Refugees in Western Australia

Discrimination and Well-Being: Perceptions of Refugees in Western Australia
Author(s): Farida Fozdar and Silvia Torezani

Source: International Migration Review, Vol. 42, No. 1 (Spring, 2008), pp. 30-63
Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc.
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Discrimination
and Well-Being:
Perceptions ofRefugees in
Western Australia
Farida
Fozdar
Sociology
and Community
Development,
Murdoch
University
Silvia Torezani
Murdoch
University
This paper reports the apparent paradox of high levels of discrimination

experienced by humanitarian migrants toAustralia, in the labor market
and everyday life,yet simultaneous reporting of positive well-being. How
can
people feel discriminated against, yet still be relatively satisfiedwith
life?The study draws on quantitative and qualitative data from a study of
theMiddle East, and Africa.
150 refugees from the former Yugoslavia,
Possible reasons for the level ofwell-being are explored, including "relative
as
as various resiliency and
deprivation theory," well
mitigating factors,
and social supports. The notion of eudaimonic well
personal
including
?
- is
being whereby experiences of difficulty produce positive well-being
also applied to the findings. The negative experiences and perceptions
appear
to
onto
map
low-level
dissatisfaction
specifically directed or contained
dissatisfaction
life
with
generally,
or
disappointment,
orientation
and
disgruntlement,
rather than serious

or
to Australia,
negative
subjective well-being.
REFUGEE PERCEPTIONS
SATISFACTION1
The Australian
Australia
intakes,
OF DISCRIMINATION
Context
is often seen as privileged in that despite increasingly diverse settler

it has,
more
than
many
other
conflict and extreme anti-immigration

Australia
AND LIFE
is an
attractive
destination
immigrant
avoided
nations,
and racist ideologies

for
immigrants
due
ethnic
(Jupp, 2002).
to
its economic
research is funded by an Australian Research Council Discovery Grant. Chief investigators

on
the project, entitled "Refugees and Employment:
The Effect of Visible Difference
are Val Colic-Peisker,
Farida Fozdar, and Nonja
Peters. The three-year project
Discrimination,"
ran from 2004 to 2006.
This
on
30
2008 by theCenter forMigration Studies ofNew York. All rights reserved.

DOI:
10.1111 /j. 1747-7379.2007.00113.x
IMR Volume 42 Number 1 (Spring 2008):30-63

of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
31
prosperity, political stability, and temperate climate. Its permanent migration

program,
about
currently
and
130,000
rising,
consists
of
streams:
three main
skilled, family, and humanitarian

immigration. While
historically it has
over
the last three decades the intake has
preferredWhite European migrants,
diversified (DIAC, 2007), although echoes of the "White Australia policy" are
still clearly audible (Hage, 1998; Jupp, 2002; Jayasuriya,
Walker, and Gothard,
2003). At the beginning of the 21st century themain source countries were
New Zealand and theUK (both about 12,000 migrants), China (about 6,600),
India (about 6,000), and South Africa (about 4,600). From the 1970s Asia
was
source
the main
for humanitarian
entrants,
many
entrants.
most
The
recent
humanitarian
intakes
from Vietnam,
coming
and in the 1980s and 1990s countries of theMiddle
East also provided

have
been
from
such
African
nations.
Australia aims to be tolerant of the diversity produced by its immigration

? for
program
example, a governmentWeb site identifies the following as rights
associated with multiculturalism inAustralia:
have the right to express their own culture and beliefs and have a
to respect the
to do the same. . . .All Australians
reciprocal obligation
right of others
are entitled to equality of treatment and opportunity.
Social equity allows us all
to contribute
to the social,
life of Australia,
free from
and economic
political
on the
discrimination,
including
grounds of race, culture, religion, language, location,
. . .All Australians
or
benefit from productive diversity, i.e. the
place of birth.
gender
economic dividends arising from the diversity of our
significant cultural, social and
2006)
(DIMA,
population. Diversity works for all Australians.
all Australians
to
guard against racial discrimination in

immigration policies, employment and other local practices. The Australian
of 1975, for instance, entitles
Racial Discrimination Act (Commonwealth)
Australian residents to equality of access to facilities, housing, and provision of
Legislation
and
goods
race,
color,
While
that
some
mentators
exists which
as well
services,
or national
that
in the
country
to
employment,
origin.2
to ensure
a warmer
encounter
migrants
the
as access
or ethnic
attempt
policies
agree
government,
is designed
last
has
equity
regardless
and
ten years,
under
retreated
from
acceptance,
than
welcome
the
the
others.
conservative
overt
and
of
persons
it is clear
Most
com
Coalition
celebratory
multiculturalism of the late 1980s to early 1990s Qupp, 2002; Jamrozik, 2005),
(2005) suggest that this perception of negativity is
although Goot andWatson
2Section
15; see <http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/consol_act/rdal975202/>.

32
Migration
International
overstated.3
attitudes
Negative
toward
Review
seekers
asylum
and
discrimination
against
Eastern appearance" demonstrate the ongoing xenophobia

2004; Jupp
among Australians (Ang, Poynting and Noble, 2004; HREOC,
et al, 2007). Recent evidence includes a Sydney academic publicly warning
"those ofMiddle
are less
against accepting Black African refugees since they
intelligent, violent,
and crime prone (Fraser, 2005; Roberts, 2006) and racial violence between
"Lebanese Muslim youth" and the "surfingcommunity" (WhiteAnglo-Australian)
on Sydney's southern beaches inDecember 2005.
Negative attitudes have lately
been focused around skilled migrants being brought in from the Philippines
and other countries tomeet the trade skills' labor shortage. Challenges to the
value of diversity have increased over the past decade, especially in connection
with
"the
terrorist
threat,"
those
with
eastern
"ofMiddle
the target
appearance"
of streetdiscrimination and vilification (Humphrey, 2002; Castles and Miller,

2003:108, 204-205; Ang, Poynting, and Noble, 2004; HREOC,
2004).
Humanitarian
migrants
are often
the focus
of
this
negativity,
due
to the
perception that they are less likely to assimilate into "Australian" lifebecause of
their
cultural
distance
in terms
of
values,
language,
and
practices.
We
have
argued elsewhere that refugees toAustralia, despite high levels ofwork-relevant

skills, and despite legislation designed to eliminate discrimination, experience
both personal and institutional discrimination in the employment market

(Tilbury and Colic-Peisker, 2006; Colic-Peisker and Tilbury, 2007; 2006). The
result is pockets of "niche" employment in the secondary labor market, low
income levels, lack of opportunity, and perceptions of discrimination. Thus we
might expect refugees to feel relativelydissatisfied with their lives inAustralia.

However, we found that reported life satisfaction or well-being, though lower
than
the national
average,
and
that
reported
in other
studies
of
migrants,
is not
as low as one
might expect. Before exploring the dimensions and possible
reasons for this, it is relevant to
explore aspects ofwell-being as defined through
the various constructs used by social scientists, in order to understand how
high
levels of discrimination and well-being can coexist. After discussing quality of
life research generally, we briefly explore the literature on well-being and
discrimination,
generally
and
employment and well-being.
among
migrants,
and
the
relationship
3Most recent evidence
between
name in
comes from the
for the retreat from multiculturalism
change in
of the Department
of Immigration and Multicultural
Affairs to the Department
of
a new direction
on
and Citizenship,
and
Immigration
indicating
citizenship
focusing
of a new citizenship test has also
integration, rather than celebrating diversity. Implementation
been seen as a retrograde step.
early 2007

of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
33
FACTORS AFFECTING QUALITY OF LIFE/LIFE SATISFACTION/

WELL-BEING - RESOURCES AND RELATIVITY
Well-being
is a popular notion
to measure
makers
increasingly used by psychologists and policy
of
quality
life
and
interventions for various populations

usually
measured
quantitatively,
to
argue
for
(Veenhoven, 2000;
through
a number
or
social
economic
It is
Sointu, 2005).
of different
constructs,
are
including "well being," "quality of life," and "life satisfaction."4 These
are
"umbrella terms" (Veenhoven, 2000; Young, 2001) which
treated as
measures of individual or social "happiness." Life satisfaction isusually referred
to as an indicator of quality of life.
There are two basic approaches tomeasuring quality of life: the individual
oriented measurement "subjective well-being," determined through questions
such as "how satisfied are you with your life as a whole?" or statements such as
"I feel happy most of the time"; and the population-oriented approach, which
focuses
on material
well-being
to secure
resources
necessary
using
one's
objective
welfare
as access
measures
such
"money,
property,
to the
knowledge,
so on" (Rapley,
psychic and physical energy, social relations, security and
?
or lifestyle indicators such as lifeexpectancy, mortality rate, crime
2003:5)
rate, GDP,
rate, unemployment
poverty
rate,
school
attendance,
suicide
rate,
access to health, safety,and so forth (Trewin, 2001). Critics of the subjective

approach
argue
between
material
that
individual
evaluations
are
related
to
aspirations,
and
are
counter to this is that ultimately this is a measure

of happiness, and happiness is a subjective notion. Certainly, the relationship
therefore not reliable. The
resources
and well-being
is
complex,
and
evidence
does
not
indicate a simple positive correlation between the two variables (Veenhoven,

2000; Cummins etal, 2005).5
The problem with the subjective measure is that notions of satisfaction
are culture bound (Kleinman and Good,
or
1985; see
subjective well-being
and Kitayama,
Keith, Heal, and Schalock, 1996; Uchida, Norasakkunkit,
2004, for reviews), and like the study of the conceptual equivalence of
emotions across cultures (Wierzbicka, 1999), qualitative and quantitative
researchers have found both uniformities and uniquenesses in studies ofwell
collectivist
being. Differences have been found between individualist and
the paper, to indicate both the

be used
throughout
interchangeably
of the terms, and the various ways inwhich different authors use them.
in poor countries, but less so in rich ones
5For example, happiness varies with personal wealth
4These
terms will
ambivalence
(Veenhoven,
1997:12;
Rapley,
2003:17).

34
Migration
International
cultures ? subjective well-being

American
cultural
for
contexts,
Review
is related to personal achievement

in East
whereas
example,
Asian
inNorth
it is
contexts,
more closely related to interpersonal connectedness (Uchida, Norasakkunkit,

and predictors of
The meanings, motivations,
and Kitayama, 2004:223).
well-being
There
across
differ
cultures.
some
is also
contention
about
the
of
comparability
results
from
measures of satisfaction orwell-being across cultures. Young (2001) found that

Salvadoran refugees in Canada had consistently lower general quality of life
than themainstream population, and Lau, Cummins, and McPherson
(2005)
suggest cultural response bias to explain the consistently lower levels of life
satisfaction in their sample of Hong Kong Chinese compared toAustralians.
However, in an attempt to account for the relative stability of theirwell-being
measures
across
times,
cultures,
and
material
objective
circumstances,
et al. (2005:1) offer the concept of "subjectivewellbeinghomeostasis,"

something they argue is biologically determined, which produces relatively
fixed levels ofwell-being ? generally 75 points on a 100-point scale (variation
between 60 and 90 is standard).6 Itmight as easily be argued that rather than
a
artifact - people will generally see
biological effect, this is a methodological
Cummins
as
themselves
average,
and
equate
this
to about
the
on
mark
three-quarter
scale ? and it is this that accounts for its relative stability.

White and Pettit (2004) recognize that
any
is a complex notion with many different dimensions whose definition is

the concept irreducibly normative, concerned
disputed. The "well" qualifier makes
with values and assessment. Its focus on "being" suggests attention to states; not only
of body and material endowments,
but also of mind and subjective perceptions.
[It
also includes] a third, social or process dimension,
shows how subjective
which
are constituted
perceptions and objective welfare outcomes
through social interaction
well-being
and cultural meanings.
researchers
Increasingly,
will
be
measure,
dependent
theory
that
recognizes
subjective,
relative
have
upon
satisfaction
comparisons:
come
to
relative
results
"people's
agree
reactions
on their
subjective comparisons"
relation
to
past
the
experiences,
objective
"Relative
comparisons.
not from absolute
depend
as a
that life satisfaction,
to
subjective
deprivation"
characteristics
objective
but
circumstances
(Walker and Smith, 2002:1),

circumstances
of others,
in
individual
aspirations, and expectations (Clark, 2001). Relative deprivation requires not

only that people perceive differences but that they perceive such differences in
6Well-being
measures
usually
use
10-point
scale, which
is then multiplied
percentage.

to
produce
of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
35
material circumstances as being unfair and resent them (Pettigrew, 2002:368).

notes
Pettigrew
to pay
it is necessary
that
attention
to
of
Harrell
has it that experiences of discrimination produce
self-esteem,
well-being,
states
eloquently
gratification"
those
AND WELL-BEING
DISCRIMINATION
Received wisdom
"relative
themselves with
the situation where people compare

(2002:354),
worse off, and feel relatively gratified as a result.
and
that
life satisfaction,
"racism
can
or worse,
traumatize,
actual
low levels
anxiety
or stress.
humiliate,
hurt,
enrage,
confuse, and ultimately prevent optimal growth and functioning of individuals

and communities"
(2000:42),
leading to negative physical, psychological,
social, functional, and spiritual health.
Early sociological work explored the negative psychosocial effects of
as "other" by the dominant group. Gunar Myrdal (1944)

being constructed
demonstrated how the notion of "separate but equal" encouraged feelings of
a
inferiorityamong African Americans. Franz Fanon (1970) took psychoanalytic
stance toward this inferiority,arguing racism generates harmful psychological
effects that both blind Blacks to their subjection and simultaneously alienate
from
them
self-consciousness.
recent review of 138 empirical quantitative research reports on the

effectsof self-reported racism and health found negative health outcomes were
andWilliam
related to self-reported racism (Paradies, 2006; see alsoWilliams
and Harris-Reid
etal (1997) andWilliams
Morris, 2000). Further,Williams
A
(1999) demonstrated that forBlacks, Mexican Americans, and Asian Americans,

racial discrimination and psychological distress are linked.
A positive effect that is counterintuitive is that reported by Ryff,Keyes,
and Hughes
(2003). They found a consistent positive relationship between
status
and "eudaimonic well-being." This is a form of well-being
minority
associated with human potential and functioning (or humanistic and existential
well-being)
mastery,
such
as
purpose
self-acceptance,
and
in life,
personal
positive
growth,
with
relations
autonomy,
others.
environmental
They
argue
that
as discrimination, may contribute to a deeper

adversity and challenges, such
sense of meaning and purpose. Those with higher levels of education have
Whites. They argue
higher eudaimonic well-being compared with equal-status
"educational
attainment
. . .
may
contribute
differentially
to the
life purpose
or
autonomy of those with assigned minority status" (Ryff,Keyes, and Hughes,

to help deal with
2003:286),
by providing cognitive and emotional skills
a
needs further
which
is
this
but
racism,
complex relationship
they argue

36
International
Review
Migration
a
exploration. In review of the evidence, Vega and Rumbaut (1991) conclude
that the link between discrimination and various positive or negative psycho
logical
remains
consequences
unclear.
AND WELL-BEING AMONG MIGRANTS
DISCRIMINATION
AND REFUGEES
Few studies explore the effects of discrimination on migrants and refugees

et al. (1997) andWilliams
and Harris-Reid
specifically. Studies byWilliams
as
Mexican
Americans
Asian
that
and
well as Blacks,
Americans,
(1999) found
experience psychological distress as a result of racial discrimination. Earlier

works which are directed at more serious mental health effects include
a
Liebkind's (1996) study of Vietnamese
refugees in Finland, which found
correlation
between
discrimination
stress
and
and
symptoms,
Rumbaut's
a
study of large sample of immigrant children in theUS, which found
discrimination
correlated with depressive symptoms. A study of
perceived
educated Iranian refugees in theNetherlands (Werkuyten and Nekuee, 1999)
(1995)
found
that ethnic
identification, "acculturation attitude," self-esteem, life

and
satisfaction,
perceptions of discrimination are complexly related. The
authors report that positive affect and life satisfaction are predicted by sense of
mastery, not by identification with minority status, perceived discrimination,
or acculturation
attitude.
The
authors
out
point
most
that whereas
research
on
life satisfaction of refugees tends to focus on the traumatic contexts fromwhich

the
themselves
come,
they have
refugees
on.
contexts
to move
and want
tend
EMPLOYMENT
AND WELL-BEING
Research
indicates
complex
relationship
and
the causal
to focus
between
on
their
lives
in the new
and measures
employment
ofwell-being. Work is often regarded as themeans by which tomake a major

contribution to society, aswell as enhancing skills, social networks, and identity
(Trewin, 2001). Using cross-sectional data, Judge and Watanabe
(1993)
demonstrate that there is a relatively strong positive relationship between job
and
life satisfaction,
that
direction
appears
to be
reciprocal,
i.e.,
life satisfaction and job satisfaction significantly influence each other. Levels of
expectations
were
also
found
to be
important.
Employment has long been considered vital for successful settlement of

1987; Valtonen, 1999; 2004; Rydgren,
migrants and refugees (McSpadden,
2004), and certainly migrants and refugees identify gaining a job within their

of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
37
level of expertise and skills as a high priority (McSpadden,

1987; Valtonen,
1999; 2004; Rydgren, 2004; Tilbury, 2007). Valtonen
(1999) found that
economic aspects of resettlementwere given the highest priority byVietnamese
refugees in Finland and Canada, as they helped fulfill collectivist obligations
to thewider family and kin network ? reflected in
higher levels ofwell-being.
Self-identified resettlement goals included financial stability, a stable live
in a study of Ethiopian refugees in the
lihood, and a good job. McSpadden,
US, found employment was seen as hugely important for life satisfaction
"almost 100% of the refugees put jobs as the most important factor, in a
Discrimination was
satisfying, happy life for themselves" (1987:809-810).
not identified as a factor
influencing life satisfaction.
The research outlined above indicates that there is a complex relationship
between well-being, discrimination, and employment, and that the assumption
that lack of discrimination and secure employment are associated with higher
levels ofwell-being may be inaccurate.
THE RESEARCH
current study sought to ascertain the degree to which, if any, poor
employment outcomes for "visiblydifferent"migrants from refugeebackgrounds
could be attributed to racism and discrimination in theWest Australian job
market. It targeted refugee communities who are "visibly different" to varying
degrees (through accent, name, physical features, religion, and culture) from
The
the mainstream
and
population
were
who
the main
groups
to
arrive
in
Australia under its humanitarian program during the 1990s and early 2000s
(DIMIA, 2005), and their potential employers.
The data presented in this paper were collected in 2004 through a survey
of
150
refugees.
Fifty
interviews
face-to-face
questionnaire-based
were
by bicultural interviewers with people of working age who had

to difficulties
professional or trade qualifications, and reasonable English. Due
were
the
snowball
of accessing
sampled from each
sampling frame, participants
was
of the three broad refugee groups.7 The sample
designed to be indicative
a
on
rather than representative, enabling
focus
refugeeswith relatively high
levels of human capital who should therefore be more likely to have positive
conducted
7More
detailed
"Refugee
Research
information
and Employment:
Project
Report,
on
sample
characteristics
Investigating
December
2006,"
visible_difference_report.pdf>
can be
the Effect of Visible
(Colic-Peisker
available
at
and Tilbury,
found
in the project report,

on Discrimination
Difference
<http://www.cscr.murdoch.edu.au/
2006). There was some internal

38
International
employment
Australia
demographic
outcomes. The
for an average
of seven
characteristics,
Migration
respondents
years.
The
job-seeking
Review
in the current study had been in

questionnaire
practices,
covered
and
their
respondents'
experiences
within the job market. It also included questions concerning general satisfaction
with settlement and social and emotional well-being. Quantitative
responses
were
supplemented by qualitative comments, provided by three-quarters of
respondents,
and
a series
of seven
follow-up
interviews
and
four
focus
groups
to clarify some of the issues raised.

Data are presented which indicate respondents' experiences of negative
life events associated with employment and discrimination, which
might lead
one to
predict negative effectson life satisfaction generally.These are difficulty
in gaining employment, discrimination in employment, and discrimination
generally.8
Of the total sample, 62% reported experiencing difficulties in finding

inAustralia, with Middle Easterners themost
likely to report difficulty
(78%), followed by Ex-Yugoslavs (58%) and Africans (52%). These difficulties
included requirements for local work experience (62%) or local referees (41%)
work
in the samples, as follows:

Age (ex-Yugoslavs average age 44 years; African and Middle
37 and 38 years respectively); Gender
(ex-Yugoslavs female 58%; Africans and Middle
Easterners
28%
Africans
and
each); Education
(32%
university-educated;
ex-Yugoslavs
Middle-Easterners
68%
and 66%
often
with
and
26%
respectively,
postgraduate
degrees
self-assessed written
20%);
proficiency (ex-Yugoslavs 66% very good or fluent;
English-language
Africans 68%; Middle
Easterners 88%); and self-assessed
same
English good enough to do the
as before
to Australia
Easterners
52%; Africans 84%; and Middle
job
coming
(ex-Yugoslavs
variation
Eastern,
80%).
with
were
Thus
theAfrican and Middle
Eastern samples were farmore similar, more educated, and
better self-assessed English
than the ex-Yugoslavs. Two-thirds
of the ex-Yugoslav sample
from Bosnia, over three-quarters of theMiddle
East sample were from Iraq, and over half
the African sample were from Somalia.

8The questions asked and the choice of answers were
as follows:
phrased
38. "Have you experienced difficulties finding a job? i. No;
Question
ii. Yes
(please provide
examples)."
44. "Have you had experiences in the job market (while
Question
working, while looking for
work, or while applying for promotion) where you think you have been discriminated
against?
i.Yes (please circle as many answers as
appropriate): a. difference in language ability; b. difference
in accent; c. difference in name; d. difference in appearance;
e. difference in
customs
religious
such as dress or prayer requirements. Please describe your
experiences; ii.No (any comments?)."
45. "Have you experienced any of the following barriers to employment? a. problems
Question
c.
getting qualifications
recognized; b. requirements for work experience inAustralia;
require
ments for work referees in Australia;
d. lack of opportunities
for work experience
in refugee
life; f. difficulties in getting promoted; g. necessity of having a car;
camps; e. break inworking
h. other (please specify). If you circled any of the above,
please provide examples."

of Refugees
Perceptions
Proportion
of Sample Who
inWestern
1
TABLE
Experienced Discrimination
Ex-Yugoslav
(N = 49/50)
toDifference in
i Language Ability
toDifference iinAccent
toDifference inName
toDifference inAppearance
toDifference inReligious Customs
(Dress or Prayer Requirements)
Due
Due
Due
Due
Due
Australia
39
in the JobMarket
African
(N = 46/50)
(Percentages)
MidEast
Total
(N = 47/50)
Yes
48.0
42.0
40.0
18.0
8.0
0.0
40.0
52.046.7
8.0 16.0
22.0
28.0
29.0
32.0
28.0 23.3
24.0
28.0
28.0 21.3
22.0
12.0 11.3
No
50.0
52.0
(N = 142/150)
42.0
48.0
and problemswith local recognitionof qualifications (31%). Lack of transport,breaks

inworking life,and inability towork while in refugee camps were less important.
Many also reported discrimination as a barrier to employment. Table 1
indicates that around half the sample reported experiencing discrimination in
the job market, most commonly because of accent (a third), followed by name,
(all between 21% and 23%), with a smaller

proportion identifyingreligious practice as a form of discrimination experienced.
language ability, and appearance
was
ability
Language
particular
for
problem
ex-Yugoslavs,
but was
reported
as barely an issue forAfricans and those from theMiddle East. It isdifficult to

know the extent towhich this is simply a difference in attribution by respondents,
or a real difference in discrimination.
appearance
difference
was
significantly
an obvious
being
more
point
For Africans and Middle
important
of concern.
than
for
Religious
Easterners,
ex-Yugoslavs
were
customs
physical
also more
problematic forAfrican and Middle Eastern respondents than ex-Yugoslavs.

A feature of the questionnaires completed by the participants was the
individual stories of discrimination provided in response to the open-ended
questions.
which
simple
content
focused on
analysis
of
qualitative
answers
to
the question
employment and discrimination revealed that of 150

respondents 78 commented that they had been discriminated against in the
workplace and/or while looking for work, and these were spread evenly
between the three groups. For the question which asked about difficulties
a
were 80 negative comments (28
ex-Yugoslavs, 21 Africans,
finding job, there
and 31 Middle Easterners), many ofwhich also focused on discrimination; and
for the question about general barriers to employment therewere 86 negative

comments (24 ex-Yugoslavs, 26 Africans, 36 Middle Easterners). The slightly
to
higher levels among theMiddle Eastern sample reflect issues related Muslim
religious
common
practice,
problem.
names,
and
appearance.
For
the Africans,
accent
was
So significant numbers of refugees felt they had been

40
International
Migration
Review
discriminated against in the employment market, with each group experiencing

difference not somuch in the quantity of discrimination, but the type.
comments
provide detailed evidence of the ways in which

structural and individual factors producing discrimination are interconnected,
both in the workplace and in the employment market. A thematic content
analysis of thisqualitative data indicated the following themes asmost significant:
nonrecognition of qualifications; lack of local experience; lack of recognition
of overseas experience; lack of local referees; accent and language ability;
stereotyping; inappropriate workplace practices which stigmatize particular
ethnic groups or individuals, resulting in the need formigrants to doubly prove
themselves; the perception of a lack ofwill by employers to recognize skills and
abilities and help migrant workers; and outright racism in interactionswith the
public inworkplaces (most often, taxi driving). The evidence is of both overt
These
covert
and
discrimination,
and
personal
as well
as
structural
discrimina
tion.A selection of direct quotes about discrimination in employment isprovided

below
as
illustration.9
in real estate industry I was verbally abused by my

my work experience
in
front
of
the
other
staff. Even my juniors took liberty to make remarks
colleagues
about my accent. I was told I do not suit enough and was
given wrong instructions
I had to work twice harder than others
intentionally to look that I underperformed.
and stillwas not equally treated as
tomy
I complained
English speaking staff.When
I have realized that only ifyou
manager, he told me, "I am giving you firstwarning."
work twice as hard as the rest you can survive. Meanwhile
you have to be quiet. If you
- Croatian woman
try to stand up for yourself, you will make itworse.
During
I felt that employers do not trust I have abilities.

Simply
woman
It hurts all the time. ?
Bosnia-Herzegovina
they do not want
to try or
help.
Iwas made uncomfortable

in very subtle ways. Iwas shunned by
colleagues, reported
for small things and for tasks that I am not in any way
was even called
responsible. I
names by
man
Somali
colleagues.
In one occasion,
was turned down because was told my
I applied for factory
job and
- Somali woman
Islamic traditional dress was not appropriate for this kind of
job.
I applied for jobs many times, Iwas asked to
name if Iwant
change my
the job. Sometimes
Iwas asked in the interview if I pray five times a
day, which
Somali man
part of the interview.
When
to get
is not
in this paper come from

and from
responses quoted
9Qualitative
open-ended
questions
interviews or focus groups. Interviews and focus groups were transcribed verbatim, and written
not been corrected. Pauses in
English has
speech are indicated with ..., and where sections have
been
removed from transcript or written quotes
for brevity, these are indicated with

[ ].
of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
41
A feature of the responses was that respondents described a suspicion that

were
they
being discriminated against, but acknowledged that theyhad no real
or definitive evidence to support this suspicion. Thus it remained a vague
proof
sense
rather
than
an
It is very difficult
applications
They
above
absolute
fact.
to substantiate,
leaves one
but failing
suspecting discrimination.
to secure a
out of all the
single job
man
Ethiopian
can not be ruled out. There may not be

explicit discrimination,
factors are there implicitly.
Liberian woman
but all of the
I have not experienced explicit discrimination while looking forwork, but I believe
not recognizing overseas qualifications
is an implicit discrimination. - Ethiopian man
...
it is hard to recognize
- Bosnian
them, but I felt left out.
woman
Many
jobs I did apply, but I feel that I fit for that job, but they don't
?
woman
Iraqi
give
me
chance.
In the questionnaire, relativelyhigh proportions of respondents also reported

they had
we
used
been
to
treated
indicate
unpleasantly
"in
general
as a result
the
street"
of their
racism,
refugee
status,
rather
than
the measure
workplace
or
seems to be more of an issue

employment market discrimination.10 While this
forAfricans, with 56% within the "sometimes" or "often" categories, itwas also
of concern for around a third of the other groups (ex-Yugoslavs 32%, Middle
Easterners 34%). Only a quarter of the total sample reported never having
ex
was
significantly higher for
experienced such treatment, although this
? 68% had
or
never
been
treated
than
the
other
groups
rarely
Yugoslavs
as
refugees. Once again this indicates that physical and cultural
unpleasantly
some of the discrimination those
similarity may protect ex-Yugoslavs from
more "visibly" different experience (Table 2; see also Colic-Peisker, 2005).
_Proportion
Treated
Ex-Yugoslav
(N = 50)
Sometimes
Not
at
as Refugees
African
(N = 49/50)
8.08.0
48.0
26.0
44.0
26.0
20.0
18.0
(Percentages)_
Total
MidEast
(N = 49/50)
(N = 148/150)
32.7
32.7
26.0
covered by question 53: "Were you ever treated in an unpleasant

a. yes, often; b. sometimes; c. rarely; d. not at all."
migrant/refugee?
10This was
a
Often
Yes,8.0
24.0
28.0
Rarely
All
40.0
TABLE 2
in an Unpleasant Way
way because

you are
42
Migration
International
Review
While we did not include a qualitative response section for thisquestion,

follow-up interviews indicated the types of everyday prejudice encountered.
From
the numerous
stories, which
were
often
examples
of
two
Islamophobia,11
illustrative examples have been selected. The first comes from an Iraqi woman
who described harassment on public transport due to her religious dress, and
her husband's advice to simply ignore such events.
One day, when I get off from the train, [ ] there was a very well dressed
Respondent:
he wasn't
man, business suit, holding his bag, business bag and was in his middle-age;
young, very young. And he says, "excuse me," I thought he wants to pass because it
was so crowded.
I'm doing a survey, are you from
[ ]He said, "are you from Al Qaida?
Iwas so angry.
Al Qaida?"
And he passed very quickly [she laughs], oh my goodness!
all the day that day.
I'm laughing now, but I was so angry. ... I was in a bad mood
You can't believe, Iwas SO angry. I couldn't say anything because he passed so quick,
I, you know, got back to the home in that night, in that evening,
[ ]And when
tome, Iwas so angry. And he was saying,
I was telling my husband what happened
I have
"oh, just ignore them." He's
I, you know, when
always saying that when
or experience
always saying, "Just ignore them.
something
something outside. He's
Just, don't
know.
say anything and don't be angry. Just pretend
that nothing happened,"
you
so many
Iwas walking in the shopping
just this experience,
things. Once,
[ ]And there is some people passing and saying, "oh there is a lot those shit
was
at me. I'm sure that he was like,
people here these days." [Laughing] He
looking
he meant me and not other people because
I'm putting the scarf and he was like
at me and
to his friends.
looking
talking
But itwasn't
centre.
Interviewer:
Respondent:
So, were you angry then?

Iwas
but there is nothing
to do.
second example is from a Southern Sudanese man who completed

his training inAustralia as a commercial pilot but cannot find a job in his field.
He has held many jobs, including driving a taxi,which is the context inwhich
he describes the various forms of verbal abuse he has received. He notes that
he has simply learned not to let these events affecthim.
The
I have obviously been there, you know, "You black swine. Why don't you go back to
your country?" And you know, "Now you came down here at least you have a job"
or "Why don't you go back?" And you know, all these sort of
at the end
things but
of the day one thing you have to think of, you know, to put some food on the table
first.You leave alone all these insults because they don't cut thewounds on your body.
All you have to do is just, you know, there is that feeling whereby you can just block
it out and letwhatever
is said to you just bounce back and don't worry about it.
11
See also HREOC
(2004)
formany
similar examples.

Perceptions
of Refugees
inWestern
Australia
43
GENERAL SATISFACTION WITH LIFE

Given
in everyday life and in the

these experiences of discrimination
one
to feel that life in their
employment market,
might expect refugees
adopted
homeland is less than satisfactory, that they are alienated and disconnected
from
mainstream
that
society,
not valued
they
are
not made
to feel welcome
and
are
(in fact, disvalued), cannot reach their potential in terms of work

opportunities, and are relatively poorer off than the rest of the population,
and thus that their levels of life satisfaction/quality of life/well-being would
be significantly lower than the general population's. We

was
satisfaction
lower,
not
but
as
low
as
be
might
found that indeed
expected.
Despite close to 40% of respondents reporting experiencing general

discrimination (in the form of unpleasant treatment as a refugee), and almost
in the job market, respondents reported
47% reporting discrimination
on the
of
based
life,
generally positive quality
following questions: "Are you
at themoment?" and "Do you feel your life is
satisfied
with
life
your
generally
'back
to normal'?"
On
over
scale,
4-point
three-quarters
reported
being
entirely ormostly satisfiedwith their lives (76.7%), with only 4% reporting not
at
our respondents also
being satisfied all.Most of
reported that lifewas "back
a
to normal,"
and
refugee
significant
of a return
feature
situations
resettlement
to
in
for those
well-being
have
who
often
undergone
migrant
protracted
or
periods of disruption in their lives,with 72.6% agreeing entirely mostly, and
not
at
means
occur
all. Table 3 shows the
around the 3-point mark
only 8.7%
{i.e.,
"mostly")
To
on
produce
a
a
4-point
"refugee
scale.
satisfaction
the two
score,"
items
satisfac
(general
tion and life being back to normal) were aggregated. On a 4-point scale the
mean hovered around the "mostly satisfied" mark (2.94), which if converted
to a
percentage
equates
to 64.7%,
somewhat
lower
than
the
standard
quality
of life score formost Western countries, which stands at 75% (Rapley; 2003;
Cummins et ai, 2005). Other research has produced variable results regard
ing
satisfaction
among
various
(Composite Score)
of migrants.
TABLE 3
Life Satisfaction
(N
Richardson
etal.
found
Range
Ex-Yugoslav
Mean (SD)
150)_
African
Mean (SD)
1-4
1-4
3.12 (0.98)
3.06 (1.07)
2.92 (0.73)
2.80 (0.68)
1-4
3.09
2.86 2.865
_Refugee
General Satisfaction
Life Back toNormal
Refugee Life Satisfaction
categories
MidEast Total
Mean (SD)
Mean
2.93 (0.52)
2.80 (0.68)
2.94

(SD)
2.99 (0.77)
2.89 (0.87)
44
International
Migration
Review
of humanitarian migrants who arrived in Australia in 1999/2000

reported being "satisfied" or "very satisfied"with their lives (2004:76), and Ang
et al. (2002:45) found that 79% of those from
non-English-speaking back
were "satisfied" or "very satisfied"with their lives (close to the
grounds
general
that 93%
Australian
to a
of 81%).
average
is
percentage
to the bluntness
due
problematic,
in our
conversion
The
research
of the
of a
original
scale
4-point
so
measure,
it isdifficult to determine the significance of the 16 percentage point differ
ence
our
between
sample's
"refugee
life satisfaction"
and
the Australian
average,
or even to
begin comparison with the unusually high finding of Richardson and
colleagues. Thus it ismore meaningful to focus on themean of 2.94, which
indicates a reasonable level of satisfaction with life, close to 3 on the 4-point
which
scale,
There
was
are
the
some
satisfied"
"mostly
differences
mark.
between
groups.
Ex-Yugoslavs
scored
3.09
around 0.2 or 8 percentage points higher than Africans, at 2.86

(62%), and those from theMiddle East, 2.865 (62.2%). While thisgroup had
on average been here
a
longer, and had higher proportion ofwomen respondents
and slightly older age profile (both factors tend to produce higher levels of
1994; Ogasawara,
2004;
reported life satisfaction; see Tran and Nguyen,
et al., 2005), itmay be that this once
Cummins
again reflects the effect of
(69.7%),
visible difference. Indeed, although ex-Yugoslavs experienced the greatest

and Tilbury, 2007), they reported
downgrading in their jobs (^^Colic-Peisker
less "street" discrimination and higher life satisfaction than those from the
East and Africa, indicating that perhaps lower levels of racial and
cultural "visibility" may result in higher general satisfaction. Alternatively, it
may be that the African and Middle Eastern refugees, having arrived more
Middle
recently and perhaps with different expectations, stillhave higher expectations

than
the
who
ex-Yugoslavs,
appeared
from
the
evidence
qualitative
to be more
accepting of their lot in life.Another possibility is that the finding is related to

employment
status
of our
sample,
ex-Yugoslavs
had
an
unemployment
rate
of 14% compared to 32% for those from theMiddle

East and 38% for
Africans; and for ex-Yugoslavs, well-being was found to be correlated with
employment
status.12
the means for a number of domains indicating

levels
of
satisfaction
with life inAustralia (the scales for the last three
general
Table
4 summarizes
of the team has demonstrated

that predictors of life satisfaction
12Elsewhere, one member
were
financial
and
social
satisfaction,
satisfaction,
job
support, each as subjectively measured
(Colic-Peisker, 2006), although job satisfaction was only a predictor of general life satisfaction
for the ex-Yugoslav
sample.

of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
45
TABLE 4
Descriptive
for Life Satisfaction

Indicators,
=
_Discrimination Experiences (N
150)_
Statistics
Indicators of Life Satisfaction

and Discrimination
Aus Are Friendly
Aus Are
Fair
Different as Refugee
Is
Aus
Home
Don't Regret Coming toAus
Don't Plan toReturn
Don't Exp Discrimination
Range
Ex-Yugoslav
Mean (SD)
1-4
1-4
1-4
1-4
1-4
1-4
1-4
3.04 (0.77)
3.02(0.90)
2.76(1.12)
2.78(1.06)
3.08 (1.04)
3.50(0.89)
3.02(1.00)
African
Mean (SD)
2.88
(0.67)
2.78(0.71)
2.40(1.01)
2.48(0.82)
3.48 (0.89)
1.96(1.02)
2.55(0.84)
including
MidEast
Total
Mean (SD)
3.04 (0.68)
3.19(0.67)
2.96(0.73)
2.88(0.70)
3.51 (0.86)
3.06(1.02)
2.63(0.91)
Mean
(SD)
2.99
(0.70)
2.99(0.78)
2.71(0.99)
2.71(0.88)
3.35 (0.94)
2.84(1.17)
2.74(0.94)
TABLE 5
Matrix: General Discrimination

Score and Eight Variables
(Seven Dimensions of
and "At-Hqmeness," and Education Level) for the Total Refugee Sample (N = 150)
Correlation
Satisfaction
General Discrimination
Unlikelihood of Return 0.167*
Aus Are (Not) Friendly 0.215**
Aus Are (Not) Fair 0.026
Difficult to Be Refugee 0.146
Aus Is (Not) Home
0.034
0.130
Regret Coming toAus
Refugee Life-Satisfaction Score 0.088
Education Level
?0.092
Notes: * significanceat p < .05 level;**p< .01 level;***p< .001.
domains have been reversed).Most

of satisfaction
and
"at home-ness"
are close to 3,
indicating reasonable levels
in Australia.
The following correlation table indicates that very few life-satisfaction

factors are predicted by discrimination, with only the (un)likelihood of return
to one's home country and perceptions thatAustralians are friendly being
to lower levels of discrimination experiences. However, the
significantly related
relationship is close to significance for the measures of "difficulty being a
toAustralia" (Table 5).
refugee inAustralia" and "regret in coming
It is
important
to note
the counterintuitive
finding
that
there was
no
correlation between general experiences of discrimination and life satisfaction

(0.088),13 a result this paper seeks to explore.14
13Once again, caution should be used
factors outlined.
in making
too much
of the statistical data, due
to the
sampling
and both general

l4However, using a t test, a relationship was found between job discrimination
in one's job is related to lower levels of satisfaction) and
(0.031)
(i.e., discrimination
satisfaction
"refugee
(0.013)
< .01), and a sense of regret about

to Australia
(0.006)
(p
coming
< .05) (those
were more
to
want
to
discrimination
return).
likely
reporting
(p
life satisfaction"

46
International
Review
Migration
TABLE 6
_Proportion
Feel Australia
Who
Ex-Yugoslav
=
_(N 50/50)_(N
38.0
32.0
Mostly
Somewhat
26.0
at
All
Not
6.0
Entirely
Is a Fair Country
African
=
49/50)_(N
8.0
30.0
68.0
56.0
8.0
14.0
8.0
2.05.3
(Percentages)_
MidEast
=
48/50)_(N
25.3
52.0
16.0
Total
=
147/150)
Clearly, experiences of general discrimination did not influence the

perception thatAustralia is generally a fair country, indicating that refugees
interpret
discrimination
as
specific,
contextual,
personal
events,
rather
than
reflecting general national attributes.While a quarter of respondents felt itwas

entirely a fair country, over 75% saw it as mostly or entirely fair.Only 5% felt
itwas not at all fair,despite many more providing examples in theirqualitative
responses ofways inwhich they had been treated unfairly in the job market or
generally.Not surprisingly,general refugee life satisfaction correlated highlywith

the perception thatAustralia is a fair country (0.329***) (p < .001) (Table 6).
As outlined, the literature indicates that thosewho feel a sense ofmastery
or control over their lives have
higher levels of well-being, particularly where
they are members of minority groups which experience discrimination
(Werkuyten and Nekuee, 1999; Ryff,Keyes, and Hughes 2003). This sense of
mastery
is
implied
in a number
of measures
we
used
in the current
study.
For
example, the degree towhich refugees feel they understand and can adapt to
theAustralian way of life, as well as the extent towhich they feelAustralia is a
fair country, where they can feel at home, and where it is not too difficult to
be
migrant
Australia
well-being.
or
refugee,
as a new home
The
all measure
and
sense
of
comfort
and
connection
to
imply self-efficacy, thus impacting overall
first two of these measures,
acculturation
and
adaptation,
have
been dealt with elsewhere (Colic-Peisker, 2006). Only 12.6% of the sample
reported that they "entirely" or "mostly" had problems adapting to the
Australian way of life,with 26.6% reporting that they had some
degree of
the
Australian
of
life.
almost
40% of
However,
way
difficulty understanding
the total sample felt itwas difficult to be a refugee, and this did have a
significant impact on their quality of life (0.261***), although itwas not
< .1) related to
statistically significantly (p
experiences of discrimination
=
(r 0.146) (Table 7).
The African sample reported finding itdifficult to be amigrant or
refugee
significantly more frequently (66%) than ex-Yugoslavs (36%) and Middle
Easterners (16%). This may be the result of greater cultural differenceswhich

of Refugees
Perceptions
_Proportion
Who
Feel
it isDifficult
TABLE 7
to be a Migrant
African
Ex-Yugoslav
(N = 50/50)
(N = 48/50)
22.0
Entirely
14.0
Mostly
Somewhat
34.0
All
32.0
Not at
inWestern
14.0
52.0
8.0
22.0
Australia
or Refugee
47
(Percentages)_
MidEast
Total
(N = 49/50)
(N = 147/150)
6.0
14.0
10.0
25.3
64.0
35.3
18.0
24.0
require day-to-day negotiation or greater "visibility" due to racial difference

from theWhite majority, which is not explicitly seen as discrimination.15
MITIGATING
FACTORS
that there are a number of mitigating factors which soften the

on
potentially negative effectof discrimination
refugees'well-being. Below we
discuss these under the following sections: personality factors; social support
It appears
and
factors;
relativity
effects.
Personality Factors
Personality factorswhich provide resiliencemay be important for refugeewell
? a combination of
"indomitability" and stoicism. These factorsmay be
being
associated with refugee status, and include a lust for life,positive outlook, and
no control (Jayasuriya,
ability to overlook things over which one has
Sang, and
in
As
the
those
who
outlined
literature
review,
1992;
Fielding,
Ingleby, 2005).
refuse to see themselves as victims tend to have higher levels of well-being
(Ruggireo and Taylor,
likely
that
who
refugees
1997; Williams
have
made
andWilliam-Morris,
it this far refuse
2000),
to see themselves
and it is
as victims.
as well as education and

high levels of acculturation and adaptation,
are
also
protective.
English proficiency, of the sample
Each of the comments below illustrates themechanism by which this
resiliencemay work, indicating thatwhile discrimination has been encountered it
The
is either
not
seen
as
general,
or
it is seen
as
something
to be overcome
positively,
should not be allowed to "get you down." The extracts demonstrate

how refugees "learn to ignore or not take to heart" people's "difficultyaccepting
which
15However,
questions,
and more
such differences may also reflect cultural norms in terms of responses to such
sees Middle
a
Easterners reluctant to criticize
imperative that
politeness
particularly
to
further
(discussed
shortly).
likely
provide positive responses

48
International
as a
multiculturalism
"do not want
to
give
reality." They
the
opportunity
Review
Migration
see themselves
to some
as "tolerant,"
to have
people
and
consciously
impact
negative
on
their lifehappiness." They see the discrimination as a challenge to be overcome

byworking harder, one which theymeet with "time and dedication" to "prove
their abilities."
They
recognize
it is a "survival"
mechanism
to "learn
not
to worry
about it."A furtherprotection isofferedby balancing thenegative experienceswith

a
general
recognition
that
"there
are many
who
do
me
appreciate
for who
I am."
As a taxi driver, I have been meeting all sorts of people, and yes, I have been treated
in unpleasant way as a migrant with accent, many times. The fact that I am a migrant
or have an accent is the first
customers notice and ask questions about.
thing thatmy
I have learned to ignore it or not to take it tomy heart, as I do understand
that some
as a
as
see
to accept multiculturalism
reality and still
people find it difficult
migrants
a
not pay much attention to them. I know they do not see
working class only. I do
me as an
to themselves, but I know there are many who
equal member of this society
do appreciate me forwho I am. - Bosnian man
life inAustralia, I have had a few unpleasant experiences with people
me as a person who can
a better
deliberately hurt
barely speak English and have
or
so I am
more than they are. Or the other example: "How on earth
position
job,
paid
?
freedom and lifewith my
you can be JP?" I am grateful forwhat Australia gave me
a
to
in
I do not want to give the
life.
safe
live
normal
country, opportunity
family
some
on my life and my
to have a
opportunity to
people
negative impact
happiness.
I am a very tolerant person, I can take people's
however some people
comments,
?
cannot. It can have a
woman
Bosnian
huge, negative impact in self confidence.
In 12 years ofmy
who
I did not take "comments" seriously because was prepared

skills.
Bosnian woman
for that and waited
to prove
my practical
I have to work
case. I
accepted
hard to prove my abilities; nobody even suggested promotion

inmy
it as survival method and learnt not toworry about it.- Bosnian woman
that all of the quotes come from Bosnians. Africans and Middle
Easterners were less forgiving. Few African respondents rationalized their
situations in a positive way, and were farmore likely to attribute difficulties
to discrimination. Only one made a
general comment about the difficulties
Note
in the
labor market,
noting
that he
chooses
not
to focus
on
the negatives.
the taxi thing you know, you get nice people, you get bad people, but I've,
you know, with that one, also one good thing with me I, after living in a foreign land
for a while, I've learned not to absorb whatever
is said to me and not to go and start
more than what, you know, what
analysing it because itwould probably disturb me
I have at hand to do. - South Sudanese man
Oh with
Itmay be that the ex-Yugoslavswere more likelyto accept thisdiscrimination

stoically because theyhave been inAustralia longer and thereforearemore able

of Refugees
Perceptions
to
to or
adjust
rationalize
their
inWestern
situation,
or
that
Australia
their
49
were
expectations
lower
to begin with. Social factorsmay be more important for

maintaining quality
of life for theAfrican and Middle Eastern samples.
Social psychologists have demonstrated the amazing ability of people to
recover from
negative life events (Branscombe, Schmitt, and Harvey, 1999).
by externalizing the causes of
People protect their self-esteem and well-being

negative
treated
If one
events.
as a
can maintain
by
"nonperson"
society,
one's
one
sense
of
self-worth,
despite
being
a remarkable
resilience
demonstrates
(Franklin and Boyd-Franklin, 2000). These positive outlooks reflect the

"eudaimonic well-being" which is associated with human potential and
functioning (Ryff,Keyes, and Hughes, 2003). Itmay be that refugees use their
experiences of discrimination in a positive way, to develop this resiliency.

This approach was evident in some of the qualitative responses of
or structural barriers as
participants. Some recognized institutional
being
not the personal responsibility of employers, and therefore they
but
frustrating
held little ill-will or personal upset in response. They seem able to understand
their experiences of discrimination from the point of view of Australian
or work
employers, recognizing that not having Australian qualifications
an
would
be
and
reasonable
Those
from
the
experience
objective
disadvantage.
formerYugoslavia were particularly notable in this respect. Such recognition
may
serve
to rationalize
experiences
of discrimination
and
the
challenges
of
as not necessarily the result of their own personal inadequacies or

finding work
of individual employer prejudices but as fair requirements on the part of
employers,
them
enabling
to maintain
a sense
of "mastery"
in their
lives.
to work as an
is not good enough at the moment
My main barrier is English, which
to
accountant. The other obstacle
ismy age. I find it difficult and time consuming
reach English proficiency to the level required to do the job I am qualified for. I do
? Bosnian woman
not see it as discrimination.
An employed Bosnian man, when asked ifhis job was appropriate, above
or below his qualifications, wrote, "I realized that inAustralia themost important
to prove that you can do the job you are paid for regardless towhat
thing is
qualifications
you
have.
appreciate
that very much."
Similarly, a Bosnian woman, when asked if she had had difficulties

as a normal thing in a
a
finding job inAustralia, commented, "I considered it
new
country
with
no
experience.
Work
experience
is
important
and without
it, it is hard to get a job."

Respondents fromAfrica and theMiddle East also recognized the require
ments of the employment market, and often justified their experiences as

50
International
Review
Migration
to their lack of local experience, qualifications, or cultural

legitimate exclusions due
extracts indicate both acceptance and pragmatism.
knowledge. The following
seems to be
I think that my overseas experience
by the Australian
unrecognized
assume they
Australian degree.
prefer people with local experience and
I
companies.
woman
Iraqi
have the right to re

to the cultural,
language, and other factors many employers
arts
one interview, I felt
subject. In
ject my application especially when you deal with
that I need to understand the art culture inAustralia before I apply for job.
Iraqi man
Due
is a very competitive market, so I experience that and I continue because as

to
to build a
gain
good network of client, business, retailer
self-employed you need
man
to do so. I
time
in
therefore
need
business,
stability
Iraqi
Australia
the job
who
When
candidate
many people
suitable qualification
?
Somali man
candidate.
have
white
Australian
take the best

apply it and employers
and they prefer the
and experience
is advertised
I realized that getting a job in Engineering would be difficult as senior graduates were
still looking when I graduated. I therefore took up taxi driving to support myself and
- Tanzanian
man
my partner.
Some suggested that discrimination

to be
from
given
expected,
ment
service
a
events,
worker
said,
where
country
The
their
this
experiences
sort
"Iraqis
is simply a normal part of life, and

home.
of expect
For
example,
an
?
discrimination
Iraqi
they
settle
come
is rife."
examples provided
including
back
indicate a certain approach
discrimination.
appear
Respondents
to
to negative
choose
life
either
to
on the positive aspects of their experiences,

ignore the discrimination and focus
or
they
choose
not
to "see"
the discrimination
directed at them personally. These
as
something
approaches would
unfair,
or as
being
protect well-being.
Social Effects
(1996) has argued that
support is significant for refugees. Cummins
intimacy is themost significant determinant of quality of life,and community
and safetyare also important inmaking theworld meaningful and manageable.
More
recently, in a study of well-being around Australia, he found that
(Cummins et al, 2005:2).
community connection determines well-being
and Kitayama
Uchida, Norasakkunkit,
(2004) report a number of studies
Social
indicate that the well-being of those from "collectivist" cultures is

determined by their interpersonal connectedness and thewell-being of others.
et al (2003) recognize the importance of social networks for young
Brough
a
refugees, suggesting that they combine personal resilience factors (including
which

of Refugees
Perceptions
_Proportion
inWestern
TABLE 8
Are Happy with Their Private
Who
Australia
Social Network
(N = 50/50)
(N = 49/50)
24.0
68.0
4.0
2.02.04.0
34.0
Entirely
38.0
Mostly
22.0
Somewhat
at
8.0Not
All
(Percentages)_
MidEast
Total
African
Ex-Yugoslav
51
(N = 49/50)
16.0
58.0
22.0
(N = 148/150)
24.7
54.7
16.0
TABLE 9
Find Australians
Who
_Proportion
Generally
Ex-Yugoslav
=
(N 48/50)
Somewhat
(Percentages)_
Total
MidEast
(N = 49/50)
14.0
24.0
60.0
54.0
22.0
20.0
2.00.00.7
30.0
40.0Mostly
26.0
at
0.0Not
All
Entirely
Friendly and Accepting
African
=
(N 49/50)
(N
146/150)
22.7
51.3
22.7
sense of optimism about the future)with strength taken from their community
to overcome stressand ensure positive well-being. McSpadden
(1987) similarly
for refugees.
found social networks significant indicators of well-being
resources
Likewise, Young (2001 ) reports personal and social
mitigate against
the
Thus
negative
we can
effects
of migration
assume
that social
stress
support
Salvadorean
among
may
mitigate
in Canada.
refugees
against
the
negative
possible
effectsof discrimination.
Over 75% of our sample was entirely ormostly satisfiedwith theirprivate
social network {see Table 8), presumably finding a sense of support and
one in twenty overall) felt completely
intimacy from them.Very few (less than
dissatisfied with their social network, indicating thatmost

lived
ships
in Australia
which
for more
provide
than
two years
the necessary
have
emotional,
refugeeswho have
to
relation
develop
and
social
managed
material,
supports
are a
required to live a fulfilling life. It is likely that these social networks
positive factor in refugees' lives and affect theirwell-being.
In addition
to their
support
personal
networks,
believe thatAustralians generally are good people, who

go."
Thus
while
they
agree
that
some
our
sample
appeared
to
try to give others "a fair
discrimination
exists,
they
appear
to
believe that it isnot widespread. As Table 9 indicates, of the total sample, 74%
found Australians entirely or mostly friendly and accepting, with only one
person
them
not
Australians
from the African sample (and none from the other groups) finding
at all
friendly
only
and
"somewhat"
accepting.
friendly
However,
and
quarter
of the sample
accepting.

found
52
_Proportion
Who
TABLE
Feel at Home
10
inAustralia
(Percentages)_
MidEast
=
49/50)_(N
16.7
48.0
22.0
African
=
48/50)_(N
16.0
4.0
Ex-Yugoslav
=
_(N 50/50)_(N
30.0
Entirely
34.0
Mostly
20.0
Somewhat
at
16.0
All
Not
Review
Migration
International
54.0
22.0
16.0
Total
= 147/150)
56.0
24.0
2.0
11.3
a mean of 2.99 it is clear thatmost of our sample findAustralians

a sense thatAustralia is "home"
was
This
friendly.
significantly correlated with
not
with
life
satisfaction
(0.427**),
finding
generally (0.259**), and with
it difficult to be a refugee (0.352**). Those more likely to see Australians as
friendly and accepting were less likely to report experiencing discrimination
With
but the descriptive statistics in Table 10 clearly demonstrate

(0.215**),
that at least a quarter of the sample had experienced discrimination but also
found Australians friendly and accepting.
The
fact
that
general
are
of discrimination
experiences
not
correlated
with whether refugees feel Australia is home nor with a sense of regret in
coming toAustralia again indicates an apparent relative lack of importance of
discrimination
in the resettlement
process.
Of our sample, those who feel "at home" inAustralia are more likely to
seeAustralians as friendly (0.427***) and to seeAustralia as fair (0.527***), and
were less likely to have experienced difficulty as a
are less
refugee (0.414***),
likely to plan to return (0.287***), reported fewer problems understanding
theAustralian way of life (0.364***), and had fewer problems adapting to
the Australian
way
of
life (0.456***).
was
"at-homeness"
However,
once
again
not correlated with experiences of discrimination or education level.16

The high proportions of theAfrican and Middle Eastern sample who
do not regret coming toAustralia (Table 11) indicate a relativity effect - a
recognition that they are better off than friends and family back home or in
refugee
ever,
camps,
the
fact
and
that
recognition
same
these
of the relative
groups,
opportunities
particularly
in Australia.
the Africans,
are
How
far more
likely to consider returning than the ex-Yugoslavs is interesting (Table 12).

It indicates they are not so settled inAustralia as to feel unable tomove, and
possibly that they don't quite belong, or at least feel they belong better
elsewhere. Likelihood of returnwas related to education level (0.252**), and
16See also Ang et al. (2002), who found that while
they had the highest levels of well-being.
35%
of Somalis
did not consider Australia
home,

of Refugees
Perceptions
_Proportion
Who
11
TABLE
Regret Coming to Australia
African
=
(N 46/50)
Ex-Yugoslav
=
(N 49/50)
Not at
Often
Yes,8.0
24.0 Mostly
18.0
Somewhat
All48.0
_Proportion
2.05.3
6.0
6.0
16.0
64.0
Considering
Australia
(Percentages)_
Total
MidEast
=
(N 47/50)
(N = 50/50)
to
Yes, I Plan6.0
8.0
16.0
70.0
53
(N = 142/150)
16.0
15.3
8.0
14.0
68.0
60.0
12
TABLE
Returning to Home Country
Ex-Yugoslav
Probably, If the Situation Improves

There in theNear Future
Perhaps Later onWhen I Retire
Not Considering Returning
inWestern
African
(N = 48/50)
(Percentages)_
MidEastTotal
(N = 48/50)
(N = 146/150)
38.06.0 16.7
28.0 25.3
40.0
16.0
6.0 12.7
12.046.0
42.7
to their home
qualitative data indicate that the highly educated hope to return
countries ultimately to help to rebuild them.
Social networks and a coherent meaning system provided by religious
commitment also act as resilience factors (Berger and Luckmann,
1996;
McMichael,
2002; Forman, 2003) which may dampen the negative effect on
or resiliencymay
well-being of discrimination. General well-being protection
also be provided by particular cultural or religious approaches to acceptance of
one's lot in life certainly those fromMuslim backgrounds emphasized this as
a feature of their belief system in their qualitative responses {see also Tilbury,
2007).
Additionally, participants felt a sense of satisfaction and pride attendant

upon being able to provide financial assistance to relatives in need back
home or elsewhere (56% ex-Yugoslavs, 86% Africans, and 60% of theMiddle
East sample ? thus 67.3% of the total sample ? sent remittances to family
overseas, and 43.3% supported relatives inAustralia). Their ability to provide
this type of support may be a significant mitigating factor against the effects
of discrimination on theirwell-being.
RelativityEffects
notion of relative gratification (as opposed to deprivation) provides
another insight into the surprisingly high levels ofwell-being. Obviously those
The

54
International
Review
Migration
see discrimination as annoying, but not life-threatening,

fleeing bullets may
and a low price to pay for perceived freedom and opportunity. They may thus
feel relatively satisfiedwith their lives overall. Instead of comparing themselves
to the
general population, and finding themselves relatively poorer off, they
appear tomeasure their lifequality in relation to that of those back home or
their life before coming toAustralia. To explain a similar finding, Ang et al.
(2002) suggest that the reason their Somali sample had the highest reported
satisfactionwith life inAustralia isbecause theyhave relatively recentmemories
of exile and compare their life here with that in theirwar-torn country of
? a relative
et al (2004) also found
origin
gratification effect. Richardson
humanitarian
entrants
more
satisfied
than
other
streams
migrant
due
to
comparisons of their current situations with those of theirpast or those of their

elsewhere.
compatriots
Refugees
certainly
place
more
value
on
opportunities
for their children, so their current conditions may be less important determinants
ofwell-being than prospects for future potential. Expectations and aspirations
? those
are also a
not expect to be able
significant influence
refugeeswho did
to work
in the same
occupation
and
at the same
level
as
in countries
were less likely to feel dissatisfied with their lives inAustralia.17
of
origin
to come to Australia.
I applied
I did not have high
Safety was my priority when
a
not have many
expectations about getting
job inmy field, but I believed I would
?
to find a
as Australia
a rich and
is
Bosnian
country.
problems
developed
laboring job
man
I came here to save my kids and myself from war; we ran away to safetywith no ex
. . .
or
are not
someone is
plans beforehand.
Refugees
thinking of that. If
to save your life- you do not have time to think or ask for
from
bullets
away
running
- Bosnian woman
anything. Another day another dollar.
pectations
I don't want to push myself so hard with the taxi

Though
thing. I just try to, you
know, and what can put food on the table and pay my rent and the rest I am putting
iton, you know, the community thing.We
just help here and there. South Sudanese
man (interview)
Interviewer: And still, why do you think that people will declare
their level of
satisfaction as being quite high inAustralia,
and yet, you know, feel discriminated
. .?
against or.
17Some of the comments
to answers to questions 24 and 25 of the survey. These are:

correspond
"Before coming to Australia did you expect to find a job in your area of expertise? i. yes,
a
quickly; ii. yes, but possibly with
significant delay; iii. no; iv. I didn't know"; and 25. "Before
toAustralia did you have
information about the job market inAustralia? i. yes;
coming
adequate
ii. no."
24.

Perceptions
of Refugees
inWestern
Australia
55
because Australia
isvery peaceful, that's why people are satisfied,
Respondent: Maybe
you know. But ifyou live in other place, maybe, you may have everything but yet [are]
not sure of what's
to
the next minute
going
happen;
they going to come and kill
to a
at least there is
ifyou compare
you. Then
place where
security, then people
one reason, I think, that
will definitely be satisfied with
that. That's
people
to where
come from.
would declare;
they're going to be satisfied compared
they
? Sierra
Leonean man
CONCLUSION
AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS
This paper began with a discussion ofwell-being measures and issues around
objective versus subjective measures. The above analysis indicates the utility of
a
qualitative approach with a quantitative one, with the transcripts
combining
manner inwhich discrimination is understood and
revealing something of the
dealt with, and themitigating factorswhich may soften its influence on well
being. However, they also indicate the ways inwhich refugees do perceive a
relationship between discrimination and theirwell-being, a relationship which
does not show up in correlational analyses of the quantitative data.18 This
relationship was made explicit in a follow-up interviewwith an African lawyer
who
hopes
ultimately
in Australia,
to return
home.
He
suggests
the more
that
the
longer
refugees
stay
their health and well-being will be affected by

to feel different, and by the presumption that
made
discrimination, by being
come
to
here
"make it rich."
they have
it not been for thewar, most Africans would have not
Yes, Africa is full of life.Had
come here. [ ] Discrimination
affects the health. If you compare the Africans that
come here, you know, [?recently?] they tend to have better health than those who have
been longer and stayed here. The more your health deteriorates,
that's because
Because when you feel discriminated
and you don't feel
[ ] of discrimination.
think we come
[ ] I mean, people
part of the society, you don't feel you belong.
in terms of money. There's
here to look for, there's nothing,
have
nothing. We
we don't have is peace. That's what we want to create
everything. The only thing
there.
Certainly qualitative results indicate a fairly high level of bitterness

among refugees resulting from their experiences of discrimination.19 Since the
18However,
the
influence
of sampling
constraints
on
the quantitative
findings
cannot
be
overstated.
it is important to acknowledge methodological
influences here. The bitterness of the
19Again,
stories told may be related to the questions
the researcher was asking. We have no indication of
the degree towhich such stories are a significant part of their lives, or themanner by which they
might
influence theirwell-being.
See also Tilbury,
2007.

56
the various
capture
are quantitative and relatively blunt, they are unlikely to
measures
well-being
respondents'
are
cultures
of
dimensions
data cannot
qualitative
Review
Migration
International
answers
to
experience
shed light
quantitative
and
problematic,
on
refugees
even
But
the influence of cultural factors in

Measures
questions.
that we
indicates
research
encounter.
across
of
well-being
assume
cannot
equiv
alence. Additionally, our Middle Eastern respondents clearly took a particular

approach to answering the questions. They brought culture-bound rules of
politeness to the research process (seeTilbury, 2006). Consider the following
same project. When

asked about their experience of the
findings from the
are tasked with
services
which
government-funded
helping them to find
different
appraisals, with 52% of
employment, respondents provided massively
Middle
Eastern
respondents
as excellent
these
evaluating
or
good,
when
only
8% of ex-Yugoslavs and 10% ofAfricans used these categories. Only a small

proportion of such differences could be explained by actual differences in
services provided (given that participants were using the same service providers);
therefore these findings indicate the propensity of those from theMiddle
to rate
East
from Africa
their experiences,
or the former
on
numeric
Yugoslavia,
who
scales
at least, more
show much
more
highly
similar
than
those
response
patterns.
We
sees
those
have further evidence of this cultural "politeness imperative" which

from
some
cultures
not
wanting
to
openly
criticize
others.
In a focus
group with the bicultural assistants after they had conducted the survey
Eastern researchers who works in the area
interviews, one of theMiddle
of Iraqi refugee settlement gave the following insight into his approach to the
research:
I did not even mention
the questionnaire]
the word "research."
conducting
to answer
everything positively, that's what they are used to: "everything
are afraid if
[the government welfare
They
they criticize Centrelink
agency] they will somehow find out. Iraqis do not want to criticize anyone. They
means
think ifyou're seen as positive, it keeps the relation alright.
Negative
[having]
a critical
position.
[When
They have
is excellent."
for me is different from employment.

I need to go home and find my
family happy and then I'm happy. Even if I do not have job but have enough to secure
2 months,
I'm happy.
If I ask them about
3 months,
my family for a month,
employment but they talk about general things. And they would never say anything
Happiness
against
This
tables
above,
the government.
extract
and
also
probably
indicates
relevant
the
evident
factor,
gratitude
to some extent for the entire
in many
sample,
which
of
the
sees
refugees grateful to the host country for being given refuge and provided with

of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
57
services (Richardson et al, 2004), which may produce more positive responses.
It must be acknowledged, however, that while some of their quantitative
seem
responses
the Middle
anomalous,
Eastern
were
sample
very
forthcoming
with critical comments in the open-ended questions.

issues, the question which we have
Finally, in terms of methodological
as
discrimination
which
did not correlate with levels
(and
interpreted
general
of well-being) was based on asking whether people had "been treated in an
as a
way
unpleasant
Itmay
refugee."
be
that
were
respondents
of other
thinking
aspects of their life, apart from discrimination. However, given thatwe asked
a separate question
itwas "difficult to be a
about whether
refugee in
we
Australia,"
are
confident
reasonably
of discrimination?which
with levels ofwell-being.
that
this
did
measure
perceptions
leads us back to the question why this isnot correlated
Harrell (2000) argues that the impact of discrimination is variable and

influenced by a number of factors, and Cummins
(2000) and Rapley (2003)
have
warned
against
cross-cultural
simplistic
of measures
applications
of
quality of life.Therefore it is vital that the complexity of the position of the

refugeewho is living in conditions of relative advantage compared to compatriots
back home, but who experiences discrimination, be studied in a more holistic
way. Ryff,Keyes, and Hughes (2003) have provided some evidence that not all
those exposed to negative life events, such as discrimination, will be damaged
by the experience, and thatmany may actually flourish despite (or even because
these experiences, developing resilience which manifests as eudaimonic

well-being. Factors which may influence such outcomes include personality
of)
social
factors,
support,
religion,
relative
intelligence,
and
comparisons,
so forth,
factorswe have also found to be related to positive well-being. Refugees

who have survived difficult circumstances and managed to find theirway to
a country which ostensibly
provides opportunities may be more likely to carry
the personality featureswhich enable this ironically positive effect. Since our
were relativelywell-educated,
it is likely that theywere able tomake
sample
use
positive
less
of their
experiences
for a less-educated
likely
It may
that
be
refugees
of discrimination
sample.
who
Thus
more
experience
such
an outcome
research
may
be
is necessary.
discrimination
manage
the
negative affect or feelings which itmight be expected to produce through a

number of strategies including perceiving the discrimination as an individual
aberration
which
Major,
rather
than
widespread,
they are a member

1989),
or as
or
as
something
directed
at
the group
of
rather than to them as an individual (Crocker and
something
which
is structural
and
therefore
unfortunate,
but not requiring of action. Alternately itmay be that discrimination

is seen in
58
International
relative
that
and
as a
terms,
other
Migration
to
low price
as social
such
relatively
factors,
Review
for
pay
in a safe environment,
living
support,
and
stability,
security,
are
of
greater relative importance in determining quality of life.This reflects a

"relative gratification" effect (Pettigrew, 2002) which sees refugees being
satisfiedwith their lives because the points of comparison are somuch worse.
At a more personal level, fundamental "satisfaction dispositions" (Judge and
Watanabe,
1993) or "well-being homeostasis" (Cummins et al, 2005) may
mean that
levels of
regardless of negative life events, refugees maintain
the
around
well-being
average
mark.
three-quarters
it may
Alternatively
be
that refugees are simply appreciative and happy to be part of a process they
see as beneficial
(e.g., processes designed to aid settlement), regardless of
outcome
the particular
for them as individuals (White and Pettit, 2004);
or that a sense of mastery or level of control over their lives is sufficient to
produce positive well-being, despite discrimination (Ryff,Keyes, and Hughes,

2003).
A major concern is the policy implications of the
findings outlined above.
These findings may give support to arguments that since neither lack of
employment opportunities nor experiences of discrimination have a strongly

negative impact on the general well-being of refugees, no policy action should
be
taken
to
either
improve
of
these
social
realities.
we
However,
would
argue
otherwise. Firstly,we know that the effectof racism isvariable depending on a

number
of antecedent
factors
including
race/ethnicity,
age,
gender,
language,
psychical characteristics, sociopolitical context, location, SES, family char

acteristics, and racial socialization; the sources of stress such as individual or
group
racism,
nation,
and
acteristics
stresses
status-related
Stressors;
generic
coping
styles;
the
effect
such
sexism,
factors
of
perceptions
as
of mediators
sociocultural
self-esteem),
(e.g.,
and
values,
other
racism;
such
such
and
discrimi
religious
as
char
personal
as
cultural
identity,
resources
external
such
as social supports
1991; Harrell, 2000). It is therefore
(Vega and Rumbaut,
difficult to determine precisely the interaction of these factors with the par
ticular
Given
of the
experiences
in our
refugees
sample.
Further
research
is necessary.
that the qualitative data indicate very clearly that discrimination is felt
negatively by respondents, it is difficult to know what this lack of correlation
measures
in the
quantitative
means.
Secondly,
itmay
be
that
refugees
would
have even higher levels ofwell-being, over and above theAustralian average,
ifnot for the effects of discrimination. Even ifwe are to discount effects on
well-being,
there
are
for refugees which

ensuring
social
arguments
for
revolve around
ensuring
improved
employment
the effective use of human
cohesion.

outcomes
capital and
of Refugees
Perceptions
inWestern
Australia
59
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Discrimination and Well-Being: Perceptions of Refugees in Western Australia

Author(s): Farida Fozdar and Silvia Torezani

This content downloaded from 129.108.9.184 on Thu, 31 Jul 2014 20:27:00 PM

This paper reports the apparent paradox of high levels of discrimination

specifically directed or contained

rather than serious

is often seen as privileged in that despite increasingly diverse settler

conflict and extreme anti-immigration

and racist ideologies

research is funded by an Australian Research Council Discovery Grant. Chief investigators

2008 by theCenter forMigration Studies ofNew York. All rights reserved.

IMR Volume 42 Number 1 (Spring 2008):30-63

This content downloaded from 129.108.9.184 on Thu, 31 Jul 2014 20:27:00 PM

prosperity, political stability, and temperate climate. Its permanent migration

skilled, family, and humanitarian

and in the 1980s and 1990s countries of theMiddle

East also provided

Australia aims to be tolerant of the diversity produced by its immigration

guard against racial discrimination in

15; see <http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/cth/consol_act/rdal975202/>.

This content downloaded from 129.108.9.184 on Thu, 31 Jul 2014 20:27:00 PM

Eastern appearance" demonstrate the ongoing xenophobia

of streetdiscrimination and vilification (Humphrey, 2002; Castles and Miller,

argued elsewhere that refugees toAustralia, despite high levels ofwork-relevant

both personal and institutional discrimination in the employment market

might expect refugees to feel relativelydissatisfied with their lives inAustralia.

employment and well-being.

3Most recent evidence

This content downloaded from 129.108.9.184 on Thu, 31 Jul 2014 20:27:00 PM

FACTORS AFFECTING QUALITY OF LIFE/LIFE SATISFACTION/

increasingly used by psychologists and policy

interventions for various populations

access to health, safety,and so forth (Trewin, 2001). Critics of the subjective

counter to this is that ultimately this is a measure

indicate a simple positive correlation between the two variables (Veenhoven,

the paper, to indicate both the

This content downloaded from 129.108.9.184 on Thu, 31 Jul 2014 20:27:00 PM

cultures ? subjective well-being

is related to personal achievement

more closely related to interpersonal connectedness (Uchida, Norasakkunkit,

measures of satisfaction orwell-being across cultures. Young (2001) found that

et al. (2005:1) offer the concept of "subjectivewellbeinghomeostasis,"

scale ? and it is this that accounts for its relative stability.

is a complex notion with many different dimensions whose definition is

and cultural meanings.

that life satisfaction,

(Walker and Smith, 2002:1),

aspirations, and expectations (Clark, 2001). Relative deprivation requires not

This content downloaded from 129.108.9.184 on Thu, 31 Jul 2014 20:27:00 PM

material circumstances as being unfair and resent them (Pettigrew, 2002:368).

has it that experiences of discrimination produce

the situation where people compare

confuse, and ultimately prevent optimal growth and functioning of individuals

as "other" by the dominant group. Gunar Myrdal (1944)

recent review of 138 empirical quantitative research reports on the

(1999) demonstrated that forBlacks, Mexican Americans, and Asian Americans,

as discrimination, may contribute to a deeper

autonomy of those with assigned minority status" (Ryff,Keyes, and Hughes,

This content downloaded from 129.108.9.184 on Thu, 31 Jul 2014 20:27:00 PM

AND WELL-BEING AMONG MIGRANTS

Few studies explore the effects of discrimination on migrants and refugees

experience psychological distress as a result of racial discrimination. Earlier

identification, "acculturation attitude," self-esteem, life

life satisfaction of refugees tends to focus on the traumatic contexts fromwhich