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Gudrun Bfihnemann, P~jd. A Study in Smdrta Ritual. (Publications of the

De Nobili Research Library, Vol. xv). Vienna: Institute for Indology, 1988.
253 pp., 66 ills. (mainly photographs).
Gudrun Biihnemann, The Worship of Mahdganapati According to the
Nityotsava. Wichtrach: Institut fiir Indologie, 1988. xl, 156 pp., 40
photographs and drawings.
These two books by Mrs. Biihnemann happened to be published in the
same year, although "P(tjd" was written earlier than "Worship". Both are
useful and interesting additions to the existing literature on Hindu ritualism.
They have been composed according to the same general pattern: an
introduction describing general aspects of the relevant sections of the ritual
(much bigger and more general in character in "P(tjd"), followed by edition
and commented translation of parts of a ritual treatise. They also
complement each other in so far as they describe respectively a Vedaoriented and a Tantric form of worship.
The study of ritual procedures and, to a somewhat lesser degree, of ritual
literature should (it will be evident) preferably be carried out by
investigators who have been present at ritual sessions (if still existing) and
are personally acquainted with performers. Mrs. Biihnemann (henceforth:
B.) answers these requirements. Besides, she has a good knowledge of
Sanskrit language and literature. Research for "P(tjd" was conducted in
Maharashtra (mainly Pune) in 1983--85, and the study is primarily -- and
wisely -- focused on that region. The first part of this book is a general
survey of literature and practice of the worship of Hindu gods (General
Remarks, p. 29--100). After a short discussion of the term p(tjd, there is a
good survey of the various kinds of textual sources (normative and
descriptive), including a total survey of contents of the P(tjdprakdga section
of the Viramitrodaya (p. 37--42), which goes far beyond the treatment by
Kane (Hist. of Dharmagfistra, I, p. 943). After this section, the utensils of
worship and the idols are discussed (p. 43--54), followed by such subjects
as the fight time, preparations, services, mantras, atonements, aims, mental
worship.
Indo-Iranian Journal 34: 287--316, 1991.
9 1991 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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The second part of "POjd" (p. 101--182) is an edition and translation of

the standard type of daily worship of the .Rgveda Sm~rta Brahmans of
Maharashtra. Tne term Sm~rta here implies the performance of pa~cdyatanap6j'd (p. 49f.), i.e. worship of the five deities Siva, Visnu, Devi, Sfirya
and Ga.napati. It may be called remarkable, that the P~jdprakd~a mentioned
above presupposes the worship of god Brahman instead of Ganapati (p.
37). But, as noted by Kane (I, p. 953), its author Mitrami~ra worked at the
court of Orccha near Jhansi, and not in Maharashtra. -- As a textual base
for this daily worship, the author makes use of the R.gvediyabrahmakarmasamuccaya (henceforth: RBKS), "a contemporarily used manual of wide
circulation" ("P~jd", p. 10). Aspects of occasional pfijft are then treated in
Part III (p. 183--228) from other prayoga texts. Within this last section,
there is a useful survey of the most important ritual functions currently
observed in Maharashtra (p. 185--190).
The author's familiarity with practical ritual matters results several times
in interesting information, for instance about kuhkuma- (p. 156; 158n.): in
current practice not exactly "saffron"; about rahgavalli (" Worship", p. 47, n.
27); or about the worship of Satyan~r~yana in Maharashtra ("P~]d", p.
207f.). B.'s descriptions are generally concise, but carried through with due
attention to detail. She is a keen bibliographer and her references are
appropriate in general. A few times, the reader might have wished for a
succinct exposition instead of the case being closed by a mere reference to
some authority; in other places, the note seems unnecessary. The problem
of idol worship or idolatry discussed in "P~fd", note 133 on p. 53 belongs
more to the field of missiology than to that of Indology; the whole problem
seems to have been created by Christian missionaries and even Hacker's
views on this matter should -- with due respect -- not be presented as
decisive.
Recent developments of pfijfi ritual are not regularly treated in the main
body of "P~tjd", but there is an exposition on "Modern trends" (p. 93--100).
Besides, the Appendix contains a great number of most helpful photographs
and designs (beautiful are 3A and 3B: symbols of the five deities, and 38:
symbols of the .Rsis and ArundhatO. The bibliography (p. 13--26) lists
many primary and secondary sources; a reference to H. Brunner's important
study of Soma~ambhupaddhati is lacking (3 vols., Pondicherry 1963-1977). The same work should have been mentioned in n. 36 on p. 35,
where for information on the literature of ~aiva Pfij~ the reader finds only a
reference to Gonda's Medieval Religious Literature in Sanskrit. In the main
text, there are a few references to "Dave" who is not mentioned on the
expected place in the Bibliography, but only s.v. Paragurdmakalpas~tra

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(edition revised by Dave; see also p. 8). For Derret, read Derrett; for Diel,
Diehl (p. 21); for Hooykas, Hooykaas (p. 7).
As has been said, the RBKS is the textual base for B.'s description of the
daily pfijfi of sixteen services. The exact source is the pfij~ section of this
voluminous compendium in a recent (Pune 1979) reedition by G. g.
Sen.dye. B. has scrupulously reedited the relevant parts of this text, dividing
them into small sections and proposing a small emendation here and there.
In n. 3 on p. 101, she mentions an earlier (sixth) edition (Bombay 1936)
referred to by P. V. Kane, which probably was not accessible to her. This
must be the same edition which could be used by the present reviewer
(although published by the Nirnayas~gar Press, not the Veflkate~var Press
mentioned by Kane). According to its final colophon, this sixth edition was
prepared by Pandit V. S. Pansikar, who also gives the dates of the earlier
editions; the first was published in gaka 1818 = 1896--97 A.D. If this date
is correct, the "Brahmakarma" studied by Bourquin can hardly have been
an early edition of the RBKS in the present form, as surmised by B., p.
101, and we are left in the dark as to the origin of the RBKS. On Bourquin,
see "Pftjd", p. 8; his translation of parts of the Dharmasindhu should have
been added to the entry of that title in the Bibliography (p. 15).
Usually, the Sanskrit text of the RBKS is identical in the two editions
used by B. and by myself. Differences are: kdmadam (6th ed., fol. 21b, 1.4)
for kdmikam ("P~jd", p. 157, 1. 12); a small deviation in "P~jd", p. 167, 1.
8--10, resulting in a presumably better text; and the prescription of seven
mantras in the cadre of the mantrapuspdfijali in B.'s version (p. 175), while
the 1936 ed. (fol. 22b) requires only three mantras. On p. 199, 1.9, B.'s
text does not note that the line is spoken by the invited and worshipped
Brahmin; the 6th edition has the additional word brdhmanah.
The accompanying mantras given in the RBKS are of two kinds: .Rgvedic
and "Paurfinic" (p. 169). The Paurfinic mantras rather resemble each other:
they describe the offerings in a poetic diction and tend to theorize about
the meaning of these ritual items. Although several of them also occur in
other manuals, a great number may have been composed by one and the
same ritual teacher (or by a compact school or tradition). The Rgvedic
mantras are also edited by B., but without accentuation (for technical
reasons). The translation of these mantras has been literally taken from
Griffith's metrical rendering (as we are informed by B. on p. 102). It is
perhaps understandable that a non-specialist have recourse to such a
procedure; but the reader should at least have been warned that Griffith's
translation is antiquated and very often gives wrong interpretations, for
instance on p. 121 (I~.V 10, 63, 3: dyaur aditir etc.). Happily, B. does not

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slavishly reprint Griffith in all cases: on p. 141, n. 122, she rightly disagrees
with his rendering of djya, idhma and havis.
The translations of Paur~nic verses sometimes give reason for some
deliberation. On p. 127, there is a sequence of half-~lokas which serve to
invoke the deities of the utensils of worship. B.'s division of the passage is
controversial. In my view the first three half-~lokas belong together,
denoting deities which reside in different parts of the kalada. The fourth
and fifth fines then describe the presence of the Vedas in general terms
(dandas as in B.'s edition):

Rgvedo 'tha Yajurvedah. S6mavedo hy Atharvanah #

atigaid ca sahitdh sarve kala~am tu samddritah /
"The RV and the YV, the SV and the AV, together with their subdisciplines
all have their seat in the vessel". The next two lines (6 and 7) then invoke a
few goddesses:

atra Gdyatri Sdvitrf ~gmtipustikari tathd #

dydntu devap(t]drtham, duritaksayakdrakgth /
"Here (in the vessel), the Gfiyatri, the Sftvitri (or: the Gayatri Savitri?) and
She-Who-Creates-Security-and-Welfare (but see below) should arrive for
the sake of divine worship, destroying evil". Then comes the famous stanza
Gahge ca Yamune c a i v a . . . , invoking the Seven Rivers into the water of
the vessel. In B.'s treatment of this cluster, the lines three to five are taken
together, while six and seven appear more or less as independent units: "in
it is the Gfiyatri ]verse] with Savit.r [as its deity] which gives peace and
prosperity. May these who destroy evil come for the pfijh of the gods"
(additions by B.). B. therefore in these two lines recognizes only one
subject, the Gfiyatri, who obtains two epithets, "having Savitr as its deity"
(but G. herself is a deity in this context), and "giving peace and prosperity".
But then, how to account for the plural dygmtu? In fact, Gfiyatri and Sfivitri
are not always identified, but sometimes juxtaposed, e.g. in the Vaikh~nasa
fttmas(tkta, vs. 8 (ed. T. Goudriaan, Indo-Ir.Jn. 12, 1970, p. 8); and in Stuti
& S t a v a . . . of Balinese brahman priests, ed. T. Goudriaan/C. Hooykaas,
Amsterdam 1971, p. 424 (vs. 6). In both cases, "Savitri Gfiyatri" was
interpreted by myself as referring to the same deity, but I am not so sure
now. In the present stanza in any case, S. and G. can have been distinguished as two related "sisterly" powers, presiding over separate aspects of
(or: connected with) the same powerful Vedic stanza, RV 3, 62, 10. A
Sfiry~ Sfivitri is also known as the seer of RV 10, 85 (Sfirygt hymn)
according to Brhaddevatd 2, 84 (ed. and trsl. Macdonell, p. 55). In Tantric

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literature, G. and S. appear as the presiding goddesses of resp. the letters o

and au (e.g., Kubjikdmatatantra 17, 108 and 24, 21). Cf. also H. Brunner,
Les Membres de ~iva, in: As. Studien/Et. Asiatiques, 40, 1986, p. 117, n.
100 (two additional Aflgas of a Tantric mantra). Returning to the stanza
quoted above, we note that there should be more than two subjects because
the verb is in the plural. This suggests that also gfintipustikari is a separate
deity with specialized function.. We can even go a step further, and analyze
the compound name into ~finti~] (-- ~fintikar~ and Pustikari (perhaps
variant of Pusti). This is actually the reading of the RBKS in both editions
(B.'s note 83 and my own observation), and B.'s emendation seems quite
unnecessary9 ~dnti and pust.i are distinguished in the Rgvidhdna as the two
main objectives of ritual activity; while desires and deities are closely
associated in the next two stanzas of that remarkable text. Cf. also the title
of Mfiyfi Mfilaviyfi's study: Atharvavedfya ~dntipus.t.ikarmdni, Varanasi 1967
(Sarasvati Bhavana Studies, xvii), and p. 2 of that work. It would seem
therefore that we can recognize four deities in the present stanza, who
admittedly go by pairs: Gfiyatri, Sfivitri, gfinti and Pusti(kan-), who in
concerted action should destroy all evil.
The meditation stanza on Sfirya given on p. 134 in a series of five
devoted to the Paficfiyatana must originally have been directed to Visnu as
the "Man in the Sun":

Sagahkhacakram ravimandale sthitam

kugedaydkrdntam anantam acyutam / etc.;
9

compare a stanza on Visnu in Rgvidhdna 3, 42, 1 and other collections:

Dhyeyah sadd savitr.man, d.alamadhyavartf

Ndrdyan. ah. sarasijdsanasannivist.ah. / etc.
From the same verse it follows that ku~edaydkrdntam is not "encircled by a
water-lily" but "standing upon a water-lily".
On p. 179, we find the line dgatd sukhasampattih, pun.ydc ca tava
dar~andt; B. translates "plenty of happiness has come by merit and by your
sight". I doubt whether this is meant because a reference to one's own merit
during prayer would not befit the devotee. Rather: "and the fulfilment of
happiness has come by your auspicious sight"; the word ca, although
relegated to the fourth quarter, seems to connect and contrast the whole
hemistich with the preceding one which expressed the disappearance of evil.
The stanza raktdmbhodhistha- (p. 195), describing the Prgu?.agakti, also
occurs in Devibhdgavata-purdna (ed. R. T. Pandey, Kfigi Samvat 2016) as
11, 8, 19, with a few deviations. The six-armed goddess stands on a lotus

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which rests upon the "red ocean" (B.; or: "ocean of blood"?) and is
characterized by six enchanting and fear-inspiring attributes, viz. noose and
elephant-hook, Kfima's bow and arrows, rosary and skull-cup filled with
blood. Her sixfold nature is suggestive of the six dhdtus or material
components of the body, she herself being in that case the female
companion of the Atman or J~va as seventh or basic Dhfitu (pradhdn.adhdtu,
Kubfikdmatatantra 23, 140A). In the Kubfikdmata (23, 130f.), a ritual is
described during which an adept draws a red man..dala and worships the six
goddesses of the Dhfitus on the points of a hexagon, while a central goddess
called Kusumini is adored as the Atman's partner. This scene seems to be
rather far removed from the representation favored by the RBKS; but we
might note in any case that a goddess with the same form and attributes as
the Prfina~akti, but sitting on a lotus of the colour of the sun (which rests)
on a boat in the red ocean etc., is described under the name Ambikfi in the
Tantrasdra by Krsnfinanda (p. 96).
Among the occasional pfijfis described by B. in Part III figures the
worship of Satyanfirfiyaga as noted above. From the stories which have
been included, it does not come to my mind that this god is "very jealous"
(B. on p. 201, n. 64; perhaps from Kane, H. Dh. V, p. 437). These kathds
rather have a standard structure: neglect or ignorance of the god's worship;
the god reveals himself and warns or instructs; the devotees do as has been
told and obtain the results of the vrata or pfijfi. Although B. (p. 206) in the
context of the story of the merchant rightly refers to the episode of
Sunal)~epa in the Aitareyabrdhman.a, she does not stress the important role
played by Varuna in this vrata (p. 208) and in the pfijfi text (p. 210: in the
areca fruit; trsl. p. 212) as a central deity surrounded by the Lokapfilas
including himself as the deity of the West! One is tempted to conclude that
Satyanfirfiyag. a as the guardian of truth has consciously been introduced as
the Vaisnava "real nature" of Varuna who was allowed to maintain his
leading position in the very conservative ritual domain.
The Rsipaficalnivrata discussed by B. on p. 213f. has to do with the
monthly "impurity" of women and is nowadays performed after menopause
as a general prdya~citta. As a textual source for this ceremony, B. selected
the Sfirthapfijfisaln.graha (on p. 218, 1. 14, read SPS for SDS), because the
rite "is not included in the R(V)BKS". But it is, only not in the pfijfi section
utilized by B., but in its third section called Vratodydpanddirnigraprakarana
"Mixed section containing (the rituals of) concluding a Vrata etc.". The
relevant text occurs in the 6th edition on fol. 248a, 1.4 up to the end of
248b. The first part (the Sam.kalpa) runs rather parallel to the text given by
B. (a difference: rajah.samparkajanitadosa-instead of samparkajanitados.a-

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in B.'s text). The pfijfi stanzas for the seven sages and Anmdhati are then
taken from the R.gvedasam,hitd as indicated by B. on p. 220, n. 117 as an
alternative. The concluding stanza runs in the RBKS:

Ete saptarsayah, sarve bhaktyd samp~/itd mayd /

mama pdpam, vyapohantu j~dnato 7fidnatah. krtam //
After a prayer for forgiveness, the devotee is exhorted to spend the night
(waking) listening to kathds etc. On the next day, he should have a homa
performed and offer daksin,ds to the brahmans in the manner as described
by B. on p. 217.
The third vrata treated by B. ("Ptij'd", p. 221f.), the Anantacaturdagi, is
also an interesting aspect of practical Hinduism. The ceremony has been
succinctly described by P. V. Kane (V, p. 151--53, not referred to by B.).
Kane, writing in any case before 1958, notes that the number of persons
who perform this vrata "are rapidly diminishing". B., probably more than 30
years later, notes that the rite is performed "by many" (and presents the fine
photograph no. 41 as proof). Has there been a revival, or was Kane too
pessimistic? -- Ananta/gesa is the central deity of this vrata. As is well
known, this figure has a close relationship to Balarfima who is so to say its
human counterpart (situation described by B. on p. 224); the supposed
identity is critically considered in a recent article by Yu. G. Kokova, Obraz
Balaramy v epose i Puranach, in: G. A. Zograf, red., Literatura i kul'tura
drevne/i srednevekovoj Indii, Moskva 1987, pp. 88--95, esp. p. 90. On the
other hand, as B. remarks, Ananta "the Eternal One" is also a name of
Visnu himself. One might also note the symbolic relation of Ananta and
Kfila, the ever-recurring Time, who is the fear-inspiring aspect of Krsna
himself in the eleventh chapter of the BhGitfi. Kane (p. 152) notes the
identity Ananta-Kfila, referring to Hemfidri. The name Ananta might then
secondarily refer to the conquering of time and decay by the devotee who,
like gesa, identifies with the Lord; while gesa's fearful counterpart, the
demonic Kfiliya who was subdued (not killed) by Krsna, might be explained
as Time/Death who holds the untransformed serf in its grip. Both are said
to have lived in or near the banks of the Yamunfi, who is worshipped with
Ananta/gesa in this very ritual.
Also of this vrata, the text occurs in the RBKS (Section III, fol. 253f.); B.
again takes it from the SPS. The Sam.kalpa in RBKS resembles the one
from Varsakriydkaumudf noted by B. (p. 224, n. 135). On some points, the
RBKS is more informative. Thus, it enumerates the fourteen deities of the
knots of the string which play a central role in this ritual, besides several
other gods. There is another characteristic difference. Above the image of

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Sesa made of darbha grass, the worshipper should according to the RBKS
place Ananta in the form of a golden string of 14 knots and, above him,
(the anthropomorphic) Anantadeva holding plough and club. This god can
hardly be different from BalarSxna, but his female partner is Laksmi!
The stanza of the binding of the string given by B. on p. 228 can be
interpreted differently: ananta sam.sdramahdsamudramagnam . . . . B.:
"Ananta, lift [me] up who am sunk in the great ocean of samsfira..." This
might be a current reinterpretation, but the original intention will have been
that one should read (with Kane, o.c., p. 152) anantasamsdra-, cf. again the
Rgvidhdna, 3, 33, 4ab samsdrasdgaram ghoram anantam kledabhdjanam.
Instead of Kane's translation "save (people) sunk in the great and endless
ocean of samsfira...", I propose: "save (me, with B.) who am submerged in
the great ocean of unending samsfira...". The prayer in the next hemistich:
anantarf~pe viniyojayasva "connect me with Ananta's form" lends support to
the assumption that Anantadeva can represent the reoriented self which has
escaped Time by becoming eternal in its own right.
The other book by B., "Worship", describes the worship of Mahfiganapati, a
ten-armed form of Ganega popular in Maharashtra. Her basic source is one
of the most important Tantric ritual monographs, the Nityotsava (Nity.) by
Umfinanda, who flourished about the middle of the eighteenth century. As
far as I know, this is the first time that the Nity. is the subject of an
independent monograph. Umfinanda was a disciple of the famous
Bhfiskararfiya who may be considered the most important Tantric
theoretician of the last few centuries. The Introduction (p. xv--xxxv) deals
with questions regarding Umfinanda, the deity, and the general characteristics of this type of worship, for which see also B.'s article Tantric
Worship of Gane~a according to the Prapaficasdra, in: Z D M G 137, 1987, p.
357--382. On p. xxxvi--xxxviii, there is a concordance of translated
passages from the Nity., compared to the Paraiurdmakalpas~tra (PKS) on
which the Nity. relies heavily. References to the PKS abound therefore in
the book, although a general evaluation of Umfinanda's treatment of this
work is lacking.
After the Introduction, B. presents the relevant text of the second
chapter of the Nity., which describes the worship of Mahfiganapati. A
number code is added for easy reference. There are also several insertions
from the third chapter devoted to gri (i.e. the Tantric goddess of the
grividyf0 whose worship is described in the Nity. with more elaboration.
The reader thus obtains a better idea of the real course of the ritual. This
extended text comprises 30 pages, including the repetitious litanies which

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are not abridged by B. in text or translation (the effect can be rather tiring).
The Sanskrit text has been almost literally taken over from the Baroda
edition by A. Mahadeva Sastri, revised by Swami Trivikrama (4th impr.,
1977). Even the very frequent omission of sandhi, a characteristic of
this edition, has been respected, for example trih arghyaddnam (p. 3);
-mantroksite dsane (p. 9). But: nama iti (p. 9) is written even at the end of
a mantra where the sandhi could better not have been applied. The result is
a somewhat clumsy-looking text, although the edition is done carefully in
other respects. On p. 27, 1.20, no mention is made of the (justified)
emendation of gajdnand- to 'gajdnand- (perhaps already done in the 4th
impression; I could consult only the third impression of 1948).
The translation (p. 37--98) can most profitably be read together with the
Commentary (p. 101--129), which is rather a systematic paraphrase of the
course of the ritual. There are a bibliography (p. 137--142), a verse index,
a good general index (to the entry "principal mantra" on p. 151, add the
page numbers 41 and 105), and forty very helpful photographs and
drawings. The explanatory notes to the photographs are, however, at the
other end of the book. The bibliography does not refer to the Gan.e~agitd,
edited with N-flakantha's commentary by H. N. Apte, Poona 1906 (An. Skt.
Ser., Vol. 52), trsl. Kiyoshi Yoroi, The Hague 1968 (Ph.D. Thesis Utrecht
Univ.).
The book adequately serves the purpose of providing a better access to
this particular form of worship which it describes accurately enough. As in
"Pti]'d", there is much attention to details, especially to ritual gestures, each
of which is carefully described; there are also photographs of them. On the
other hand, the aim has not primarily been to reflect on the ritual's
"essence" or "deep structure" which would be a difficult thing to do indeed.
The uninitiated reader is thus sometimes confronted with bare descriptions
or allusions the deeper meaning of which must escape him. Among these is
the invocation of secondary deities the circumstances of whose incorporation in rituals are still largely unknown. On p. 47, Bhadrakfili and Bhairava
are invoked in the right and left (from the deity's view: left and right) parts
of the door. For Bhadrakfili, B. gives a reference in n. 28 to T. A. Gopinath
Rao's standard work Elements of Hindu Iconography, which appeared in
1914--16. We might want to understand why this goddess here appears as
a deity of the door. Reference to her fearful nature which is apt to keep
demons etc. outside would only partly answer the question. Perhaps there is
a connection with the myth of the destruction of Daksa's sacrifice by
Virabhadra (= Bhairava?) as whose female associate Bhadrakfil7 appears at
VfiyuPur. 30, 140 in an admittedly rather confused description. Also

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according to Kulfirnava T. 10, 51, Bhadrakfili is Virabhadra's wife. In

Bhaktapur (Nepal), during the Bisket Jatra, Bhadrakfili's festive cart ritually
collides with that of (Akfiga)bhairava (E. Chalier Visuvalingam, Bhairava:
Kotwal ofBenares, p. 10; in: V. P. Verma, ed., Varanasi Through the Ages,
Benares Hindu Univ. 1986, referring to J. F. Vtzies, Les f~tes magiques du
Nepal, Paris 1981). The appearance of this redoubtable pair as door-deities
testifies to their "taming" by a higher god and their employment in his
service. -- In the lintel of the same door, Lambodara resides who could
better not outrightly be identified with Gan.apati 03., n. 29), but rather
characterized as a partial manifestation which hypostatizes one of that god's
characteristics.
On p. 49 of "Worship", a kind of obstacle called bheddvabhdsaka- is
ritually removed. For these vighnas, B. (n. 40) refers to PKS 8, 8 where the
variant bheddvabhdsinah occurs. This does not help us much, because there
is no further explanation in the PKS or its commentary by Rfirnegvara. B.
translates bheddvabhdsakdn vighndn utsdrayet (Nity. text, p. 9) with "he
should expel the obstacles which distinctly appear . . . (to belong to the
earth etc.)". This must be wrong. As the original meaning I suggest: "... the
obstacles which cause (the wrong idea of) difference (between self and
deity) to appear". Reference could be made to PKS 3, 14: apasarpantu...
ye bhittd vighnakartdrah. . . . iti tdlatrayam dattvd devyahambhdvayuktah
"saying: 'those Bhfitas who create obstacles should run a w a y . . . ' , he should
thrice clap his hands, being conscious of his identity with the Goddess".
Here, Rfime~vara is not silent: aham updsya devyabhinna iti bhdvayitvd,
making use of the root bhid- to express the negation of this identity. The
term bheddvabhdsa, by the way, occurs in Abhinavagupta's Tantrdloka (9,
150) as the essence of God's Mfiyfi being a "differential reflection". -- On p.
56, n. 65, for the eight deities of speech, reference is made to the PKS and
another text. They occur also in the Nity. itself on p. 75, 1--9 (3rd ed.).
For B.'s translations, alternatives might be suggested here and there, but
these usually concern small details or a slight improvement of the English.
A more poetical diction might have been chosen on p. 87 (from a statement
of rewards in the last stanza of a Gan.apatistotra), where the passage

tasya ~rir atuld svasiddhisahitd ~ri~dradd sdradd

sydtdm, tatparicdrike
has been rendered by: "he will indeed have as his attendants incomparable
wealth (and) the sacred learning that gives strength...". A translation like
"The incomparable Goddess of W e a l t h . . . and the venerable Goddess of
Learning Who offers strength, will be his attendants" would have been more

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297

respectful to these divine ladies and more delightful to the devotee; but one
may think otherwise.
In translating mantras, one should be very careful with changes of
sequence. On p. 56 of "Worship", "grim gim. svdhd to the index fingers and
to the head" renders d.g. tarjanigirase svdhd. It would be preferable to
maintain svdhd, which is supposed to accompany the actual offering, at the
end of the utterance (cf. "Pftjd", p. 193). A second question here is whether
we would not do better to translate: "... to the index fingers/the head" or
"... to the head (embodied in) the index fingers", because of the singular
-iirase; but the mantric grammar is often aberrant. -- p. 70, 1.22
svdgrddiprddaksinyena "clockwise from his point", better "clockwise from
(the point which lies) in front of himself". -- p. 96, 1.7f. In the stanza
translated here, ~ivddyavaniparyantam refers to the 36 Tattvas, Brahmddistambasamyutam to living beings; and Kdldgnyddi~ivdntam to worlds, not
"from the fire at the end of the w o r l d . . . " (B.), but "from (the lowest sphere
called) the Fire of Destruction...". The same expression is often found in
Agamic texts, see e.g. Soma~ambhupaddhati on initiation, 5, 2; ed. H.
Brunner, Vol. iii, Pondicherri 1977, p. 453. In this connection the question
might be raised whether it would not be desirable to try to translate some
of the proper names of secondary divinities, in order to render their
meaning accessible to non-Sanskritists who might be expected to consult the
book (for instance, historians of religion or anthropologists). In "Worship",
interesting names such as Tivrfi etc. (p. 70; nine gaktis of Mahfigar).apati) or
Dharma etc. (p. 71) are left untranslated and without comment. -- In the
expression brahmddistambasamyutam, -stamba- has surprisingly been
translated as 'small insect', with ref. to a commentary. I could not find this
meaning in the dictionaries. The usual meaning is 'tuft of grass', or related
concepts, even in the expression stambagh(a)na-, cf. Amara 3, 2, 35 and the
commentary quoted in gabdakalpadruma V, p. 432: trn.ddyunmgdanakdrikhanitrddih. The synonym trna- is also found in givaPur, Bareli ed., p.
640, vs. 19a brahmdditrn,aparyantam.
An apt translation is "having veiled" for avagunt.hya (" Worship", p. 62),
although B.'s reference to R~tme~vara's onesided comment on this term
(comm. on PKS 2, 5, ed. A. Mahadeva Sastri, 1923 impression, p. 89) calls
for a little precision. Essentially, avagu.nthana as a ritual act has a protective
function generally associated with the Afiga called Kavaca "Armour". Cf.
Mrgendrdgama, Kriydpdda, 6, 26 varmaraksitam, comm. kavacendvakun, thitam (variant kun.t.h- for gunth-), and other places in the same text, see H.
Brunner's translation, Pondicherri 1985, Index, sub Varma. As the
commentator Bhatta Nftr~yanakantha remarks on Mrg,~gKr 3, 10, all the

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six Aflgas were originally conceived as protective in nature (cf. the

previously mentioned article by Brunner, Les Membres de ~qiva, p. 107).
Protection by Kavaca suggests a purely defensive concealment of the body
(in contradistinction to protection by Astra). This is why the function of the
Armour is also often paraphrased by the term dvarana or other formations
from d-vr- "to envelope, conceal", an activity which is generally ascribed to
Mfiyfi(gakti), for instance in Paramdrthasdra 15, quoted by Rfirnegvara on
PKS 1, 5. The same activity is sometimes called dcchddana "covering"
(Rfime~vara, 1.c.; Netratantra 21, 16); i.e. the pure reality of the self is
concealed from those who are without insight. Rfime~vara's explanation of
kavacendvakun, t.hya (PKS 2, 5, as noted above) is therefore not wholly
adequate: anyatragamanagaktirahitam, krtvd "having deprived (the deity) of
its power to go somewhere else". Instead, B. could have referred to
Trcabhdskara 3, 4, 14 quoted by herself in "Worship", p. 118, n. 47:
avagunthanam ayogyadrs.tyavisayatvdpddanam "veiling is ensuring that (the
deity) is not the object of improper looks" (trsl. B.); we are reminded of the
seclusion of the Achaemenidian (also of Indian?) kings during their meals.
The author has done a good job by attacking these at first sight
unattractive ritual manuals. On closer inspection they open up interesting
vistas on important aspects of Hindu religiosity; and despite a few
imperfections here and there, these two books, without giving the final
picture, serve as reliable guides which can profitably be consulted by
anyone who wishes to acquaint himself with the subject. It is to be hoped
that Mrs Biihnemann will be enabled to continue her research in this field.

Utrecht

TEUN GOUDRIAAN

Willem B. Bollre, Studien zum Sryagada. Teil II. Textteile, Nijjutti, lJbersetzung und Anmerkungen (Schriftenreihe des Sfidasien-Instituts der
Universit~it Heidelberg, Band 31). Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, 1988. IX, 302 pp. DM, 98,--.
Volume one of Bollre's Studien was published in 1977 (cf. IH 22, 1980,
pp. 75--77). It dealt with two sections 1.1.1--4 and 2.1.13--34. The present
volume studies the following sections: 1.2. 1--3, 1.3.1--4 and 1.4.1--2
and Nijjutti 36--61. These sections have been translated by Jacobi and
Schubring} The fourth chapter of the second khandha was edited and
translated by Alsdorf} Both Jacobi and Schubring added only a few notes
to their translations, but Alsdorf tried to fully explain his readings and
Indo-Iranian Journal 34: 1991.

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299

translations. Boll6e's translation improves greatly upon the previous ones

and even upon Alsdorf's recent translation of 1.4.1--2. Volume one has
been highly praised by leading specialists in Jain studies and without doubt
the present volume will be received similarly?
As in the previous volume, a detailed bibliography (pp. 187--197) is
included. However, it does not comprise all the publications quoted by
Boll6e. It is followed by an index of words (pp. 198--224) and an index,
and reverse index, of pfidas (pp. 225--233, 234--242). The Nijjutti glossary
comprises both the part edited and translated in volume I (N 1--35) and
that edited and translated in volume II (pp. 243--250). Also welcome are
the indices locorum to volume II (pp. 259--266) and to volume I (pp.
287--293). An index lists the quotations from the Cfirni and the Tikfi (pp.
267--273). There is also a long list of corrigenda and addenda to volume
one (pp. 274--286). In 1983 Boll6e published an article on traditional
Indian ideas on feet in literature and artJ A subject index which was
missing in the original publication is included, together with corrigenda (pp.
294--299). The book ends with addenda to volume two (pp. 300--301)
and to the index locorum of volume two (p. 302).
It is very instructive to compare the translations by Jacobi, Schubring,
Alsdorf and Boll~e because it shows how the same passage has often been
interpreted differently. The last word will never be said and, as Boll6e
rightly remarks, each attempt is capable of improvement. In most instances,
Boll6e's rendering is more convincing than those of his predecessors but in
some cases it is possible to suggest a different interpretation.
The first half of 1.2.2.12 reads: ege care thdna-m-dsane sayane ege
samdhie siyd. Bollde translates: "Alleine soll der M6nch seine asketischen
Ubungen abhalten und K6rperstellungen einnehmen; alleine soll er auf
(oder: bei) seinem Lager sitzend meditieren." Boll6e considers thdna and
dsana to be to some degree synonymous. In his review of volume one
Norman pointed out that neuter forms in -e are not accusative but must be
either nominative or locative. We have here certainly three locatives; t.hdna
followed by a samdhi-consonant stands for thdne. It is not possible to
separate t.hdna and dsana from sayane. It is also most unlikely that a monk
should meditate on or near his couch. The Tikfi explains: sarvdsv apy
avasthdsu caranasthdndsana~ayanar@dsu rdgadvesavirahdt samdhita eva sydd
iti. Accordingly I would like to suggest the following translation: "Alone, he
should be engaged in standing, sitting and lying; alone he should meditate."
1.2.2.14 says that a monk should bear pleasant and unpleasant things, i.e.
caragd aduvd vi bheravd aduvd tattha sarisivd siyd. Boll6e translates: "ob es
dann Wanderer(?) oder Schlangen sind, die ihm Schrecken einfl6ssen."

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Jacobi translated: "be there insects, or wild beasts, or snakes." Schubring

agrees with Jacobi: "Insekten oder furchtbare [Tiere], oder Schlangen, [die]
da etwa sind." Boll6e cites an interesting P~li parallel: Sam.yutta-Nik~ya
1.106.31: carakd bah(t bheravd bah~t / atho dams d sirimsapd bah(t. Whatever
the interpretation of the P~li verse may be, the Jain text clearly mentions
three items and one fails to see how it would be possible that bheravd
would qualify both caragd and sarisivd. Boll6e remarks that caraka designates a wanderer both in Ardham~gadhi and in P~li but this meaning does
not seem appropriate in the context. There are two Chinese translations of
the P~li text and neither of them mentions a wanderer (Taish6 Daiz6ky6,
vol. II, pp. 285b and 382b). It is more likely that caraga is a kind of
creeping animal and bherava a terrifying wild beast.
In 1.2.2.16 Boll6e translates no abhikankheffa fiviyam by "Er soil nicht
um sein Leben f/irchten." Jacobi likewise has: "he should not fear for his
life." However, Jacobi translates abhikankheffd in ,~y~ranga 1.7.8.4 by 'long
for': "He should not long for life, nor wish for death." Likewise Schubring:
"so soll er nicht zu leben begehren, aber auch zu sterben nicht verlangen."
1.4.2.2: aha tam tu bheyam dvannam mucchiyam, bhikkhd kdma,maivattam / palibhindiydnd to pacchd pdy'uddhattu muddhi pahananti. Boll6e
translates: "Den t6richten M6nch freilich, wenn er nun einmal, von Liebe
fiberw~iltigt, sein Gelfibde gebrochen hat, den (tam.) beschimpfen sie (sc. die
Frauen) dann sp~iter, heben ihren Fuss und treten ihm an den Kopf." Boll6e
does not comment upon kdma-m-aivattam. His translation is the same as
those given by Jacobi ("absorbed by that passion") and Alsdorf ("overwhelmed by love"). Schubring gives a different translation: "fiber die [erste]
Lust hinaus ist." The monk is certainly scolded by the women because he
has overcome (ativrtta) his love and Schubring seems to me to have rightly
interpreted the word aivatta. This verse reminds us of the famous lines of
William Congreve: "Heav'n has no rage, like love to hatred turn'd, Nor Hell
a fury, like a woman scorn'd."
In 1.4.2.4 the women say to the monk: "aldu-cheya pehehi, vaggu-phaldi
dhardhi" tti. Boll6e rejects the translations of his predecessors and prefers
to interpret cheda as "deprivation, want': "Siehe, dass wir keine Flaschengurken mehr haben, bring sch6ne (neue) Friichte." It seems more likely that
cheda has here the meaning of a piece: "See (this) piece of bottle-gourd,
bring nice fruits."
Let me conclude with a few minor points. P. 81, line 4, read yonisu for
yaun~u. P. 88, note 6 says that accddanna is missing in PSM (i.e. P~dasadda-mah.an.o.avo. PSM is not found in the list of abbreviations). However,
PSM has ddan. na --- dkula, vydkula. P. 110, note 2: udaka-rahitd gartd "eine

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301

von Wasser verborgene H6hle." Rather "a hole destitute of water." P. 157:
Bollre says that he does not understand Schubring's translation of patthuyd
in missi-bhdva patthuyd ege "durch freundliche Aufnahme zu geselligem
Verkehr bewogen." Schubring explains in a note his translation of patthuya
(Skt. prastuta): Wrrtlich etwa: "in den Zustand der Gemeinschaft hineingelobt." The dictionaries do not give this meaning for pra-stu- and Schubring's
translation is certainly unacceptable. On p. 164 one must correct in line 8
pr.sthdh to pr.stdh and in line 11 pr.sthdh, to spr.s.t.dh..
In his preface Bollre writes that this volume is probably the last of the
five originally planned. It is very much to be hoped that this will not be the
last volume and that Boll4e will continue his valuable research on the
Sfiyagad.a. We will all await with impatience the publication of the next
volume!
NOTES
H. Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Part II. Oxford, 1895; W. Schubring, Worte Mahdviras. GrttingenLeipzig, 1926.
2 L. Alsdorf, 'Itthiparinnfi:A chapter of Jain monastic poetry, edited as a contribution to
Indian prosody', IIJ 2 (1958), pp. 249--270 = Kleine Schrifien (Wiesbaden, 1974), pp.
193--214.
3 Cf. Colette Caillat, Numen XXVI (1979), pp. 106--110; K. R. Norman, 'Sfiyagadamga
Studies', WZKS XXV (1981), pp. 195--203.
4 Traditionell-indischeVorstellungen fiber die Ffisse in Literatur und Kunst', Beitriige zur
allgemeinen und vergleichenden Archiiologie 5 (1983), pp. 227--281.

Australian National University

J. W. DE JONG

Siegfried Lienhard, Nepalese Manuscripts. Part 1: Nevfiri and Sanskrit

(Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriflen in Deutschland, Band
XXXIII, 1). Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, GmbH., 1988.
XXXIII, 222 pp., 16 pl. DM 174.Nevfir/belongs to the Tibeto-Burman family of languages and was for many
centuries the main language of Nepal until it was replaced by NepSli, an
Indo-Aryan language, after the conquest of the valley of Kathmandu by gfih
Prthvi Nfirfiyan in 1768. There is a rich literature in Nevfir/but it is still
largely unknown. Siegfried Lienhard has made important contributions to
the study of Nevfiri literature and we must be glad that he has undertaken
the task to describe the Nevfiff manuscripts in the State Library of Berlin.
In this work he has been assisted by Thakur Lala Manandhar.

Indo-lranian Journal 34: 1991.

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In a very instructive introduction Lienhard gives a brief history of Nevfiri

literature, followed by an explanation of the work of the scribes, the writing
materials and the alphabets, information on the arrangement of the catalogue and a bibliography.
According to Lienhard the Nev~ri collection described by him does not
comprehend very old Nevar manuscripts but is nevertheless very representative of significant parts of the literary production of the Nevars. The
whole corpus of manuscripts has been arranged in fourteen sections. The
largest number of manuscripts are to be found in the sections Ritual,
Hymns and Songs as well as Narrative literature. Many manuscripts deal
with mantras, dhdranis and similar topics or are legal documents. Areas
represented scarcely or not at all are Dharmagdstra, Painting and Architecture, Drama, Kdma~dstra, Mathematics and Lexicography. This volume
covers a period of almost four hundred years (N.E. 678 to N.E. 1064).
According to Lienhard the earliest text in Nevfiri cure Sanskrit is a legal
document of the Rudravarnamahfivihfira in Patan, which is dated Nepal Era
235 (1115 A.D.). A great number of bilingual manuscripts in both Sanskrit
and Nevfiri were written during the latter part of the 14th century and the
15th century. Classical Nevfiri became a medium for a native literary tradition in the 16th century.
The beginning and end of each manuscript is quoted followed by the
colophons. The texts of the legal documents have been transcribed in
extenso. The catalogue describes 58 legal documents, 8 of which relate to
donations and 40 to sales. The section on Narrative Literature comprises 19
Buddhist manuscripts (Avaddnas), 17 Hindu manuscripts (Vratakathds) and
11 non-religious texts (~ukasaptati, Tantrdkhydna and Vetdlapahcavimgati).
The section on Ritual comprises 52 texts, divided into Buddhist (32 texts),
Hindu (18 texts) and two rituals concerning house building. The total
number of manuscripts described in this volume is 263.
In his preface Siegfried Lienhard expresses the hope that this volume will
soon be followed by other volumes describing further manuscripts from the
Kathmandu Valley. There is no doubt that on completion this catalogue and
the catalogue of Nevfiri manuscripts in the National Archives in Kathmandu
which is being prepared by J. L. Vaidya will lay the foundation of future
studies of Nevgtri literature in its many aspects.

Australian National University

J.w. DE JONG

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303

Franqois Bizot, Les traditions de la pabbajjd en Asie du Sud-Est.

Recherches sur le bouddhisme khmer, IV (Abhandlungen der Akademie
der Wissenschaften in G6ttingen, PhiL-hist. KI., Dritte Folge Nr. 169).
G6ttingen, Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1988. 149 pp., 9 photographies.
DM 78,-Le travail de M. Frangois Bizot fait partie d'une 6tude sur le caract~re des
communautds bouddhiques d'Asie sud-orientale. La deuxi~me et la
troisi~me parties traiteront de l'ajustement monastique et des asc&es
bouddhistes non-bhikkhu. Bien que le sous-titre sugg~re que ce travail ne
s'occupe que du bouddhisme khmer, M. Bizot 6tudie les nikdya du
Theravfida dans toute l'Asie du Sud-Est et son travail met en lumi~re
beaucoup d'aspects mal connus de l'histoire des nikdya du XIIIe sibcle
jusqu'5 nos jours.
M. Bizot commence par expliquer les trois traditions de la pabbajjd en
Asie du Sud-Est, celle du Mahfinikfiya en usage chez les Khmers, les Tha'is
(y compris ceux du Yunnan), les Laos, les Shans et les M6ns de Birmanie
et de Thailande, celle du Dhammayutinikfiya fond~ en 1829 et celle du
Sudhammanikfiya en Birmanie. M. Bizot publie les formules de ces trois
traditions et signale les diff6rences dans la r6daction de la pabbaffd qui se
manifestent dans le premier mot: okgtsa, esdham et sakalavat.t.a respectivement et dans la prononciation des formules de la prise en refuge en les
Trois joyaux. Les 6glises traditionnelles ont conserv6 une double prononciation, d'abord avec des times nasalis6es en - m e t ensuite avec les times
nasalis6es en -m. Le Dhammayutinikfiya enseigne uniquement la prononciation en -m.
Ces deux prononciations sont d6ja enseign~es par Buddhaghosa qui
permettait le choix entre ces deux prononciations. Le principe d'une
prononciation unique repr6sente l'orthodoxie du Mahfivihfira jusqu'~t la
fondation du Syfimopfilivarn.gika Mahfinikfiya au XVIIIe sibcle. A partir de
cette date le clerg~ singhalais enseignait une double prononciation du refuge
conform6ment a la r6daction qui avait cours au Siam.
Dans les chapitres suivants M. Bizot 6tudie l'introduction graduelle de
l'introduction des traditions du Mahfivihfira dans la p6ninsule indochinoise.
Un tableau (p. 120) illustre l'histoire compliqu6e des traditions de la
pabbajjd telle qu'elle a ~t~ trac6e par M. Bizot. Dans le chapitre final
"Conclusions" M. Bizot s'occupe plus sp6cialement de l'histoire du
bouddhisme dans l'empire angkorien et rectifie sur plusieurs points l'expos~
de Coed,s dans Les peuples de la pgninsule indochinoise. I1 6tudie
l'expression mahdydnasthavira qui se rencontre dans l'inscription de Sal
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Sung, datte de 1022--1025, et la question de la coutume des feuilles de

sired pour dtlimiter l'aire des ordinations.
L'ouvrage de M. Bizot est bas6 sur l'ttude d'un grand nombre de
manuscrits et des observations de terrain non seulement au Cambodge mals
aussi en Thailande, en Birmanie, au Laos et h Ceylan. I1 falt bien ressortir
les complexitts de l'histoire du bouddhisme dans la ptninsule indochinoise.
Ses recherches aident beaucoup h e n 6claircir des points obscurs.
I1 n'y a que de rares fautes d'impression. P. 19 corriger indroduit en
introduit. P. 113, note 3 corriger Waters en Watters. Dans la mtme note
(ligne 19 d'en bas) il faut corriger prit en prise: Celle-ci correspondralt dts
lors h celle des Sthavira prise comme dtsignation collective des diff&entes
sectes du Theravfida sans distinction. La liste des ouvrages citts n'explique
pas Boisselier 1965 et 1969 (cf. pp. 104 et 111). L'abrtviation EHS 10 (p.
60) ne se trouve pas dans la liste des abrtviations off il faut corriger EHS
en EHS 10.

Australian National University

J. W. D E J O N G

Ernst Waldschmidt, Ausgewiihlte kleine Schrifien. Herausgegeben von Heinz

Bechert und Petra Kieffer-Piilz (Glasenapp-Stiftung, Band 29). Stuttgart,
Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, 1989. XLI, 464 pp. DM 88,-For his 70th birthday on July 15, 1967 a collection of Waldschmidt's
articles was published (cf. bibliography no. 98). After his 70th birthday
Waldschmidt continued his research with unabated vigour and published
many books and articles (cf. bibliography, nos 99--137). On February 25,
1985 Waldschmidt passed away. The present volume contains articles
published by Waldschmidt after 1967 and a number of contributions which
date from before 1967. The first part is entitled 'Nachrufe und Wissenschaftsgeschichte' (9 items) and comprises detailed obituaries of Emil Sieg
and Sir John Marshall. The second part contains two contributions to the
history of Indian art. The third part, entitled 'Buddhistlsche Literatur aus
Zentralasien', contains no less than twenty articles, mostly editions of
Sanskrit Turfan manuscripts. The volume ends with an article on 'The
Influence of Buddhism on German Philosophy and Poetry' (pp. 432--444).
The editors have added a detailed bibliography which includes also
reviews of Waldschmidt's publications. This has not been done before in the
publications of the Glasenapp-Stiftung and one can only hope that this
example will be followed in future volumes. For instance, nobody can
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305

neglect the important reviews of Waldschmidt's editions of the Mahaparinirvfin.asfitra, the Catusparisatsfitra and the Mahavadgmasfitra by Franklin
Edgerton, and the careful scrutiny of his publications on Rgtgamfil~ painting
by Harold Powers in a review article: 'Illustrated Inventories of Indian
Rgtgamfila Painting', JAOS 100 (1980), pp. 473--493. Omitted from the
bibliography are the translations of Chinese Buddhist texts which
Waldschmidt contributed to Liiders's Bruchstiicke der Kalpangtmand. itikd
des Kumglralgtta (Leipzig, 1926), pp. 77--83, 93--98 and 109--115. In
1929 Waldschmidt published Die Legende vom Leben des Buddha. The
bibliography lists a reprint without giving further details. I have not been
able to see this reprint but it was announced as a 'Vermehrter und
verbesserter Nachdruck' (the original edition has 248 pages, the reprint 266
pages). A detailed index (pp. 445--461) and a list of Addenda et
Corrigenda (pp. 463--464) enhance the Usefulness of this volume which is a
fitting tribute to the memory of a great scholar.
Australian National University

J. W. DE J O N G

Gustav Roth, Indian Studies. Selected Papers. Edited by Heinz Bechert and
Petra Kieffer-Pfilz. Delhi, Sri Satguru Publications, 1986. XXXV, 468 pp.,
29 plates. Rs. 500
Indian Studies, published on the occasion of Gustav Roth's seventieth
birthday (22.1.1986), contains a bibliography, twenty-seven articles and
eight reviews. Roth's publications comprise two books, one an edition,
translation and study of the Malli-Jfifita, the eighth chapter of the
Nfiy~dhammakahfto, the sixth afiga of the gvetfimbara Jaina canon, with
which Roth obtained his Ph.D. in Munich in 1952 (cf. IIJ 29, 1986, pp.
55--57), and the second, an annotated edition of the Bhiksu.~-vinaya of the
Arya-Mahftsfilp. ghika-Lokottaravadins (Patna, 1970). 1 Several articles have a
bearing on the texts studied in these two publications, cf. 'The Similes of the
Entrusted Five Rice-grains and their Parallels' (no. 8) and articles on the
language of the Arya-Mah~sftmghika-Lokottaravfidins (nos. 5, 7 and 24). In
1955 Roth visited Nepal for the first time and became interested in the
study of the Buddhist stfipa on which he published several articles (nos. 22
and 23 and an article not reproduced in this volume, cf. Bibliography no.
12). During his stay in Canberra Gustav Roth gave a lecture (on the 27th
October 1982) on the 'Structure and Meaning of the Buddhist Stfipa and
Caitya According to Indian Traditions' which has not been published.
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In 1980 Roth published the text of the Patna Dharmapada (cf. pp. 304-350). The addenda et corrigenda list a number of corrections which should
be noted by readers of the original publication. The script on the photo-stat
copy is very small and difficult to decipher and one must admire Roth's
patience in editing this text. It will require the efforts of several scholars to
clarify all the problems posed by this text.
Roth is interested in many aspects of Indian culture as can be seen from
his articles on 'The Woman and Tree Motif' (no. 2), 'The City of Iron in
Ancient Indian Literature and in the Arabian Nights' (no. 3), 'The Birth of
a Saviour related in Buddhist, Christian, Islamic and Jaina Traditions' (no.
25) and 'Legends of Craftsmen in Jaina-Literature' (no. 27). One of the
attractions of this publication is the story of Roth's life and studies as told
by himself (Biodata by the author, pp. IX--XXIV), in which he acknowledges generously the help and assistance he received from many sides.
Gustav Roth has many friends in India and other parts of the world and I
am sure that they will all join me in wishing him a long and fruitful
retirement!
NOTE
l The Bhik.su.ni-Vinaya has been translated by Edith Nolot who has also prepared a list of
corrections, cf. Oskar von Hiniiber, 'Origin and Varieties of Buddhist Sanskrit', Dialectes
dans les littdratures indo-aryennes (Paris, 1989), p. 343, n. 5.

Australian National University

J. W. D E J O N G

Paul Williams, Mahdydna Buddhism. The Doctrinal Foundations. London

-- New York, Routledge, XII, 317 pp. s
In his preface Paul Williams points out the difficulties in attempting to write
a single volume on Mahfiyfina Buddhism. Williams has read widely, as can
be seen from the 15-page bibliography which includes many publications on
Mahfiy~na in English, French and German. No mention is made of the
enormous literature in Japanese on all aspects of Mah~yfina. 1 Williams has
omitted Tantric Buddhism and Zen, but nevertheless his book is the most
comprehensive work on Mahfiyfina in any Western language. Williams does
not only treat Mah~tyfina in India but also in China and Japan. In view of
the fact that he has published several excellent articles on Madhyamaka
philosophy in Tibet, it is rather surprising to see that not very much is said
about Tibetan Buddhism.
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Williams's book comprises ten chapters, an introductory chapter, five

chapters forming part I: Wisdom and four chapters forming part II:
Compassion. One of the topics discussed by Williams in the introduction is
that of the origins of Mahfiyfina and the role of the laity. He refers to the
opinions of Lamotte and Hirakawa who hold the view that lay people were
instrumental in the formation of the Mahfiygma. Williams points out that by
far the majority of Indian
inscriptions associated with making donations and
\
other religious activity towards stfipas were monks and nuns. However,
does this not mean that these monks and nuns had adopted the views and
practices of the lay people? In the MahfiparinibbS_nasuttanta the Buddha
told Ananda that the monks and nuns should not occupy themselves with
honouring the remains of the Tathfigata: avydvatd tumhe Ananda hotha
Tathdgatassa sarfrapujaya. However, Williams does not exclude influence of
the laity and writes: 'q~he Mah~y~na st~tras were clearly the products of
monks, albeit monks whose vision of the Dharma embraced the aspirations
of the laity, and who used lay figures in the sittras to embody a critique of
other monks seen as elitist or perhaps ultra-conservative."
The five chapters of part one are entitled The Perfection of Wisdom
(Prajfi~pfiramitfi) Sfitras, Madhyamaka, Cittam~tra (Mind only), The
tathagatagarbha (Buddha-essence/Buddha-nature) and Hua-yen -- the
Flower Garland tradition. The four chapters of part two deal with The
Saddharmapund. ar~a (Lotus) Sfitra and its influences, The bodies of the
Buddha, The path of the Bodhisattva, and Faith and devotion: the cults of
Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. Williams is a reliable guide in the jungle of
Mahfiyfina doctrines and practices and his book will prove to be very useful
both for the general reader and the scholar. The latter will perhaps not
always agree with the comments made by Williams but he will find his
remarks always worth considering.
NOTE
1 Many important contributions on Mahfiyfina Buddhism are found in the ten volumes of
the K6za Daij6 bukky6 (TSkyS, 1981--1985), edited by Hirakawa Akira, Kajiyama Yfiichi
and Takasaki JikidS.

Australian National University

J . w . DE JONG

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Michael Aris, Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives. A Study of Pemalingpa

(1450--1521) and the Sixth Dalai Lama (1683--1706). London and New
York, Kegan Paul International, 1989, XIV, 278 pp. s
Tibetan literature is rich in biographies and autobiographies, but very few of
them have been studied by Western scholars. In this book Michael Aris
makes a detailed study of the lives of the Bhutanese saint Pemalingpa
(Padma glifl-pa) and of the Sixth Dalai Lama. Pemalingpa is famous for his
discoveries of texts. The present Royal Family of Bhutan descends from
him and the Sixth Dalai Lama was a descendant of his younger brother.
The main source of his life is his autobiography which was completed by
Gyalwa D6ndrup (rGyal-ba Don-grub). Aris studies his previous embodiments, the most important of which are Padmasambhava (8th century) and
Klofl-chen-po (1308--1363), and retells the main events of his life. In a
concluding section Aris tries to explain the personality of Pemalingpa and
his use of deception. Aris rightly points out that there is a peculiar reluctance
on the part of many modern scholars to recognize the entirely fabricated
nature of the Tibetan "treasure-texts". A comprehensive study of the discoverers of treasures would be an important contribution to the study of
Tibetan Buddhism. According to Aris Pemalingpa suffered from a split
personality. He does not hesitate to call him a fraud and a rogue. However
this may be, he is undoubtedly one of the most interesting among the many
colourful figures in which Tibetan Buddhism abounds.
Much more famous is of course the Sixth Dalai Lama, whose love-songs
have been translated many times. The regent Sangye Gyamtso (Safis-rgyas
rGya-mtsho) (1653--1705) 1 concealed the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama
for fifteen years from 1682--1697. The Sixth Dalai Lama was enthroned in
1697, deposed in 1706, and conducted to China. On the way to China he
fell ill and died near Lake Kunganor south of Lake Kokonor. Aris describes
his ancestry and his life according to the Tibetan sources such as the
regent's biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama. The story does not end there
because, according to "The Secret Biography" of the Sixth Dalai Lama
written in 1757 by a Mongolian lama, the Sixth Dalai Lama did not die in
1706 but, disguised as a pilgrim, journeyed to Tibet, China and India and
experienced all kinds of miraculous adventures. From 1716 onwards he
lived mainly in the area of Amdo, Mongolia and Alashan and died in 1746
in the monastery of Jakrung. Aris remarks that there has been a tendency
among several scholars in recent years either to believe the whole story or
to reserve judgment upon it. He refers to two works, one by a Russian and
the other by a Mongolian, which gave full credence to the story. The
Indo-Iranian Journal 34: 1991.

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309

Russian mentioned by Aris, i.e. Bira, is a Mongolian scholar. Aris quotes a

passage from the history of the Amdo monasteries by K6nchok Tenpa
Rabgye and shows that a lama called Ngawang Ch6drak Gyamtso sought to
impersonate the dead Dalai Lama. Aris gives a summary of the "secret" life
of the Dalai Lama and quotes several passages in translation. It is a fascinating story and a full translation of the entire text would certainly be
interesting reading.
In a few instances the text of the passages translated by Aris can perhaps
be interpreted differently. In his preface Aris writes that one of the main
purposes of this study is to communicate the human qualities of these saints
to a rather broader audience. It is therefore understandable that he has
abstained from explaining and justifying the translations in his book. On p.
173 Aris translates: "He forbade them to relate these to others, and to
common folk he would never say anything clear at all." The Tibetan text
has: de'aft g~an-la ma bdad-ces nan-tan che-ba mdzad-pa las dkyus-su cher
gsal-po ye mi gsufts-la (pp. 51--52). Aris renders dkyus-su by "to the
common folk". According to Das's dictionary dkyus-ma means "common,
vulgar, inferior" and mi dkyus-ma "an ordinary man". However, the expression dkyus-su is explained in Chos-grags's dictionary as meaning "in general"
(spyir) or "ordinarily, usually" (thun-moft-du). The same meanings are given
in the Kratkij Tibetsko-russkij slovar' (Moskva, 1963): "usually" (obygno) or
"generally" (voobg(e). This meaning fits the context much better: "usually he
would not say anything clear at all". On p. 197 Aris speaks of "external
pilgrim sites" which makes no sense. The text says that "internally, he
reached the high stage of the wisdom of insight, and, externally, he went to
the great pilgrim sites in order to practice (meditation)" (naft-gi rtogs-pa'i

ye-~es-kyi sa mthon-por g~egs-pa phyi-rol-tu gnas-chen rnams-su spyod-pa la

ggegs-nas, p. 144).
On pages 210--211 Aris quotes a passage in which Kozlov tells about
the embodiments of the Sixth Dalai Lama in Alashan which he visited in
1906. 2 The Buriat G. C. Cybikov (1873--1930) visited Alashan in 1899-1900. On the 15th of December 1899 he passed the night not far from the
monastery Tukumun which was said to have been founded by the Sixth
Dalai Lama. In this connection Cybikov tells the following popular story.
The Sixth Dalai Lama broke his vows and married a woman. She soon
became pregnant and was to bear a son who was destined to become ruler
of the universe. Chinese astrologers found out and told the emperor about
the danger which threatened his dynasty. Alarmed, the emperor summoned
the Dalai Lama to Peking for questioning and gave orders to kill his wife at
once. While on the way to Peking, in fact from Alashan, the disgraced Dalai

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Lama sent the corpse of a fellow-traveller who had died accidentally to the
court, passing it off for himself. He disguised himself as a beggar-monk, hid
himself and wandered incognito to different places in Mongolia, Tibet and
India. Thereupon he began to produce many miracles in Alashan. This was
noticed by Abao, the wife (sic) of the wang (ruler) of Alashan. She recognized him as the Dalai Lama and rendered homage to him. The consideration which the princely court showed him had a powerful effect on the
common people who began to deify the newly discovered Dalai Lama.
Making use of the honour and influence he had acquired, he founded
several monasteries in Alashan including the monastery of Tukumun. 3
Aris deserves great credit for having critically examined the Tibetan
sources which are often accepted at their face value by Western scholars.
His work is an important contribution to the study of a less well-known
aspect of Tibetan Buddhism.
NOTES
1 On p. 123 1653-1703 is a misprint for 1653-1705.
2 The English translation of this passage omits to mention that the elected "honorary priest"
was a seven-year old boy-lama.
3 Buddhist Palomnik u svatyn' Tibeta (Petrograd, 1919), pp. 6--7; G. C. Cybikov, Izbrannye
trudy, I (Novosibirsk, 1981), p. 36.

Australian National University

J. W. DE JONG

Klaus T. Schmidt, Der Schlussteil des Prdtimoksasittra der Sarvdstivddins.

Text in Sanskrit and Tocharisch A verglichen mit den Parallelversionen
anderer Schulen. Auf Grund von Turfan-Handschriften herausgegeben und
bearbeitet (Sanskrittexte aus den Turfanfunden XIII). Abh. d.Ak.d.Wiss, in
Grttingen, Phil.-hist. KI., Dritte Folge nr. 171. Grttingen, Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1989. 113 pp., 4 pl. D M 48,The final part of the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Sarvfistivfidins consists of a
prose passage and a number of verses of which several are also found in
the Udfinavarga. The Sanskrit text was edited by Louis Finot in 1913
together with a translation of the Chinese version of Kumfirajiva by I~douard
Huber (JA 1913, 2, pp. 539--543). A translation in Tokharian A was
published by E. Sieg and W. Siegling in 1921 (Tocharische Sprachreste Nr.
353--354). For his new edition of the Sanskrit text Schmidt has been able
to use a great number of fragments of Tuffan manuscripts. Three fragments

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311

are separately edited (pp. 85--87). The other fragments are all described in
volume I of the Sanskrithandschriften aus den Turfanfunden (Wiesbaden,
1965) and are not separately edited.
Schmidt's synoptic edition comprises the fragments of the Sarvfistivfida
recension in Sanskrit and Tokharian, parallels from other texts (mainly
Dhammapada, Udgma and Udfinavarga) and the texts of other recensions.
Schmidt has corrected wrong readings in the Prfitimoksasfitra of the
Mahfisfirp.ghikalokottarav~dins which was first edited by W. Pachow and R.
Mishra (Allahabad, 1956) and thereafter by N. Tatia (Patna, 1975). Particularly welcome is his new edition of the final part of the Pr~timoksasfitra of
the Mfilasarv~stiv~dins which was very badly edited by A. Ch. Banerjee
(Calcutta, 1954 and 1977). Schmidt's edition of the leaf edited by Finot
marks a great improvement. Schmidt notes that "sich der Umfang des
lesbaren Textes gegenfiber dem von Finot edierten um mehr als 60 Prozent
vermehren l~isst" (!). Edited for the first time by Schmidt are two other
leaves from the collection Pelliot Sanskrit (PSPr 50 and 51) of which the
first does not seem to belong to the Sarv~stivada recension of the Prgttimoksasfitra. According to Schmidt the second probably belongs to the
Pr~timoksasfitra of the Mfilasarv~stiv~dins.
The 'Textbearbeitung' consists of the reconstructed Sanskrit text, the text
of the Tokharian translation, translation of the Sanskrit text and a commentary. In the notes to the translation and in the commentary Schmidt explains
particularities of the Tokharian translation. The word karfie which has
puzzled previous scholars is explained by him as a scribal error for kaksurfte
which corresponds to Tokharian B kekesorfie 'nirvSna'. All words are listed
in two indexes: I. Sanskrit-Tokharian; II. Tokharian-Sanskrit.
Schmidt's edition is done with great competence and leaves nothing to be
desired. In stanza 14ab: yo hy asmim dharmavinaye apramatto bhavisyati
Ms. 1800 and the Udfinavarga text have bhavisyati. However, carisyati is
found in two other manuscripts (88 and 115), and in the Prfitimoksasfitra of
the Mfilasarvfistivfidins. Schmidt remarks: "Hinf~llig ist damit der Erkl~irungsversuch Schmithausens, WZKSO 14 (1970), p. 102. Da ihm nur die
Hs. 88 mit der Lesart "carisyati" bekannt war, hatte er vermutet, dass die
Strophen 13 und 14 erst nachtriiglich aus dem Prfitimoksasfitra der Mfi.
/ibernommen worden seien." The fact that two Sanskrit manuscripts have
caris.yati shows that Schrnithausen's supposition remains quite well possible.
Moreover, as pointed out by Schmithausen, stanzas 13 and 14 are missing
in Kumfirajiva's translation. Schmithausen did not say that they were taken
from the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mfilasarvfistivfidins but that "diese Erweiterung vom Prfit. Mfi. angeregt worden sein k6nnte". Stanzas 13 and 14 are

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typical cases of 'floating' stanzas. They are quoted together eight times in
the Divyfivadfma and once in the Avadfmagataka (cf. Bernhard's edition of
the Ud~navarga, G6ttingen, 1965, p. 138). It is interesting to note that the
readings bhavisyati and carisyati are both found in the Udfinavarga (cf.
Schmithausen, op. cit., p. 91) and in the manuscripts of the Pr~timoksasfitra
of the Sarvfistivfidins. It is probably only due to the fact that the edition of
the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mfilasarvfistivfidins is based upon a single manuscript that the reading bhavisyati is not recorded for this text.
In the prose passage Schmidt adds between parentheses the words idstuh
idsanam dipayamdnaih, although they are absent from the two manuscripts
1490 and PSPr 1.22. However, they are found in the Tokharian translation
and in the Prfitimoksasfitra of the Mahfisftrp.ghikalokottaravfidins. Schmidt
points out that here the text of the Mfilasarvfistivfida recension I diverges
from that of the other recensions. This is true for the Sanskrit text and the
Tibetan translation but not for the Chinese translation which agrees with
the Sarvfistivfida recension (cf. Taish6 Daiz6ky6, vol. 24, p. 507b25--26).
In the Chinese translation of the Pr~timoksasfitra of the Mahfis~up.ghikas the
whole passage from tatra to viharantehi is missing (ibid., vol. 22, p. 555b).
This shows how complicated the relationship between the different recensions in Sanskrit and other languages is. The oldest testimonies are the
Chinese translations but they have to be handled with care. For instance,
Kumfirajiva'stranslation of verses 1--12 is identical with that of the same
verses in the Prfitimoksasfitras of the Mahigfisakas (ibid., vol. 22, p. 206a--b
and p. 555b--556a). A different translation is found only in the case of the
Prfitimoksasfitra of the Dharmaguptakas which comprises stanzas 1--7 and
9 (ibid., vol. 22, p. 1030a--b).
NOTES
t For a parallel passage see Safigitisfitra VI.17.1c (Valentina Stache Rosen, Dogmatische

Begriffsreihen im h'lteren Buddhismus, Teil 1, Berlin, 1968, p. 167).

Australian National University

J . w . DE JONG

Geng Shimin und Hans-Joachim Klimkeit, Das Zusammentreffen mit Maitreya.

Die ersten ffinf Kapitel der Hami-Version der Maitrisimit. In Zusammenarbeit mit Helmut Elmer und Jens Peter Laut herausgegeben, iibersetzt und
kommentiert (Asiatische Forschungen, Band 103). Wiesbaden, Otto HarrasIndo-lranian Journal 34:1991.

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313

sowitz, 1988. Teil I: Text, Ubersetzung und Kommentar. XII, 333 pp.; Tell
II: Faksimiles und Indices. 120 pp. DM 198,In 1957 and 1961 Annemarie von Gabain published facsimiles of fragments
of an Uigur work Maitrisimit nom bitig which had been found by German
Turfan expeditions in Sgngim and Murtuq. In two Beihefte she gave an
analysis of the contents, and a survey of parallel texts. In 1980 ~inasi Tekin
published a transliteration and an annotated translation of all fragments
(Maitrisimit nom bitig. 2 volumes). Another manuscript was discovered in
1959 in Hami. It consists of 293 folios of which 114 are complete or
almost complete. The text has the form of a ndtaka and comprises 28
chapters, an introductory chapter and 27 chapters. The present work contains the introductory chapter and chapters 1--4. Other chapters have been
published separately, namely chapters 16, 10 and 11.1
According to the colophons the text was translated from an Indian
original into the Toxri language by a Vaibhfisika master Aryacandra and
from the Toxr'i language into the Turkish language by Prajfifiraksita. A few
fragments of the Toxr'i (Tokharian A, or East Tokharian, or Agnean) text
have been published by E. Sieg and W. Siegling (Tocharische Sprachreste, I,
1921), but all Tokharian fragments have not yet been published. According
to the Introduction an extensive manuscript of the Tokharian text was
discovered in the nineteen-sixties in Sinkiang and is being studied by
Chinese scholars. It is to be hoped that this text will be made available in
facsimile. A Khotanese version, entitled Maitreya-samiti, has been edited by
Ernst Leumann and Ronald Emmerick. Once the Turkish and Tokharian
texts have been edited and translated, it will be possible to compare these
three Central Asian versions with Indian and other sources on Maitreya. On
p. 2 of the Introduction the editors write that the historicisation of the
future Buddha in the Turkish recension is due to Iranian or gnostic, and
especially Manichaean influence. On p. 225 a note to the translation states
that "diese Ubiquifiit der leidenden Seele mutet stark manich/iisch an."
However, the text does not mention a suffering soul, and the idea of a
"Leidende Seele" is utterly foreign to Buddhism. Much has been written
about Iranian influences on Buddhist conceptions of the paradise and the
future Buddha but it is easier to speculate about influences than to prove
them.
The text has been carefully transcribed and translated. All Buddhist
terms are explained in the notes in so far as they have been identified.
Many names and terms remain obscure. For instance, the text mentions a
srwapa~antik sacrifice (pp. 79 and 83). In a note this is explained as repre-

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senting Sanskrit sarva-pdsand, ika. An "All-heretic" sacrifice seems rather

strange and perhaps pagantik represents Sanskrit praidntika "pacifying".
Thanks to the Hami manuscript it has become possible to identify many
formerly unidentified folios or fragments of the Turfan manuscript. The
editors have used the Turfan manuscript in order to fill gaps but have
refrained from establishing a text based upon both manuscripts. In several
places Te!dn's translation has been revised by them.
The second volume contains facsimiles and two indexes. The first index
lists the Turkish words but without indicating their meanings as had been
done by Tekin in his index of the Maitrisimit nom bitig. The index does not
comprise all occurrences of the most common words and does not contain
the words which occur in the Erg~azungsblfitter (pp. 280--299), folios
which were identified after completion of the manuscript. The second index
lists Sanskrit names and words.
It is perhaps unavoidable that the other chapters are published separately
in journals, although this makes it more difficult to study the text. It is to be
hoped that the publication of all chapters of the Hami version will be
followed by a critical edition based on all available manuscript materials
and accompanied by a complete Turkish-German glossary.
The editors and translators have been able to profit from the advice of
several scholars. They have done excellent work in making these chapters
available to both Turcologists and to students of Buddhism.
NOTES
1 Geng Shimin und H.-J. Klimkeit, 'Das 16. Kapitel der Hami-Version der Maitrisimit',
Journal of Turkish Studies 9 (1985), pp. 71--132 [not seen]; Geng Shimin, H.-J. Klimkeit
und J. P. Laut, '"Der Herabstieg des Bodhisattva Maitreya vom Tusita-Gttterland zur Erde".
Das 10. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrift der Maitrisimit', Altorientalische Forschungen 14
(1987), pp. 350--367; Geng Shimin, H.-J. Klimkeit und J. P. Laut, '"Das Erscheinen des
Bodhisattva". Das 11. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrift der Maitrisimit', ibid. 15 (1988), pp.
315--366.

Australian National University

J. W. D E J O N G

Samten Gyaltsen Karmay, The Great Perfection. A Philosophical and

Meditative Teaching of Tibetan Buddhism. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1988. X1V,
257 pp. 20 plates. 110 guilders.
rDzogs-chen, The Great Perfection, is the name of a Tibetan religious
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315

movement which has played an important role both in Tibetan Buddhism

and in the Bon religious tradition. Its character has been often misunderstood as having been greatly influenced by the Ch'an school of 'The Sudden
Path' which was known in Tibet in the eighth century. This school was
represented by the Chinese master Hva-shang Mahfiyfina who was defeated
in a famous debate by the Indian master Kamalagila who propagated 'The
Gradual Path'. The doctrines of The Great Perfection were adopted by the
adherents of the school of the Ancients, the rlqifi-ma-pa, who were
considered as 'unorthodox' by the other Buddhist schools. As Karmay
remarks, rDzogs-chen is the only doctrine that has been adhered to not
only by the rlqifl-ma-pa but also by non-Buddhists, the Bonpo.
Karmay's book is mainly concerned with the beginnings and the early
period in the history of The Great Perfection. Part One deals with the
legend of Vairocana, a translator living in the latter part of the eighth
century, who is considered to have introduced rDzogs-chen into Tibet from
India. The main source for the life of Vairocana is the Vairo 'dra-bag to
which Tucci briefly referred in his Minor Buddhist Texts, Part II (Roma,
1958, pp. 114--115). From the study of this work and other sources
Karmay concludes that Vairocana had a real existence and that his being
associated with rDzogs-chen goes back to the tenth century.
In Part Two Karmay publishes the text and translation of three
documents on rDzogs-chen from Tun-huang. The first two were discovered
by him among the Tibetan Tun-huang documents in the India Office
Library (IOL 647 and 594). An important source for the study of the
rDzogs-chen is the bSam-gtan mig-sgron by gNubs Safls-rgyas ye-ges which
according to Karmay was probably written in the late tenth century. It
describes the doctrines of the Gradualists (Rim-gyis-pa), of the Simultaneists (Cig-car-ba), of the Mahfiyoga tantras and of the rDzogs-chen.
Karmay shows that the Blon-pa bka'-tha/t, the fifth section of the bKa'-thah
sde-hia, which contains an account of the Cig-car-ba tradition depends on
the bSam-gtan mig-sgron and that for the understanding of the Blon-po'i
bka'-thati it is necessary to compare it with the bSam-gtan mig-sgron. In
chapters three and four Karmay studies the Cig-car-ba tradition and the
rDzogs-chen doctrine as described in the bSam-gtan mig-sgron. The last
chapter of Part Two is devoted to the study of the Theg-pa chen-po'i tshulla yug-pa written by Rofi-zom Pan.d.ita Chos-kyi bzafl-po in the latter half
of the eleventh century with the aim of defending rDzogs-chen against
attacks by opponents. Karmay remarks that this work is the most important
treatise on rDzogs-chen written in the eleventh century that has come to
light.

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The rlqifl-ma-pa school distinguishes two different traditions of rDzogschen, one introduced by Vairocana and the other by Padmasambhava. The
only extant work attributed to Padmasambhava is the Man-hag lta-ba'i
'phreh-ba which is edited and translated by Karmay in chapter six. The
principal source of this work is the gSah-ba shih-po, translated into Tibetan
in the eighth century. It teaches the practices of sexual union (sbyor) and of
deliverance (sgrol) which were proscribed in the beginning of the eleventh
century by 1Ha Bla-ma Ye-ges-'od, king of mNa'-ris. The following chapter
analyses the main doctrines of the rDzogs-chen such as 'The Primordial
Basis (gdod-ma'i ggi), the Dharmakfiya (chos-sku), the conception of
Kung~i, and the theory of the 'Rainbow Body' ('ja'-lus). In chapter eight
Karmay deals briefly with some Bonpo works relating to rDzogs-chen and
discusses the conception of light as the source of the phenomenal world.
The following chapter studies the three trends of the rDzogs-chen of the
rlC,lifl-ma-pas, the Sems-sde, the Klofl-sde and the Man-flag@ sde or slqiflthig 'Heart Drop'. The last one became widely practised, especially after the
fourteenth century, among the rlqifl-ma-pas. This doctrine was systematically developed by one of the greatest Tibetan scholars, Klofi-chen rab'byams (1308--1363), in his Theg-mchog mdzod and other works. The last
chapter deals with the 'rediscovery' of rDzogs-chen texts by ri'7,1ifl-ma-pa and
Bonpo masters and with transformations of Bonpo texts into Buddhist ones
and vice-versa.
It is the great merit of this book that Karmay clearly explains the
importance of the rDzogs-chen tradition in Tibet. His work is the result of
the many years study of little known or unknown texts. The translations are
all accompanied by the original texts in transliteration and by detailed notes
and introductions. For many years to come Karmay's book will be the
prime source for the study of the rDzogs-chen. It is to be hoped that he will
continue to make more texts known. Particularly welcome would be a
translation of the gSah-ba sfiih-po and a study of its sources in view of the
important role this text has played in debates concerning the rDzogs-chen.

Australian National University

J . w . DE JONG