The Themes of Buddhist Mural Paintings and The Canonical Texts

346
Chapter Six
The themes of Buddhist mural paintings and the canonical texts
Identification of the themes of paintings:

At the beginning of last century, the trend as exemplified by Foucher was that in
order to better appreciate works of art, it is necessary to understa.Iid them arid that the first
thing one has to do, after having duly admired their beauty, is to identify the subjects they
represent. 1This notion clearly indicates that themes were considered one of the major
aspects of any artistic creation. Without doubt, this aspect is particularly applicable to the
Buddhist wall painting traditions of the ancient period of India and Sri Lanka as weli.
Nevertheless, in the context of this thesis it is evident that as in other areas, the themes of
Buddhist mural paintings of the two countries have also been separately discussed, but
none has focused attention on a comparative study of these themes to comprehend the
similarities and differences between the two traditions though they have satisfactorily
documented these themes. Hence the main objective of this chapter is to enquire into these
matters in detail.
It has to be noted at this point that one of the drawbacks to the identification of
themes is that unfortunately many of the Buddhist wall paintings of the two countries,
which belong to the period concerned have peeled off or deteriorated, due to various
A Foucher, (tr. MSA Hydari), "Preliminary report on the interpretation of the paintings and sculptures of
Ajanta," Journal of the Hyderabad Archaeological Society, 1919-20, pp. 50-111, Particularly p.SO.
347
reasons?For instance, the shrine of cave no 4 at Ajanta originally bore paintings, traces
of which still linger in patches. Cave no 6 was also originally painted with many Buddha
figures, of which hardly anything can now be made out. It is evident that on the left wall
of the antechamber of the cave was painted the 'Miracle ofSravasti' and on the right wall
the 'Assault' and 'Temptation ofMara' etc. Unfortunately, many ofthese paintings have
peeled off. Similarly, cave no 7 was once painted all over, but nothing substantial has
survived. Cave nos. 12 and 15 were also o_tiginal!Y painted as evident from the patches of
plaster sticking to the ceiling of the hall and traces of painting on the ceiling of the
antechamber and shrine. In addition, most of the_paintin__gs of cave nos. 20 and 21 have
also now disappeared although in cave no 21 a fragment of a panel representing Buddha
preaching before the congregation can be seen on the left wall between the porch and the
pilaster.1n cave no 26 also much of the painting, which had little scope for originality
due to lack of plain uncovered surface, has perished.
According to the descriptions _given in the fourth chapter it is obvious that a
majority of the paintings at the sites of the two countries consisted of narrative cycles
containing numerous individual scenes tho!J_gh
<mlY smalt _portions of the ()qginal
paintings are extant. Taken collectively, these cycles are not so difficult to identify if the
whole story is well preserved. Nevertheless when l~J!_ge sections of these stories have
been destroyed or perished, as already noted above, the identification of the themes is
For instance see BB Lal, "Preservation of mural paintings," Ancient Indm, No.22, 1966, Archaeological
Swvey of India, (reprinted) 1973, pp.83-l00; JC Nagpall, Mural paintings in India, Gian Publishing House,
Delhi, 1988, pp.30-35; Mohamed Sana Ulla, Report on the treatment of the Sigiriya frescoes and
suggestions for the preservation of paintings in the various shrines and old monuments in Ceylon, Ceylon
Sessional Paper, No. XXI, September 1943, Government Press, Colombo, 1943, pp.3-6; L Maranzi, Ceylon:
Preservation of mural paintings, Feb-May 1972, UNESCO Serial no 2721, Paris July 1972, pp.2-8.
3
Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.72-73.
348
often extremely difficult. 4Due to this fact some early scholars had wrongly concluded
that Ajanta was rich in murals representing the incidents of the history of Buddhism in
Sri Lanka and that the site depicted amongst others, the arrival of Mahinda, the elk
hunting ofDevanampiyatissa and incidents of the monarch's reign in Sri Lanka5 while
another painting depicted the bringing of the tooth relic into the island.~ addition,
problems of another kind are presented by the paintings, in particular those at Ajanta,
Dimbulagala and Tivamka shrine where narrative cycles are available. Here a complex
series of events in the narrative are reduced to only a few scenes in the picture.
Consequently, in interpreting them, the main difficulty is in determining the remaining
individual scenes based on parallels in literature and iconography. Under these
conditions -.:he identification of the murals in the caves of Ajanta as well as in other sites
needs to be evaluated within the context of historiographic developments at least briefly.
In the 1870s, Burgess provided a systematic description of all the paintings
surviving at Ajanta at the time7and it is evident that their state of preservation did not
differ significantly from that of today. He succeeded at that time in identifying two scenes
as legends ofthe Buddha's former births. In the year 1895, Oldenburg also identified eight
or nine Jatakas in the paintings, based solely on descriptions of Burgess mentioned
8
above. Afterwards, in the year 1902, Luders with the help of painted inscriptions
identified two scenes, including one already proposed by Oldenburg, with Jataka stories
4
See Dieter Schlinglo:ff, Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and intemretations, New Delhi,
1987,p.59.
5
HCP Bell, "Interim report on the operations of the archaeological smvey at Sigiriya in 1895," Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XIV, No.46, 1895, p.57.
6
HCP BelL "Interim report on the operations of the archaeological smvey at Sigiriya, 1897 ,"Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XIV, No.48, 1897, p.123.
7
J Burgess, Notes on the Buddha rock temples of Ajanta, Bombay, 1879, pp.9~78.
349
as given in the Jatakamala of Aryasura.!J.ater, in the years of 1919 and 1920, though
Foucher definitively identified around 20 paintings, 10it is evident that about a dozen
Jataka stories had already been studied by former scholars such as Bhau Daji, Burgess,
Oldenburg and Liiders etc. 11 However, Foucher's interpretations succeeded in identifying
a much larger number, so that he could justifiably claim that the bulk of the work of
interpreting the wall paintings was two-thirds finished. 12
Subsequently, there have been some other stray endeavours for fresh
identifications of the murals. 130f these, the latest and most significant is the work of
1
Schlingloff in which the main aim is to identify and interpret the paintings of Ajanta. 4_sut,
according to some other identifications, it is clear that the paintings of Ajanta continue to
be debatable. For instance, it had earlier been established that at Ajanta, except one or
8
SF Oldenburg, (tr. L Wiener), "Notes on Buddhist art," Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol.
XVIII, 1897, pp.l83-201.
9
H L1lders, "Aryasura's Jataka-mala and the frescoes of Ajanta," Indian Antiquacy, Vol.XXXII, 1903,
pj.326-329.
Ajanta," Journal of the Hyderabad Archaeological Society, 1919-20, See pp.S0-111.
11
Bhau Daj~ "Ajanta inscriptions," Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1861-62
and 1862-63, Vol. VII, 1865, pp.53-74; J Burgess, "Rock temples of Ajanta," Indian Antiquazy. Vol. lli,
1874, pp.269-274; SF Oldenburg, (tr. L Wiener), "Notes on Buddhist art," Journal of the American Oriental
Society, Vol.XVIIl, 1897, pp.183-20 1; H L1lders, "Aryasura' s Jataka-mala and the frescoes of Ajanta,"
Indian Antiqumy, Vol.XXXII, 1903, pp.326-329.
12
Ajanta," Journal of the Hyderabad Archaeological Society for 1919-20, 1921, pp.S0-111.
13
For instance, G Yazdani, "Notes on frescoes discovered at Ajanta," Annual bibliography of Indian
archaeology for the year 1932, Vol. Vll, Leydon, 1934, pp.31-32; MG Dikshit, Transactions of the Indian
History Congress, fifth session, Hyderabad, 1941, pp.567-568; "An unidentified Jataka scene from Ajanta,"
The Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, March-June 1943, Bihar and Orissa Research
Society, Patna, Vol. XXIX, ptl & ll, pp.l15-119; DebalaMitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India,
Eleventh edition, New Delh~ 1996; Dieter Schlingloff, "Kalyanakarin's adventure: The identification of an
Ajanta painting," ArtJbusAsiae, Vol.XXXVlll, pp.5-28; GK Bhat, "The Vidusaka's cap and an Ajanta
fresco," Felicitation volume: A collection offorty to indological essays presented to Dr. VV Mirashi, ed. GT
Deshpande and others, Vidarbha Samsothan Mandai, Nagpur, 1965, pp.336-343; Studies in the Ajanta
paintings: Identifications and intetpretations, New Delhi, 1987; WE Begley, "The identification of the
Ajanta fragment in the Boston Museum," Oriental Art, ed. Peter C Swann, Oriental Magazine ltd, (New
Series), Vol.XIV, No.I, 1968, pp.25-33; SK Maity, "My pilgrimage to Ajanta," Journal ofhistmy, ed. SK
Maity, Jadavpur University, Vol.Ill, 1982, pp.l-28.
350
Ajanta, except one or perhaps two, the scenes depicted contemporary historical episodes,
the subjects throughout being exclusively Buddhist. 15Under this impression, upto very
recent times, the court scene on the front wall to the right of the main doorway of cave no
1 at Ajanta had been a subject of controversy. At the centre of this picture is seen a royal
personage seated at ease on a high backed throne and surrounded by his courtiers and
attendants. To the right are several 'foreigners' some outside the gate of the hall, some
entering it and the rest within it. They wear peaked caps and some of them have beards.
The three nearer the throne are respectfully approaching the king with rich presents; the
one leading the party offers a pearl necklace, the second most probably holds a purse and
the third carries a tray of jewellery.
This scene had been interpreted as the Chalukya king Pulake8in ll (610-642 AD)
receiving an embassy from the Sassanian king Khusrau ll (596-628) of Persia by
1
Fergusson. ~ fact, before him, although Burgess had only cautiously suggested this idea
of interpreting the scene as an interesting memento of some embassy from Persia, 17

Fergusson and others took it up, located the alleged embassy historically and used it to
even date the painting. 18For instance, among such contradictory interpretations, Yazdani
14
Dieter Schlingloff, Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and interpretations, New Delhi, 1987;
Guide to the Ajanta paintings: Narrative wall painting~ Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi,
Vol.I, 1999.
15
Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.31; See also K Bharatha Iyer, Indian art:
A short introduction, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1958, p.67.
16
J Fergusson, "On the identification of the portrait of Chrosroes II among the paintings in the caves of
Ajanta," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Irelan~ (New Series), Vol. XI, 1879,
p.p-155-170.
J Burgess, Notes on the Buddha rock temples of Ajant!!, Bombay, 1879, p.23.
18
Rajendralala Mitra, "On representation offoreigners in the Ajanta frescoes," Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, VoLXL VII, pt I, 1878, pp.62-72; "On the age of the Ajanta caves," Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Irelan~ (New Series), Vol .XII, 1880, pp.126-138; J Fergusson, "On the
identification of the portrait ofChosroes II among the paintings in the caves at Ajanta," Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (New Series), VolXI, 187 9, pp.155-17 0; "Notes on Babu
Rajendralala Mitra's paper on the age of the caves at Ajanta," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
351
discusses in detail that these are Iranian themes. Based on the information given by the
historian Tabari, he argued that the fame of the king Pulakesin II of the Deccan spread
beyond the limits of India and reached the areas ofKhusrau II (Khusrau Parviz), king of
Persia who in the thirty-sixth year of his reign 625-626 AD, received an embassy from
Pulakesin II. He further concludes that the courtesy was subsequently reciprocated by a
return embassy sent from Persia, which was received with due honour at the Indian court.
Thus, according to Yazdani, the exact year of this return embassy is not given, but it must
have taken place two or three years after the Indian embassy visited the Persian court, so
that the event may be assigned roughly to 630AD and the painting of the scene on the
walls and ceiling of cave no 1 date to a still later date.
19
This type of interpretation is further said to be supported by the visitors standing

before the king in the reception hall wearing garments that would appear to have
resembled contemporary Persian clothing. It is noteworthy that apart from this unique
episode, several other features are also seeri as suggesting an association with Persia and
the arts of that country
20
or even artistic inter-change.
21
These include so-called
representations of servants of Iranian origin with Persian dress; the famous 'wine drinking
scene,' in which all the participants wear Persian coats, Persian caps, high boots or socks
Britain and Ireland, (New Series), VoLXI, 1879, pp.139-151; C Fabri, "Frescoes of Ajanta," MID:g, Vo1.IX,
1955, pp.61-76; B Ghosh, "Indian embassy to Khusru IT ofPersia," Journal of the Bihar Research Institute,
Vol.XXX, 1944,pp.184-191; G .Yazdani, Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions oftheAjanta frescoes based
on photography, Oxford University Press, London, Vol.I, 1930, pp.48-51; Benjamin Rowland, The art and
architecture of India Buddhist Hindu Jain, Penguin Books ltd, USA, 1953, p.248.
19
G. Yazdani Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati
Publications, Delhi, Vol.I, (reprinted) 1983, pp.46, 49; Vol.lll, 1983, pp.24-29; "The wall paintings of
Ajanta," Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol.XXVII, 1941, p.28; Percy Brown, Indian
~ainting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.35.
0
Ibid, p.35.
21
Mulk Raj Anand and RP Bharadwaj, Ajanta, Marg Publications, Bombay, 1971, p.55.
352
and tight Persian trousers. 21-he paintings thus executed on the canopy of the same cave
have also identified a representation of a Persian king, though there is nothing regal in his
appearance or actions nor is he accompanied by any of those regalia, which are generally
employed to distinguish royalty in the East.~ addition, it is necessary to point out that
though all these four paintings executed on the canopy are intended to represent the same
persons, they can hardly be recognised by their likeness. It is equally impossible to
identify the portrait of the king in these pictures from any of the sculptured representations
ofhim. 24
On the other hand, if it be correct, it would show that Khushru's Indian
correspondent was Pulakesin, but it w'ould not suffice to connect the court scene in the
Ajanta picture with that king alone.Z5This view becomes practically untenable when we
compare the styles of architecture, sculpture and painting also of this cave with those of
others, which bear inscriptions. Besides all these facts as there is no record of a Persian
king having sent any embassy to the court of Pulakesin, the identification of the royal
portrait with the latter is ruled out. Thus, the identification was shown to be wrong long
ago, but it is so catching that it has been repeated even in some recent works. 26
22
CharlesFabri, "Frescoes of Ajanta," Mm"g, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, Vol.IX, No.I, 1955, p.64.
J Fergusson, "On the identification of the portrait ofChosroes IT among the paintings in the caves at
Ajanta," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, (New Series), VoLXI, p .161.
24
1bid, pp.163-164.
25
Rajendralala Mitra Rai Bahadur, "On the age of the Ajanta caves," Journal of the Royal Asiatic SocietY
of Great Britain and Irelan~ (New Series), Vol.XII, 1880, p.130.
26
See DN Shukla, Silpa sastra: Hindu achievements in aeronautics and fme arts, Shri Darshan lal
Vastuvanmaya Prakasha-sala, Lucnow, 1967, p.167; Vasudeva S Agravala, Gupta art (A stoty of Indian art
in the Gupta period 300-600 AD), Prithivi Prakashan, Varanasi, 1977, p.95; Karl Khandalavala, The
development of style in Indian painting. Macmillan, Madras, 197 4, p.46; Krishna Chaitanya, A histoty of
Indian painting: The mural tradition, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1976, p.27; Mulk Raj Anand and
RP Bharadwaj, Ajantll, Marg Publications, Bombay, 1971, p.55; Moti Chandra, Trade and trade routes in
ancient India, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1977, p.235; SK Maity, "My pilgrimage to Ajanta,"
Journal ofHistoxy, ed. SK Maity, Jadavpur University, Vol.lll, 1982, p.6.
23
353
In contrast, in view of the fact that all the wall paintings of Ajanta are for the
edification of the Buddhists, it is but natural to seek in these paintings, too, the
representation of some subject connected with Buddhism. Under this impression, unlike
other scholars, Debala Mitra wrongly suggested that this panel is faintly reminiscent of the
celebrated Buddhist emperor ASoka's reception of foreign embassies, which has not
7
received scholarly attention since she has not given any reason for the identification?
Accordingly, it is obvious that it is difficult to say to what incident the painting

actually refers to?~ut it is noteworthy that recently Schlingloff has rationally identified
this scene of the so-called 'Persian embassy' as a depiction of a Buddhist story. 29As he has
pointed out, in Buddhist literature, there is an ancient legend in which the presentation of
gifts to a king plays a dominant role. It is the tale of king Mahas.udharsana in the city of
Kusavati, later known as Kusinagara. Shortly before his death, the Buddha tells his
disciple Ananda this story in order to change his low opinion of the city in which the
Buddha wants to enter Nirvana. 3Certainly, this legend is well known in all the Buddhist
schools and is frequently handed down in a canonical context as a single story. It recounts
how the grateful residents presented the ideal king of the prosperous flourishing city of
Kusavati with a number of gifts. Though reluctant to accept them at first, he finally
decides to use the presents to construct a religious hall. According to Schlingloff, if we
27
28
Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.25-26.
Devapriya V alisingbe, Buddhist shines in India, The Mahabodhi Society of Ceylon, Colombo, 1948,
f!i ~~er Schlinglo:ff, Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and interPretations, New Delhi, 1987,
pp.59-60. For a description of similar representation offoreigners in a sculptured relieffound at Amaravati

and the comparison with the scene of Ajanta Please refer to Moti Chandra, Costumes textiles cosmetics and
coiffure in ancient and medieval India, Moti Chandra felicitation volume, ed. SP Gupta, Oriental Publishers,
Delhi, 1973, pp.89-90.
30
This story occurs in the Pali Mahasudassanasuttanta ofDigbanikaya. Dighanikaya, ed. TW Rhys Davids
and JE Carpenter, Pali Text Society, London, Vol. II, 1890, pp.l69-199; Dialogues of the Buddha translated
354
assume that the so-called 'Persian embassy' painting illustrates this event, we can easily
explain why the king's visitors are wearing 'Persian clothes.' The artist wanted to convey
not only the splendour and wealth of the citizens ofKusavati, but their foreign appearance
as well. 31
Unlike Ajanta, it is evident that the Buddhist mural paintings ofBagh caves were
in an unidentifiable condition even during the 19th century AD, due to their sad state of
preservation. Hence no scholar has attempted to identify these paintings unlike those at
Ajanta. However, in one of the remaining scenes at cave no 4, popularly known as the
Rangamahal cave, the first episode beginning from the left shows a princess and her
companion, one weeping and the other consoling her. Some scholars have concluded that
in all likelihood this must be the scene of the foster mother Gotami trying to console
Yasodara when all efforts to bring back Siddhartha failed. 32Meanwhile in the next scene,
two divine and two princely figures are shown seated in conversation; Sakra among them
clearly indicated by his peculiar crown. The third scene shows some monks and probably
some lay female devotees: the former performing the miracle of flying in the air, the latter
appear to be musicians playing musical instruments as may be seen from a portion of the
lute, that is preserved. It is evident that the fourth scene presents a mirthful dance. 33
from 1he Pali Dighanikaya. ed. TW Rhys Davids, Sacred Books of the Buddhists, London, 1899, Vol. II,
8 2 32
~pDi.l_9eter- schlin. goI ff., Stud'1es m. the A'1anta pamtmgs:

. .
Identifitcahons
.
.
N ew Delh'1, 1987 ,
and.mtetpretahons,
f:p.59-60.
2
Krishna Chaitanya, A histoty of Indian painting: The mural tradition, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,
1976, p.43; See also Debala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, pp.I00-102.
33
C Sivaramamurti, Indian painting, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1970, pp.31-32; VA Smith, A hist01y
of :fine arts in India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, (reprinted) 1959, p.98; See also EB
Havell, ''Notes on the paintings," The Bagh caves in the Gwalior state, India Society London and
Department of Archaeology, Gwalior, Delhi Printers, Delhi, 1927, p.66; Philip Rawson, Indian painting,
Pierre Tisue, Editenr, Paris, 1961, p. 51.
355
The scene beyond this shows a procession of people on horseback and elephants.
It consists of seventeen equestrians moving towards the left in five or six rows. In the
centre, is a cavalier over whose head appears the royal umbrella. All the figures are gaily
attired and the horses are also richly caparisoned, some of them with blue and white
saddles and wearing blue decorative plumes. It is apparent that conventionally drawn
rocks separate the cavalcade from the elephant procession. In the front rides a royal
personage, mounted on an elephant with an ochre coloured housing. Men and women
mounted on elephants follow behind. 34
Although some have identified this event as king Asoka riding an elephane 5what
episode these mute scenes are intended to convey is a mystery, not yet unravelled. 36
However, of these scenes it is evident that particularly the women dancers are drawn with
the same skill and feeling that is shown at Ajanta. 37Consequently some scholars have
believed that the paintings of Bagh appear to have been copied from the paintings at
Ajanta, since not only their similarity in technique and in poses and dresses, but the dance
- scene of the Mahajanaka Jataka painted on the left wall of cave no 1 at Ajanta is
reproduced with almost identical figures on the wall at Bagh. 38
Besides, near the upper corner of the window of cave no 4 at Bagh, it is possible to
trace two other figures perhaps representing ascetics or monks. The one to the proper right
34
Krishna Chaitanya, A histo:ry of Indian painting; The mural tradition, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,
1976,p.43.
35
See Benjamin Rowland and Ananda Coomaraswamy, The wall paintings of India Central Asia and
Ceylon: A comparative study, 1937, Alfa Publications, Delhi, (reprinted) 1985, p.79.
36
G. Yazdani Ajanta: Monochrome nmroductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati
Publications, Delhi, Vol.Ill, 1945, p.4.
37
MS Randhawa and JK Galbraith, Indian painting: The scenes. themes and legends, Oxford and IBH
Publishing co, Calcutta, 1968, p.5.
38
G. Yazdani Ajanta: Monochrome nmroductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati
Publications, Delhi, Vol.III, 1945, p.4.
356
is fairly distinct; his head in particular is well preserved. 3'1Ie is dressed in a white upper
garment with long sleeves; his undergarment, too, is white-coloured but relieved by little
blue adornments. He is seated cross-legged, his right hand raised in front of his chest and
the left resting in his lap. This is perhaps the personage whom lmpey describes as a figure
of Buddha seated under a plantain tree. 40 If so, the proposed identification cannot be
correct, as the figure in question does not show the characteristic marks of the Buddha.
41
In addition to these remains of cave no 4, it is to be noted that in cave no 3 also at
Bagh, some beautiful painting remnants are preserved. Among these, there are two
paintings of graceful women on both sides of the doorway of the pujagriha though the
subject matter of these is uncertain. 4~us, it is obvious that in consequence of the very
fragmentary state of the paintings in the caves of Bagh no scholar has succeeded in
properly identifying the particular story to which they refer. Although some scholars
believe that these paintings depict the life story of the Buddha, since the subject matter of
the paintings cannot be identified as parts of any definite Jataka story,43 others have argued
that they do not appear to illustrate any subject taken from the life story of the Buddha but
in all probability relate to some Jataka or Avadana. 44 Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that
some recent works have reasonably concluded that the subject matter of the paintings is
39
For the description of remaining scenes of cave no 4 at Bagh, please refer to Sudhakar Nath Mishra, Gupta
art and architecture, AgamKala Prakashan, Delhi, 1992, pp.191-203.

40
E lmpey, "Description of the caves ofBagh in Rath," Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society, Vol.V, 1857, pp.543-573.

J Ph Vogel, "Paintings," The Bagh caves in the Gwalior state, India Society London and Department of
Archaeology, Gwalior, Delhi Printers, Delhi, 1927, p.59.
42
Sudhakar Nath Mishra, Gupta art and architecture, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1992, p.192.
43
MN Deshpande, "Cave paintings in India," Wall paintings of India: A historical perspective, ed. OP
Agrawal, INT ACH Conservation Centre, Lucknow, 1989, p.21.
44
J Ph Vogel, "Paintings," The Bagh caves in the Gwalior state, India Society London and Department of
Archaeology, Gwalior, Delhi Printers, Delhi, 1927, p.46.
41
357
clearly a Jataka or Avadana yet to be identified45 while some others have gone to the
extant to state that the subject matter of the paintings of Bagh does not appear to be
Buddhist as it seems to be related to contemporary life. 46
Thus, according to this short description, it is clear that some identifications of the
paintings of Ajanta as well as Bagh still continue to be debatable. But, unlike in India no
long series of paintings, which represent continuous narration, are available in Sri Lanka
except those extant at the Tivamka shrine ofPolonnaruva, although a numb~r of sites are
known in the island. Of these various sites, the themes of the murals at Sigiriya and the
Tivamka image house have been identified by scholars like Bell from the beginning of the
last century.
47
This effort has subsequently been continued by later scholars like
Godakumbura who has tried to identify the themes painted at Tivamka shrine differently
from Bell's interpretations in the middle part of the last century while Paranavitana
discusses the themes of the other sites in his numerous publications although briefly.
48
But, in contrast, unlike the interpretations. of Indian paintings, there is no controversy

among various scholars of the subsequent periods. Hence, except the identification of the
45
C Sivaramamurti, Indian painting, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1970, pp.31-32.
Moti Chandra, Studies in early Indian painting, Asian Publishing House, London, 1970, p.l7.
47
HCP Bell, Archaeological SUIVey of Ceylon Annual Re.ports, 190 5, pp.16-17; Archaeological Survey of
Ceylon: North Central Northern and Central Provinces Annual Re,port for 1907, Government Printer, 1911,
ff7-19.
CE Godakumbura, Murals at Tivamka pilimage, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1969; S
Paranavitana, Art and architecture of Ceylon: Polonnaruva period, Art Council of Ceylon, Times of India
Press, Bombay, 1954; Glimpses of Ceylon's past, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1972, p.l49;
Archaeological SUIVey of Ceylon Annual Re,ports, 1931; "Archaeological summary," Ceylon Journal of
Science Section G, Vol.II, 1928, pp.l59-160; "The significance of the paintings of Sigiri," Artibus Asiae,
VoL XXIV, Nos. 3 & 4, 1961, p.387; "The subject of the Sigiri paintings," IndiaAntiqua, A volume of
Oriental studies presented by his friends and pupils to Jean Philippe Vogel, Leiden, 1947, pp.264-269;
"Sigiri: The abode of a god king," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series),
Vol.l, 1950, pp.l29-162; The art of the ancient Sinhalese, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1971,
pp.26-28; CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise history of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press,
Colombo, 1961, p.l83; WG Archer and S Paranavitana, Ceylon: Paintings from temple shrine and rock,
New York Graphic Society, UNESCO, Paris, 1957, p.7.
46
358
subject matter of Sigiriya, no attempt has been made in this analysis to discus the history
of identification of the themes of the paintings of Sri Lanka in detail and the relevant
information has been presented where it is applicable. In this context, it is to be noted that
since a number of themes have been utilized by the painters of both countries, for the
convenience of this comparative study the themes depicted in these murals have been
divided into the following subdivisions: Jataka or the former birth stories of the Buddha;
the Buddha caritaya or the life story of the Buddha; the concepts ofthousanll Buddhas or
the Buddha sahasa, Bodhisattvas and divine beings; and other themes covering the sphere
of Buddhist teachings like the wheel oflife or Bhavacakra and the decorative motifs etc.
The Jataka stories:

Of the themes that have been used for the Buddhist mural paintings of the two
countries, it is evident that the representations of the Jataka stories49are prominent. These
have been predominantly used and painted on the spacious, whitish walls of the front
portions of the temples, close to the main entrance, where enough sunlight is available to
observe the paintings easily. It is to be noted at this point that these Jatakas, the births of
the Bodhisattva are said to be five hundred and fifty although the Pali Jataka collection
contains only five hundred and forty seven Jatakas.
'1n these former lives, the Buddha
was an ascetic eighty-three times; a monarch fifty-eight; the Deva of a tree forty-three; a
religious teacher twenty-six; a courtier twenty-four; a Purohita Brahman twenty-four; a
49
It has been given a detailed account of the Jataka stories and their chronology in the letter part of the
chapter.
50
See EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. EB Cowell, WliD Rouse and
others, (first published 1895) Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, 6 vols.
359
prince twenty -four; a nobleman twenty-three; a learned man twenty-two; the Deva Sakra
twenty; an ape eighteen; a merchant thirteen; a man of wealth twelve; a deer ten; a lion
ten; a swan eight; a snipe six; an elephant six; a fowl five; a slave five; a golden eagle five;
a horse four; a bull four; Mahabrahma four; a peacock four; a serpent four; a potter three;
an outcast three; a guano three; twice each a fish, an
el~hant driver~
a jackal, a crow, a
woodpecker, a thief and a pig and,once each a dog, a curer of snake bites, a gambler, a
mason, a smith, a devil-dancer, a scholar, a silver smith, a carpenter, a water fowl; a fro_g,
a hare, a cock, a kite, a jungle fowl and a kindura. Nevertheless, it is observable that this
list is also imperfect 51
However, it is implied that each Jataka story exemplifies the efforts that the
Bodhisattva made to develop one of the ten virtues or das(lparamitas. Theseparamitas
are considered virtues like Dana (liberality), Sila (moml precepts), Kshanti (forbeamnce),
Virya (energy), Prajna (knowledge), Satya (truthfulness) etc. 52 As in the case of_the
:tspimtion of the Jatakas, it is noticeable that the ancient artists like painters and carvers
llso selected the necessary themes carefulbr to display such virtues. For example, the
2haddanta Jataka to demonstrate the Bodhisattva's boundless generosity, the Vessantam
fataka to show his
charicy~
the Vidhurapandita Jataka to dis_play his wisdom etc,
Thus~
it
Nill be seen that the narrative elements, either painting or relief also play a dominant part
LS
the intention was to emphasise the importance of virtuous livin_g mther than the
loctrinal aspect of Buddhism. 53
P Thomas, Epics myths and legends of India: A comprehensive survey of the sacred lore of the Hindu and
luddhists, DB Taraporevala Sons, Bombay, (n.d.), p.118.
1
MN Deshpande, "Ajanta: The Kaleidoscopic enigma of art historians," The art of Ajanta: New
ers,pectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, Vol.I, 1991, p.19.
1
MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five
::productions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Survey of India, 1967, p.35; "Ajanta: The
360
At the same time, according to the main contour or framework of these stories, it is
apparent that the Jatakas were meant for illustrating the effect of Karma on the repeated
births of man, ultimately leading to heaven or hell according to whether it was good or
54
bad. As a result, the Jataka stories of these previous existences ofBuddha through which
the perfect Bodhisattva had passed provided the subject for an immense quantity of
Buddhist art Certainly, each of them offers a moral example of Buddhist behaviour and
illustrates the kind of complete self-abnegation for the good of others, which leads
55
ultimately to Buddhahood. Thus it is evident that there is a strong reason for presenting
these Jatakas in the special form of reliefs 56or ill~stration on the walls of the temples
during the period concerned. It is indeed noticeable that no subject could achieve this
purpose better than stories from these previous lives of the great master, where the would
be Buddha, in his career as the Bodhisattvas, outshone others by his supreme intelligence,
the nobility of his character, his spirit and selfless service and sacrifice and his boundless
Kaleidoscopic enigma of art historians," The art of Ajanta: New perspectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others,
Books and Books, New Delhi, Vol.I, 1991, p.19.
54
De MA Gokuldas, Jataka gleanings bearing on ancient Indian civilisation, (reprinted from the) Journal of
the Department of Letters, Calcutta University Press, Vol.:XXV, 1934, p.1.
55
Philip Rawson, Indian painting, Pierre Tisue, Editenr, Paris, 1961, p. 26.
56
In fact, the Jataka legends that seem to have been most popular among the early Indian carvers are the
following; the Jatakas ofNigrodhamiga, Chaddanta, Ahiguntika, Kakkata, Cullabodhi, Culladbammapala,
Duta, Ghoshaka, Kavikumaravadana, Losaka, Mahapaduma, Mandata, Mora, Somanassa, Vessantara,
Mahaummagga, Mugapakka, Latukika, Alambusa, Andhabuta, Sasa, Sibi, Kurungamiga, Sandlubeda,
Candakinnara, Asadisa, Dasarata, Mahakapi, Cammasataka, Migapotaka, Mahajanaka, Aramadusaka,
Kapota, Vidhurapandita etc. See Nandadeva Wijesekara, "An introduction to the 550 Jataka stories,"
Selected writings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, Vol.I, 1983, pp.128-137; Amita Ray,Life and art of early
Andhradesa, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1983, p.130. Of these, more than twenty-five odd Jatakas that
are represented on the reliefs ofBharhut, two alone, namely the Vessantara and Vidhurapandita Jatakas, ftnd
representations on the early Andhra reliefs. In Sanchi, the number of Jatakas represented in reliefs is more
than a dozen of which at least ftve are represented on the relief of Amaravati. In Gandhara however, the
most popular Jataka, seems to have been Dipankara, which at least three times have been repeated in the
Andhra reliefs. The Jataka stories represented at Nagmjunakonda include the Jatakas ofGhata, Sibi,
Mandata, Mahapaduma, Sasa, Dasaratha, Champeyya, Vessantara, Dighiti Kosala and Hamsa seem to have
been most popular, since they have been repeated more than once. Ibid, pp.142 and 164.
361
compassion, no matter whether he was born as a human or a celestial being, a small

animal or a mighty elephant.
In contrast, of the various sites in the ancient Buddhist world where these Jataka
murals were painted, the caves of Ajanta unquestionably receive the most important place.
From the extant paintings alone it is evident that numerous Jataka tales are represented on
the walls of the site. Interestingly enough, some of them are repeated a number of times in
the various caves as discussed below and many of them treat human form rather than the
57
animal incarnation of the Buddha. In this context, it is to be noted that among the earliest
caves of Ajanta, in cave no 10, which probably belongs to the second century BC as
discussed in the third chapter in detail, though the murals are very badly deteriorated two
Jataka stories have been successfully identified. 580fthese two initial stories, on the left,
behind pillars 11 to 15 of the cave, is depicted the Sarna Jataka59and to the right ofthis is
57
Susan L Huntington, The art of ancient India Buddhist Hindu Jain, Weatherhill, New York, 1985, p.259.
Both these are again found represented in cave no 17 also, which belongs to the later period, probably
somewhere in the fifth centmy AD.
59
A Foucher, The beginnings of Buddhist art and other essays in Indian and Central Asian
archaeology. (tr. LA Thomas and FN Thomas), London, 1914, Indological Book House Varanasi,
(reprinted) 1972, pp.l85-204; ''Preliminazy report on the interpretation of the paintings and sculptures of
Ajanta," (tr. MSA Hydari),Journal of the Hyderabad Archaeological Society, 1919-20, Vol.V, 1921,
pp.50-111; Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996,
pp.43-44; Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, pp.l75-176; G Yazdani, "The wall
paintings of Ajanta," Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol.XXVII, 1941, p.8; Ajanta:
Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati Publications, Delhi,
Votm, 1942, pp.24-27; Vol.IV, 1945, p.3; MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta
murals: An album of eighty-five rej>roductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Swvey of India,
1967, p.35; "Ajanta: The Kaleidoscopic enigma of art historians," The art of Ajanta: New perspectives, ed.
Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, Vol.I, 1991, p.l8; SK Maity, "My pilgrimage to
Ajanta," Journal of History, ed. SK Maity, Jadavpur University, Vol. III, 1982, p.1 0. According to the
Jataka, Bodhisattva was born in that life as Sarna, the sole support of his blind parents. One day, while he
was ftlling his pitcher in a river, a poisoned arrow of the king ofVaranasi who had been out hunting shot him
accidentally. Later, having heard about the helplessness of the parents of Sarna, the repentant king offered
his senrice to them. Ultimately the parents' grief moved a goddess whose solemn asseveration brought
Sarna back to life and restored the eyesight of the parents. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's
former births, tr. EB Cowell and WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990,
Vol. VI, Jataka No. 540, pp.38-52.
58
362
painted the Chaddanta Jataka60 in a long horizontal frieze occupying the rest of the wall
behind pillars 2 to 12. Of the two stories, though the Sarna Jataka is badly damaged, it is
evident that the arrangement of the Chaddanta Jataka has a certain significance from the
point of view of the artist, who for an impressive demonstration of his skill has kept the
scenes relating to animal life and to the beauty of natural scenery almost separate from
those depicting human feelings, wherein the gloom of sorrow and suffering is illumined
by the light of faith and devotion. It is interesting that among the scenes of arlimallife in a
forest the artist has painted with great effect a fight between an alligator and an elephant,
the elephant having thrown his rival on its back and placed one of his forelegs on its belly
and being in the act of exerting further pressure with his trunk in order to crush the
alligator. Close by a huge python has caught one of the legs of an elephant who seems to
be in great agony and has raised his trunk as if to shriek and call to his companions of the
60
archaeology, (tr. LA Thomas and FN Thomas), London, 1914, lndological Book House Varanasi,
(reprinted) 1972, pp.l85-204; "Preliminary report on the interpretation of the paintings and sculptures of
Ajanta," (tr. MSA Hydari), Journal of the Hyderabad Archaeological Society, 1919-20, Vol.V, 1921,
pp.50-lll; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological SUIVey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996,
pp.44-45; Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, pp.l75-176; G Yazdani, "The wall
paintings of Ajanta." Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol.XXVTI, 1941, p.8; Ajanta:
Monochrome rq>roductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography.. Swati Publications, Delhi,
Volill, 1942, pp.24-27; Vol.IV, 1945, p.3; MN Deshpande, "Ajanta: The Kaleidoscopic enigma of art
historians," The art of Ajanta: New pers_pectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New
Delhi, Vol.I, 1991, p.l8. The stocy runs thus: Bodhisattva was born as Chaddanta, a six-tusked royal
elephant and lived near a lake in the Himalayas in the company of his two wives. Thinking that her co-wife
was her husband's favourite, the other conceived a relentless grudge against her husband and pined herself
to death praying, to be born in her next birth as the queen ofVaranasi so that she could retaliate on him.
mtimately in fulfilment of her prayer, she was born to become the favourite queen of the king ofVaranasi.
On the pretext of a feigned illness, she induced the king to commission the hunter Sonuttara for bringing the
tusks of Chaddanta. The latter, though wounded by the arrow of the hunter, helped him in sawing off his
own tusks. Finally, the queen died out of remorse at the sight of the tusks. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories
of the Buddha's former births, tr. HT Francis, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990,
Vol V, Jataka No. 514, pp.20-3l. This Jataka stoty has been depicted in sculptural form at the sites of
Bharhut, Amaravati, Sanchi and Gandhara reliefs in addition to the paintings of Ajanta. See A Foucher,
"The six-tusked elephant: An attempt at a chronological classification of the various versions of the
Saddanta Jataka," The beginning of Buddhist art and other essays in Indian and Central Asian archaeology,
Asian Educational Series, New Delhi, 1994, pp.l86-204; SK Maity, ''My pilgrimage to Ajanta," Journal of
History, ed. SK Maity, Jadavpur University, Vol.III, 1982, p.lO.
363
herd for help. Another delightful scene is the bath of a herd of elephants in a lotus lake,
where they are shown raising and curving their trunks in a variety of characteristic styles
as they revel in the comforting luxury of the water. 61
Besides these two stories, in the second stage, around fifth century AD, the Jataka
62
63
stories of Sibi, Samkhapala, Mahajanaka, 64 Mahaummagga65and Champeyya66 have
61
Histo:ry of the Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Great Britain, Voll, Part 8,
1952,p.50.
62
The Sibi Jataka where Bodhisattva was born as prince Sibi and in order to redeem a pigeon from a hawk
went to the extent of giving an equal weight ofhis own flesh to the hawk. Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta,
Archaeological Smvey of India, Eleventh edition; New Delhi, 1996, p.20; Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD
Mahajan, Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala and sons, Bombay, 1962, pp.55-62; G.
Yazdani, Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Oxford
University Press, London, Vol.I.
63
George Michell. The Penguin guide to the monuments of India Buddhist Jain Hindu, Penguin Group,
England, Vol.I, 1989, pp.337-341. The stmy ofSamkhapala which has been depicted in cave no I nms thus;
Bodhisattva, born as th~, prince ofMagadha, desired to be born in the nag a world at the sight of the
splendour of the naga king Sankhapala, who used to visit his ascetic father in the hermitage. Born in his next
birth as the naga king Sankhapala, he soon grew sick of his state of glory and by way of atonement for his
former desire, lay on an anthill offering his body to any body who might want it. One day, a party of sixteen
men wounded him and dragged him along by means of a rope nmning through his nostrils, but Sankhapala
offered no resistance. Alara a kind hearted householder, who was passing that way with five hundred
wagons, took pity upon the serpent and delivered him from persecution by paying coins and oxen to the
maltreats. Sankhapala took his benefactor to his aquatic palace and entertained him with great pleasures for
a year, after which Alara became an ascetic. EB Cowell, The Jat aka or stories of the Buddha's former births,
tr. Robert Chalmers, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.V, Jataka No. 524,
ff.84-91.
.
See MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five
nmroductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Smvey of India, 1967, p.35; Ramesh Shankar Gupta
and BD Mahajan, Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala and sons, Bombay, 1962,
pp.55-62; Ajanta paintings twenty plates in colour, Lalit Kala-Academy, Calcutta, New Delhi, 1956,
pl.xv-xix; G. Yazdani, Ajanta: Monochrome nmroductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography,
Oxford University Press, London, Vol.I; Ashok K Bhattacharya, "Time in Ajanta painting," The art of
Ajanta: New perspectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo, Books and Books, New Delhi, Volll, 1991, p.295; George
Michell. The Penguin guide to the monuments of India Buddhist Jain Hindu, Penguin Group, England,
Vol.I, 1989, pp.337 -341. The story ofMahajanaka Jataka is as follows. The king ofMithila was killed by his
brother in a battle. His queen, who was with child, fled to Champa, where she secretly brought up her son.
When the boy, named Mahajanaka, grew up, he sailed for Suvarnabhumi with his merchandise but was
shipwrecked and carried by a goddess to Mithila, where he married Sivali, the daughter of the usurper who
had recently died. In the course of time, he renounced the world. Sivali tried to dissuade him from his
purpose but all her efforts failed. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. EB
Cowell and WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol. VI, Jataka No.539,
pp.l9-37.
6
This is a much-obliterated panel, in which found the Mahaummagga Jataka, where Amaradevi, wife of the
sagacious Mahosada, outwitted four wicked men pretending to be wise. Debala Mitra, Aj anta,
Archaeological Smvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.24; G. Yazdani, Ajanta:
Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Oxford University Press, London,
Vol.I; See also MG Dikshit, "An unidentified Jataka scene from Ajanta," The Journal of the Bihar and
364
been painted in cave no 1 and in cave no 2, the Jataka stories of Hamsa,

Vidhurapandita,
68
67
Ruru 69 and Kshantivadi 70 were painted while there are few verses
Orissa Research Society, Vol. JLXIX, part I & II, March-June 1943, pp.ll5-119; EB Cowell, The Jataka or
stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. EB Cowell and WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers,
Dellii, (reprinted) 1990, Vol VI, Jataka No. 546, pp.156-246; See also Ibid, Vol.I, Jataka No.112, p.254;
George Michell, The Penguin guide to the monuments of India Buddhist Jain Hindu, Penguin Group,
England, Vol.I, 1989,pp.337-341.
66
The Champeyya Jataka is delineated on the back wall to the right of the richly bejewelled Bodhisattva of
cave no 1. MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five
r~roductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Survey of India, 1967, p.36; G. Yaztlani, Ajanta:
Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Oxford University Press, London,
Voll; George Michell, The Penguin guide to the monuments oflndia Buddhist Jain Hindu, Penguin Group,
England, Voll, 1989, pp.337-341. According to the sto:ry, in fulfilment ofhis desire Bodhisattva was born
as the naga king Champeyya feeling disgusted, however, with his reptile existence, he went to the world of
men to observe penance and stationed himself on an ant-hill. He allowed himself to be caught by a snake
charmer that made him dance. One day when he was dancing in the presence of the king ofVaranasi, the
latter set him free at the request of the nagi Sumana, Champeyya's wife. Out of gratitude Champeyya
conducted the king to the abode of the serpents and lavishly entertained him for seven days; then he sent him
back loaded with treasures. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. WliD Rouse,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Dellii, (reprinted) 1990, VoLIV, Jataka No.506, pp.281-290.
61
Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta. Ellora and Aurangabad ca\res, DB Taraporevala and
sons, Bombay, 1962, pp.62-71; George Michell, The Penguin guide to the monuments of India Buddhist
Jain Hindu, Penguin Group, England, Voll, 1989, pp.33 7-341. On the extreme left wall of the hall of cave
no 2 is depicted this Hamsa Jataka and the summary of the sto:ry runs as follows. Queen Khema having seen
in her dream a golden goose discoursing the law to her, the king ofVaranasi made a decoy-lake and his
fowler succeeded in capturing the golden goose-king and his faithful captain Sumukha Both of them were
brought to the presence of the roya.t couple who were satisfied with the discourse and set them free. EB
Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, VoLIV, Jataka No.502, pp.264-267.
68
rg>roductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeologica.t Survey of India, 1967, p.36; See a.tso Ratan Parimoo,
"Vidhurapandita Jataka from Bharhut to Ajanta: A study of narrative, semiologica.t and stylistic aspects,"
The art of Ajanta: New pet]pectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo, Books and Books, New Delhi, Vol IT, 1991,
pp.315-321; Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta. Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB
Taraporevala and sons, Bombay, I %2, pp.62-71; George Michell, The Penguin guide to the monuments of
India Buddhist Jain Hindu, Penguin Group, England, Vol.I, 1989, pp.337-341. The Vidhurapandita Jataka
occupies a large portion of the right wall of the hall of cave no 2. In order to gain in marriage the hand of the
naga princess Irandati, Purnaka, theY aksha general, won Vidhurapandita the wise minister of the king of
lndraprastha, after defeating the latter in a game of dice and brought him to the naga queen Vima.ta, the
mother ofirandati, who was pining for the discourse ofVidhurapandita. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of
the Buddha's former births, tr. EB Cowell and WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Dellii,
(reprinted) 1990, Vol VI, Jataka No.545, pp.126-156.
69
Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.32-33. To
the left of the Vidhurapandita Jataka of cave no 2, between the cell door and the pilaster, painted the Rum
Jataka According to the sto:ry, Bodhisattva, born as a golden deer, having rescued a drowning man was
betrayed by the latter to the king of Varanasi, who had declared a rich reward to the fmder of such a deer, as
his queen had taken into her head to listen to the sermon of a golden deer seen in her dreams. Bodhisattva
forgave his betrayer and converted the royal couple. See EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's
former births, tr. WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, VollV, Jataka No.
482, pp.l61-166. Unfortunately most of the panel has now been perished
365
written on the walls of the porch to the left of the veranda of cave no 2 which include
quotes from the Kshanti Jataka, found in the Jatakamala. 71In addition, on the right side
wall of the same chamber, near the front corner of the cave, there is a figure of a king
seated on a throne, which bears an inscription that early scholars uncertainly read as
Chaitrivalorki raja and explained as king Chaitra of Valorka. 72 The correct reading,
however, is without doubt Maitribala raja and therefore obvious that the scene represents
the Bodhisattva in his former birth as the kin_g Maitribala _given in the Maitribala
Jataka. 731t is to be noted .at this. point that as in the case. of the Kshantivadi Jataka
7
mentioned above, this story also forms the subject of a story of the Jatakamala. 4Jt is thus
evident that in the second phase, Aryasura's Jatakamala was one of the canons that was
used for the selection of the themes of the paintin_gs of ~anta, which will be discussed
later in detail.
Ofthe Jatakas painted in cave no 16, two can be recognised on the front wall ofthe
hall near the left comer and the left wall of the front aisle. The first
70
d~icts
the Hasti
The Kshantivadi J ataka story was pictorially represented on the wall of a small chamber outside and to the
left of cave no 2. The panel, which has now almost entirely perished, was painted with the Bodhisattva, who
did not get up his patience and preaching of forbearance in spite of the persecutions of the king of Varanasi.
Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.28-29; EB
Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. HT Francis and RA Neil, Motilal
Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.III, Jataka No. 313, pp.26-29.
71
TheJatakamala by A.J:yasura, ed.lliKern, Lanman's Harvard Oriental Series, Boston, 189l,pp.181-192;
Heinrich Ltiders, "Aryasura's Jatakamala and the frescoes of Ajanta," The Indian Antiquary, ed. Richard
Camac Temple, Vol.XXXII, 1903, pp.326-329; See also Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art:
Visual narratives of India, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p.58.
72
Heinrich LUders, "Aryasura's Jatakamala and the frescoes of Ajanta," The Indian Antiquazy, ed. Richard
Camac Temple, Vol.XXXII, 1903, pp.326-329; See also John Allan, "A note on the inscriptions ofcave IL"
ed. G. Yazdani, Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Oxford
University Press, London, Swati Publications, Delhi, Vol.II, (reprinted) 1983, pp.57, 62-63.
73
Heinrich Ltlders, "Aryasura's Jatakamala and the frescoes of Ajanta," The Indian Antiquazy, ed. Richard
Camac Temple, Vol.XXXII, 1903, pp.326-329; John Allan," A note on the inscriptions of cave II," ed. G.
Yazdani, Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Oxford
University Press, London, Swati Publications, Delhi, Vol.II, (reprinted) 1983, pp.57, 62-63. Maitribala is
there held up as a pattern of human kindness who asked him for food.
74
The Jatakamala by Atyasura, ed. lli Kern, Lanman's Harvard Oriental Series, Boston, 1891, pp.41-50.
366
Jataka75and the second shows certain episodes from theMahaummagga J.ataka. 76 In the
same cave fragmentary paintings of the Mahasutasoma Jataka, also represented in cave no
77
17 in detail, can be seen on the architrave above the front pillars of the Veranda.
78
Besides, it is apparent that the walls of the hall of cave no 17 are also all embellished with
various Jatakas as in the case of cave no 16. Starting from the front wall to the left of the
main entrance is encountered the Chaddanta Jataka 79(Plate XXIV), an earlier version of
which we have already met with the initial paintings of cave no 10. Meanwhile, it is
significant that the Mahakapi Jataka was twice painted and the first
80
is highlighted over
the window and the space between the window and small door of cave no 17. 81 Beyond the
75
England, Vol.L 1989, pp.337 -341; The Jatakamala by Atyasura, ed. lli Kern, HatVard Oriental Series,
Boston, 1891, p.200. In Hasti Jataka where the Bodhisattva hom as a benevolent elephant, flung himself
down to death from the top of a precipice to serve as food to hungry travellers, who are seen in the left panel
making a feast on the elephant's carcass.
76
Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.53-54;
England, Vol.L 1989, pp.337 -341. In this stoty where the supernatural child Mahosada adjudicated disputes.
On the top is the tank ofMahosada, who is talking to a group of four persons. Below this, a little to the left,
is the representation of the 'riddle of the son' where Mahosada was called upon to settle the dispute between
a woman and a goblin over the motherhood of a child. Mahosada asked both of them to drag the child
towards herself: the mother seeing the child in pain desisted from her effort and this enabled Mahosada to
find out the real mother. A popular version of this story, in which the judge ordered the boy to be cut into
two, so that the disputants could have equal parts, is apparently depicted here. Lower down, towards the
right, is the 'riddle of the chariot,' where two persons claimed a chariot and Mahosada declared the rightful
owner by a simple test. See EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. EB Cowell
and WHD Rouse, MotilalBanarsidassPublishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol. VI, Jataka No. 546, pp.
156-246.
77
England, Vol.I, 1989, pp.337-341.
78
Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.54.
79
George Michell., The Penguin guide to the monuments of India Buddhist Jain Hindu, Pen_guin Grou_p,
England, YoU, 1989, pp.337-341; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey of India, Eleventh edition,
New Delhi, 1996, p.58.
80
There are two Jataka stories ofMahakapi in the Pali Jataka collection, which have been used for the
paintings of Ajanta. See the Jataka nos. 407 and 518 ofEB Cowell's version of The Jataka or stories of the
Buddha's former births, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990.
81
According to this Jataka story, Bodhisattva hom as the kin_g ofmonk~s lived with his retinue on the bank
of the Ganga and ate the fruits of a mango tree, to get the delicious fruits of which king Brahmadatta of
Varanasi besieged it. Finding his troops in imminent dan_ger of death, Bodhisattva made a bridge partly by
means of a bamboo shoot and partly by stretching his own body for the safe escape of his followers. His rival
Devadatta, also born as a monkey, finding it an ~portuni!Y to crush him,jumped on his body with such
367
side door ofthe cave, the Hasti Jataka is Iepresented, which occurs in cave no 16 too. 82
The Hamsa Jataka is also painted in cave no 17,83 in addition to the Vessantara Jataka,
which covers the entire left wall between the two pilasters of the cave. 84 The adjoining
story to the right of Vessantara Jataka is the Kumbha Jataka85 and the lower half of the
wall between the back pilaster and cell-door of the cave contains the representation of the
spring that is broke his heart. Brahmadatta, touched by the spirit of self-sacrifice, gently brought him down.
Before his death, Bodhisattva gave the king an instructive discourse. EB Cowell, The J ataka or stories of the
Buddha's former births, tr. HT Francis and RA Neil, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted)
1990, Vo1.m, Jataka No. 407, pp. 225-227.
82
Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.59.
83
r!!,Productions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Swvey of India, 1967, p.36; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta,
Archaeological Sutvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.60. In the Hamsa Jataka the essential
characteristic of the swan, its wisdom is specially emphasised and the narration of the story has for its main
theme the capacity of the golden swan to expound dharma or ethical principles to queen of the land who
having dreamt listening to the bird, desired that it should be caught and brought for purpose. The story is
vividly represented in a painting of arresting in Ajanta. C Sivaramamurthi, Approach to nature in Indian art
and thought, Kanak Publications, New Delhi, 1980, p.95.
84
Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta. Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala and
sons, Bombay, 1962, p.88; MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta murals: An
album of eighty-five reproductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Swvey of India, 1967, p.36;
England, Vol.L 1989, pp.337 -341. The story ofVessantara Jataka has been depicted in art form at the sites
ofBharhut (Second century BC), Sanchi (first century BC), Amaravathi (first to third centuries AD), Goli
(third century AD) and Gandharan reliefs in addition to the paintings of Ajanta. See Margaret Cone and
Richard F Gombrich, The perfect generosity of prince Vessantara, Clarendon Press, Oxford University
Press, 1977, Introduction, p.xxxv; Ajanta paintings twenty plates in colour, Lalit Kala Academy, Calcutta,
New Delhi, 1956. In this Jataka story, Bodhisattva born as prince Vessantara was an incarnation of
generosity and charity. His farther, king Sanjaya, was forced by his subjects to banish him to Mount Vamka,
as he had given away a supernatural elephant, gifted with the power of causing rain, to the Brahmanas of
Kalinga, which was suffering from drought. Vessantara left the capital with his wife, son and daughter in a
chariot. On his way, he gave away first his horses and next his chariot to supplicants and arrived on foot at
the hill, where he lived with his family in a hermitage provided by th~ god Sakra. The prince next made a
gift of his children to a Brahmin called Jujaka and even gave away his wife Maddi to Sakra disguised as a
Brahmin. Sakra however, gave her back and through his grace Vessantara was reunited with his farther and
children. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. EB Cowell and WliD Rouse,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol VI, Jataka No. 547, pp.246-395.
85
Dieter Schlingloff, Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and intetpretations, New Delhi, 1987,
p.l48. This Jataka story descnbes how a forester accidentally discovered strong drink and how this led to the
ruin of all India, until Sakka appeared on earth and by his exposition of the evils of drink induced a certain
king to abstain from its use. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. HT Francis_,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol V, Jataka No. 512. pp .5-11; The J atakamala by
Aiyasura, ed.lli Kern, Lanman'sHarvard Oriental Series, Boston~ 1891, Jataka No.l7,_pp.l4l-145.
368
second Mahakapi Jataka. 86 Besides, it is believed that the battle scene painted above the
Mahakapi Jataka may be related to the Mahasutasoma Jataka, the subject matter ofthe
back wall to the left of the antechamber of cave no 17,87though some have wrongly
suggested that this is an episode quoted from the Sakra Jataka. 88
In addition, on the back wall to the right of the antechamber also of cave no 17 can
be recognised a few other Jataka stories. The one occup_yin_g the m~or portio~! of the upper
half of the wall is the Sarabhamiga Jataka 89To the right of the Sarabhamiga Jataka is
86
.. England, Vol.I, 1989, pp.337 -341; Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD MBJ tajan, Ajanta, Ellora and
Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala and sons, Bombay, 1962, pp.88-100; Debala Mitra, Ajan!!!,
Archaeological SUIVey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.61. In the Mahakapi Jataka where
Bodhisattva, born as a monkey, hauled a husbandman out of a deep abyss into which the letter had fallen
while roaming in a furest in search ofhis oxen. The ungrateful man made an attempt on the life of his
saviour, while asleep, by flinging a stone at him. Despite this ungrateful act, Bodhisattva showed him the
way out. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. HT Francis, Motilal
Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.V, Jataka No. 518, pp.37-41.
87
p.l 01; Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala
and sons, Bombay, 1962, pp.90-1 00; George Michell, The Penguin guide to the monuments of India
Buddhist Jain Hindu, Penguin Group, England, VoLI, 1989, pp.337 -341. 'In this Jataka, the Bodhisattva was
the son of a king in Hastinapura named Sutasoma. One day while out riding with his retinue, he met a
Brahman to whom he promised see in return for the itp.part:iJJ._g of wards of wisdom. Before he could make
good his promise, however, a man-eating monster, the former king ofBenares, captured him. As the
man-eater was carrying him off to be lair in order to slau_ghter him~ Sutasoma wept because his imminent
death would cause him to break his word to the Brahman. On seeing this, the man-eater allowed Sutasoma to
go free, but only after he had _given his word of honour to return once~ the Brahman had been paid. After
fulfilling his promise, Sutasoma did indeed voluntarily return to the lair of the man eater, who was so deeply
impressed by .the Bodbisattva's sense of honour even thou_gh certain death was awaitin_g him that he
refrained from killing him. He listened to, be influenced by the Bodhisattva's preaching, and after his
conversion, swore to renounce the eatin_g of human flesli. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's
former births, tr. HT Francis, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, 1990, (reprinted) Vol. V, Jataka
No.537, pp. 246-279.
88
Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives of India, Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, pp.222-223. However_, it is certain that there is no any stocy by the name of
Sakka Jataka in the Pali Jataka collection.
89
Deb ala Mitra, Ajan!!!. Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.63. In the
Sarabha-miga Jataka where Bodhisattva, born as a stag, rescued the king ofVaranasi, who had fallen into a
deep pit while pursuing the former. The hunting party appears in the middle portion, while on the right is
seen the stag, first practising with a stone to enable him to cany the weight of the king and next canying the
king himself on his back. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. WIID Rouse,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.IV, Jataka No. 483, pp.l66-167.
369
represented the Machcha Jataka90and below the Sarabhamiga Jataka, between the two
cell-doors, is the representation of the Matiposaka Jataka. 91 Thenext Jataka story, beyond
the cell door of cave no 17 is the Sarna J ataka Besides, the Mahisa ~ataka is also painted
92
on the right wall to the left of the cell door of the cave93 while the next Jataka story is that
of Sibi.
'1n addition, the Sasa Jataka is also painted on the wall of the back aisle of the
95
cave. The subjectofthe next painting covering the front wall to the left of the window of
the cave has been identified as the Ruru Jataka, though there is an absence or the essential
details of the story. ~t is apparent that the rest of the wall upto the door of the cave
90
Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.63. The
Machcha Jataka where Bodhisattva, in his fish-incarnation, made the king of gods cause rainfall by a solemn
profession of goodness in order to save his kinsfolk, being devoured by birds during a drought. EB Cowell,
The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. Robert Chalmers, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers,
Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Voll, Jataka No.75, pp.l83-185.
91
England, Vol.I, 1989, pp.337-341. In this Jataka story, Bodhisattva, born as an elephant once carried a
strayed forester on his back out of the forest. The state elephant having died, the king of Varanasi caught
Bodhisattva following the clue given by the forester. In the palace the animal nourishment thinking of the
helplessness of his blind mother, to whom he as greatly attached. Moved to pity the king released him. EB
Cowell. The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. WHD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, VoliV, Jataka No. 455, pp. 58-61.
92
George Michell. The Penguin guide to the monuments of India Buddhist Jain Hindu, Penguin Group,
England, Voll, 1989, pp.337-341; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition,
93
John Griffiths, The paintings in the Buddhist cave temples of Ajanta Khandesh, Caxton Publications,
Delhi, 1983, p.l3; Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB
Taraporevala and sons, Bombay, 1962, pp.90-l 00; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India,
Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 19%, p.64. In this story, Bodhisattva in his birth as a buffalo used to rest under
a tree and suffered a monkey to torture him with impunity. Once another buffalo happened to stand under
the same tree. The monkey started his unusual cruel pranks but was thrown away and trampled to death. On
the bottom the monkey is seen putting his hand on the eyes of Bodhisattva; above, the monkey now thrown
down, is looking with awe at the fierce buffalo. See EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former
births, tr. WHD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Volll, pp.262-263.
94
MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme ~d content," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five
reproductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Survey of India, 1967, p.37; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta,
Archaeological Sutvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.66. In the Sibi Jataka where king Sibi
made a gift of his eyes to the Sakra, disguised as a blind Brahman. The word 'Sibi raja' is written at three
places below the royal figure. See EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. WHD
Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.N, Jataka No.499.
95
Dieter Schlingloff, Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and intet:pretations, New Delhi, 1987,
,P.l23-128.
England, Voll, 1989, pp.337 -341; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition,
370
contains the Nigrodhamiga Jataka. 97However, of these Jataka tales the scenes of the Sasa
and the Kumbha Jatakas suggest that the literary source of the artists is the Jatakamal!!, as
in the case of the some of the murals in the cave no 2. 98
In contrast, from the extant paintings alone it is obvious that the following Jatakas
have been represented at the caves ofi\janta: Sibi, Sankapala, Kshantivadi, Maitribala,
Mahakapi, Sarna, Chaddanta, V essantara, Mahasutasoma, Matsya, Hasti, Mahajanaka,
Champeyya, Mahaummagga, Hamsa, Vidurapandita, Sarabhamiga, Ruru,'Matiposaka,
Kumbha, Sasa, Mahisha and Nigrodgamiga etc. Of these various stories, in cave nos 1 and
16, the Mahaummagga Jataka story was painted twice, while the Sibi Jataka has been
painted in cave nos. 1 and 17. Similarly, in cave nos. 2 and 17 also the Ruru and Hamsa
Jataka stories were painted twice, while the Jataka stories of Mahasutasoma and Hasti
have been painted in cave nos. 16 and 17. In addition, the Jataka stories ofChaddanta and
Sarna have been painted in cave nos. 10 and 17 though the chronological _g~p of the
paintings is considerably wide. Although it is thus evident that some of the Jataka stories
have repeatedly been painted in the caves of Ajanta, as in the case of the Buddhist reliefs 99
it is needless to state that the sequence of events or the scenes of narration of these same
97
Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad caves. DB Taraporevala and
sons, Bombay, 1962, pp.90-100; Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey of India, Eleventh edition,
New Delhi, 1996, pp.67 -68; George Michell, The Penguin guide to the momnnents of India Buddhist Jain
Hindu, Penguin Group, England, Vol.I, 1989, pp.337-341. In this story, the Banyan deer Bodhisattva and
the branch deer, along with their respective henls, were entrapped into the royal park of the king Varanasi,
who was found of deer-flesh. In order to avoid random killing, the members of the henl decided to send a
victim each day to the slaughterhouse by casting lost. The lot having once fallen on a pregnant doe,
Bodhisattva, who had been granted immunity by the king, offered himself as a substitute. The spirit of
sacrifice moved the king so much that he granted immunity to all creatures. EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories
of the Buddha's former births, tr. Robert Chalmers, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990,
Voll, Jataka No. 12, pp. 36-42.
98
~.128, 148 respectively.
.
As HP Ray pointed out that even when the same story is depicted there are variations in the pictorial
representations depending both on the space available and as ell as the creative genius of the artists. See The
371
Jatakas are conspicuously different from each other. Most_probably these depended on the
various tastes of the painters, donors and the incumbents of the caves and also according
to the available space on the walls.
It is obvious that except at Ajanta, the paintings of Jataka stories have not been
preserved at other Buddhist painting sites of peninsular India of the period concerned.
The situation is quite the same even in Sri Lanka since a series of Jataka paintings are no
longer extant, except those found at Tivamka image house at Polohnaruva and
Maravidiya in Dimbulagala both belonging to the twelfth century AD. Although these
are also now in a dilapidated condition it is obvious that as in the case of Ajanta, the main
themes of these two places were also the Jataka stories and the major events of the life
story of the Buddha. But, of the Jataka stories thus painted at Tivamka shrine, so farQnly
a few have been identified. 100 They are Vessantara, 101 Asanka, 102 Sasa, 103 Tundila, 104
winds of change: Buddhism and the maritime links of early south Asi!b Oxford University Press, Delhi,
1994,p.l46.
100
GA Joseph, "Demalamahaseya paintings, 1164-1197 AD," Ctrylon Administration Re.ports for 1918,
Government Printer, Colombo, 1919, pp. D3-D4; CE Godakumbura, Murals at Tivamka pilimage,
Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1969, p.l5; Nandadeva Wijesekara, "An introduction to the 550
Jataka stories," Selected writings, TisaraPress, Dehivala, Voll, 1983, pp.l28-137; Sarlcis Katchadourian,
Catalogue of the exhibition of Sinhalese frescoes from Sigiriya and Polonnaruva, ed. RV Leydon and HLM
Williams, Bombay Art Society Salon, May 17- 27 1940, Nos. 17-51.
101
The painting in the middle panel, according to Bell's belief, depicts the Vessantara Jataka story. HCP
Bell, Archaeological Smvey of Ceylon: North Central, Northern and Central provinces Annual Re.port for
1907, Government Printer, 1911, p.3 3. Nevertheless, Godakumbura does not agree with Bell's
identification. CE Godakumbura, Murals at Tivamka pilimage, Archaeological Department, Colombo,
1969, pp.l6-17. In fact, for the Sinhalese Buddhists, the Vessantara Jataka story has occupied a special place
among the paintings from earliest times up to modern period. See Margaret Cone and Richard F Gombrich,
The perfect generosity of prince Vessantara, Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press, 1977. This story
involving a series of difficult situations regarding the Dana paramita (preparation for perfect generosity) has
a strong impact in stimulating pious intentions and emotions. It is therefore capable, in every way, of
arousing an intense delight and satisfaction among pilgrims. The massage given to pilgrims by this Jataka
painting is, that the Buddha made all those sacrifices not merely for his own emancipation but for the
purpose of liberating other humans and gods undergoing incessant suffering in Samsara This story can
contribute towards increasing faith in Buddha as well as motivating people to follow the path shown by
Buddha. Thus, the Vessantara Jataka painting was intended on the one hand, to bring enjoyment to pilgrims
and on the other to enhance their religious faith. Nanda Wickramasinghe, "Mural paintings: 800 AD -1200
AD," Archaeological De.partment centenary ( 1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume five - Painting,
ed. Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p.57; EB Cowell, The Jataka or
372
Vidhurapandita, 105 Guttila, 106 Cullapaduma, 107 Maitribala, 108 Mugapakka, 109 Sarna,
Mahasudassana, no Kusa, n 1 Mahaummagga 112 etc. Nevertheless, unlike the Jataka
stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. EB Cowell and WHD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers,
Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol. VI, Jataka No. 547, pp.246-305.
102
The Asanka Jataka is painted on the right wall of the building, which forms a part of the access to the
vestibule near the entrance. See HCP Bell, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon: North Central Northern and
Central provinces Annual Report for 1907, Government Printer, 1911, p.33. At present, this painting has
been affected to a great extent. The summary of the story, which relates of a heavenly being born as a girl in
a lotus growing in a lotus pond and brought up by a Brahmin the Bodhisattva. The king of the country who
aspired for her hand was set to guess her name as a condition. The king, after having spent three years
making futile efforts to guess the elusive name, accidentally hit on it when about to depart indudgeon. See
EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. HT Francis and RA Neil, Motilal
Ban311>idass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.III, Jataka No.380, pp.l61-164.
103
The story ofSasa Jataka is as follows. Once upon a time, the Bodhisattva was born as a hare and had three
friends, a monkey, a jackal and an otter. On a certain fast day, the Bodhisattva decided to observe the moral
practices and persuaded his friends also to do the same. He exhorted his friends, particularly on the virtue of
almsgiving. Sakka, king of the gods, became aware of the practice of virtue by these four animals and in
order to test them, came in the guise of a Brahmin and begged for alms. The otter gave him some fish which
it had for its meal, the jackal a jar of curds and some meat and the monkey some ripe mangoes. The hare
alone had nothing suitable to offer and lest it should sent the Brahmin to kindle a fire and jumped into the
burning flames; but by the power of its virtue and the might of Sakka, the fire did it no harm. The Sakka then
revealed himself in his celestial form and in order to make the virtue of the Bodhisattva known throughout
the world, he painted the figure of the hare on the orb of the moon. Ibid, Vol.III, Jataka No. 313, pp.34-37.
104
The summary ofTundila Jataka runs as follows. An old woman reared, as children, two young pig
deserted by the sow, naming the elder Mahatundila and the other Cullatundila Unwilling when sober to sell
either, under the influence of"strong drink" she consented to part with Cullatundila to certain persons of the
baser sort. Bringing food to entice the young porker to the trough thirty fellows stood by with nooses in their
hands ready to seize it Cullatundila being called by the old woman and seeing the preparation for his
capture, in fear of death turned back, shaking, to his brother Mahatundila who was no other than the
Bodhisattva Then the great being expounded the law in a sweet voice with a Buddhist charm. The
drunkenness left the old woman and the lewd fellows throwing their nooses away stood listening. His voice
extended over twelve leagues, even to Benares. Thereupon the king and the courtiers came to the spot.
Taken to the capital the old woman was honoured and the brother Tundila treated as the king' s sons. On the
death of the king, the Bodhisattva, after preaching with zeal to the people, returned to the forest with
Cullatundila Ibid, Vol.III, Jataka No.388, pp.80-103.
105
Bell has identified the paintings in the middle panel as depicting the Vidurapandita Jataka He has also
identified the figure with a head like hat of a dog, as the demon Pumaka HCP Bell, Archaeological Survey
of Ceylon: North Central, Northern and Central Provinces Annual Report for 1907, Government Printer,
1911. Nevertheless Godakumbura is reluctant to accept the interpretation given by Bell to this panel of
painting. CE Godakumbura, Murals at Tivamka pilimage, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1969,
~1~
06
ln the panel at the bottom, there are two male figures. One of them is young, the other is an adult. They
appear to be having a dialogue. Godakumbura believes that this is an episode from the Guttila Jataka Ibid,
p.l8. The story of Guttila Jataka is as follows. When Brahmadatta reigned in Benares, the Bodhisattva was
born in a musician's family. As he grew up he mastered all the branches of music and under the name of
Guttila became the chief musician in the Jambudvipa. He married no wife, but maintained his blind parent
The skill ofMusila, the musician ofUjjeni, being belittled by persons who had heard Guttila, the former
decides to put himself under the tuition of Guttila. That master taught his pupil everything that he himself
knew. Musila having made boastful claim before the king to be the more expert, a contest of skill is arranged
between the two great musicians. Sakra then assures Guttila of divine aid and directs him, whilst playing his
373
paintings at Ajanta, due to their bad state of preservation most of these paintj.tlgs are now
unidentifiable. But it is apparent that as in the case of Ajanta, the pilgrim in his progress
lute, to break every string in succession. With nothing but the body, from the ends of the broken strings the
sound shall go forth and fill all the land ofBenares for a space of twelve leagues. At the contest, Guttila
broke all seven strings, one after another, then he played upon the body alone and the sound continued and
filled the town. The multitude in thousands waved their kerchiefs in the air, in thousands they shouted
applause. Nevertheless, when Musila had broken but one string of his lute no sound came out of it. Then the
king made a sign. Up rose the multitude and carrying out against Musila, you know not your measure the
incontinently drive him forth and beat him to death. EB Cowell. The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's
former births, tr. WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.II, Jataka No.
243, pp.l72-178.
107
The middle panel depicts a scene from the Cullapaduma Jataka too. This Jataka in which the Bodhisattva
born as a prince is deserted by his consort who transfer her love to a man whose hands and feet have been cut
off. The prince, his evil days over, regains his kingdom and the unfaithful woman comes with her stump of
a paramour to beg for ahns from the king. The king recognises the woman and drives her away. Ibid, Vol.II,
JatakaNo.l92, pp.81-85.
108
The panel at the bottom depicts a scene from the Maitribala Jataka. According to the story, five vigour
depriving spirits demons were banished by Vesamuni, the king of demons. They came to the coun!JY ofking
Maitnbala, but could not stay incognito owing to the great merit of the king. When the king found them out
he wanted to provide them with food; but they would have none other than warm human flesh laved in
blood. The king cuts his own body and with a serene countenance offers it to the demons. The demons,
frightened at this refuse theking'sflesh as food. At the left end of the drawing is sawn the king after his
encounter with the demons going into his palace. One of the demons who have since become contrite carries
the king's parasol as a mark of their conversion. It is noteworthy that how the conversion has changed the
colour of the body and the expression of the face of the parasol-bearing demon.
109
The middle panel depicts an episode in the Mu_gapakka or Temiya Jataka in which a prince harking back
to his previous births sees how the luxuries of kingship in a previous birth bore evil fruit in a subsequent
birth. He therefore pretends to be blind, deaf, mute and impervious to all outside influences. The king, his
father, having failed in all attempts to make him alive to the world, commissions a man to cany him into the
jungle, do him to death and bury him. When the man sets about digging a grave for the prince, he arises from
his assumed lethargy. Ibid, Vol. VI, Jataka No.538, pp.l-19.
110
This story runs as follows. Queen Subadda marked how, after comin_g down from the palace of truth, her
lord was lying hard by on his right side on the couch prepared for him in the palm-grow that couch from
which he was not to rise again. Exhorted by the queen to think of mundane matters, the king predicts his
death that very day. He stills the lamentations of the queen, her female retinue and the courtiers by dwelling
on the transience of all component things. Weep not my gueen, nor wail; for, even down to a tiny seed of
sesamum, there is no such thing as a compound thing, which is permanent; all are transient, all must break
up. Thus did the great Sudassana lead his discourse up to ambrosial Nirvana its goal. Ibid, Vol.L Jataka
No.95, pp.230-232.
111
Ibid, Vol.V, JatakaNo.53l,pp.l41-163.
112
The summary of the story ofKalagola ofMahaummagga Jataka, which had been painted at the Tivamka
shrine, runs as follows. There was a man called Kalagola who got the name gola, ball from his dwarfish size
and kala from his black colour. He worked in a certain house for seven years and obtained a wife and she
was named Digtala. Journeying together to visit her parents, they came to a stream, which was not deep, but
they were afraid to cross it. A man named Digpitiya happened to come there. He concentrated to cany them
across singly. Taking the woman first, he stopped when crossing the river in order to deceive Kalagola into
the belief that the stream was deep. Persuading the woman to abandon her husband, Digpitiya departed with
Digtala leaving the dwarf raging on the further bank. Finally, discoverin_g the shallowness of the water,
Kalagola also crossed the river and pursued the man and woman with he found them. Disputing the three
appeared before the Bodhisattva and agreed to abide by his decision. Under the Bodhisattva's
374
from the outer entrance to the inner shrine of the Tivamka ima_ge
house~
had a visual
demonstration of the perfection of the various virtues of the Bodhisattva, which

ultimately led to the great awakening. 113
Apart from these Jataka stories painted at Tivamka shrine, in the caves of
Maravidiya of Dimbulagala too, the Jataka stories of Sasa and Vessantara were
114
painted. 1n addition to their contemporaneity,it is evident that these two Jataka stories
are common to both the places. Thus, the painted Jataka stories of Sri Lanka during the
ancient period consist of Vessantara (Tivamka shrine and Maravidrya), Asanka
(Tivamka shrine), Sasa (Tivamka shrine and Maravidiya), Tundila (Tivamka shrine),
Vidhurapandita (Tivamka shrine), Guttila (Tivamka shrine), Cullapaduma (Tivamka
shrine) Mugapakkha (Tivamka shrine), Sarna (Tivamka shrine), Mahasudassana
(Tivamka shrine), Kusa (Tivamka shrine), Kala_gola story of Mahaummagga Jataka
(Tivamka shrine) and Maitribala (Tivamka shrine). As in the case of the murals of
Ajanta, the last story of the list is not found in the Pali Jataka version and unmistakablY
has been borrowed from the text .of Sanskrit Jatakamala. 115However, in contrast, the
under mentioned table which contains these representations of Jataka stories of
peninsular India (as extant at -Ajanta) and Sri Lanka (as alive at Tivamka shrine and
Maravidiya) during the ancient period unambiguously elucidates the similarities as well
as the differences of the Buddhist mtJral paintin_gs of the two countries in the context of
their themes, though chronologically these belong to two distinct periods.
cross-examination, the truth was elicited and Digtala restored to Kalagola. Ibid, Vol. VI, Jataka No. 546,
pg.l56-246.
S Paranavitana, Art and architecture of Ceylon Polonnaruva period, Art Council of Ceylon, Times of
India Press, Bombay, 1954, p.36; See also CE Godakumbura, Murals at Tivamka pilimage, Archaeological
Department, Colombo, 1969, p.15.
114
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Heritage ofSri Lanka, The Times.ofCeylon, Colombo, 1984, p.l2l.
375
Name of the Jataka
Paintin_gs extant at
Ajanta
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
Asanka
Chaddanta
Champeyya
Cullapaduma (Temiya)
Guttila
Hams a
Hasti
Kshantivadi
Kumbha
Kusa
Mahajanaka
Mahakapi
Mahasudasana
Mahasutasoma
Mahaummagga
Mahisa
Maitribala
Matriposaka
Matsya
MugaQ_akka
Nigrodhamiga
Ruru
Sarna
Samkhapala
Sarabhamiga
Sasa
Sibi
Tundila
Vessantara
Vidhurapandita
Total
Tivamka shrine
Maravidiya
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
23
*
*
*
13
In contrast to the 36 identified Jatakas at the sites of Ajanta, Tivamka shrine and
Maravidiya of the two countries (i.e. 23 Jatakas at
~anta
and 13 at Sri Lankan sites)
only six Jatakas are common to both. They are Maitribala, Sarna, Vessantara,
m The Jatakamala by Arvasura, ed. JH Kern, Lanman's Harvard Oriental Series, Boston, 1891, pp.41-50.
376
Mahaummagga, Sasa and Vidurapandita Jatakas. Thus, it is obvious that the percentage
of commonality of these Jatakas is only 16.6. Since this is an indication of a very low
level of harmony of the themes of the two countries, un_guestionably this _speaks for the
tremendous popularity of some of the Jatakas and their continued influence upon
generations of Buddhists throu_ghout the South Asian re_gion rather than an iiJ1pact of the
themes of the mural paintings of Ajanta on the Sri Lankan painting sites, although some
have concluded that this strikin_g similari!Y cannot be ex_plained aWl!}' as due to mere
accident.
116
The life story of the Buddha:
As in the case of the Jataka stories, the life story of the Buddha was also one of the
most popular themes amon_g the ancient Buddhist mural paintin_g sites of the two
countries. Of these, though the subject matter of the earliest paintings of cave nos. 10 and
9 at Ajanta has not been fully identified, 117in the middle part of the best-preserved scene of
cave no 10, Yazdani recognized a Bodhi tree, the tree of enlightenment and he therefore
identified the scene as the arrival of a kin_g with his retinue to worship the Bodhi
tree. 118Pursuing this thought further, Yazdani called the next scene,to the right,. in the
'
middle of which a wheel of law is to be seen the royal party worshipping the stupa.
116
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting. Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.1 00.
MN Deshpande, "Cave paintings in India," Wall paintings of India: A historical perspective, ed. OP
Agrawal, INTACH Conservation Centre, Lucknow, 1989, p.19.
118
G. Yazdani Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati
Publications, Delhi, Volill, 1942, pp.24-27; Vol.IV, 1945, p.3; "The wall paintings of Ajanta," Journal of
the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol.XXVII, 1941, p.8. The later scholars like Deb ala Mitra and
Deshpande have also accepted this identification. Deb ala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad,
Calcutta, 1971, pp.17 5-176; MN Deshpande, "Aj anta: The Kaleidoscopic enigma of art historians," The art
of Ajanta: New persj>ectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, Vol.I, 1991,
p.l8.
117
377
Consequently, he was of the opinion that the painting must depict the arrival and then the
return journey of the same king, whom he identified as one of the Andhra kings of the
second century BC. 119Contrary to this view, Schlingloffhas more convincingly identified
this scene as a representation of the "war ofthe relics" and the other scenes of the frieze as
also the depictions ofthe major events of the life story of the Buddha; more precisely the
Bodhisattva in Tusita heaven, Maya devi s dream, Siddhartha's birth, his walk of seven
steps, his first meditation etc which were also represented in the early Indian ieliefs.
120
As
it was mentioned in the fourth chapter, it is particularly to be noted that these painting do
not represent the Buddha in human form and instead various symbols have been used.
In the paintings of the later period of Ajanta, the two sidewalls of the antechamber
of cave no 1 clearly depict two imponant incidents from the Buddha's life. The one on the
left represents the Assault and Temptation ofMara on the eve ofEnlightenment. The other
on the right wall of the antechamber of the same cave is painted with the Miracle of
Sravasti or the concept of thousand Buddhas, which will be discussed later in detail. If the
scene represents an illustration of the Miracle of Sravasti, the story tells that in order to
confound the six heretical teachers, Buddha performed a few miracles in the presence of a
group of spectators headed by king Prasenajit of Sravasti. Thus, one of the miracles was
his multiplying himself into innumerable Buddhas in different mudras, poised on
119
G. Yazdani Ajanta: Monochrome r.wroductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati
Publications, Delhi, Vol.ill, 1942, pp.24-29.
120
pp.3-9.1t is to be noted that the most popular stories from the life of the Buddha among the early caiVers of
Buddhist reliefs included the following themes: Bodhisattva's descent as a white elephant to the Maya
devi's womb, Suddodhana's visit to Maya devi in the Asoka grove, dream of Maya and its interpretation, the
birth ofRahula, great renunciation, the temptation and the opening of the Ramagram stupa, the great
enlightenment, a monkey offering honey to Buddha, the firSt sermon in the deer park, Rahula' s inheritance,
king Prasenajit entertaining the Buddha and his disciples, the division of relics, the preaching of Buddha to
his mother in heaven, The story ofUdayana and his queens, the story of Angulimala, conversion of Nanda,
378
lotuses.
121
Accordingly, it is obvious that unlike the earliest paintings at the site, in these
paintings the Buddha has been represented in human form in various attitudes.
Besides, of the scenes of the life story of the Buddha painted in cave no 2, the top
panel above the cell door can be identified as the Tusita heaven, the abode of the last
Bodhisattva before his descent to the human world. The princely figure, with an aureole
around his head and seated in the teaching attitude, is obviously the Bodhisattva. In the
next panel, the nativity scene ofSiddhartha is painted on the left wall of the hall between
the front pilaster and the third cell door. Although much damaged, it is apparent that the
bottom left panel depicts the bedchamber of queen Maya who dreamt of a white elephant
entering her womb. The elephant, the form in which Bodhisattva alighted from the Tusita
heaven, is not very clear in the panel, as the portion has suffered much. A royal couple is
painted above the panel, apparently Maya saying something regarding her dream to her
husband Suddhodana. The scene to its right relates to the interpretation ofMaya's dream.
When Maya told her dream to the king, he sent for the Brahmanas, who declared that the
queen had conceived a son destined to become either a universal monarch i.e.
'Chakravarti' or a 'Buddha.' Consequently, the next seen shows a beautiful princess,
apparently Maya, standing in a pensive mood between the pillars. Below is shown the
birth scene of prince Siddhartha; Sakra holds the baby in his hands, while Maya stands
holding the branch of a tree. The seven steps, which Siddhartha took immediately,
afterwards are painted to the right of the scene. 122
Ajatasatru visiting the Buddha, the story ofNalagiri and so on. Amita Ray, Life and art of early Andhradesa,
Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1983, p.l30.
121
Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.19-20.
122
Ibid, pp.30-31.
379
In addition, it is evident that the right wall of cave no 16 is also devoted to the
illustration of incidents from the life story ofthe Buddha. Though the painting is much
darkened and effaced today, some of the incidents can be easily made out. Among these:
the sleeping figure ofMaya, to the left of which in a circular pavilion, is a royal couple,
apparently Suddhodana and Maya, conversing over the prospect of the dream which the
latter had; birth of prince Siddhartha; the prediction of Asita; Siddhartha's first
meditation during the ploughing festival; the prince at school and his practice of archery;
sleeping Yasodhara and Siddhartha's great renunciation; Sujata's offering of milk-rice
the offering of Tapassu and Bhalluka; Buddha with his
beg~ing-bowl
on the street of
Rajagaha etc are preserved. Similarly, on the left wall of the hall of the same cave is
observable a masterly depiction of the pathos and sentiments in the fainting of a beautiful
princess at the sight of a crown held by a servant, which is popularly known as the 'dying
princess.' She is identified with Sundari, the wife of Nanda; the latter's religious
conversion forming the subject of the panel also relating to the life story of the
Buddha. 123Thus, it is evident that the painters of the cave have portrayed these major
events of the life story of the Buddha at least in thirty-one scenes, which are not, placed
according to their temporal sequence 124as in the case of the Jataka stories as discussed in
the fourth chapter in detail.
123
1bid,pp.52-53; See also WE Begley, "The identification oftheAjanta fragment in the Boston Museum,"
Oriental An, ed. Peter C Swann, Oriental Magazine ltd, (New Series), VolXN, No.1, 1968, pp.25-33;
Ananda Coomaraswamy, "Ajanta fresco fragment in the Boston Museum,"~ No.l2, October 1922,
pp.l21-123; Mukul Dey, My pilgrimage to Ajanta and Bagh, Second edition. London, 1950, p.20 and plate
no. v; John Rosenned, "The arts of Buddhist India in the Boston Museum," Bulletin of the Museum of Fine
Arts. Boston, Vol.LXII, 1905, p.l61 and fig. 24.
124
Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in earl;y Buddhist art: Visual narratives of India, Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p.226.
380
Of the other caves at the site, it is apparent that the front wall of the porch of cave
no 17 depicts the subjugation ofNalagiri, one of the eight great miracles in the life of the
125
Buddha though the rest of the incidents have not been preserved. But, it is obvious that
the walls of the antechamber of the same cave are also painted with the incidents from the
life story of the Buddha depicting some of the other miracles ofthe Buddha. Of these, the
right wall depicts the well-known Miracle ofSravasti. The incidents following the miracle
were delineated in three vertical scenes on the left wall. Of these, on the top Buddha is
preaching the Abhidamma to his mother in the Trayatrimsa heaven; in the middle is his
descent at Samkissa from the heaven in the company of Sakra and Brahma by means of
stairs provided by Sakra, another miracle of the life of the Buddha; down below is the
great assembly at Samkasya where Buddha made known to the world the wisdom of
Sariputta by putting him more and more difficult questions. 126
However, as pointed out by Foucher, since most of these episodes of the miracles
are independently depicted in the murals at Ajanta, the meaning of the eight miracles
cannot be separated from the eight major places associated with the Buddha's earthly life
and activities. 127Accordingly, these eight miracles may be divided into two main groups,
each associated with a place where it occurred the spot being in tum revered as a
pilgrimage centre. The main group: Birth at Lumbini, related to which are also the dream
of queen Maya and the great renunciation; lllumination or the Enlightenment, related to it
the defeat of Mara at Bodhgaya; the First Sermon at Migadaya near Saranath: Extinction
125
Ajanta paintings twenty plates in colour, Lalit Kala Academy, Calcutta, New Delhi, 1956. Nevertheless,
Coomaraswamy has wrongly interpreted this as the Nalagiri Jataka. Ananda Coomaraswamy, Histo:ry of
Indian and Indonesian art, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, (reprinted) 1972, p.89.
126
Deb ala Mitra, Ajan!!!, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.68-69.
127
archaeology, (tr. LA Thomas and FN Thomas), London, 1914, Seepp.147-184.
381
or the final attainment at Kushinagar. The second group are: the Miracle at Sravasti;
Descent from the Tusita heaven at Sankissa; the monkey offering honey to the Buddha at
V aranasi; Taming of the elephant Nalagiri at Rajagaha. 128Thus, it is apparent that while
not all the episodes are actual miracles or pratiharyas, for instance, the birth by itself is
not a miracle, nevertheless, once the Buddha was deified and ceased to be a historical
person, all these incidents took on the significance of miracle or miraculous occurrence
interwoven around them. 129
In addition to these miracles, the back wall of the antechamber, to the left of the
door of the same cave i.e. cave no 17 depicts Yasodhara putting forward Rahula, the
latter begging his patrimony of Buddha who puts forward his begging bowl. 130It is
interesting to note that the left wall, opposite the sixth pillar of cave no 19 also represents
Buddha giving his begging-bowl to Rahula, the latter pushed to the front by his mother
Yasodhara131 though the other incidents of the series are not clear.
Except at Ajanta, at the other Buddhist mural sites of India the paintings of life
stories of the Buddha are not extant. Unlike the murals of Ajanta nothing remains of such
large and long panels of paintings in the Sri Lankan sites. As in the case of the Jatakas,
the only survivals of these are the remaining portions of the paintings ofTivamka shrine,
which belong to the 12th century AD. Though the principal piece is too small, the
fragment of Hindagala painting is the earliest representation of the life story of the
Buddha on the island since its chronology has been assigned to the seventh century AD
128
Ratan Parimoo, Life of Buddha in Indian sculpture (Ashtamaha pratihacya): An iconological analysis,
Kanak Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p.2.
129
Ibid, p.l. But, it is to be noted that since the actual meaning of pratiharya is miracle in the sense of a
magician's tricks in that sense, only the miracle at Sravasti is appropriately a miracle.
130
Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Dellii, 1996, pp.68-69.
131
Ibid, p.71.
382
as discussed in the third chapter in detail. This contains two large figures of the Buddha
and several subsidiary groups of smaller figures though what these scenes illustrate is not
at all clear. But, it is apparent that the principal divine figure kneeling at the feet of the
Buddha in the mural wears a particular type of head-dress characteristic of Indra (Sakra)
in early Buddhist art. Therefore some scholars have identified the scene as a
132
representation oflndra's visit to the Buddha in the cave named Indasala
while some
have gone to the extent of stating that the word Hindagala itself derived from that of
Indasala.
133
Besides, though the early scholars have identified this scene as Buddha in the
.Tusita heaven, preaching Abhidamma to his mother born as a Devaputta
134
some later
scholars suggest that the scene represents iucidents of the first seven weeks of the
Buddha after his enlightenment 135 Consequently, they have identified the Buddha under
the Rajayatana tree where he receives water and tooth brush from the god Sakra, a stone
bowl from the four gods of the regions and subsequently alms from two merchants
Tapassu and Bhalluka during the fourth week after the enlightenment 13 ~ addition, it is
believed that a part of the same painting depicts the supplication ofBrahma to preach the
Dhamma. This is under the Ajapala banyan tree during the fifth week after the
132
WG Archer and S Paranavitana, Ceylon: Paintings from temple shrine and rock, New York Graphic
Society, UNESCO, Paris, 1957, p.24; See also Ceylon Administration Reports for 1928, p. D4; S
Paranavitana, "Sinhalese art and sculpture," Souvenir catalogue of international exhtbition of paintings,
Colombo exhibition, February 1952, p.20; "The Hindagala rock inscriptions," University of Ceylon
Review, Vol.XVI, Nos. 1 & 2, 1958, p.1; DB Dhanapala, The stoty of Sinhalese painting, Saman Press,
Maharagama, 1957, p.15; Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon, Collins, UNESCO,
Amilcare pizzi, SPA, Milano, 1964, p.15.
133
S Paranavitana, "The Hindagala rock inscriptions," University of Ceylon review, Vol. XVI, pp.l-5.
134
GA Joseph, "Hindagala painting," Ceylon Administration Reports for 1918, Government Printer,
Colombo, 1919, pp. D3-D4; Ananda Coomaraswamy, Histocy of Indian and Indonesian art London, 1927,
p.165; See also S Paranavitana, Art of the ancient Sinhalese, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1971,
f.28; Nandadeva Wijesekara, Heritage of Sri Lanka, The Times of Ceylon, Colombo, 1984, p.120.
35
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Selected writing~ Tisara Press, Dehivala, 1983, p.279.
383
enlightenment. Accordin_g!y, it is believed that _perhaps at the site all the other major
events connected with the seven weeks after the realisation of Buddhahood may also
have been depicted.
137
It was mentioned in the third chapter that the paintings found at the relic chamber
ofMahiyangana stupa are also very fragmentary in nature. Hence the identification of the
figures at the site is indeed difficult, although some scholars have stated that it is possible
to call the remaining figures Lokapalas; the four guardian gods (Sataravardma devi) who
protect buildings from entry of evil spirits from the direction of the quarter under their
13
respective regency. '13ut, according to Paranavitana's more convincing explanation the

largest preserved fragment, (1 ft. 4 in. by 1 ft. 7 Y2 in.) depicts the Buddha seated under the
Bodhi tree with a bearded sage, probably a denizen of a Brahma world (Brahma loka), to
139
the right (Plate VIII). Hence, he believes that the main scene represented in the painting
appears to have been the enlightenment of the Buddha, on which occasion, the gods and
other superhuman beings of the three worlds are said to have come to pay homage to him.
140
1t is certainly interesting to recognise, among these divine personages, four-armed
Vishnu holding a tray of flowers in two ofhis hands and Siva with his trident. In addition,
it is significant that above the head of one of the superior Brahmas is seen a flying figure
136
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.48.
Ibid, p.48.
138
William E Ward, "Recently discovered Mahiyangana paintings," Artibus Asiae, Vol.XV, pp.110- 111.
139
S Paranavitana, Ceylon Administration Re.port, Section IV education, 1951, Government Press,
Colombo, 1952, p.G18; Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Re.ports, 1931, p.l8; Art. of ancient
Sinhalese, Colombo, 1971, pp.28, 140, plates 108 -110; See also DB Dhanapala, The stoty of Sinhalese
painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1957, p.l8; Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon,
Collins, UNESCO, Amilcare pizzi, SPA, Milano, 1964, p.l7; Nandadeva Wijesekara, Heritage of Sri
Lanka, The Times of Ceylon, Colombo, 1984, p.l21; Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings
of Sri Lanka, Lake HouseBookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.79.
140
S Paranavitana, Glimpses of Ceylon's past, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1972, p.l49.
137
384
armed with swords and shield who may represent Mara, the evil one, retreating from the
scene after his discomfiture. 141
However, some critics believe that the themes of the paintings of the relic chamber
of Mahiyangana stupa are inclined more towards the Mahayana tradition than Hinayana
form of art. Supporting evidence for this is seen in: the symbols of the trident or
Vajrayudha found deposited in the relic vault; the circle of five Buddhas in trance; and the
protruding crown in Mahayana style in the Buddha painting; as well as the tact that the
stanza "Ye Dharma Hetuprabhava" was found on the back of a Buddha im~e written in
Nagari characters used in the Pala period. 142
It is apparent that in the extent painting of cave no 2 ofPulligoda at Dimbulagala,
the scene represents devotees in the attitude of veneration. In this scene_, five f!_gures_, all
male, are seated on lotus cushions placed on a broad seat, grouped together and are shown
paying attention to the direction where
th~ __person~e
venerated wearif!g tall makuta
headgear would have been positioned (Plate Ill). Much of the original painting, which
probably included either the Bodhisattva or a ki1_1_g or a deva thus worshjped, is now no
more, sporadic patches of ground adhering to the rock surface being mute witnesses to the
losses suffered by a la_rge J>aintin__g. On a _separate
f~ent
of__ground, there are a few

1
details of similar figures, which were evidently well painted, ~ut the subject matter
cannot be identified today.
141
S Paranavitana, Ceylon Administration Re,potl, Section IV education, 1951, Government Press,

Colombo, 1952,p.G18.
142
Nanda Wickramasinghe, "Mural paintings: 800 AD -1200 AD," Arcbaeological.Dt;partment centenary
(1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume five- Painting, ed. Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing
Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p.51.
143
HCP Bell, "Dimbulagala: Its caves, runes and inscriptions," The Ceylon Antiquary. and Literacy Register,
Vol.ill, part IT, October 1917, p.71; Raja de.Silv.a, "P.ainting: Early.period 247 BC to 800 AD,"
385
In addition, in a painting extant in the cave of Mamvidiya, also at Dimbulagala,

there is the figure of a man holding up an elephant by its trunk. The figure of the man is
only partly preserved; the head as well as the feet being defaced; but the elephant is clearly
visible. Behind the elephant are faint tmces of a crouching man who may be the mahout.
Although the subject matter of the painting is not at all clear it is generally believed that
this depicts an episode relating to the life story of the Buddha connected with the gift
1
received by prince Siddhartha. ~evertheless, it is more probable that this is a scene

surviving from the representation of the Vessantara Jataka, depicting the incident of the
donation of the white elephant, which was very popular in Sri Lanka throughout the
145
ages. It is presumed that the other remaining paintings ofthe cave also belong to a Jataka
story, more precisely th~ Sasa Jataka as discussed above and not relating to the life story .
of the Buddha.
Unlike the other painting sites of the island the paintings at Tivamka shrine are
found in three sections: in the entrance porch; the vestibule; and the sanctum. These have
been divided and arranged in sequence, to conform to the psychological make-up of the
worshippers. As a result, immediately on entering, the pilgrim first comes across the
paintings on the walls of the porch. These are the paintings dealing with the Jataka stories
Archaeological DqJartment centenmy ( 1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume five -Painting, ed.
Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p.29.
144
This story runs as follows. A moment before prince Siddartha exhibited his skills in learning and sports
he received a white elephant as a gift. At this moment Devadatta to show his strength lifted the elephant with
his left hand, gave it a blow with his right hand and killed it. The carcass of the elephant was lying on the
road blocking the entrance to the city. Prince Siddhartha grabbed it by the tail and threw it away to fall
beyond seven ramparts and seven moats. Due to this belief, Paranavitana thinks that the elephant seems to
be resisting, by placing its hind legs firmly on the ground, the man is shown bending forward in the act of
drawing the elephant's trunk towards him. S Paranavitana, "Archaeological summary," Ceylon Journal of
Science Section G, Vol.II, 1928, pp.159-160.
145
See Margaret Cone and Richard F Gombrich, The perfect generosity of prince Vessantara, Clarendon
Press, Oxford University Press, 1977. The opinion ofWijesekara is also the same. Please refer to
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p. 71.
386
that were already mentioned and then the life story of the Buddha. Thus, in the vestibule
of the shrine, the invitation from the gods in the Tusita heaven to the Bodhisattva who was
there as a god, to be conceived in a human womb and to be born as a human being is
depicted in detail. A large number of figures of gods drawn skilfully are to be seen in this
section. But unfortunately the sequence of other events of the life story of the Buddha has
been broken due to exposure 'to the elements though the dream of queen Maya on the
occasion of the Bodhisattva being conceived in her womb, and attainmentotBuddhahood
on an anterior part of the building are noticeable. Of these, in the first scene Mayadevi lies
on her left side with arms by her sides, wearing a complete dress. Her body is painted in a
lovely green tint. Below this is depicted the presentation of the Bodhisattva to the five
ministers in the presence of king Suddhodana. Then there is the Lumbini grove where
Mayadevi and four female attendants stand under a tree. The scene represents the birth of
prince Siddhartha, but he is not portrayed in the painting.
146
In the sanctum, events after the enlightenment are depicted. Of these,

unfortunately almost all the paintings have deteriorated but only one remains that depicts
the return journey of the Buddha to the city ofSankissa from Tavatimsa heaven where he
preached the Abhidhamma to the gods and Brahmas including the mother-god (Matru
Devaputta). In this painting, three ladders are shown side by side. As in the case of the
paintings of cave no 17 at Ajanta, the Buddha is climbing down the middle ladder. To the
right of the Buddha, one of the two gods, Brahma or Indra, slightly behind, bears the
parasol over the Buddha. One of the gods, again Brahma or Indra climbing down the
146
1bid, I 959, p.48.
387
small ladder on the left is holding a flower in homage to the Buddha. 147 Devas fl~at in the
air and on the ground at the foot of the ladder. Monks and other worshippers are all ranged
conventionally in some four or five rows one above another. It is exceptional that the
figure of the Buddha is 8 feet or much above ordinary life size and the ladders slant
upwards to proper left for 15 feet or more. 148
In addition, it is believed that the boat scene, which had also been painted in the
sanctum, may have represented the Buddha passing the river Hiranyavati, near Kusinagar
on his way to the sa/a groves of the Mallas before the attainment ofParinirvana. 14~is
centrepiece on the south wall of the shrine shows a boat, like the modem Sinhalese angula
propelled by rows at bow and stern. On a platform is seated the Buddha under a canopy,
stiffly facing front, with a disciple to either side and an additional attendant150though
unfortunately this scene cannot be seen today.
In contrast, it is obvious that these mural compositions of the life story of the
Buddha thus represented in both India and Sri Lanka constitute a veritable pictorial
biography of the Buddha depicting his childhood, spiritual journey from his sheltered life
of worldly pleasures and temptations as a young prince to his attainment of the highest
knowledge, eventually to reach the state of :final attainment (Parinirvana). No doubt that
these episodes of the Buddha's life not only continued to fascinate artists but also retained
147
For a description of these paintings see Nanda Wickramasinghe, "Mural paintings: 800 AD -1200 AD,"
Archaeological De_partment centenmy (1890-1990) commemorative serie~ Volwne five - Painting, ed.
Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p.60.
148
Gerard A Joseph, "The Galvihara and Demalamahaseya paintings at Polonnaruva," Journal of the Royal
Asiatic society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XXVI, No.71, 1918, p.107.
149
HCP Bell, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Rcmorts, 1909, p.40.
150
Gerard A Joseph, "The Galvihara and Demalamahaseya paintings at Polonnaruva," Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XXVI, No.7 I, I 918, p. 107.
388
their popularity with devotees as well as the masses. 151 But, according to the discussion so
far, it is obvious that as in the case of the Jataka stories, there is a considerable
dissimilarity between the extant and identified mural paintings of the two countries in the
context of themes of the life story of the Buddha too. This is particularly evident from the
themes depicted at Ajanta, Hindagala and Mahiyanganaya etc. For instance, the incidents
oflndasala cave where god Sakra met Buddha or the main incidents of the seven weeks of
the Buddha after the enlightenment which have been depicted in the murals ofHindagala
.,r
have not at all been represented among the murals of Ajanta. Similarly, the events like
enlightenment and the defeat of Mara, which have been painted in the murals of
Mahiyanganaya relic chamber also cannot be seen among the murals of Ajanta.
But, it should not be forgotten that there are some similarities between the painted
themes of the life story of the Buddha at Ajanta and the Tivamka image house though the
time gap between the two is considerable since the latter belongs to the 12th or 13th century
AD. This is particularly evident from the incidents of the invitation of gods, Maya's
dream, nativity of prince Siddartha, descent from the Tusita heaven at Sankissa etc.
Nevertheless, apart from these similarities, it is to be noted that incidents like eight
miracles of the life of the Buddha, which were popular among the artists of Ajanta have
not received the same attention of the painters of the Tivamka image house, while the
other incidents like Buddha passing the river Hirimyavati, which had been painted at the
Tivamka shrine have not been depicted at Ajanta. Thus, in contrast, it is obvious that there
is considerable dissimilarity between the themes of the life story of the Buddha painted at
the Buddhist mural painting sites of Sri Lanka, particularly in the oldest phase of the
151
Ratan Parimoo, Life of Buddha in Indian sculpture (Ashtamaha pratihatya): An iconological analysis,
389
period concerned, instead of a very close similarity, which had been suggested by early
scholars.
The concepts of thousand Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and divine bein2s:
It was mentioned in the fourth chapter that with the decline of artistic standards of
Ajanta, the narrative scenes were replaced by representations of the repetitive Buddha
figures in various attitudes. Of these, the countless Buddha figures included ih the Miracle
ofSravasti though likely to be allied with the life story of the Buddha as mentioned above,
are certainly representations of the concept of thousand Buddhas as the painted records
themselves clearly suggest that the figures are 'Budhasahasa. ' 151'hus, it is significant that
at Ajanta theside walls of the shrine, walls of the antechamber, part of the left wall of the
hall and left half of the back wall of cave no 2 were painted with countless Buddhas in
various attitudes though some scholars have counted 1055 of them, measuring about em
20 high and covering a surface of22 square metres. 153In this manner, the scene is repeated
no less than six times in the cave, but only in the portrayal on the rear left wall of the cave
does it retain its original character.
Similarly, in the damaged painting on the back wall to the left of the shrine,
between the cell door and the door of the left aisle of the .cave no 16 the Miracle of

152
Please refer to the inscription of Sakya devotee in cave no 2. See John Allan, "A note on 1he inscriptions
of cave II," Ajanta: Monochrome re,productions of1he Ajanta frescoes based on photography, ed. G.
Yazdan~ Oxford University Press, London, Swati Publications, De~ Vol.II, (reprinted) 1983, p.64;
Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delh~ Eleventh edition, 1996, p.29; MN
Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five re,productions
in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Survey of India, 1967, p.3 9; Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early
Buddhist art: Visual narratives oflndi!, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New De~ 1997, p.293.
153
A Foucher, The beginnings ofBuddhist art and other essays in Indian and Central Asian archaeology, (tr.
LA Thomas FW Thomas), Indo logical Book House, Varanasi, 1972, p.l60.
390
Sravasti or the thousand Buddhas in the same form can also be recognised. In addition, in
the same cave, after the incident of Nanda's conversion, a panel appears abruptly
containing seated figures of Buddha in two rows. Beyond this is another panel
representing Buddha seated in teaching attitude. 15'1t is evident that the walls of the hall of
cave no 19 are also painted with figures of Buddha in different panels.
Apart from these repetitive Buddha figures, it is noteworthy that the topmost panel
on the doorway of cave no 17 depicts the figures of seven Manushi Buddhru> ofVipasyin,
Sikhin, Vi.Svabhu, Krakuchchand3., Kanakamuni, Kasyapa and Sakyamuni together with
Maitreya the future Buddha, seated under their respective Bodhi
tre~
(Plate XXV).
Similarly, on the right wall of the shrine of cave no 22 these seven Manushi Buddhas are
also painted with Maitreya, under their respective. Bodhi trees, Interestingly enough the
names of each of the Buddhas and the Bodhi trees are also written below and above each
representation. 155 Accordingly, it is obvious that the theme of the thousand Buddhas or the
Miracle of Sravasti became popular and also the rows of Buddha figures one above the
other came to be painted during the last phase of Ajanta. Indeed, this repetitive theme
reflects the artistic tendency of the age though the paintings lack the vigour, imagination
and delicacy of the earlier ones.
156
However, it is interesting to note that the concept of thousand Buddha or the

Miracle of Sravasti cannot be found anywhere in the painting sites of Sri Lanka of the
period concerned. But, it is noteworthy that the paintings in cave no.1 of Maravidiya at
Dimbulagala consist mainly of Buddha seated on vajrasana in the dhyana attitude,
154
See Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Smvey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp. 29,
52.
155
Ibid, pp. 56 and 74.
391
surrounded by other Buddha figures of smaller size, seated in the same pose. 157Although
the painting is not clearly visible today, it may perhaps be a depiction of the theme of the
repetitive Buddha figures sometimes similar to those at Ajanta.
Besides these Buddha figures, it is obvious that in Ajanta paintings a more
prominent place is given to the Bodhisattvas. 158The depiction of these Bodhisattva figures
at the site not as attendants of Buddha but as viable subjects also came into vogue. Of such
figures, the two attractive Bodhisattvas painted in cave no 1 are conspicuous. Of large
dimensions they are yet weightless; full-bodied in solid rounded plasticity, they are yet
melting in karuna and seemingly in motion in the midst of a radiantly moving and
rejoicing world, they seem to have become stilled into silence before a great
realisation.
159
0f the two, the one on the left is the most famous Bodhisattva, which is five
feet nine and a half inches from knee to tiara, two feet five and a half inches across the
shoulders and one foot from chin to forehead though the lower legs, from above the knees,
are missing. 160According to the Buddhist belief he is the lotus holder, Padmapani, who
dwells now on earth, performing the functions of Gautama Buddha until the Buddha of the
future, Maitreya, appears. 161 Consequently, at Ajanta he is shown as a prince of noble birth
and breeding, wearing the jewels of the highborn, aloof but not detached from the beings
156
MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta murals: An album of eigh1y-five
frfroductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Smvey oflndia, 1967, p.39.
15
S Paranavitana, "Archaeological summary," Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, ed. S Paranavitana,
Colombo Museum, Vol.ll, Part 3, 1933 October, p.l58.
158
SeePS Sastri, AK Coomaraswamy, Indian Writers Series No.8, Arnold- Heinemann Publishers, New
Delhi, 1974,p.66.
159
RC Majumdar and AD Pusalker, The classical age, Bombay, 1954, p.544.
160
Heinrich Zimmer, The art of Indian Asia: Its mythology and transformations, Bollingen Series No.
XXXIX, Pantheon Books, Toronto, Canada, 1955, p.l87.
161
It is noteworthy that Avalokitesvara, Padmapani or Karunarnava in Tibetan is the "on looking lord"
called also Abhayamudra ''the remover of fear." Avalokitesvara is held in special reverence in Tibet as the
protector of the countly and the Dalai Lama are regarded as his successive incarnations. J Burgess, R<:;port
392
who crowd around him, seeking salvation. 162Among these, to his. left is probably his
consort, also holding a lily, a dark beauty brightened by the highlight on the nose and the
lips. Between them is a chamara bearer wearing a blue long-coat, while to the left of the
Bodhisattva is a dark mace-bearer wearing a white long-coat. The other figure on the right
of the cave leaning in a graceful pose against a personage is wearing a long-coat. The fine
ornamentation of his diadem is captivating. To his right is a king offering him lilies on a
tray. Of the two dark ladies near the bottom, of whom only the busts have survived, one is
offering lilies to the other: commonly labelled as 'Dark Princess,' the latter's features are
extremely delicate and refined. 163
Similarly, in cave no 2 also three large sized Bodhisattvas are painted, one on the
back wall of the hall, two on the front wall of the hall and three on the front wall of the
shrine. Of the latter, the one to the left of the doorway does not represent Maitreya, as is
commonly supposed, but Avalokitesvara in the role of the saviour of mankind threatened
with the eight great perils of lion, elephant, fire, snake, robber, water, fetters and
demon.
164
In addition, in cave no 17 the nine Bodhisattvas are also painted with four
unadorned disciples standing in front and five lay devotees in the background, bejewelled
and crowned. 165Apart from these exquisite Bodhisattva figures at Ajanta, there is a badly
damaged Bodhisattva figure painted at one of the caves ofBagh, which indicates that the
theme was popular even among the painters of the Bagh caves.
on the Elura cave temples and the Brahmanical and Jain caves in western India, Archaeological Survey of
Western India, Vol.V, 1882, Indological Book House, (reprinted) 1970, p.l4.
162
Everard M Upjohn and others, Histoty of world art, Oxford University Press, New York, 1949, pp.421422.
163
Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.18-19.
164
lbid, p.30.
165
LA Waddell, ''Notes on some Ajanta paintings," The Indian Antiguazy. ed. Richard Carnac Temple,
Vol.XXIT, 1893, pp.8-ll.
393
These figures of the Bodhisattvas have all the qualities that youth, high birth,
noble character and religious temperament can produce: strong masculine limbs, a broad
chest, and a fine neck; a high intellectual forehead; large, meditative eyes; firm lips and an
elegant nose etc. It is particularly apparent that the eyebrows, slightly raised and the
highlight on the nose and chin give an air of spirituality to the countenance. The supple
body is full of latent vigour. It is the youthful body of a noble prince, standing with a
graceful bearing. On the head is a high crown or tiara with large blue sapphires,
emblematic of royal birth. The jewelry is not profuse but select: a pearl necklace with a
sapphire in the centre; longer strings of pearls across the chest and around the arms. Long
black hair full uncoiled on the shoulders. The serene compassionate face is full of
renunciation, yet gentle in its expression, without scorn or disgust for the sweetness of
Although the representations are smaller in number, as in the 'case of the murals of
Ajanta and Bagh, the two painting sites of Gonagolla and Karambagala provide data on
the painted Bodhisattvas of ancient Sri Lanka. Of these, the Gonagolla painting presents
an extant part of the face; draped torso of a Bodhisattva figure, apparently holding a lotus
stalk; and an exquisitely executed female figure, in an attitude of reverenCe or
supplication. Similarly, the theme of the painting fragment found at Karambagala of
Situlpavwa, where the chronology is uncertain, has been identified as a representation of
the Bodhisattva and a nymph though the painting is now in a very bad state of
preservation. 167
166
Heinrich Zimmer, The art of Indian Asia: Its mythology and transformations, Bollingen Series No.
XXXIX, Pantheon Books, Toronto, Canada, 1955, p.l89.
167
LTP Manjusri, Design elements from Sri Lankan temple paintings, Colombo, 1977, p.20.
394
Apart from the themes of thousand Buddhas and the Bodhisattvas, it is evident that
the painters of Sri Lanka, especially during the latter part of the period concerned had used
the figures of devas or divine beings more frequently for their paintings, unlike the
painters of Ajanta and Bagh. Of these, apart from the devas depicted in the painting of
Hindagala discussed above, outline sketches of divine beings rising from the clouds were
discovered from the relic chamber paintings of Mihintale. 168The faint lines below the
waist are apparently conical peaks of clouds and not traces of underwear, foundation
garments or bathing dresses. 169As in the case of the apsaras of Sigiriya, which will be
discussed later the divine nature of the figures is indicated by their being immersed in
these clouds, which cut them offjust below the waist
170
It is conspicuous that many deva figures were painted among the murals at the
Tivamka image house also (Plate II). Among these, most have gold coloured bodies, while
some of them have a bluish green colour. It is noteworthy that these two types of figures
occur among the paintings of Pulligoda cave also. 171 Among the Sigiriya paintings too
there are figures of golden coloured and blue coloured apsaras. Of these, some scholars
have identified the golden coloured figures at Sigiriya as representations of princess of
lightning and the blue coloured ones as princess of clouds as discussed below in detail. If
this intetpretation is correct, similar coloured gods at the Tivamka shrine and Pulligoda
cave also have to be identified as representations of the same theme. But, it is obvious that
they have nothing to do with such recognition oflightning or clouds.
168
CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise history of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961,
~.183.
(f)
170
Archaeological SUIVey of Ceylon Annual Report, 1951, p.24.

S Paranavitana, Glimpses of Ceylon's past, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1972, pp.75-76.
395
Of the divine beings, a portion of the strip of paintings on the right side of the
entrance, among the surviving paintings of Galvihara, is important. Though this portion
has survived in a good condition some of the associated figures are seriously damaged. It
is obvious that the remains consist of three rows of figures one behind the other
representing gods, Bodhisattvas and aged devotees. Of these, the top row has only one
surviving figure. It is believed that the figure of a bearded old man painted there with a
sage looking countenance and holding a flower, probably represents a denizen of the
Brahma world. 172It is noteworthy that the bottom row and the one above that contain
figures of gods, shown in quarter to nearly full face.
When considering the theme of heavenly beings, the representation of figures of
apsaras instantly comes to one's mind since it was one of the popular themes among the
ancient painters of both the countries, though there is hardly any extant evidence among
the Buddhist mural paintings of India. Among the exceptional remains, the apsara
painting of cave no 17 at Ajanta occupies an important place. Although the left part of the
doorway on the outer back wall of the veranda of the cave is much damaged, gods flying
amidst clouds, celestial nymphs and musicians have been painted on the left of the fairly
well preserved upper part. Of these, particularly attractive is the figure of the apsara with
a turban like headgear.
By far the most popular and important representation of the theme can be seen at
Sigiriya, though scholars have expressed various interpretations on its subject matter. It is
obvious that their fragmentary nature and unusually dramatic location have led to the
171
Nanda Wickramasinghe, ''Mural paintings: 800 AD -1200 AD," Archaeological Department centenary
(1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume five - Painting, ed. Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing
Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p.55.
396
Sigiriya paintings being interpreted in a number of ways. It is also evident that these
expressions ofvarious interpretations are mainly due to the lack of information in painted
form or literary form dealing directly with the subject matter of the paintings.
Nevertheless, as mentioned in the third chapter, it should not be forgotten that a large
series of inscriptions, popularly known as graffiti, 173 have been discovered engraved on the
polished surface of an ancient wall, usually called the 'mirror-wall' at Sigiriya close to the
area where the murals are painted. Apart from their palaeo graphical and' chronological
value these embody descriptions, appreciative expreSsions and mental reactions of the
visitors to the site.
These graffiti range in date from about 5th century AD to about 13th century AD. It
is obvious that apart from the verses written in Sinhala characters there are some indited in
other characters too. These, however, are exceedingly few in, number and included among
them are verses in the Nagiri script of about the 9th century AD and in the Tamil script of
about the II th and 12th centuries AD. Hardly any other script is known in Sri Lanka and
south India in the 7th or 8th centuries AD. In addition, it is recorded that 14 graffiti were
discovered in a cave under the cistern rock in the course of removing the upper layer of
plaster, left blank for the most part These graffiti were in the under-layer of plaster thus
exposed. One of these graffiti is in the later Brahmi script and has been assigned to the 5th
or 6th century AD.
'1n contrast, although some of these graffiti both on the mirror wall
17
and on the plastered wall of the cave can be ascribed to a period as early as 5th century AD
on palaeographical ground, yet these early graffiti do not definitely allude to any of the
172
S Paranavitana, Art and architecture of Ceylon Polonnaruva period, Art Council of Ceylon, Times of
India Press, Bombay, 1954, p.35.
397
figures painted at the site. Unquestionably, definite references to the paintings depicted on
the main rock occur in the graffiti, which may be dated to a period at least earlier than 8th
century AD .175
Without doubt, these records establish the fact that people visited the place, to seek
consolation, find delight, marvel at the sight of graceful womanhood or the beauty of the
painting etc. In this context, it is particularly evident that when they stood before the
paintings, these poets or visitors imagined various situations in actual life: according to
their experience and temperament, sometimes even rising to philosophical heights and
these graffiti reflect not only their intensity of feeling, but also the joy of life which
evidently was overflowing in most of them. 176 Although no doubt most of these poems
have the paintings as their principal subject,177they treat the ladies as actual people or as
expressions of feminine beauty, mixing poetic feeling and emotion with the projection of
similar sentiments. Consequently, as in the case of the modern writings it is evident that
there is no consensus among the authors of the graffiti of the site particularly on the
subject matter of the paintings. Thus, as evident from these graffiti themselves ancient
writers exercised their poetic licence to interpret the paintings in subjective and
imaginative ways, which is not very helpful to understand the themes of the paintings to
day.
173
A Total of685 of these graffiti dating between the glh and lOth centuries have been deciphered, translated
and edited by Paranavitana. See S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti, Government Press, Colombo, 1956, 2 vols.
174
WB Marcus Fernando, Sigirjya, Archaeological Department, 1967, p.l6.
175
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Selected writings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, Vol.I, 1983, p.269.
176
Indrani Weerasinghe, Sigiriya the abode of king Kassap!!, Godage and Brothers, Colombo, 1996, p.36.
177
John Lindsay Opic, "The mysteries ofSigiriya," Island Ceylon, Thames and Hudson, London, 1970,
p.l31.
398
However, it is evident that a large number of graffiti refer to the women as the
178
consorts of a dead king, occasionally identified as Kassapa while a few suggest that the
women have committed suicide at the loss oftheir lord. 179Thus it is evident that poet after
poet, retails the then popular beliefthat these beauties were members of the court. 180 In
addition, at least nine verses either identify them as immortals or compare them to
immortals while the usual explanation is that like apsaras th~ir eyelids never close. 182It
181
is noteworthy that only a single poem, out of these seven hundred, commentS on their lack
of lower limbs and none at all refers to their close connection with clouds. 183A far larger
number, however, suggest simply that the women stand mourning, some raising the
question why they have not taken off their ornaments like proper widows. One writer
reminds us that the inscribed verses accompanied oral reactions to these
paintings.
184
Interestingly enough the idea that the dark maidens personify clouds, which
will be discussed later in detail, is not borne out by any of the graffiti. But, only one verse
178
Thirty-three refer specially to a king; four of these mention Kassapa. Another 55 refer to a dead or absent
lover without specifying that he is a king. See Joanna Williams, "The constroction of gender in the paintings
and graffiti of Sigiriya," Representing the body: Gender issues in Indian art, ed. Vidya Dehejia, The Book
Review Literary Trust, New Delhi, 1997, p.62.
179
S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti. Oxford University Press, London, 1956, 300v.
liD WG Archer and S Paranavitana, Ceylon: Paintings from temple shrine and rock, New Yolk Graphic
Society, UNESCO, Paris, 1957,p.7.
181
S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti. Oxford University Press, London, 1956,50, 98, 104, 144, 175, 178, 312,
407 and 572 vv; See also Joanna Williams, "The construction of gender in the paintings and graffiti of
Sigiriya," Representing the body: Gender issues in Indian art, ed. Vidya Dehejia, The Book Review Literary
Trust, New Delh~ 1997, pp.62-63.
182
S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti, Oxford University Press, London, 1956, 50v.
183
WG Archer and S Paranavitana, Ceylon: Paintings from temple shrine and rock, New Yolk Graphic
Society, UNESCO, Paris, 1957,p.7.
184
S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti, Oxford University Press, London, 1956, 311 v; See also Joanna Williams,
"The construction of gender in the paintings and graffiti of Sigiriya," Representing the body: Gender issues
in Indian art, cd. Vidya Dehejia, The Book Review Literary Trust, New Delhi, 1997, pp.62-63.
399
invokes a cloud directlyas "My lord" 185and at least in two, the ladies' hair is compared to
dark clouds.
186
However, lightning is thrice.evoked metaphorically.
187
Thus it is obvious that even according to these graffiti at the site it is not possible to
obtain any reliable information on the theme of the _paintin_gs now extant there. Certainry,
it is evident that even some of the early writers of the graffiti have themselves questioned
the identity of these ladies.
188
Accordingly, considerable speculation has helped to advance
at least five or six major theories in the, attempt to find a solution. Of such theories of
various critics, the earliest scholar Bell e:>fl)ressed the view that the scene int~nded to be
portrayed would seem to be a procession ofthe queens and princesses of king Kassapa's
court, with attendants, on the way to worship at the Buddhist temyle ofPidur<!,gala~ the hill
about a mile north of Sigiriya. 1 ~e concludes .that the flowers carried by the females were
suggestive of their setting forth to worship at the temple and the fair ladies represented
1
royalty who were accompanied by .the dark-skinned attendants. ~ut it is to be noted that
the origin of the concept of the theory has further antiquity since an ordinary Buddhist
monk also expressed the same view a decade ~_go. As Mu~ has recorded in 1890s, this
1
&5
S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti, Oxford University Press, London, 1956, 134v; Joanna Williams, "The
construction of gender in the paintings and graffiti of Sigiriya," Representing the body: Gender issues in
Indian art, ed. Vidya Dehejia, The Book Review Literary Trust, New Delhi, 1997, pp.62-63.
186
S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti, Oxford University Press, London, 1956, 379, 419vv; See also Joanna
Williams, "The construction of gender in the paintings and graffiti of Sigiriya," Representing the body:
Gender issues in Indian art, ed. Vidya Dehejia, The Book Review Literary Trust, New Delhi, 1997,
fE62-63.
,
S Paranavitana, Sigiri graffiti Oxford University Press, London, 1956, 178, 192, 516v.
188
SeeM Somathilake, "The paintings of Sigiriya and their theme," Sahitya Journal of the Cultural Ministry
of Sri Lank~ ed. SG Samarasinghe, Deepani Press, Nugegoda, 1995, pp.69-88.
189
HCP Bell, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Reports 1897, George JA Skeen Government
Pinter, 1904, p.l4.
190
HCP Bell, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Reports, 1905, pp.16-17; 1907, pp.7-19; "Interim
report on the operations of the archaeological survey at Sigiriya (Second season) 1896," Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.xiV, No.47, 1896, pp.255-256; "Interim report on the
operations of the archaeological survey at ~i_giriya in 1895," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon
Branch), VoLXIV, No.46, 1895, p.55; GA Joseph has accepted Bell's opinion. See "Sigiriya paintings," The
400
recorded in 1890s, this Buddhist monk made a critical examination of the paintings,
remarking that they must be portraits of some of king Kassapa's wives and that they were
all very beautiful. 191 Hence, most probably the opinion of Bell thus expressed on the
subject matter of the paintings of Sigiriya originally derived from the concept that had
earlier been expressed by this particular Buddhist monk.
It is interesting that standing amidst the two theories ofBell and Coomaraswamy,
which will be discussed later, Havell also concludes that the subject matter'ofthe murals
of Sigiriya is a procession of royal ladies, supposed to be Kassapa's queens, with
attendants bringing offerings of flowers to a shrine which seems to be located in the Tusita
heaven, for the figures appear as if half immersed in clouds, the usual convention for the
heavenly spheres. 192But, there are difficulties in accepting Bell's and Havell's proposition
that the paintings represent specific human beings. Particularly, Bell's explanation that
the reason for half figure portraits cut off by cloud formations was to economise space due
to the concavity of the surface of the rock support appears to be untenable. For instance,
within pockets A and B, close to the winding staircase, there is enough surface area more
or less plane, to paint full female figures without distortion of the perspective of the
viewer down beJow? 93In addition, it is obvious that Bell's and Havell's idea that the
paintings portray the ladies of Kassapa's court in a devotional procession either to the
Ceylon National Review, No.1, January 1906, pp.l96-198; See also VA Smith, A histoxy of fine arts in
India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala Sons, Bombay, (reprinted) 1959, p.lOO.
191
AL'CK Murray, "The rock paintings ofSigiri," Ceylon Litenuy Register, (Supplement to the Daily
Observer), Vol. VI, No.1, 4th August 1891, pp.85-86.
192
EB Havell, A handbook of Indian !!It, Indian Academy, Varanasi, 1972,p.203.
193
SeeM Somathilake, "The paintings of Sigiriya and their theme," Sahitya Journal of the Cultural minist:Iy
of Sri Lanka, ed. SG Samarasinghe, Deepani Press, Nugegoda, 1995, pp.69-88. In addition, it is to be noted
that according to the aesthetic of early Buddhist art and the theory of ancient Indian painting gleaned from
literary sources, it was not considered proper to paint the likeness of human beings though sometimes
practice seems to contradict the theory. AK Coomaraswamy, Christian and oriental philosophy of art, Dover
Publications, New York, 1956, p.ll7.
401
shrine at Piduragala or Tusita heaven is a purely imaginative reconstruction of a creative

mind and has no precedent in the artistic and social traditions of the region or the period.
This is particularly evident from the fact that none of the graffiti at the site mentions such
kind of notion though they have supported the other theories.
Apart from these views, in the middle part of the last century, Paranavitana also
propounded another fictional theory to account for the paintings high up on the rock of
Sigiriya. ~vidently, this opinion forms part ofhis elaborate hypothesis, which attempts
to explain Sigiriya as an expression of the cult of divine royalty, the entire palace complex
being a symbolic reconstruction of the abode of the god Kuvera of Alakamanda.
Certainly, it would appear that one of the stanzas given in chapter 39 of the Mahavamsa
provided the clue for Paranavitana's theory. After giving a thumbnail sketch of the site,
the chronicle in which reference is briefly made to Sigiriya's more important features,
characterises the palace on the summit as a second Alakamanda and adds that Kassapa
dwelt therein as if he were Kuvera. 195
It is a belief that Kuvera or Vaisravana is, in Buddhism as well as in Hinduism, one
of the Dikpalas (guardians of the quarters) or Lokapalas (protectors of the world), his
special function being the protection of the northern quarter. Particularly, in Buddhist
cosmology, he is one of the four maharajas (great kings) who shared the sovereignty of the
lowermost heaven, under the suzerainty of Indra, popularly known as Sakra the king of
gods, residing in the heaven immediately above, at the top of Mount Meru. Kuvera being
the ruler of the demigods known asyaksas, who are represented as guardians of treasures,
194
S Paranavitana, "The significance of the paintings of Sigiri." Artibus Asiae, 1961, Voi.:XXIV, Nos.3 &
4, p.387; "The subject of the Sigiri paintings," India Antiqua, A volume of Oriental studies presented by his
friends and pupils to Jean Philippe Vogel, Leiden, 1947, pp.264-269.
402
came in time to be regarded as the god of riches and the giver ofwealth. 1 ~ue to these
facts, Paranavitana believes that the presence of these paintings halfway up the face of the
rock would have suggested to the spectator that the palace of Kassapa was above the
sphere of the clouds, i.e. in the heaven ofKuvera.
197
He further explains that the drawing of naturalistic clouds on the rock face would
not have impressed the beholder and if the clouds had been fully personified, their nature
would not have been evident to him, at first sight. The mastermind that was responsible
for the designing of Sigiriya therefore made a compromise between these two methods
and showed the clouds halfpersonified and half naturalistically. The dark damsels rising
from the clouds would thus represent the cloud maidens or damsels (Meghalatha) and
their fair companions are the representations of the lightning princess (Vijjukumari),
which issues forth from the cloud and is golden in colour. Paranavitana further presumes
that Alakamanda being thus the place from which the clouds originate, one who is
symbolically its lord can claim to be able to control rain on which the life of an
agricultural community ultimately depends and this is the real political significance of the
Icing's assumption of the title of 'Alakapati. ' 198Thus, eventually, the theory says that the
195
Mahavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap. 39; 5v.
S Paranavitana, "Sigiri: The abode of a god king," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch),
Centenary volume 1845-1945, (New Series), Vol.I, p.142. However, it is worth to note at this point that the
Kailasa is now thought of more as the abode of Siva than ofKuvera. But Kalidasa in his Kumarasambhava,
which was written to glorify Siva, refers to Kailasa as Kuvera-saila (the mountain ofKuvera); Kuvera in
Sanskrit writings is the associate of Siva. See Ibid p.144.
197
1bid,p.155.
198
For further details of this opinion please refer to, S Paranavitana, "The significance of the paintings of
Sigiri," Arttlms Asiae, Vol XXN, Nos 3 & 4, 1961, p.387; "The subject of the Sigiripaintings," India
Antigua, A volume of Oriental studies presented by his friends and pupils to Jean Philippe Vogel, Leiden,
1947, pp.264-269; "Sigiri: The abode of a god king," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch),
(New Series), Vol.l, 1950, pp.l29-162; The art of the ancient Sinhalese, Lake House Investments,
Colombo, 1971, pp.26-28; CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise histmy of Ceylon, Ceylon
University Press, Colombo, 1961, p.183; WG Archer and S Paranavitana, Ceylon: Paintings from temple
shrine and rock, New Yolk Graphic Society, UNESCO, Paris, 1957, p.7.
196
403
paintings of Sigiriya are not the result of individual caprice nor an e'9Jression of aesthetic
feeling as understood today, but a means of applying age-old and deeply rooted beliefs to
political theory designed to bend the people to an individual's will.
Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that by itself the reference in the
Mahavamsa to Kassapa or Sigiriya has hard!J any
significance~
since it is obvious that
Vessavana or Kuvera and Sakka are referred to in many similes in the Mahavamsa itself
and in other Sinhalese literary works too. 199 In addition, it is apparent that there is no
instance of any king earlier or later in India or in any other eastern country having
identified himself with Kuvera. 200 Besides, with regard to the paintings, if they are
intended to represent clouds and lightning, the fair ones to represent lightning and the dark
ones the clouds, what explanation can be suggested for placing in the hands of the fair
maidens flowers and in those of others some kind of box or casket is certainly
problematic. In addition, it is clear that to the general viewer the meaning of a good
painting is conveyed by its content, provided the message is not cryptic as in modem
abstract art. Indeed, unless one had a knowledge of the literary allusions referred to by
Paranavitana, which could hardly be expected from an average intelligent citizen oftoday,
if not of the 5th century AD, one would not be able to associate the paintings with
personifications of clouds and lightning in the context ofSigiriya being considered as the
mountain Alakamanda and Kassapa being considered as the god Kuvera living on the
summit. Hence, ifParanavitana's theory is correct, then the artist has failed to convey his
message to the general viewer; verily, the theory appears to be too complicated to explain
199
This opinion has been expressed by PEE Fernando when the discussion was held on paper of S
Paranavitana, "Sigiri: The abode of a god king," Journal of the Royal Asiatic society (Ceylon Branch),
Centenary Volume 1845-1945, (New Series), Vol.l, 1950, Seep.165.
404
the paintings. In addition, if Paranavitana's interpretation is accepted then similar

coloured gods (though they are not maidens) at the Tivamka shrine and Pulligoda also
have to be identified as representation oflightning and clouds though they have nothing to
do with such recognition as already mentioned above. According to all these facts, as
Wijesekara also rightly pointed out, there is nothing in the content of the paintings to
imply that lightning should be associated with them. 201
Among the other theories, Wijesekara is of the opinion that the paintings of
Sigiriya are the representation of a scene of the mourning of queens of Datusena or
Kassapa. As he believed, every one of those figures is portrayed in a studied pose of

mental preoccupation. There is nothing light about them. The step appears heavy even in
its rhythmic movement and swaying action. Deliberate and serious in expression, not one
figure betrays a smile. Buoyant with hope and pregnant with emotion not one strikes a
discordant note in the whole scheme of the composition. 202 On this presumption, he
further states that the visitors refer to the figures as ladies of the court or queens of
Kassapa and this poignant theme of mourning permeates the spirit of a number of the
graffiti. As he pointed out, among these one even refe.rs to a scene portraying a woman
with a broken lute in a state of lamentation, which. is not available there now. Assuming
similar scenes to have found a place in the composition, the picture of sorrow would be
complete. Accordingly, Wijesekara believes that on Sigiriya rock, the grandest scene of
all Sinhalese painting mourning Kassapa may have been painted 203 and concludes that as
200
This opinion has also been expressed by PEE F emando when the discussion was held on the paper read
bJ S Paranavitana, Ibid, See p.166.
2 1
Nandadeva Wijesekara, "There were no cloud damsels and lightning princess in Sinhalese painting,"
Samskru!!, Ministry ofPlan Implementation, VoLXVIII, No.1, 1984, pp. 9-16.
202
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Selected writings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, 1983, p.274.
203
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.46
405
for the patron, if the work was not undertaken by Kassapa himself, in which case the
mourning must be for Datusena, it was done by a very close successor. Hence, it may be
his repentant brother Moggallana. 204Although Wijesekara thus strongly believes that the
whole scheme woven around such a central idea of deep loss or mourning may be for
Kassapa or even his father, mainly based on ep!graphical evidence_, as we have already
noted, it is obvious that one cannot obtain reliable information from the descriptions given
in the graffiti alone particularly relatin_g to the sul?ject matter of th~ paintinks of S!giri_ya,
since almost all the graffiti have interpreted the paintings in subjective and imaginative
ways in subsequent periods.
As in the case of the theory presented by Paranavitana, according to another recent
theory it is said that the whole court of Sjgiriya consistin_g of_gueens, dau_ghters and
maidservants too could have been conceived of as celestial ladies attending upon Kuvera.
According to the theory, this hypothesis is substantiated by two facts. Firstly, all the
figures are females in contrast to the usual convention of depicting flower scattering
celestials in pairs of males and females. Secondly, the ladies are not stereotY-Ped
generalized configurations of celestial beauties. Instead, they seem to belong to different
phases of maturity and each maintains certain individual traits in outlook and e~ression.
All of them are exceedingly charming and yet among them there is a mature and older
figure with a sedate look, in contrast to the young maidens with near innocent charm?
05
In this surmise, it is further believed that the ladies often appear in pairs, each
consisting of a yellow-complexioned damsel and a dark-coloured one. Many such pairs
204
lbid, pp.46, 106; "Fresh light on Sigiriya frescoes," Selected writings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, Vol.IL
1983, pp.272-275.
406
were apparently meant to represent a golden royal lady and her attendant dark-skinned
maid and yet one such pair, golden-hued and dark-skinned, appears to be equal in status
floating side by side in the same proud attitude and wearing nearly equally rich ornaments.
According to the theory, it is noteworthy that the blues worn by the dark maiden is not
always an indication of a lower rank as usually assumed, since it is also worn by another
golden lady as well as by her maid. The dark skin, usually considered a sign of lower
social status and less refined type, is evidently not confined only fo the ladies'
companions. It is believed that this noteworthy feature in the Sigiriya painting recalls an
item of information concerning Kassapa's household as told in the Mahavamsa. It is
recorded in the chronicle that Kassapa had two favourite daughters, Bodhi (light) and
Uppalavanna (blue lily complexioned) together with whom he consecrated the newly
reconstructed Isurumuniya temple, renamed as Bo-Upulvan Kasubgiri vihara.
Consequently, the theory says that the pair of light complexioned and dark hued ladies
could, therefore represent the two royal princesses whose complexion was apparently
reflected in their names, deified as celestial beauties roaming the paradise of the
god-king. 206
However, as in the case of Paranavitana's belief no doubt this is also another
fictitious theory, which arose in a creative mind since it is not available in any reliable
source. In addition, it is obvious that it is full of contradictory conclusions. For instance, it
has been concluded that the ladies are usually depicted as being bare-breasted, but the
bodices are worn by some of them in contradistinction to the standard custom where such
205
Nandana Chutiwongs and others, Paintings of Sri Lanka: Sigiriy!!, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo,
1990,p.41.
206
Ibid, p .41.
407
a garment is usually confined to women of lower status. At Sigiriya, it appears to have

been used by mistresses and maids alike, although the latter are sometimes seen wearing
an additional breast-band.
207
In addition, according to the theory itself, it is obvious that
"they seem to belong to different phases of maturity and each maintains certain individual
208
traits in outlook and expression." Hence, these different 'mature' and 'elder' figures
which form the subject ofthe murals cannot certainly be identified as Kassapa's daughters
by any means, while similar dark and yellow coloured divine beings can be found even
among the paintings of the Tivamka shrine and Pulligoda cave too.
Besides, on the subject matter ofthe paintings ofSigiriya, there is another recent
theory, which is centred on the personal account of Swamy Gauri Bala, formerly a
German Buddhist monk to Raja de silva. Based on this opinion, De Silva has concluded
that the theme of the paintings of Sigiriya is representation of goddess Tara of the
Mahayana Buddhist pantheon, since Buddhism prevailed in Sigiriya area during the 5th
and 6th centuries AD. As he concluded, the Mahayana doctrine was the reason for the
presence of temples of this persuasion in and around the capital in the time of Kassapa I
and his successor Moggallana I. 2~ue to this belief, he concludes that the form, more or
less life size, the blending of colours, the grace of movement captured for an instant, lend
a feeling of peace and happiness to the mind of the viewer and the pleasure is increased by
the suggestion of their being deities in the heavens identifiable as the goddess Tara,
consort of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara.
207
Ibid, p.44.
re Ibid, p .41.
209
Raja de Silva, "Painting: Early period 24 7 BC to 800 AD," Archaeological Dq>artment centenazy
Corporation, Colombo, 1990, pp.13-15.
2
408
According to the theory~ all these create in the mind of the beholder a disinterested
or detached judgement and the contemplation of beauty, which results in pleasure. This,
then, is the meaning of the Sigiriya paintin_gs and their
s~nificance
is that the artists
wanted their viewers to conceive piously the true beauty of the divinity of Tara for their
serene joy and emotion. Thus he believes that the_paintin_gs ofS~iri_ya are, like other wall
paintings in Sri Lanka, religious. in_ content. 210 Nevertheless, according to the short
description given above, it is obvious that de Silva has not given any acceptable reason for
his theory except only superficial characteristics of the _paintin_gs dealif!g on!y with
emotions. Hence, it is needless to state that as in the case of the other theories, this is also
a baseless, fictitious theory. But, the Buddhist identification of the themes of the _paintin_gs
of Sigiriya that he believes is important, since it is more plausible than the other views,
will be discussed later in detail.
Beyond doubt, of the various theories on the subject matter of the paintings of
Sigiriya, the most popular one thatprevails at_present is that these_paintil:!gs depict some
apsaras, which had been articulated by Coomaraswamy in the first part ofthe last century.
He has reasonably concluded that the subject of the_paintif!gs at the site depicts celestial
women, with their attendants, casting down a rain offlower.s 211 (Plate XIII). As some later
scholars have also admitted, representation of the theme of supernatural apsaras is a
common feature among the ancient paintings throughout Asia 212and_ particularly this
identification is in keeping with well-established South Asian traditions. Hence, it is not
only the simplest but also the most logical and acceptable interpretation, especially since
210
Ibid, p.l5.
AK Coomaraswamy, Mediaeval Sinhalese!!!!, Broad Campden, 1908, p.178; Histozy of Indian and
IndonesianmLondon, 1927,p.163.
211
409
they are shown among and half hidden by clouds in the sky, although the method of
displaying the clouds is different from the manner that has been followed by the painters
of Ajanta. 213 1t is obvious that these clouds also harmonize with the rock-contours,
whatever else they may have been meant to serve and they, together with the poses of the
hands (mudras) and the traditional mode of depicting apsaras have combined to make
Coomaraswamy's view the most popular. 214Consequently, most scholars today would
tend to agree with the basic notion that the figures of Sigiriya are celestial nymphs or
apsaras while some have added few supplementary descriptions to it. For instance, as one
such writer believes, they must represent some of those same heavenly apsaras who
bewildered the sight ofNanda and led him to desert his mistress for the religious life. The
reason for their presence on the rock is not far to seek. They were there to flatter the
transcendent vanity ofa king. In many Indian works of art some great being is shoWTI
surrounded by troops of flying celestials who arrive bearing offerings. Here, a whole rock
face once bore images of these divinely beautiful inhabitants of the heavens bearing their
tribute to the occupant of the glistening palace at the summit. 215
In contrast, as Prof Ratnasuriya also stated in proposing the vote of thanks to the
paper presented by Paranavitana on "The abode of a god-king" in 1950, it is evident that
there can be many interpretations of Sigiriya and that the last word has not yet been said
about it. The archaeologist, the artist, the scholar and the historian will necessarily
212
PEP Deraniyagala, "Some sidelights on the Sinhalese monastery fortress ofSihagiri," Spolia Zeylanica,
Vol. XXVI, No. I, 1973, p.73.
213
The celestial beings of Ajanta are not shown as cut o:ffbelow the waist by clouds, as the damsels ofSigiri
are. S Paranavitana, "The significance of the paintings ofSigiri," Arttbus Asiae, VoLXXIV, p.385. For
instance, cave no 17 of Ajanta, where the apsaras are literally floating in space with fleecy clouds all about
them and rising well above the figures are conspicuous. MD Raghavan, "The Sigiriya frescoes," Spolia
Zeylanica, ed. PEP Deraniyagala, Government Press, Colombo, 1948, p.66.
214
DT Devendra, Guide to Sigiriya, 1948, p.l3.
410
interpret this monument each in their own way. 216 But, on the whole most of the theories
so far discussed clearly demonstrate the secular nature of the paintings ofSigiriya since it
is believed that they might have some affinity to the royalty at the site. Nevertheless, it
should also not be forgotten that although the paintings at Sigiriya are likely to be a
representation of a secular tradition at first glance,
217
when only considering their
superficial appearance and the main characteristics of the ruined royal centre at Sigiriya,
some critics have concluded specifically on the basis of their subject matter,' that they also
belong to the Buddhist painting tradition, at least to the Mahayana school,218 as in the case
of the other extant mural paintings of the island. 219
It is to be noted at this point that the epigraphical evidence from the summit as well
as from the western base of the Sigiriya rock prove its occupation by Buddhist monks and
215
This discussion was held on the third April1950. For the details of this discussion please refer to S
Paranavitana, "Sigiri: The abode of a god king," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch),
Centenary Volume 1845-1945, (New Series), Vol.l, 1950, pp.162-183. For the opinion ofRatnasuriya see
216
~.164.
Siri Gunasinghe, "Bud~ paintings in Sri Lanka," Vision of the Buddha: The Buddha and his
teachings, ed. Naradha Maha Thero, Singapore Buddhist Meditation Centre, Singapore, 1964, p.2; He
further states that these, however, are not examples of Buddhist paintings: the Sigiriya ladies are clearly of
no religious significance; the flowers they cany are not offerings to the Buddha and they are not on their
way to pay homage to him. Siri Gunasinghe, "Buddhist painting in Sri Lanka - An art of enduring
simplicity," SpoliaZeylanica, Vol.XXXV, Nos. 1 & 2, 1980, p.479; See also Nandana Chutiwongs and
others, Paintings of Sri Lanka: Sigiriya, Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, 1990, p.47.
218
Of such critics, Wijesekara believes that it may be inferred that the paintings were in no way associated
with Hinayana or its adherents. According to Culavamsa Kassapa himself was in disfavour with the
Mahavihara monks who adherent to the Hinayana that the temple built on the rock presented by him was
~ected by them. Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.45.
21
See John Griffiths, The paintings in the Buddhist cave temples of Ajanta Khandesh, Caxton Publications,
Delhi. 1983, p.l9; Percy Brown, Indian painting. Heritage of India Series, London, 1918, pp.36-37; EB
Havell, A handbook of Indian!!!!, Indian Academy, Varanasi, 1972, p.203; MD Raghavan, "The Sigiriya
frescoes," Spolia Zeylanica, ed. PEP Deraniyagala, Government Press, Colombo, 1948, p.67; Rean
Richardson, (tr. Abbate Francesco), Indian art and the art of Ceylon Central and South East Asia Octopus
Books, London, 1972; Nandadeva Wijesekara, Selected writings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, 1983, p.255; J.C.
Nagpall, Mural paintings in India, Gain Publishing House, Delhi, 1988, p.28; D.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist
paintings from shines and temples in Ceylon, Collins, UNESCO, London, 1964, pp.1 0-15; AH Mirando,
"Sigiriya: An abode for monks" Ceylon Daily News, 25 June 1986; Raja de Silva, "Painting: Early period
247 BC to 800 AD," Archaeological~artment centenacy (1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume
five- Painting, ed. Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p.15.
17
411
monastic buildings from pre-christian era as discussed in the third chapter in detail. In
addition, according to the description given in the Culavamsa it is obvious that
Moggallana handed over the two temples of Dalha and Dalhakondanna built on the
Sigiriya rock to the adherents of the Dammaruchi and Sagali sects of the Mahayana
school immediately after the death of Kassapa.Z20These evidences clearly show that the
site had a Buddhist association at least from the pre-christian era to the period of fifth
century AD while Kassapa was rulin_g there. More_precise!Y_, this establishes' beyond doubt
that at least Mahayana Buddhism prevailed at Sigiriya before and after Kassapa' s geath in
continuous succession forat least a period.Z21 Interestingly enough, such buildings are said
to have survived until the tenth or eleventh centuries AD, 222 though the writers of the
graffiti in the gth and 9th centuries AD do not make any mention of this.
But, it is noteworthy that another evidence in the Culavamsa mentions that the
king Sangatissa II (611 AD), his minister and his son were assassinated b_y Mu_galan II
(614-619 AD) at Sigiriya. 223 Similarly, it was recorded that Silarneghavarna, (617,.626)
had killed Mugalan II also on the summit of the Sigiriya rock?24 Unmistakably these help
to understand the condition of the site at the time. Certainly, had the place been in
occupation by the Mahayana sects in this subseguent period, the tra__gic events of wicked
murders could not possibly be perpetrated. Hence, this shows that the site had been
abandoned and jungle had ovemrown at least after the first decade of the seventh century
AD. This is further evident by the fact that even at the time of the eighth century AD the
220
Culavamsa, tr. W Geiger, P.ali Text Society, Oxford, London, 1929, ch.39; 41 verse.
222
HCP Bell, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Re.ports, 1911-12, p.l07. See also AM. Hocart,
"Archaeological summary," Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, Vol .1, London, 1925, pp.93-94.
223
Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1925, chap.44; 32-34vv.
224
1bid, chap. 44; 60-6lvv.
221
412
figures painted on the mam rock appear to have been damaged and their colours
faded? 25 This shows that the paintings as well as the site had even then been neglected.
According to all these facts it is obvious that except for a short reigning period of
Kassapa who created secular buildin_gs there, the Buddhist reli_gious nature, at least the
Mahayana influence would have been predominant in the Sigiriya area for a very long
period. In addition, accordin_g to the descrjptions _given in the _previous chapters,
particularly in the third chapter, it is obvious that the chronology ofthe paintings at the site
also cannot be assigned to the
r~ignip.g
period of Kassl!Pa with any certair1zy since there
are not enough reliable sources. Consequently, the conclusion that the paintings of
Sigiriya portray a number of nymphs or. goddesses, who belon_g to the Buddhist tradition_,
can be accepted as the correct interpretation. In this assumption, the long eyes of these
female figures and their enticing nature_, the
lo~_g
sha_pe of limbs includin_g fiJ!gers_, fully
developed breasts, the postures, and the feelings found in the faces all these expressions
indicate indirectly that they are a number of qpsaras _(Plates XIll and XX). Similar!y,
these paintings impress upon the onlookers that the flowers in the hands and the
ornaments worn by the apsaras and the dark coloured f!_gUres of women, which can be
identified as attendants, all represent the prosperity of heaven. This may be the reason
why bright and shining colours like emerald and lightyellow had been used in accordance
with the concept as in the case of most of the deva figures of the ancient paintings of the
two countries. In this presumption, it is particularlY to be noted that the countenance of
these female figures has much similarity to the portrayals of the nymphs and the
Bodhisattvas painted at Ajanta. Certainly when one looks at these :fjgures, the apsaras of
225
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, pp.3, 105.
413
cave no 17, the figure ofPadmapani Bodhisattva and the face oflndra both painted in cave
no 1 instantly comes to one's mind. Besides all these facts, the divinity of apsara figures
is clearly indicated by the clouds represented below the waist or around the bod_y and b_y a
sort of Uma that some have on the forehead. Indeed, it is an established fact that this mark
is regularly used for the figures ofBodhisattvas and devas. 2~ence, as Bandaranayake
has also concluded, we can say with certainty that the Sigiriya ladies are celestial nymphs,
but probably had more than one meaning and function.
227
In contrast, according to the discussion so far it is clear that as in the case of the
themes of the Jataka stories and the life story of the Buddha, there is no close similaricy or
connection, except in rare cases, between the Buddhist wall painting traditions of
peninsular India and Sri Lanka even in the context of themes of the thousand Buddhas,
Bodhisattvas, divine beings etc.
Other themes:
Apart from the above mentioned themes that have been used by the ancient
Buddhist mural painters of the two countries, th__e 'Bhava-chakra' or the
wh~l
of life,
painted on the left wall of the veranda of cave no 17 at Ajanta is a unique concept of
philosophical import (Plate XXVI). The paintin_g~ which is still t}j)ical for all Buddhist
countries,228 represents two giant green hands hold the wheel that is partly_ obliterated and
226
M Somathilake, "The tradition of wall paintings of Sri Lanka from earliest time to the twelfth century
AD: Chronology and Themes," Annual of the Department of Sociology, University ofPeradeniya, Bravi
Press, Kandy, 1996/97, pp. 87-121.
2
v Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lank!!, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo,
1986,p.29.
228
Portfolio of Buddhist art: Historical and modern, The Open Court Publishing co, Paul Carns, Chicago,
1906, p.2; LA Waddell, "The Buddhist pictorial wheel of life," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
Vol.LXI, 1892, pp.l33-l35.
414
when complete must have had eight compartments, further divided into sixteen in all. It is
229
assumed that this wheel of causation represents an analogy with a Tibetan version
and
some scholars have concluded that this represents an earlier conception of 'Samsara' as
230
narrated in the Saundarananda of Ashvaghosha,
wherein Ananda thero while pointing
out the absurdity ofNanda's infatuation with paradise, tells him of the real nature of the
world encompassed by the disasters of birth, disease and death and revolving still in the
cycle of existence, whether in heaven, among men, in hell, among animal~ or pretas.
231
However, according to the arrangement, it is apparent that the painting depicts in

its various compartments different facets of life: scenes from gardens, market places, the
workshop of a potter, royal apartments, wooden sheds of the poor, monkeys and elephants
all intended to show the endless surroundings in which beings are placed as a result of
their past actions.
232
Thus, although the painting is interesting, it is noteworthy that
representations ofthis kind cannot be found among the paintings of other Buddhist sites of
peninsular India or Sri Lanka, which belong to the ancient period.
As already discussed in the fourth chapter in detail, the decorative motifs are also
one of the popular themes among the painters of both countries during the period
concerned. This feature is more conspicuous among the larger scale ceiling decorations of
Ajanta (Plate IX). As especially evident in the paintings of cave nos. I and 2, most ofthe
caves of Ajanta are remarkable for the survival of such beautiful ceiling paintings of the
229
LA Wruldell, "Buddha's secret from a sixth century pictorial commentary and Tibetan tradition," Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. 1894, p.367; See also ''Notes on some Ajanta
paintings," The Indian Antiqumy, ed. Richard Camac Temple, VolXXll, 1893, pp.8-11; J Ph Vogel,
Buddhist art in India Ceylon and Java, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1936, p.61.
230
g:p,roductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological SUIVey of India, 1967, p38.
23
The Saundarananda of Asvaghosa, ed. EH Johnston, Oxford, 1932, 11; 62.
415
halls, antechambers, shrines, chapels and verandas with side porches. As mentioned in the
fourth chapter, in most of these caves, the paintings on the ceilings take the form of
compartments filled in with a v.ariety of designs, including floral patterns, birds, fruits,
flying figures, comic figures and geometric and ornamental motifS etc. Hence, in contrast
to the murals on the walls, it is obvious that the paintings on the ceilings of Ajanta are
decorative in character and innumerable small panels form a rich treasure house of floral,
vegetal and animal motifs etc. It is also evident that in most cases, the artist has
demonstrated his keen observation of animal life and painted scenes like the fight of two
cocks or buffaloes as in the case of the remaining ceiling paintings of cave no 17. In
addition, as already mentioned in the first part of the chapter, among the other subjects of
the ceiling painiings, the one showing foreigners in typical Iranian costume enjoying
drinks and attended by male and female associates on the canopy of cave no 1
particularly noteworthy.
IS
233
When considering the decorative themes of the paintings of Sri Lanka, it is evident
that there are not many paintings, which belong to thjs category. Nevertheless, according
to the few extant decorative paintings it is evident that as in the case of the motifS of
Ajanta and Bagh, the purpose of the decorative motifs of Sri Lankan murals w.as also to
fill the empty space with pleasing designs. Consequently, the ceilings, columns, arches,
borders and all the other empty spaces on walls or pillars or canopies were painted though
232
in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Al"chaeological Swvey of India, 1967, p.38.
23
Some scholars have wrongly interpreted this scene as the representation ofKhusrau IT of Persia and his
beantiful wife Shinn. For instance, see Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey of India, Eleventh
edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.25.
~roductions
416
very few survive today. Although these decorative embellishments attained excellence, it
is apparent that these always remained of secondary importance in the main scheme.
234
However, the most extraordinary and dramatic manifestations of the decorative art
of the period are the very minute remnants of ceiling paintings in cave no 9 po_pularly
known as Cobrahood cave at Sigiriya, and the outer ceiling ofDambulla cave. Of these,
the decorative motifs in Cobra-hood cave record a sophistication unparalleled in the art
history of the ~lassical period in Sri Lanka. Fortunately adequate designs are' still found on
the ceiling to reveal a decorative scheme, which is remarkably rich, grand and well
ordered. It is apparent that animated forms with all their vigorous movements and intricate
details are made to conform to geometrical shapes of squares, diamonds, circles and
straight lines. Thus, it is obvious that more attention has been paid to the details of the
designs.
It is to be noted at this point that some scholars have concluded that here is a
painter's adaptation of the theme in comparison with the delicate patterns that ornament
the halls of Ajanta and Bagh. 23 ~ut, as these scholars themselves have admitted, in spite of
the inspiration of Ajanta the artists at Sigiriya display much originality in the successful
integration of the animal forms into the strict geometric frames of diamonds and circles
and these are without any parallels from Ajanta. ~ven though they themselves have
concluded in another instance that the decorative motifs on the ceiling of the Cobra-hood
cave are similar in style and concept to those found in cave nos.17 and 1 at Ajanta.
According to them, particularly, the exuberance of these designs at Sigiriya seems closer
234
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Mabaragama, 1959, p.49.
417
to the latest style of cave no 1 at Ajanta. 237Nevertheless, it is obvious that there are some
conspicuous dissimilarities between the two ceiling painting traditions of Ajanta and
Sigiriya particularly in the context of forms, line drawings and colouration etc. For
instance, it is apparent that the Sigiriya ceiling painting has not been confined to the form
of compartments unlike the ceiling paintings of Ajanta. In addition, the multi coloured
lines of Sigiriya ceiling painting are much broader and more curvaceous than the line
drawings of Ajanta, for which only black and white colours have been used. Hence, all
these evidence suggest that these belong to two distinct traditions.
Although a number of fragmentary paintings of decorative motifs of the ancient
period have been similarly found in many places within the ruined cities of Anumdhapura
238
and Polonnaruva, only one well-preserved painting was discovered near the Ruvanvali
23
Dagoba. '1t is conspicuous that in the painting, the patterns consist of small circles and
lozenges, elabomte and well designed armngements of leaves and flowers of the lotus
plant in different stages ofdevelopment, with a bird_, a dwarf, vase of flowers and dancin_.g
figures. A scroll formed by the leaves, bud and flowers of the lotus constitute the main
motif of decomtion. In addition, there are flowers comj>osite!Y ~_ged in _panels, flowers
springing out of a foliated scroll and supporting a bird having a human head. It is marked
by a variety of design, no two patterns or subjects being precisely alike.
235
240
Benjamin Rowland, The wall paintings of India Central Asia and Ceylon: A comparative study, Alfa
Publications, Dellii, 1937, (reprinted) 1985, Vol. I, p.86; Nandana Chutiwongs and others, Paintings of Sri
Lanka: Sigirjya. Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, 1990, pp.42-47.
236
1bid, p.47.
237
1bid, pp.42-47.
238
See Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Rq>orts, 1894, p.3; 1910-11, p.30; 1920-21, p.9; Ananda
Coomaraswamy, History of India and Indonesian art, Dover Publication, New York, 1965, p.194; JG
Smithers, Architectural remains of Anuradhapur!!, Cooper and Budd, London, 1895, pp.21-31.
239
VA Smith, History of fine arts in India and Ceylon. Clarendon Press, London, 1930, p.ll2.
240
418
Except these decorative motifs, all the other themes of the ancient Buddhist mural
paintings of both countries are intensely religious in tone and mostly centred round the
Jatakas or the Buddha's previous lives, incidents from the life story of the Buddha,
Bodhisattvas, Buddhist beliefs and teachings etc. In this context, it is obvious that each of
the paintings tells its own story in subject matter, form and meaning. There is only one
fmal goal of all the themes241 and there prevails an atmosphere of spiritual fulfilment and
deep religious emotion as the main aim of the paintings. Indeed, it is evident that for
illustrating these fundamental Buddhist virtues with actual examples culled mainly from
the previous lives of the Buddha the stories have provided material of a unique nature a
mechanism unrivalled by any other type of story. In most cases, all the weaknesses aild
virtues of humanity have found expression in one form or another. Consequently, a host of
good things of lasting benefit to parents, teachers, elders, husbands, wives, servants,
neighbours, citizens and kings can be learnt by all even today. Thus, it is evident that
meant as they are for the edification of all devotees irrespective of their intellectual and
spiritual attainments, specially the Jatakas do not go beyond human dimensions and cover
no more than the simplest ethical propositions. Consequently, the most one could see in
them, beyond the limits of their immediate social significance, is the goodness of the
Buddha himself who, in this case, is looked upon as prototypical of the ethical man, the
ultimate symbol of all virtue. 242
241
Stella Kramrisch, "Introduction to the Visnudharmottara," Exploring India's sacred art: Selected
writings of Stella Kramrisch, ed. Barbara Stoler Miller, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New
Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, New Delhi, 1983, p.302. DT Devendra believes that this goal was
teaching paramitas or perfections. DT Devendra, "Temple paintings," Souvenir catalogue of international
exhibition of paintings, Colombo exhibition, February 1952, p.45.
242
Siri Gunasinghe, "Buddhist painting in Sri Lanka - An art of enduring simplicity," Spolia Zeylanica,
Vol.XXXV, Nos. 1 & 2, 1980, p.486.
419
On the other hand, it is also obvious that sometimes without detracting from the
sacred purpose of the paintings they integrated the larger and fuller life of the material
world into the religious themes and thereby imparted an intensely humanistic character to
~heir paintings.
There are, therefore, intimate glimpses at monasteries of the throbbing and
colourful everyday life of the period, which have been painted invariably with unflinching
fidelity to truth. For instance, there are scenes from the life of the crowd with all its
splendour along with the life of the devotee dedicated to devotion, piety anti faith. Kings
and queens surrounded by wealth, power, ordinary men and women in the glory of youth
and engaged in the realisation of the moral sources of life, attract spectators'
attention. 243Accordingly, it is obvious that these themes generally afforded the painter an
unlimited scope for depicting the whole gamut of human life from birth to death-men,
women and children of all stations of life, from the king to the slave, from the rich to the
beggar, from the saint to the sinner- in the crowded drama of sublimity and coarseness,
love and hatred, joy and sorrow, triumph and tribulation, compassion and ingratitude,
pageantry
and
poverty,
longing
and
death
all
pervaded
by
an
intense
religiosity. 244 Consequently, if a person reading the Jataka stories of Mahajanaka,

V essantara, Chaddanta or any other in the Jataka book derives a certain pleasure, a person
looking at the paintings depicting these Jataka stories derives the same kind of pleasure.
The only conspicuous difference is literature in the old tradition is an auditory medium
while the paintings are a visual medium. Hence, no doubt that particularly these Jatakas
243
Shanti Swarup, 5000 years of arts and crafts in India and Pakistan. DB Taraporevala sons & co, Bombay,
1968, p.l32.
244
Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Dellii, 1996, p.11.
420
are a remarkable collection of beautiful stories that have a flavour for everyone
. race or re 1'1g10n
. may be. 245
whatsoever hIS
However, it is apparent that some mundane matters, which are available among
the descriptions of some of the Jatakas, have also been included in these murals (Plates
XVI, XVII and XVIII). For instance, the paintings in many of the caves of Ajanta
represent interesting and spirited delineations of hunting scenes and battles etc. 246In
addition, sometimes, the artists who did the paintings at the sites like Ajanta and Tivarnka
image house have depicted female figures, full of sex appeal and beauty in such a way as
to arouse sensual feelings in the viewers. Certainly, special attention has been paid to such
aspects as the gracefulness of those figures and how beautiful the figures look when
viewed from various angles. The women including the most famous 'toilet scene,' the
occasion of 'consecration' and most of the other episodes painted at Ajanta are
conspicuous in this respect. Beyond these limits, it is noteworthy that in one of the panels
of the paintings considered to be part of the Asanka Jataka painted at Tivarnka shrine, a
man and a woman both naked are lying on the ground embracing each other though the
scene is now in a defaced condition. Sometimes, a person seeing this scene will derive
sensual pleasure from it Consequently one may conclude that the subject matter of these
paintings are not entirely of a religious order, a certain amount ofthem being of a secular
nature.
Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that there is no erotic tendency at Ajanta or
any other Buddhist painting sites of the two countries such as we notice in the classical art
245
Nandadeva Wijesekara, "An introduction to the 550 Jataka stories," Selected writings, Tisara Press,
Dehivala, Vol.I, 1983, pp.128-137; Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.102.
421
of Europe or in the later Brahmanical sculpture oflndia. Certainly, to the artists of Ajanta
and elsewhere a woman was a source of happiness and delight and her activities extended
to all aspects of domestic, religious, moral and social life.
247
For instance, among the
paintings of women at Ajanta the best is perhaps of a black princess, which shows perfect
modelling, exquisite decorative treatment and marvellous expression indeed without
manifestation of any sensual feelings.Z 48 Certainly, it is evident that all these figures are
associated with some aspect of the Buddhist beliefs or rituals, which have been derived
from the Jatakas or the canonical texts. Concemin_g all these aspects, it can be reasonablY
concluded that the general atmosphere of these paintings suggests an earthly paradise,
containing sacred attitudes and people with semi-divine beings.Z49
But, in this context it has to be realized that these artists had knowledge of a larger
and fuller life, other than that bounded by the temples. For instance, in most of the scenes
of the murals, the king is seen surrounded by the pageantry of his court, with its entire
attendant opulence and circumstance. Thus, although the murals as well as the scenes are
fundamentally religious, they pulsate with vitality and action, showing again an interest
towards the secularism, which is distinctly marked, Consequently, the viewers have been
equally at home in ably representing the dazzling magnificence of the royal court, the
simplicity of rural life and the hermit's tranguillife amidst sylvan surroundin_gs etc. For
instance, the scenes of V essantara J ataka of cave no 17 of Ajanta illustrates the prince as
the very picture of the hermit and the poor Brahmin as an inexorable beggar. In the same
246
James E Alexander, "Notice of a visit to the cavern temples of Adjunta in the East Indies," TranSactions
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.II, 1830, p.369.
247
G Yazdani, "The wall paintings of Ajanta," Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society,
VolXXVII, 1941, p.20.
Z<ISibid, pp.21-22.
249
Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, pp. 33, 72.
422
story, the illustration of prince V essantara, with his consort, drivin_g on the main road,
shows different merchants in pursuit of their trade, which is a beautiful illustration of
50
economic life in ancient India? 1n addition, costumes, customs, manners domestic life
etc, appropriate to an eastern culture, have also been faithfully recorded and provide a rich
source of information will be discussed in the next chapter in detail.
Thus, it is evident that before starting their work at a temple the painters have
studied life around them and natural scenes of beauty with intense
~mpathy
and
appreciation of plant and animal life. As a result, they have lovingly treated such themes
of flora and fauna as they have chosen to depict not only on canopies where animal forms
have been largely used, but also on the walls. The elephants under the Banyan tree in the
Chaddanta Jataka of cave nos. 10 and 17, the _geese in the Hamsa Jataka and the deer in
the Miga Jataka from cave no 17 at Ajanta, pigs in the Tundila Jataka and rabbit in the
Sasa Jataka from the Tivamka shrine may be cited as few examples of the tender
approach of the painter to the themes of animals. It is noteworthy that sometimes even
minute scenes have been borrowed from the environment and inserted into the paintin_gs.
The scene of a train of ants walking on a trunk of a tree depicted in the Chaddanta Jataka
in cave no 17 at Ajanta is one of the glaring examples.
251
Certainly, the painters not only possessed consummate skill in delineating both
'
human and animal figures in vivid style, but their decorative_genius in adomin_g ceilit?-_gs_,
pedestals of columns and door and window frames created patterns and motifs of
kaleidoscopic variety, each exhibiting extraordinary_powers of conre.ption and a h!ghly
250
C Sivaramamurti, Indian painting, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1970, p.35.
See Benoy K Behl, The Ajanta caves: Ancient paintings of Buddhist India, Thames and Hudson, 1998,
plate on p.l81.
251
423
developed technique. The panel in the ceiling of cave no 1 at Ajanta representing two
freakish animals sporting with one another or the parrot in the ceiling of the same cave
perched on a lotus stalk or the arhat shown flying in the ceiling of cave no 2 or the panel of
fabulous animals in the hall ofthe cave or the delightful pairs of merry-makers on the door
frame of the latter caves at Ajanta, as well as hundreds of other subjects similar to these,
all show the versatility of the artist's mind, his love ofbeauty and his joyous outlook upon
Buddhist canonical texts:

At this stage, it is necessary to concentrate on Buddhist literature or the canonical
texts that nave been used by the painters, donors, incumbents or whoever the selecting
authority of the themes was, since it is evident that there were many versions of the actual
doctrines, which the Buddha is supposed to have preached. Thus, although it is evident
that there are Pali and Sanskrit, northern (Chinese, Tibetan) and southern (Sinhalese)
versions and speculations on even earlier or original Magadhi versions, possibly in oral
form, it is to be noted that when the Buddha's life story has been reconstructed by scholars
from these extant texts there is no specific agreement regarding the chronological
sequence of the dates when these texts were written. 253But, it is generally accepted that
none of these was written down less than three centuries after his death and they display
the special sectarian prepossessions of their authors. 25'1lowever, it is obvious that at the
time when the earliest pictorial representation of the Buddha's life was painted at Ajanta;
252
History of the Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Great Britain, Vol.I, Part 8,
1952,p.55.
424
(around second and first century BC) the Buddha legend had already evolved to such an
extent that the main events in the life of the Buddha were handed down in all the literary
sources in similar fashion without major differences in content. But, later, in the various
Buddhist schools, which to a large extent developed their own literary activities
independently of one another, new episodes were given literary form and incorporated
into the traditional account of the life of the Buddha, without altering its basic content in
any significant way.
In this context, although some recent studies have suggested that none of the
inscriptions discovered at Ajanta give the slightest indication of the nature of the monastic
sect in residence there and as a result we have no idea from which traditions and texts its
monks derived their stories or commissioned the paintings,255some other recent studies
have reasonably concluded that there is a close relationship between Ajanta's painted
cycle of the life story of Buddha and the biography of the Buddha contained in the Vinaya
of the school of the Mulasarvastavadin.Z56por instance, it has been rationally found that
the life story of the Buddha as represented in cave no 16 at Ajanta contains some elements
that are part of the Mulasarvastivadin Vinaya version. Similarly it is revealed that the
story of Simhalavadana in cave no 17 has also been painted mainly based on
253
Ratan Parimoo, Life of Buddha in Indian sculpture (Ashtamaha pratihmya): An iconological analysis,
254
255
Andre Bareau and Amina Okanda, Ajanta, Brilbasi Printers, 1996, p.14; Parimoo, particularly regarding
the Buddhist carvings, has expressed a similar idea. According to him, it is doubtful whether the artists
necessarily followed written texts and these can at best be considered records of the known details of
episodes. Ratan Parimoo, Life of Buddha in Indian sculpture (Ashtamaha pratihmya): An iconological
analysi. Kanak Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p.4.
256
p.l4.
425
Mulasarvastivadin Vinaya257In addition, it is believed that the Diyyavadan~ which draws

on the Mulasarvastivadin Vinaya for a significant portion of its material, may have been
the source for the wheel of life painted on the outer wall of cave no 17. 258
Besides, it is believed that the murals of birth sequence of cave no 2 at Ajanta
depict seven lotus flowers beneath the Buddha's first seven steps, a detail specified in the
Lalitavistara and suggesting that text as its source. 259Similarly it is established that most of
the painted events of the life story of the Buddha at the other caves of Ajanta are also
devoted to the version ofLalitavistara which contains the mythical life of the Buddha: the
conception and birth of the master, the visit of Asita, Siddhartha at school and in. the
archery competition, the four drives of the Bodhisattva, Sujata offering alms to the
Buddha, the offering of Tapassu and Bhalluka, the visit of the king of Magadha, the
conversion of Nanda, the Buddha preaching on a lotus held by naga kings, the great
assembly etc.
260
0f these, particularly certain features of the story of the conversion of
Nanda painted in cave no 16 indicate that Asvaghosha's poem Saundarananda, also

served as one of the artist's inspiration. It is obvious that while this story is briefly alluded
to in Pali canonical sources, the Ajanta painters gave considerable space to the
heartbroken condition of the wife ofNanda after his induction into the monastic order and
this seems to be echoing Asvaghosa's poetic version.
Although it is evident that the painters or the monks or the donors of Ajanta have
mainly devoted their attention to the Mahayana Sanskrit versions of the stories, when they
257
Ibid, pp.34-35 and 257; See also Himanshu Prabha Ray, The winds of change: Buddhism and the
maritime links of early South Asia. Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1994, p.l54.
258
Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives of India. Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p.21 0.
259
Dieter Schlingloff, Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and interpretations, New Delhi, 1987,
p.35.
426
were selecting the themes for the murals, for the life story of the Buddha painted in Sri
Lanka of the period concerned the artists have differently as well as thoroughly followed
the Pali versions of canonical texts as embodied in the Hinayana. 261
Apart from the life story of the Buddha, when attention is focussed on the Jataka
stories, it is evident that some of these legends occur even in canonical Pi takas. Thus, at
least the Jataka stories of Sukhavihari, Tittira and the Khandhavatta are found in the
Cullavagga of Vinaya Pitaka and there are several other examples in similar Buddhist
canonical texts. For instance, one of the minor books of the Sutta Pitaka (Charya Pitaka)
consists of35 Jatakas told in verse. It is to be noted at this point that the Sutta and Vinaya
Pitakas are generally accepted as at least older than the third Council ofVesali. 26~is
conclusion may be confirmed by the fact that the Jataka scenes are found in early
sculptured form on the railings round the stupas of Sanchi (first century BC), Amaravati
(second century AD) and especially those ofBharhut (second century BC) where the titles
of several Jatakas are clearly inscribed over some of the carvings. 263Accordingly, these
bas-reliefs prove that most of the previous birth stories of the Buddha were widely known
260
H Goetz, "Painting: Ajanta," Ml!rg, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, VoliX, No.2, March 1956, p.88.
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maltaragama, 1959, pp.47- 48.
262
Edward J Thomas, The life of Buddha as legend and histmy, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New
Delhi, 1992, p.251; EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's fomier births, tr. Robert Chalmers,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Voll, preface, pp.xxi-xxii However, it is to be
noted that the period assigned to the incidents referred to in the Jatakas is according to the scholars who have
worked in the field and the trend of thought expressed in them, pre Buddhistic and post Vedic. This is also
corroborated by the fact that the stories of atitakata cannot come under the category of a J ataka story unless
it is a story of the past at the time of its narration and if their origin can be traced to the very lifetime of the
Buddha, hence these references necessarily go back to the pre-Buddhistic times. De, MA Gokuldas, Jataka
gleanings bearing on ancient Indian civilisation, (reprinted from the) Journal of the Department of Letters,
Calcutta University Press, Vol.XXV, 1934,pp.1-3.
263
Margaret Cone and Richard F Gombrich, The perfect generosity of prince Vessantara, Clarendon Press,
Oxford University Press, 1977, introduction p.xxxv; Albert Grunwedel, Buddhist art in India, (tr. Agnes C
Gibson), Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, (reprinted) 1985, p.27; Amita Ray, Life and art of early
Andhradesa, Agam Kala Prakasan, Delhi. 1983, p.125. Of these, for the themes carved at Amaravati railings
see Mario Bussagli and C Sivaramamurthi, 5000 years of the art of India, Harry N Abrams inc, New York,
(n.d), pp.IOS-114.
261
427
somewhere in the third century BC and were then considered as part of the sacred history
of the religion.
264
Although it is evident that the Jatakas existed before the rearrangement
of the Buddhist canon at the third Council of V esali, it is quite uncertain when these
various birth sto[ies were put together in a systematic fortn. Notwithstanding, it can be
surmised that at first, they were probably handed down orally, but their growing
popularity would ensure that there kernel, at any rate, would ere long be committed to
some more permanent form.Z 65
However, according to tradition, it is believed that the 550 Jataka stories
composed in Pali were taken to Sri Lanka by Mahinda Thero somewhere in the third
century BC. It is in this commentary alone that the text of the Jatakas has come down to
us.Z~deed, the local tradition of Sri Lanka is that the original Jataka book consisted of
the gathas or stanzas alone and that a commentary on these, containing the stories, which
they were intended to illustrate, was written in very early times in Sinhalese.Z67This was
translated into Pali about 430 AD by Buddhaghosa who translated so many of the early
Sinhalese commentaries into Pali and later this Sinhalese origin was lost. 268However, it is
evident that subsequently, mainly based on these Pali Jataka stories few other Jataka
collections have also come into being as in the case of the Sanskrit Jatakamala mentioned
below.
264
EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. Robert Chalmers, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers, Dellii, Vol.I, (reprinted) 1990, preface, pp.xxi-xxii.
265
Ibid, preface, p.xxii.
266
Max Muller, Sacred Books of the Buddhists: Jatakam!W!, 1895, preface.
267
It is believe that the Sinhalese version itself was probably a translation of an older Pali work, as several of
the tales have been preserved in other parts of the canon in a more ancient style. Edward J Thomas, The life
of Buddha as legend and history, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1992, p.27 4.
268
EB Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. Robert Chalmers, Motilal Banarsida'5.~
Publishers, Delhi, Vol.I, (reprinted) 1990, preface, p.xxiv; See also Nandadeva Wijesekara, "An
introduction to the 550 Jataka stories," S_el~t~_)Yritings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, Vol.l, 1983, pp.l28-137.
428
In this context, when concentrating on the Jataka stories painted at Ajanta, at least
two important texts appear to have served as the main textual sources for the artists. Of
these, the foremost text is the Sanskrit Jatakamala of Aryasura. 269_rarticularly, the painted
inscriptions of Ajanta mentioned in the fourth chapter, unmistakably testify to the
popularity of Aryasura's Jatakamala and suggest that the artists painting the murals are
likely to have followed the version narrated in the text. For instance, some verses from
this text were also painted along with the murals illustrating two of its storieS in a veranda
cell of cave no 2 at Ajanta as mentioned in the fourth chapter in detail. In addition, it was
revealed that at least thirteen of the seventeen narratives painted in cave no 17 at the site
are from Aryasura's Jatakamala collection ofthirty-four Jatakas; only four came from
other sources. 270Besides, some scholars have reasonably concluded that a complete
collection of the Jatakamala stories is painted along the inner front portion of cave no
271
16 while the Maitribala and Hasti Jatakas are unknown to the Pali Jataka collection, but
included in Aryasura' s Jatakamala. Of these, the Maitribala Jataka is painted in cave no 2
and Hasti Jataka is painted in cave nos. 16 and 17 at Ajanta. 272
Besides this Sanskrit Jatakamala. it is obvious that the second textual source of the
painters of Ajanta of lesser importance is the Pali Jataka collection. This continuing
2
(/) It is
to be noted at this point that 1he Jatakamala is also called Bod.hisattvavadanamala for
Bod.hisattvavadana is synonyms wi1h Jataka and indeed the Jatakas are no1hing but Avadanas the hero of
which is the Bodhisattva Thus works like the Ka)panamanditika and Jatakamala often coincide with the
texts of 1he Av adana literature and numerous Jatakas are also contained in the Avadana books, which will be
discussed later. See. Maurice Winternitz, (tr. V Srinivasa Sarma), Histoty oflndian literature, Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi, 1993, Vol.ll, p.266.
270
Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives oflndi!!, Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p.21 0.
271
pp.l43-156; See also Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives of India, Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, pp.21 0, 227.
m Dehejia wrongly concludes that 1he Maitribala Jataka has been painted in cave nos 1, 16 and 17 at Ajanta.
See Ibid, p.210.
429
appeal of the Pali Jataka collection is evident in cave no 1 where artists, patrons and
monks chose to portray stories such as Sankhapala, Champeyya and Mahajanaka that are
unknown to Aryasura's Jatakamala.
273
In addition, in relation to the Jataka story of
Vessantara painted in cave no 17, it may be mentioned here that the Pali Jataka version
calls it the Vessantara and Aryasura refers to it Visvantara, while the name Vaisvantara is
given to it in the painted inscriptions at the site. Similarly, it may be noted that though
Aryasura's Jatakamala does not provide the name of Brahmin Jujaka, one' of the painted
inscriptions of Ajanta has given his name. It is therefore likely that the story of
V essantara illustrated at Ajanta is from a version, akin to that found in the Pali
Jataka. 27~evertheless, it 'is believed that the Sibi Jataka story which is represented in
cave no 1 at Ajanta follows the version of the Sutralankara and not the Pali Jataka, which
do not mention the pigeon episode. 27~ut, it should also not be forgotten that according to
these few extant paintings alone one cannot conclude that one text takes clear priority
over the other, since most of the narrative paintings of the site are already lost
However, it has been revealed that unlike the painters of Ajanta, for the paintings
of Jataka stories of the ancient period of Sri Lanka the artists, monks and donors have
predominantly followed the Pali Jataka versions as embodied in the Hinayana tradition,276
as in the case of the themes of the life story of the Buddha as already mentioned above.
273
The Jatakam.ala by Atyasura, ed. lli Kern, Lanman's Harvard Oriental Series, Boston, 1891, See content
page; See also Dieter Schlingloff, Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and inten>retations, New
Delhi, 1987, p.35; Vidya Deh~ia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives of India, Munshiram.
Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p.211.
274
NP Chakravarti, "A note on the painted inscriptions in caves VI-XVII," Ajanta: Monochrome
re.productions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, ed. G. Yazdani, Swati Publications, Delhi,
Vol.m, 1942, pp. 86 and 96.
275
Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.20; The
Sutralankara means merely the verse portions, which is one ofMahayanists worlcs. See Ryukan Kimura, A
historical study of the terms Hinayana and Mahayana and the origin of Mahayana Buddhism, Indological
Book Corporation, Patna, 1978, p.172.
430
Consequently, it is generally accepted that there are no known examples of Mahayana

paintings existing in Sri Lanka?77Nevertheless, it is .evident that at least in a later period,
about twelfth or thirteenth century AD, the northern Indian version of Buddhism in the
Sanskrit form also began to appear as can be seen from the_paintin_gs ofMaitribala Jataka
of Tivamka shrine, which does not occur in the Pali Jataka collection. In addition,
although it belongs to the life story of the Buddha, the story of the_gift of the elephant
received by prince Siddartha which is believed to have been painted ih the cave of
Maravidiya ofDimbulagala is included only in the.book Lalitavistara and is not found in
Pali literature though the text belongs to the Sarvastivadi sect.
278
If the theme of the
painting of the cave ofMara~diya is the story narrated in the Lalitavistaraya, it is evident
that in addition to the Maitribala Jataka painted at Tivamka image house ofPolonnaruva,
in the 12th century AD, to which the Dimbulagala painting also belongs, themes from
various Buddhist sects, apart from the Pali versions, particularly the popular stories, got
assimilated into Sri Lankan Buddhism. 279
It is equally interesting to note that apart from the Jataka stories and the events of
the life story of the Buddha mentioned above, the stories narrated in the Avadana
literature have also been used by the painters, at least at Ajanta, as the themes of the
murals. The word Avadana means a "notewort.lly deed" generally in the sense of"a heroic
deed," "a feat" with the Buddhists a "religious or moral feat" and then also the "story of
noteworthy deed or feat." Such a feat may consist of the sacrifices of one's own life, but
276
Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, pp.47- 48.
Nandasena Mudiyanse, Mah!JYana monuments in Ceylon. Gunasena and co, Colombo, 1967, p.76.
278
S Paranavitana, "Archaeological summary," Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, Vol.II, 1928,
pp.l59-160.
277
431
also merely of a gift of incense, flowers, ornaments, gold and precious stones or the
erection of sanctuaries like stupas arid so on. These stories, as a rule, show that "black
deeds bear black fruits and white deeds bear white fruits." Hence, as in the case of the
Jatakas they are also Karman stories, which show how the actions of one existence are
very closely connected with those of former or future existences. 280Thus, just like the
Jatakas, the Avadanas are also a kind of sermon. It is therefore usually told, by way of
introduction, where and on what occasion Buddha related the story from the past and at
the end, the lesson is deduced from the story by Buddha. A regular Avadana then consists
of a story of the present, a story of the past and a moral. If the hero of the story of the past
is the Bodhisattva, this kind of Avadana can also be called a Jataka. There is another
special kind of Avadana, namely those in whichthe Buddha, instead of telling a story of
the past, gives a prophecy of the future. Like the usual story ofthe past, this story of the
.
future serves to explain the present Karma.
2~
It is evident that all these kinds of Avadanas occur sporadically in the
Vinayapitaka, but are mostly to be found in large collections, which were compiled either
purely for the purpose of edification or with literary ambitions as well. 282However, due to
their popularity, it is significant that some of these stories have been depicted on the walls
of Ajanta. For instance, on the left wall of the left aisle in cave no 1 at Ajanta, after the
fourth cell door there is a painting, which was formerly thought to be a part of the
279
Nanda Wickramasinghe, "Mural paintings: 800 AD -1200 AD," Archaeological Department centenary
Cotporation, Colombo, 1990, p.64.
:zm Maurice Wintemitz, (tr. V Srinivasa Sarma), Histoty of Indian literature, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi,
1993, Volll, p.267.
281
1bid, p.267.
282
Ibid, p .267.
432
Mahajanaka Jataka,283 but Schlingloff has correctly identified this portion as the story of
Kalyanakarin, 284which indisputably occurs in Avadana literature. 285 In addition, below
the Vidhurapandita Jataka, of cave no 2 at the site is the Piima Avadana, which is to be
found in the Diyyavadana.Z 86 Similarly, the right wall between the two pilasters of cave
no17 depicts with great effect one of the largest compositions, the story of Simhala's
conquest of Sri Lanka as also narrated in the Diyyavadana.Z87formerly, known as the
I
283
MC Dey, My pilgrimage to Ajanta and Bagb, London, 1925, p.181; SB Pratinidhi, Ajanta, Bombay,
1932, pl.36.
284
Dieter Schling1off, "Kalyanakarin's adventure: The identification of an Ajanta painting," Arnbus Asiae,
Vol.XXX:Vlll, pp.S-28; Studies in the Ajanta paintings: Identifications and intetpretations, New Delhi,
1987, pp.81-85; See also MN Deshpande, "The murals: Their theme and content," Ajanta murals: An album
of ei gbty-five re,productions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Survey of India, 1967, p.36; Debala
Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, pp.23-24. The story of
Kalyanakarin runs thus. The generous prince Kalyanakarin along with his wicked younger brother set out on
a voyage to obtain treasure. On their return journey, the ship sank but Kalyanakarin succeeded in saving
himself and his brother. In order to get possession of the jewels, the wicked brother blinded Kalyanakarin
while he was asleep and returned home with his loot. In the course of wanderings Kalyanakarin reached the
capital of a king. The king's daughter chose him as her husband. After regaining his eyesight by means of a
'satyakriya' (solemn profession of truth), the prince returned along with his wife to his father's kingdom and
ruled there after the death ofhis father.
285
It is evident that there are no less than ten known versions of the Kalyanakarin story; three in Sanskrit,
four in Chinese, two in Tibetan and one in Uigur. However the Sanskrit name of the prince Kalyanakarin is
to be found in Bodhisattvavadanakalpalata while the evil brother is called Akalyana in the text See Dieter
Schlingloff, ''Kalyanakarin's adventure: The identification of an Ajanta painting," Arhbus Asiae,
Vol.XXX:Vlll, pp.5-28.
286
The Diyyavadana, ed. EB Cowell and RA Neil, Cambridge, 1886, p.24. In the bottom, left was found
Puma in front ofBuddha signifying his conversion. To the right is a boat in danger and its owner, apparently
Bhavila, the brother of Puma, praying for succour, in response to which an angel, followed by a monk,
apparently Puma, as narrated in the Avadana, comes to his rescue. Above this is the sandalwood monastery
built by Puma and said to have been visited by Buddha. See Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of
India, Eleventh edition, New Delhi, 1996, p.32.
w The Diyyavadana, ed. EB Cowell and RA Neil, Cambridge, 1886, pp.523-28. See also Madanjeeth
Singh, The cave paintings of Ajanta, Themes and Hudson, London, 1965, p, 29. According to the story,
Simhala was the accomplished son of a rich merchant Simhaka. Despite his father's warning; he set out on
sea voyage in the company of five hundred other merchants. Simhaka' s fears came true, for the ship, loaded
with precious cargo, was wrecked and the merchants were cast ashore near a city of ogresses called
Tamradvipa. These wicked, man-eating women lured on the merchants with their charms and devoured
them all. Simhala himselfhowever, was miraculously saved by the celestial white horse, the Bodhisattva
and was flown away to Jambudvepa. Later, an ogress who had earlier failed to entice Simhala lured the king
Simhakesari into admitting her to his harem and eventually, with some of her friends, she devoured the king
and all his family. Simhala then raised a powerful army, drove away the ogresses and colonised their island.
Tamradvipa was thus renamed Simhaladvepa.
433
'landing of Vijaya in Ceylon,' 288 supplemented by some details from the Valahassa
Jataka.
289
Thus, although it is obvious that the painters of Ajanta have used Avadana
literature considerably for their paintings, there is no any evidence to show that the
selecting authority of the themes of the paintings of Sri Lanka has used this Avadana
literature for their murals during any period of history of the island.
According to the discussion so far, it is obvious that instead of a close relationship,
a significant difference can easily be noted to a great extent between the murals of
peninsular fudia and Sri Lanka in the context of themes and the cannons used. These
differences unmistakably indicate that they represent two distinct traditions and this may
be mainly due to the different approaches and diverse cannons used by the selecting
authorities of the themes of the murals of the two countries. But it should also not be
forgotten that though these authorities were bound fairly closely by the literary tradition of
a particular school, which can usually be recognized as Hinayana or Mahayana, they
nevertheless retained a certain degree of freedom to pursue other traditions, which
belonged to both these sects as evident from these murals themselves.
288
Fergusson and Burgess stated that whether this has any reference to the legend of Sinha or Siha as
narrated in the Mahavamsa is not quite clear and they further concluded that whether this identification can
or cannot be maintained there is little doubt that most of the other pictures in this cave do refer to the
conquest of Ceylon by Vijaya. James Fergusson and James Burgess, The cave temples of India, Oriental
Books Corporation, Delhi, (reprinted) 1%9, pp.313-315. Nevertheless, it is clear that these authors have not
been able to understand the difference between the two stories ofVijaya legend narrated in the Mahavamsa
and in the Simhalavadana of the Divyavadana. See Ibid, p.315 and its first footnote. See also; Ajanta
&aintings twenty plates in colour, Lalit Kala Academy, Calcutta, New Delhi, 1956.
Deb ala Mitra, AJantl!, Archaeologtcal Survey of India, Eleventh edition, New Delht, 1996, p.64; EB
Cowell, The Jataka or stories of the Buddha's former births, tr. WliD Rouse, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1990, Vol.II, Jataka No. 196.

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346

The themes of Buddhist mural paintings and the canonical texts

Identification of the themes of paintings:

<mlY smalt _portions of the ()qginal

of interpreting the scene as an interesting memento of some embassy from Persia, 17

This type of interpretation is further said to be supported by the visitors standing

or even artistic inter-change.

These include so-called

Accordingly, it is obvious that it is difficult to say to what incident the painting

pp.59-60. For a description of similar representation offoreigners in a sculptured relieffound at Amaravati

~pDi.l_9eter- schlin. goI ff., Stud'1es m. the A'1anta pamtmgs:

In addition to these remains of cave no 4, it is to be noted that in cave no 3 also at

art and architecture, AgamKala Prakashan, Delhi, 1992, pp.191-203.

Society, Vol.V, 1857, pp.543-573.

This effort has subsequently been continued by later scholars like

But, in contrast, unlike the interpretations. of Indian paintings, there is no controversy

The Jataka stories:

'1n these former lives, the Buddha

the Vidhurapandita Jataka to dis_play his wisdom etc,

loctrinal aspect of Buddhism. 53

compassion, no matter whether he was born as a human or a celestial being, a small

stories of Sibi, Samkhapala, Mahajanaka, 64 Mahaummagga65and Champeyya66 have

been painted in cave no 1 and in cave no 2, the Jataka stories of Hamsa,

demonstration of the perfection of the various virtues of the Bodhisattva, which

Name of the Jataka

Maravidiya of the two countries (i.e. 23 Jatakas at

and 13 at Sri Lankan sites)

The life story of the Buddha:

representation oflndra's visit to the Buddha in the cave named Indasala

.Tusita heaven, preaching Abhidamma to his mother born as a Devaputta

respective regency. '13ut, according to Paranavitana's more convincing explanation the

1t is certainly interesting to recognise, among these divine personages, four-armed

venerated wearif!g tall makuta

of__ground, there are a few

S Paranavitana, Ceylon Administration Re,potl, Section IV education, 1951, Government Press,

In addition, in a painting extant in the cave of Mamvidiya, also at Dimbulagala,

received by prince Siddhartha. ~evertheless, it is more probable that this is a scene

In the sanctum, events after the enlightenment are depicted. Of these,

1bid, I 959, p.48.

The concepts of thousand Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and divine bein2s:

Kanak Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p.1.

However, it is interesting to note that the concept of thousand Buddha or the

Archaeological SUIVey of Ceylon Annual Report, 1951, p.24.

However, lightning is thrice.evoked metaphorically.

Accordingly, considerable speculation has helped to advance

shrine at Piduragala or Tusita heaven is a purely imaginative reconstruction of a creative

since it is obvious that

the paintings. In addition, if Paranavitana's interpretation is accepted then similar

Kassapa. As he believed, every one of those figures is portrayed in a studied pose of

a garment is usually confined to women of lower status. At Sigiriya, it appears to have

In addition, according to the theory itself, it is obvious that

is that the artists

when only considering their

period of Kassl!Pa with any certair1zy since there

sha_pe of limbs includin_g fiJ!gers_, fully

narrated in the Saundarananda of Ashvaghosha,

wherein Ananda thero while pointing

However, according to the arrangement, it is apparent that the painting depicts in

Thus, although the painting is interesting, it is noteworthy that

There are, therefore, intimate glimpses at monasteries of the throbbing and

religiosity. 244 Consequently, if a person reading the Jataka stories of Mahajanaka,

For instance, among the

Buddhist canonical texts: