as expensive.
Further, portraying a whitewashed picture of an already established gender fairness and equality
will only create more obstacles to the social changes we all desire.
Civil society plays the most crucial role in detecting discrimination and amplifying the new
dynamic voices to challenge the old gender stereotypes. Painting the real picture, based on
reliable data, is the first step. The second is recognising diversity and including the apparent
changes of masculinities and femininities within the currently changing political system.
Nora Pistor is freelance consultant on gender and womens rights currently working in
Myanmar. With an academic background in political sciences, international law and
criminology, she has worked in the field of gender and development with various intersecting
topics such as Gender Based Violence, Human Trafficking, Technical and Vocational Education
and Training, Climate Change, Disaster Risk Reduction and regional development planning.

Women Unite Against Ethnic and Gender Discrimination in Myanmar

Submitted on: 07/28/2014

Womens groups in Myanmar have come together to challenge the proposed Inter-faith Marriage
Law, which would restrict Buddhist women from marrying people of other religions and in
practice, ethnicities. Not only would the looming legislation limit womens freedoms, but the
groups argue that it would further sanction ethnic discrimination against the Muslim minority in
Buddhist-majority Myanmar, who face increased violence and hate since countrys transition
from military rule in 2011. During a recent workshop convened by JASS Southeast Asia,
courageous activists leading these efforts explained how they have been called whores and are
threatened with violence to silence their vocal opposition. Despite the risks, they have mobilized
more than 160 womens and human rights groups to sign a joint statement and more recently,
with support from JASS and the Nobel Womens Initiative, are aiming for more global solidarity
and visibility.
In a show of energized and united activism, women across Myanmar are coming together to
campaign against a proposed bill restricting inter-faith marriage. If passed, Buddhist women
would have to get permission from their parents and government officials before marrying men
from other faiths, and in practice, other ethinicities. It also calls for a 10-year prison sentence for
non-Buddhist men who marry a Buddhist without converting to Buddhism. In addition to
sanctioning ethnic discrimination and fanning ethnic hatred, this billostensibly meant to
protect Buddhist womenwould reinforce womens secondary status in the family and further
restrict basic personal rights and freedoms. In a press conference, one of the monks said in
support of the law, Women need protection because they have no brains, says Htar Htar,
Director of AKHAYA Women Myanmar. She adds, this is not about religion. This law is a
violation of human rights.
The Influence of the Buddhist National Movement

The draft law is one among four bills that have been proposed by the government at the request
of the Organization for the Protection of Race, Religion and Beliefa coalition of nationalist
monks with outsized political and social influenceplays the unofficial role of protecting the
national race and religion in Myanmar. The coalitions formal recommendations to the
government are bolstered by a petition with more than 1 million signatures in support of the bills.
Other proposed legislation includes a law banning polygamy and another limiting family size,
both of which are argued to be targeting the Muslim population.
"This law is not about religion. It is a violation of human rights," ~ Htar Htar, AKHAYA Women
Myanmar
The powerful force behind them is a Buddhist national movement known as 969. Led by Ashin
Wirathu, the 969 movement gained influence in 2012, and has since been encouraging the
discrimination of Muslims by boycotting their businesses and shunning interfaith marriages, thus

inciting tension and violence between Muslims and Buddhists. For example in 2012, over 100
people were killed and thousands displaced during the Rakhine state riots. Described by the
Straits Times as a, neo-nazi group, they not only have the ear of the government, but also have
a growing grassroots following, mobilized by fueling anti-Muslim intolerance and religious and
ethnic tensions. Says Htar Htar, The 969 movement is very strong. They say they have the
responsibility to protect. Over the past years, they laid the foundation for this and plotted
strategies of how to accomplish this by using lots of hate speech. The 969 movement has
capitalized on its notable influence on public opinion and cultural beliefs to lead a one-sided
education campaign on the inter-faith marriage law and other discriminatory measures to
consolidate its own political power.
Women Mobilizing Opposition and Educating Communities

Despite the odds, women are coming together to organize against this law and stand up for
gender and ethnic equality and inclusion. The goal as Htar puts it is to, Educate people and
initiate discussions on this law and on its potential consequences and long-term impact so that
they decide for themselves, and not from propaganda.
More than 160 womens groups and civil society organizations in Myanmar, including groups
from the long-standing network, Womens League of Burma (WLB) outside of Myanmar have
come together to mobilize a united, high profile counter-effort to stop the law, including issuing a
joint statement and launching an online petition aimed at garnering international support. JASS
also worked with Nobel Womens Initiative to produce a statement in support of womens
groups efforts against this law.
Given the powerful role Buddhist monks play in changing hearts and minds, women activists are
astutely joining forces with prominent monks who oppose the law. We are starting to make
allies with other monks. They realize that this is not a religious issue, it is political. Some
Buddhist monks are not openly opposing this law yet but they are now starting to address this
within their groups, says Htar.
Womens advocacy against this law has generated backlash. In their official statements after we
released our statements opposing this bill, they called us national traitors because we didnt agree
with their aim to protect religion, says Htar Htar. She explained that a few of the women got
death threats and added, They sexually harass us on facebook, adds Htar Htar.
The womens movement in Mynmar is just beginning to coalesce. As Htar says, The womens
movement in Myanmar has just started. This law has created a space and opportunity for us to
become united and to pull our strength together.
JASS Movement-building Initiative in Myanmar

Following an initial series of dialogues and workshops to build relationships and carry out an
assessment between 2009 and 2012, JASS Southeast Asia kicked off a long-term training and
movement-support initiative, to contribute to stronger grassroots organizing and leadership

linked to advocacy by diverse women in different organizations and regions across Myanmar.
With a multi-generational training team of women from Zimbabwe, Indonesia, Cambodia and
Canada, the women participating took note of the example of inclusion, representation and
diversity. As Mai Sui, Myanmar activist commented, "At the start of the training, I noticed that
the people from JASS organization are differentcostume, color and behavior. You four are
totally different. I see that your background, countries and customs must be different and also
the belief system might be different but I see that you can all work together. So I want to know
which practice is pushing you to work together?

Womens
League
of
http://womenofburma.org/aboutus/programs/

Burma

(WLB)

Social Action for Women (http://sawburma.net/ )

http://www.shanwomen.org/programs/women-empowerment

About SWAN
Mission Statement
We commit ourselves to work for gender equality and justice for Shan women in the struggle for
social and political change in Burma through community-based actions, research and advocacy.
What is SWAN?
SWAN is a network of Shan women active in Shan State and Thailand. It was founded on 28
March 1999. Its mission is to work on gender equality and justice for Shan women in the
struggle for social and political change in Burma through community based actions, research and
advocacy.
SWAN is a founding member of the Womens League of Burma (WLB), an umbrella womens
organization comprising 13 womens groups from Burma.
SWAN's objectives:

Promoting womens rights and the rights of children;

Opposing exploitation of and violence against women and children;

Working together for peace and freedom

Empowering women for a better life;

Raising awareness to preserve natural resources and the environment.

Background of SWAN
SWAN was set up on 28 March 1999 by a group of Shan women active in Thailand, inside Shan
State and along the Thai- Burma border seeking to address the needs of Shan women. In fact,
before the formation of SWAN, Shan women in various locations had already been active in a
number of projects to assist women. Even though informal networks were in place, it was felt
that more could be achieved, in addressing both practical and strategic needs of Shan women, if a
more concrete network among the various women could be formed.
This Shan women's network would also be able to coordinate with other women's organizations
from Burma, as well as GOs and NGOs working with women locally, nationally and
internationally.
..................................................................................................................................
General Background
The Shan State is over 64,000 square kilometers in size and forms the eastern part of the Union
of Burma bordering China, Laos and Thailand. The people of the Shan State, like in other areas
of Burma, suffer from abuse inflicted by the Burmese military regime, which according to
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch Asia is amongst the worst in the world. Many
people have fled for their lives to Thailand.
The Thai government, however, does not recognize the Shan people as refugees and unlike the
Karen and Karenni refugees, has not allowed them to set up refugee camps along the ThaiBurma border. Consequently the Shans are forced to enter Thailand's unskilled labour market as
migrant workers doing 3 D jobs Dirty, Difficult and Dangerous for their own survuival as well
as to support their family members, from very young to very old. Many lack legal status in
Thailand, and are thus extremely vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Despite this, Shan people
are still coming to take refuge in Thailand to escape the regime's systematic human rights abuses
and repressive policies towards the people in Shan State. There are estimated to be hundreds of
thousands of Shan refugees working as migrant workers throughout Thailand, particularly in the
north.

Ayarwady
THREE days after Cyclone Nargis struck southwestern Burma on May 2-3, social activist Phyu
Phyu Thin bravely came out of hiding to help victims of the storm.
I knew that our patients were suffering desperately after the cyclone, so I wanted to be here for
them and try my best to help, said Phyu Phyu Thin, an HIV/AIDS activist and youth leader of
the National League for Democracy (NLD).
They are poor, and now the storm has destroyed their lives. Theyve lost family, and they have
no food or place to stay, said the well-known activist, who went into hiding last August after
taking part in protests against the Burmese junta.
Phyu Phyu Thin belongs to a new generation of female activists who are able to compete with
their male counterparts in organizations that strive to promote democracy in Burma. She is also
part of a proud tradition of women who have made their mark on Burmese politics.
Women like Mya Sein, who was selected as a representative of Asian women at the League of
Nations in 1931; colonial-era senators Hnin Ma and Dr Saw Hsa; and post-independence
minister for Karen State, Ba Maung Chain, paved the way for women in Burmese politics.
But the strides made by these early advocates of a more prominent role for women on the
national political stage were soon erased when Ne Win imposed military rule on Burma in 1962.
After this, women who wanted more than a token role in politics had to join dissident groups.
Despite the progress made by women like Phyu Phyu Thin, however, many people say that there
is still a significant lack of gender equality at the highest levels of the Burmese pro-democracy
movement.
As the leader of an NLD-affiliated social welfare group working with HIV/AIDS patients, Phyu
Phyu Thin insists that gender is not an important factor in her organization: Men and women
can work together regardless of gender, she said in a recent interview with The Irrawaddy.
Other women also say that activists strong sense of sharing a common cause makes differences
between men and women seem irrelevant.
We didnt think a lot about gender, said a former political prisoner and student activist who
took part in protests in 1988 and 1996, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Change in Burma is the responsibility of every citizen.
Despite the views of these women, however, others say that Burmese women who strive to
become key decision-makers still face numerous hurdlesa fact that can be easily forgotten
because of the existence of a small number of high-profile leaders such as Phyu Phyu Thin and

Aung San Suu Kyi.

A cursory look at the makeup of key political organizations in the democracy movement reveals
that women make up less than 1 percent of the leadership.
This fact can be largely attributed to cultural factors, such as the traditional view that a womans
place is in the home, a failure to appreciate the need to educate girls and a belief that men
possess hpoun, a power derived from meritorious actions in past lives.
Meanwhile, in ethnic minority political organizations, the close association with armed groups
has resulted in a militaristic culture that many regard as inherently male-centered.
But according to Khaing Mar Kyaw Zaw, a member of the Central Executive Committee of the
Karen National Union (KNU) and a leading figure in the Karen Womens Organization, the most
important factor limiting women is their lack of education.
Women dont participate in the economic, social and political arena because they havent had a
chance to study. When they are growing up, many girls have to stay home to help take care of
their families, so they dont go to school. This means that women have limited knowledge
compared to men, she said.
She went on to explain that traditionally, men are considered to be the leaders of the family and
the country. The idea that women should focus on caring for their husbands and children
prevents them from aspiring to a more active life outside the home.
southwestern Burma on May 2-3, social activist Phyu Phyu Thin bravely came out of hiding
to help victims of the storm.
I knew that our patients were suffering desperately after the cyclone, so I wanted to be here for
them and try my best to help, said Phyu Phyu Thin, an HIV/AIDS activist and youth leader of
the National League for Democracy (NLD).
They are poor, and now the storm has destroyed their lives. Theyve lost family, and they have
no food or place to stay, said the well-known activist, who went into hiding last August after
taking part in protests against the Burmese junta.
Phyu Phyu Thin belongs to a new generation of female activists who are able to compete with
their male counterparts in organizations that strive to promote democracy in Burma. She is also
part of a proud tradition of women who have made their mark on Burmese politics.
Women like Mya Sein, who was selected as a representative of Asian women at the League of
Nations in 1931; colonial-era senators Hnin Ma and Dr Saw Hsa; and post-independence
minister for Karen State, Ba Maung Chain, paved the way for women in Burmese politics.
But the strides made by these early advocates of a more prominent role for women on the

national political stage were soon erased when Ne Win imposed military rule on Burma in 1962.
After this, women who wanted more than a token role in politics had to join dissident groups.
Despite the progress made by women like Phyu Phyu Thin, however, many people say that there
is still a significant lack of gender equality at the highest levels of the Burmese pro-democracy
movement.
As the leader of an NLD-affiliated social welfare group working with HIV/AIDS patients, Phyu
Phyu Thin insists that gender is not an important factor in her organization: Men and women
can work together regardless of gender, she said in a recent interview with The Irrawaddy.
Other women also say that activists strong sense of sharing a common cause makes differences
between men and women seem irrelevant.
We didnt think a lot about gender, said a former political prisoner and student activist who
took part in protests in 1988 and 1996, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Change in Burma is the responsibility of every citizen.
Despite the views of these women, however, others say that Burmese women who strive to
become key decision-makers still face numerous hurdlesa fact that can be easily forgotten
because of the existence of a small number of high-profile leaders such as Phyu Phyu Thin and
Aung San Suu Kyi.
A cursory look at the makeup of key political organizations in the democracy movement reveals
that women make up less than 1 percent of the leadership.
This fact can be largely attributed to cultural factors, such as the traditional view that a womans
place is in the home, a failure to appreciate the need to educate girls and a belief that men
possess hpoun, a power derived from meritorious actions in past lives.
Meanwhile, in ethnic minority political organizations, the close association with armed groups
has resulted in a militaristic culture that many regard as inherently male-centered.
But according to Khaing Mar Kyaw Zaw, a member of the Central Executive Committee of the
Karen National Union (KNU) and a leading figure in the Karen Womens Organization, the most
important factor limiting women is their lack of education.
Women dont participate in the economic, social and political arena because they havent had a
chance to study. When they are growing up, many girls have to stay home to help take care of
their families, so they dont go to school. This means that women have limited knowledge
compared to men, she said.

She went on to explain that traditionally, men are considered to be the leaders of the family and
the country. The idea that women should focus on caring for their husbands and children
prevents them from aspiring to a more active life outside the home.