By Melissa Wall
Abstract: This study assesses three Non-Governmental Organizations (Electronic Iraq, Global
Exchange and OneWorld), as alternative international news providers. While Global Exchange
turned to mainstream media for its information, the other two relied on news produced by other
NGOs and the United Nations or collected and reported it themselves. The latter two also more
frequently quoted alternative sources such as citizens. Ultimately, these NGOs represent a new
sort of news provider – international non-profits, embodying different news values and practices
than corporate media.
1
In the last two decades, there has been a remarkable increase in the numbers, activities
and influences of Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) around the world (Fisher, 1998;
Kaldor, 2003; Rodgers, 2003; Warkentin, 2001). Working in numerous arenas, often in place of
governments which have abdicated many of their social service functions, NGOs are now said to
employ more people than the largest private sector firms in many countries (Handbook on
nonprofit institutions, 2003). Their expertise and advocacy functions have increasingly made
them players at UN summits and other gatherings of the world’s leaders. Indeed, well known
NGOs such as Amnesty International and Greenpeace are seen as more credible by the general
public than global corporations such as Ford or Microsoft that have spent millions building their
brand names (De Jonquieres, 2000). Although the term NGO encompasses a diverse spectrum of
organizations and agendas that is difficult to define, observers agree NGOs are now believed to
constitute a global associational revolution (Kaldor, 2003; Salamon, Anheier & Associates,
1998).
2
The effects of this revolution are subject to debate but it is helpful to group thinking
concerning this phenomenon into two main schools (acknowledging obviously that many
opinions may fall somewhere between them): The optimists describe NGOs as flexible, creative,
fast acting and motivated by social and not commercial concerns. They see NGOs as key tenants
in the civil sphere of society, a bulwark against governments and corporations that would
otherwise overlook if not exploit ordinary people (Warkentin, 2001; Mater, 2001). Much
literature associates them with providing a voice for non-elites in the public sphere,
characterizing their work as a public good increasingly made available on a global basis
(Warkentin, 2001; Mater, 2001). The other school of thought suggests that NGOs, particularly
those operating in the international arena, are hand maidens of the powers that be. Their entry
into social services legitimizes governments’ elimination of public services, and they serve as
Trojan horses for privatization, deregulation and corporate takeovers of the world’s resources,
bringing homogenizing Western values to the rest of the world (Carapico, 2000; de Waal, 2002;
Lovink, 2002). In communicating their messages, they often de-humanize the very people they
3
Whichever view one takes, one thing is certain: With a few exceptions, NGO activities
news. It is the contention of this paper that some NGOs have begun collecting, constructing and
distributing news to an extent that they might be thought of now as a new form of news producer
(Smith & Smythe, 2001; Wall, 2002). While this might be said of various other non-news
entities in society, some of the key characteristics of NGOs make them particularly important to
consider, especially for researchers interested in international communication. Thus, this article
aims to take a step toward rectifying this dearth of knowledge by first outlining some evidence
that NGOs are news producers, then assessing three cases to illustrate potential areas of concern
4
The broader context for this paper is the idea that journalism itself is undergoing
immense transformations. These well documented changes have come about for a number of
reasons ranging from media monopolies to new technologies (Bagdikian, 2004; Kovach &
Rosenstiel, 2001; McChesney, 2004; Pavlik, 2001) Conglomerate control has increasingly led to
a journalism that values infotainment and celebrity news at the expensive of more serious and
Rosenstiel, 2001). Cost-cutting and other measures have led to an increase in news media
such as video news releases that news media pass off as their own work, practices that the public
is often unaware of. Likewise, popular news providers such as U.S. cable television have been
documented as relying primarily on reporters’ and anchors’ opinion with few sources to back up
what they report (State of the Media, 2005). These and other such manipulative practices have
meant that journalism has less and less room for so-called hard news much less news that
challenges the status quo. The mainstream news media themselves have seen that their work
increasingly does not connect with audiences and have invoked reforms such as the civic
journalism movement which sought cosmetic but not structural changes. This failure of
mainstream media to stand up to the government and corporations or to simply cover important
news at all has opened a space for other sources of information that do not come from what we
have traditionally thought of as news producers (Schechter, 2003; Wall, 2002). Indeed, the lack
of access to media production for ordinary citizens has led some researchers to describe the rise
of “black market” or informal journalism to counter the failure of the market (Wall, 2004).
5
The rise of these “new” news creators such as blogs, wikis and other channels, has been
facilitated by new technologies, most especially the Internet, although obviously political, social
and even cultural changes also play important roles. Researchers are now turning their attention
to these alternative producers in an attempt to make sense of what they mean for the journalism
of the future. Deuze (2003) suggests that the migration of journalism to the Internet has
produced not a single journalism, but multiple journalisms, each characterized by different
values. As the internet has allowed non-journalists – at least for the moment – to potentially
globally distribute their information, observers such as Williams and Delli Carpini (2000) argue
that there are no longer any gatekeepers, and Bruns (2003) even suggests that web users
themselves have become what he calls “gatewatchers,” immensely broadening the range of
materials being made available. Other research suggests that traditional journalism was a
modernist product and we are now seeing the rise of a post-modern journalism, reflected in some
of these new practices (Wall, 2005). Because this paper focuses on NGOs, of particular interest
are those online news providers who are also seeking to implement social changes, which I have
previously argued may be creating an “alternative information sphere” that will further
6
NGOs defined
What exactly, then, is an NGO? NGOs are difficult to define in part because they seem
to encompass such a large range of entities. By many definitions, NGOs include everything
from sports clubs to trade groups funded by corporations, from small kinship burial societies to
enormous relief and development agencies. The term NGO itself is often used interchangeably
with other terms such as private voluntary organization (PVO) and nonprofit organization
Europe, it means all charitable and nonprofit organizations, while in the Southern Hemisphere, it
NGOs describe them as private, nonprofit, voluntary and self-governing organizations (Clarke,
7
While we often tend to think of NGOs as being involved in social service roles, some
carry out activities that center around the collection and distribution of information. This
includes serving as educators and watchdogs as well as agenda setters (Davenport, 2002; Kaldor,
2003; Mater, 2001; Warkentin, 2001). In terms of the former, one of the primary roles of many
NGOs is to collect and distribute information with the goals of widening public participation,
channels. NGOs have also long been known as watchdogs, collecting information that is used to
news media itself (Naidoo, 2000). Whether monitoring treaty negotiations or conducting field
visits for official reports on issues such as a country's human rights violations, NGOs have been
described as communities of experts outside the state, who can provide surveillance that can
potentially prevent abuse (Cohen, 2001). NGOs often help shape or reshape public agendas
(Albin, 1999; Mathews, 1997).They may provide alternative frames for issues, foster new
identities, redefine solutions or confer legitimacy on new ideas or policies (Keck & Sikkink,
8
What makes the idea that NGOs are operating as news media so intriguing is the
possibility that because they are said to operate from a different set of values than mainstream
commercial media, the news they create would potentially be different as well. For example, in
what ways does their non-profit status affect their news? This is an important question because
so much of the critique of mainstream news has centered around its for-profit status with
research suggesting that advertisers and commercial interests are increasingly influential in news
selection (Bagdikian, 2004; McChesney, 2004). Does NGO news mainly promote the NGO
itself or are they simply providing information? Are there other forces shaping or influencing
NGO news that are equivalent to advertisers? In addition, we might ask whether NGOs
distribute their news freely. Increasingly, mainstream media are looking to models in which they
will sell their online news, even though critics such as Lawrence Lessig (2004) maintain that the
most effective models of distribution of the future may well be those that make information
freely available. This issue continues to play out in terms of music, and it is likely to become
9
A second area of interest is whose voices are represented within NGO news. These
groups have long claimed to speak for and represent the marginalized and oppressed (Courville
& Piper, 2004). Are those voices found within their news? Certainly, we know that mainstream
media consistently to elite voices to represent elite concerns (Herman & Chomsky, 1988). Do
we see some of the problems identified with NGO publicity materials which have been accused,
particularly in the international arena, of exploiting tragedy and poverty in order to generate
more donations? Finally, some NGOs are described as advocacy organizations (although this is
a complicated issue in places such as the United States where they can educate but must stay
within certain boundaries to avoid losing their non-profit status). Mainstream media base much
of their credibility on the notion that they do not take sides but remain objective when reporting
the news. This has often resulted in articles that tell only two sides to a multi-sided issue or
which even give credence to a second side which is clearly based on lies or fabrications. Does
the news NGOs produce reflect their advocacy roles? Is there an attempt to tell both sides or,
instead, is there a mobilization element within their news? And if that is the case, how is that
done?
10
As noted earlier, the cultural category of NGOs is remarkably broad and consists of such
a diverse range of entities, that trying to generalize can prove difficult. Simply drawing a
this exploratory article are to identify and try to better understand the news values of NGOs, a
group of NGOs was purposively selected. Three different NGOs currently distributing news are
examined here. These were chosen in two cases because they have self-identified the production
of news as their main activity. A third NGO was selected which does not claim this as a main
activity, but in fact collects and distributes news as another element in its mission. While a more
extended study of these and other organizations should be conducted in the future, for now, this
snapshot should help us think about the questions posed above in a more concrete manner. The
NGOs with news production as their main mission are OneWorld.net and Electronic Iraq. The
Third NGO is Global Exchange. What each of these shares is an international focus. This might
especially make their news functions important as the corporate news media, particularly in the
U.S., has been described as neglecting international reporting in recent years (outside of the
11
One World Describing itself as a “civil society network online, supporting people’s
media to help build a more just global society,” OneWorld focuses particularly on sustainable
development and human rights (OneWorld, n.d., para. 1). Headquartered in London, the website
was formed in 1995 and appears in 11 different languages. It features regional editions and what
it calls thematic channels. Its mission statement says that OneWorld “brings you the latest news,
action, campaigns and organisations in human rights and global issues . . . Many of these are
produced from the South to widen the participation of the world's poorest and marginalised
peoples in the global debate”(Where are you?, 2005, para. 1-2). It includes a page called
Editorial Standards which makes clear that it seeks stories ignored by mainstream media, focuses
on context as opposed to crisis and does not allow funding to influence its content.
Electronic Iraq Electronic Iraq describes itself as a news portal and it too only exists
online as an information delivery system. It was founded by the sponsors of a similar website,
Electronic Intifada, as well as Palestinian diaspora and the peace activist group, Voices in the
Wilderness which is based in the US and UK, in 2003 to provide alternative information about
the Anglo-American invasion of Iraq. It describes itself this way: “Visitors got a never before
seen glimpse of war and its aftermath through the eyes of peace activists based at ground zero”
(About this project: Introduction, n.d., para. 3). In explaining how information is selected for
inclusion, the site notes that: “Except for the Iraq Diaries section of our site, which actively
solicits submissions from members of delegations and other visitors to Iraq, it is expected that
contributions to the rest of Electronic Iraq are from people with some professional or academic
interest in the country, including journalists writing articles in the commercial media”(About this
12
Global Exchange Global Exchange is a San Francisco-based non-profit that focuses on
human rights and social and environmental justices issues. Founded in 1988, Global Exchange is
different from the others in that news provision is a secondary service on its website and in that
is primarily a real world entity rather than virtual. It has been particularly active in the global
justice movement and in the peace movement that emerged in late 2002 to counter the Anglo-
American attack on Iraq. They describe their mission as to “increase global awareness among
the U.S. public while building partnerships around the world” (About Global Exchange, 2005,
para 1). The organization sponsors several kinds of educational activities including learning
tours to Third World counties; virtual and real world stores selling fair trade coffee, chocolates,
etc. Its main page features a link to “Weekly News,” a roundup of stories that have some
connection to their various topic area pages of interest such as the WTO or Cuba.
Each organization’s website was examined in the following ways. Each site’s Top
News/Current News sections were visited once a week between March 25 and April 20, 2005 for
a total of 5 weeks. Employing content analysis, the following questions were asked of these
pages:
Who produces the news on these pages? Producers were coded into the following
Who is quoted in the stories that run on the top news pages? Sources were coded into the
following categories: Govt., Media, NGOs, Ordinary citizens, Unions, United Nations, Other.
Beyond focusing on the Top News pages, the following questions were asked about each
site in general:
13
Are there any ads on the site?
Does content appear to “market” the NGO? That is, do stories provide information about
issues or are they simply promotional pieces for the group which sponsors the site?
Findings
It appears that these NGOs are producing news that is somewhat different from the
mainstream news media. These differences range from who is contributing the items to sources
being quoted.
Producers Several patterns are visible in terms of who is producing the articles that are
posted on these sites. The two sites, OneWorld and Electronic Iraq, which describe themselves
as information portals rely more on non-traditional producers of information. The NGO which
describes itself as educational but not media-oriented tended to rely on news media articles much
14
Table 1 Producers of material found on the websites
15
Producers OneWorld Global Exchange Electronic Iraq
NGOs 39% (27) 13% (8) 27% (7)
OneWorld purports to be an NGO gateway and thus it should be no surprise that the site
relies heavily on NGOs’ (39%) materials. Likewise, Electronic Iraq’s mission is to deliver a
different point of view on the war against and occupation of Iraq, and so NGOs (27%) and the
UN (42%) are the most frequent producers of their news. What is of further note here is that
both sites are providing some of their own content as well. For One World, their global network
produced here 20% of their news postings. For Electronic Iraq which produced 19% of its own
news articles, this works in part by employing material from free-lance reporters and others
based in Iraq but also through the production of their own “Iraqi Diaries” which provide first-
hand reports from peace activists facilitated by the site’s co-sponsor, Voices in the Wilderness. If
all of these sites relied only on their own materials, they would be significantly less substantial
than they are, but like a newspaper or other news outlet using wire services, syndicates etc., they
are pulling from other information providers such as the news service IRIN, run by the United
Nations, which established this wire-agency like service to focus on crisis areas particularly in
16
I have previously identified the changing hierarchies of news in which mainstream media
items might appear alongside a press release, an unpublished letter to the editor, etc., suggesting
items are of equal value (Wall, 2002). Subsequent research has provided further support for this
pattern, which raises significant and interesting questions about the changing nature of news.
Rogers (2003) suggest that distinctions between “raw and finished” news products are
disappearing, while Bruns (2003) writes that gatekeepers’ roles are changing in this new Internet
news environment. Rogers (2003) even argues that running press releases and other “raw”
materials might make news processes more “visible” than previously, and perhaps ultimately
provide more credibility via open processes. If corporate-run news media continue to rely on
press releases and video new releases without revealing their origins to audience, then viewers
and readers may well decide the more transparent use of such information as seen here where the
information producer is identified may ultimately make NGO and other non-traditional news be
Sources Based on literature about NGOs, the issue of who they speak for is one of
particular interest. A content analysis of story sources reveals that the two sites not relying on
mainstream news media producers, tended to frequently quote what might be called non-
traditional sources such as citizens and NGOs, whereas Global Exchange, relying heavily on
mainstream news outlets for its content, reproduced those media’s reliance on governmental
17
Table 2 Sources quoted in articles
18
Sources One world Global Exchange Electronic Iraq
Business 1% (2) 5% (8) 0% (0)
19
TOTAL 100% (145) 100% (167) 100% (73)
These findings also suggest that to a certain extent the same sort of sources found in
mainstream media are still being used by these alternative NGO sites. While there are
differences between the websites, if the top three sources (government, citizens and NGOs) are
grouped together, the sites are fairly similar in who they quoted. Not unexpectedly, Global
Exchange has the largest number of governmental sources as the majority of its stories are from
the mainstream news media. For each site, governmental sources are quoted most frequently;
however, both OneWorld and Electronic Iraq also draw frequently on other types of sources. For
OneWorld, NGOs (24%) are their second most frequently cited source with Citizens at 22%.
This suggests that NGOs and Citizens are seen as nearly as important and authoritative as
governmental sources. With a little over a third of their sources as Citizens, Electronic Iraq
quotes ordinary people almost twice as often as Global Exchange which relies on mainstream
media to produce its content. Allowing ordinary people – peace activists – to contribute content
may have resulted in their seeking out other ordinary people – Iraqis – to interview and this
appears to account for the differences. Interestingly, the United Nations was not a major source
What this suggests is that these NGOs might indeed be providing a different sort of voice
on their sites than is typically found in mainstream media, particularly media focusing on
international news and related issues. It should be noted that the use of press releases, statements
and other similar materials may have resulted in fewer sources overall as those materials
oftentimes did not quote sources but rather carried statements from their producers. This may
indicate a decline in the future of directly quoted sources as audiences come to expect more
20
Advocacy Clearly, these sites as a whole were not aiming for complete objectivity. All
the sites has advocacy elements on them, directing visitors where and how to take action related
to information of interest to the site. Electronic Iraq also offered separate sections for its
Activism pages as well as a separate page offering opinions called Opinion/Editorial. One World
also runs an article each day on its home page with the news items, but this one is labeled as
“Opinion and Analysis” as well as a mobilizing item called “Take Action.” A typical example of
the latter was the call for activists to “flood Congress with calls opposing the Patriot Act” put out
by Amnesty International. Global Exchange encourages activism throughout its site, but did not
blatantly so do on the news pages examined here. So that while each site encouraged citizen
activism, most news articles did not. Use of press releases meant that “both” sides did not
always get told, but producers of such releases were always labeled, allowing readers the chance
21
Other qualities None of the sites requires visitors to register to read their main news.
There are no advertisements on the sites. Electronic Iraq does have a page where they post
stories about Electronic Iraq that appear in the mainstream news media, while Global Exchange
has a page that features its own press releases. Yet none of the sites require visitors to wade
through such material to reach news items. Thus, it would be possible to visit any of these sites
and get a free news update about international issues of concern. Interestingly, only OneWorld
allows for significant visitor contributions. OneWorld Radio and OneWorld Television allows
anyone to post audio or video to their site, although one must first join (membership is free) and
content must focus on promoting human rights and/or sustainable development. In addition,
members can freely download other organization’s or other individual’s audio content. Content
appears to often be along the lines of public service announcements such as radio ads about the
Conclusions
22
While certainly every NGO is not going to be interested in or devote time to collecting
news, there does appear to be a growing number that are taking on news provision functions. A
quick scan of NGOs reveals various examples ranging from the Sierra Club’s Daily Scoop, a
blog-like look at environmental news items, to the Rainforest Action Network, which provides
breaking news and feature feeds from various news media on its homepage. The presence of
these functions comes not simply from capabilities made possible by the Internet, although that
certainly plays a role, but by the failure of mainstream media to comprehensively cover serious
issues, especially those in the international realm. Particularly for US audiences, there has been
a well documented cutback in foreign reporting so that American audiences are left without a
basic understanding of what is happening in an ever more complicated and connected world. The
shift toward entertainment and celebrity news seems to have left audiences for serious
23
Several possible trends seem apparent from this analysis. First, news hierarchies seem to
be changing. Mainstream news entities are not necessarily seen as the only or the most credible
sources of news. This has been suggested by earlier research and seems to be confirmed here.
While various news services such as Agence France Presse or Associated Press are said to be
considering actions to stop Google, Yahoo and others from redistributing their work without
paying for it, other non-news entities are producing information which may well replace some
wire service stories and certainly has widened the range of sources that can not only be consulted
by audiences but that can be used to supplement NGO and other alternative news producers’
information sites. Of course, whether large audiences will pay attention to these NGO sites is an
important question, and some critics argue that such alternatives will still be marginalized by
mainstream information producers and distributors and perhaps Internet Service Providers
(Dalhberg, 2005).
A second point is that at least in the cases examined here, this information is being
provided without cost to audiences; indeed they are not required to register or in other ways
supply information to the NGO. These two characteristics might also be characteristic of other
new online news forms such as blogs, but there seems to be a difference. Here, the news
producers are turning to sources that often have broad international credibility – NGOs and the
UN – for example. These sources are following professional communication forms and practices
in a way that bloggers often do not. The site’s own contributors tend to be experts within their
area, and while the sites may not be completely balanced, they often tend to provide some
distance from their subjects (with the exception of the Iraqi Diaries). They are in a word,
professional. They also differ from blogs in that they consistently connect their work with
concrete political actions that visitors can take, providing clear instructions on how to do so.
24
Finally, what seems to be of further importance here is that these NGO sites, particularly
the two information portals, do not appear to be employing a national lens for their information.
That is, much international news has been characterized as nationalistic at heart and to be
reported historically by entities such as press agencies that were tied to a specific country,
ultimately reflecting its values. These NGO sites suggest instead a sort of post-national
framework for information, particularly OneWorld with its multiple nodes. Electronic Iraq
seems to a certain extent to also adopt a post-place identity. These sites suggest that NGO news
might also offer new frames for news that could contribute to what Appadurai (1996) has
identified as post-national allegiances – here to human rights, social justice and other similar
values, ultimately contributing to new forms of not only news production but of political and
social actions.
25
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