Contemporarydemocracyincrisis

andthepopulistcryofpain

JohnP.McCormick
UniversityofChicago

PaperpresentedinthePopulismusforumattheAristotleUniversityof
Thessaloniki(3June2015),andintheKalisteSaloomEndowedLectureSeries
attheUniversityofLouisiana,Lafayette(28January2016).Iheartilythank,
respectively,YannisStavrakakisandJasonMaloyfortheinvitationstospeak
ontheseoccasionsandthewarmhospitalitythattheyaffordedmeonmyvisits.
Acrisisofpoliticalaccountabilityplaguescontemporarydemocracy.Ithasbecome
palpablyobviousthatelections,evenfreeandfairones,donotelevatetoofficeindividuals
whoareespeciallyresponsivetothepoliticalaspirationsandexpectationsoftheirconstituents.
Moreover,democraticgovernmentsseemdecreasinglyadeptatpreventingsocietyswealthiest
membersfromwieldingexcessiveinfluenceoverlawandpolicymaking.Ratherthan
facilitatingpopularrule,electoraldemocraciesappeartopermitandperhapsevenencourage
politicalandeconomicelitestoenrichthemselvesatthepublicsexpense,andencroachuponthe
libertyofordinarycitizens.Theinabilityofcitizensbothtocontrolthebehaviorofpublic
officialsandcounteractthepowerandprivilegeofthewealthyposesagravethreattothequality
ofpoliticalrepresentationtoday;itseverelydebilitatesconditionsoflibertyandequalitywithin
therepublicsofourage.
InordertoaddressthissituationIhaveadvocatedradicalinstitutionalreformswithin
contemporarydemocracies.Inspiredbythemostastuteanalystofpopulargovernmentsfrom
earlierages,NiccolMachiavelli,Ihaveproposedconstitutionalmeasuresandinstitutional

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techniquesthatrepublicsbeforemoderndemocracydevisedtosurveilandcontrolpoliticaland
economicelites.Torepelthethreatthatsuchelitesposedtolibertyandequality,common
citizenswithintraditionalrepublicsproposedandoftenenactedaccountabilitymeasuresfarmore
extensivethancompetitiveelections.WithMachiavellisguidance,Iidentifiedthefollowing
componentsofarobust,extraelectoralmodelofpopulargovernment:publicofficesor
assembliesthatexcludethewealthiestcitizensfromeligibility;appointmentproceduresforhigh
officethatcombinelotteryandelection;andpoliticaltrialsinwhichtheentirecitizenry,orlarge
segmentsofthecitizenry,actsasultimatejudgeovertheprosecutionsofpoliticalcrimessuchas
corruption.Inamedthetypeofpopulargovernmentthatincorporatessuchinstitutions
MachiavellianDemocracy.
Machiavellithoughtthatpopulargovernmentwasunrealizableunlesseconomicelites
wereatleastpartiallyexcludedfromruling,andunlessthepeopleweredirectlyempoweredto
makelawsandjudgepoliticaltrials.Healsothoughtthatcitizenscouldneverfullyenjoyliberty
unlesseliteswere,tosomeextent,afraidfortheirlives.
Howeverinstitutionalchangebegsadifficultquestion:howdowegettherefromhere?
Effectivechangerequiresthemobilizationofmassmovementstocompelgoverningelitesto
enact,andeconomicelitestoaccept,fundamentalinstitutionalchange.Theproblemofthe
meansbywhichweachievetheendsofinstitutionalchangesraisesthepressingissueofthe
relationshipbetweenPopulismandDemocracy,whichisthesubjectofmyremarksthis
afternoon.Populismtodayisthenecessaryvehicleforrealizingtheeffectivereformof
contemporarydemocracy;howeverPopulismcanbeameansthatrisksendangeringthequality
oftheverykindofrobustdemocracythatmightbeachievedthroughpopulistmeansofmass

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mobilization.
Theproblemwithpopulism,Iwanttoargue,isthatitreproducesmanyofthe
deficienciesofrepresentativeorelectoraldemocracy:thatis,itempowersothersbesidesthe
peopletoactonbehalfofthepeopleascenarioalwaysatoddswithdemocracyinprincipleand
practice.IwanttosaythatPopulismisanecessarymeansforachievingreformsthroughwhich
thepeoplecanrulethemselves.However,Populismoughtnotserveasanendinitself;forthen,
itmerelysubstitutescharismaticorpartyruleforrulebyparliamentary,judicialorbureaucratic
elites.Thegoalmustbeinstead:proceduresandpracticesthroughwhich,again,thepeople
betterandmoredirectlyrulethemselves.
ThegreatFrenchsociologist,EmileDurkheim,onceclaimedthatsocialismwasmodern
societyscryofpain.Socialism,Durkheiminsisted,wastheoutcryofpeoplewhosufferedthe
excruciatingpainofalienation,exploitationanddisaffectionundertheduressofmodern,secular,
commercialsociety.Promisedunprecedentedfreedom,securityandhappiness,modern
individualsfeelinsteadthepainofanomietowhich,inimportantways,socialismwasan
answer.IcontendthatPopulismiscontemporary,representativedemocracyscryofpain.
Populismisaninevitableoccurrenceinpolitiesthatadheretodemocraticprinciples,butwhere,
infact,thepeopledonotrule.Contemporarydemocraticcitizensaretoldthattheyare
sovereign,thattheywieldfundamentalpoliticalpower;andyettheircommon,oftenpainfuland
humiliatingexperiencetellsthemthattheyexercisenearlynopoweratall.Hence,Populism
appearstobetheappropriateanswertotheproblemofpopulardisempowermentwithinelectoral
democracies.

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Andyet,Populismputsmoderndemocraticcitizensinapeculiarbind:Citizensdemand
policiesthatbetterreflect,ormorefaithfullyenact,theirpreferencesandintereststhanare
policiesproducedthroughelectoralinstitutions.InPopulism,howeversuchpopulardemandsare
entrustedtoindividualsorpartieswhostillmerelyrepresentthepeoplejustaselectoral
institutionsdoandthesepopulistleadersorpartieslikewiseonlyrepresentthepeopleinhighly
tenuousways.HistoryshowsthatPopulismdoesnotalwaysresultinlaws,policiesor
institutionsthroughwhichthepeopleareempoweredtomoresubstantivelyanddirectlyrule
themselves.Veryoften,apartyoraleadermerelytakestheplaceofelectoralinstitutionsthat
aremeanttoruleonbehalfofthepeopleratherthanallowingthepeopletodosothemselves.In
short,Populistleadersorpartiesmayormaynotdeliverpolicyoutcomesthatactuallyimprove
thelotofcommoncitizens;thisisentirelydependentonthecompetenceorgoodfaithofsuch
elites(whotoooftenproveentirelyincompetentorselfinterested).Seldominfactdopopulist
actorspermitorenablethepeopletogovernthemselves.
Democracyishencefundamentallydifferentthanpopulism.Inademocracy,thepeople
rule.Whoarethepeople?Thepeopleconstituteacitizenrythatextendswidelyenough
throughoutthepopulacetoincludelargenumbersofindividuals,andsegmentsofsociety,who
maygenuinelybedefinedaspoor.(Henceancientdemocracyscriticsoftenderideddemocracy
asthehorrible,scandalous,undesirablerulebythepoor.)Whatisrule?Inagenuine
democracy,thepeoplerulethrough:(1)legislativeassembliesopentoallcitizens,notonlyby
assembliescomprisedexclusivelyofelites;(2)publicofficesdistributedbylottery,notby
electionthatis,publicofficesrandomlydistributedthroughoutthecitizenry;and(3)through
politicalcourtscomprisedoflargesubsetsofrandomlyselectedcitizens,notbycourtscomprised

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ofprofessionaljuriststhepeoplethemselvesdecidewhatpoliticalcrimesareandwhat
punishmentsforthemshouldbe.
Indemocraticassemblies,everycitizenisentitledtoinitiateanddiscusslaw,andultimate
decisionsaredecidedbysimplemajorityvote,notthroughbicameralarrangementsorbysuper
majoritarianmeasuresthataresocommontoday.Inademocracyanycitizenwhoiswillingand
abletostandforofficemaysubmittheirnameforinclusioninthepoliticallotteriesthatappoint
publicofficials.Andfinally,formerofficialsand,infact,anycitizenwhatsoever,maybe
indictedbyanyothercitizenandtriedbeforethelargecitizenjuriesforoffensesthatthreatenor
underminethedemocracy.
Obviously,thisstylizeddescriptionofdemocracyderivesfromtheconstitutionsof
ancientGreekdemocracies,especially,Athens.1Inmyestimation,thefurtheraregimedeviates
fromtheAthenianmodelofdirectpopularlawmakingandrandomlydistributedexecutiveand
judicialauthorityamongcitizens,thelessdemocraticissucharegime.2Modernelectoralor
representativedemocraciesmaybemoredemocraticthanancientdemocraciesinone
importantway:theyextendcitizenshiptoevengreaternumbersofthepoor;theygrantfull
citizenrightstowomen;andthey(belatedly)bannedslavery.3Butmoderndemocraciesare
muchlessdemocraticbecausetheysubstituterepresentationfordirectrule;andelectionfor
lottery;andtheyentrusttoprofessionaljudgesorotherofficeholders,ratherthantopolitical
amateursamongthecitizenry,thetaskofpunishingofficeholdersforpoliticaloffenses.4A
moderndemocracythereforehasmuchmoredemos,butmuchlesskratosthanitsancient
counterpart;itincludesascitizensalargerproportionofthepopulous,butitpolitically
empowerscitizensfarlessrobustlythandid,ofcourse,democraticAthens.

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Suchisdemocracy,butwhataboutPopulism?Again,thenamePopulismappliestoa
movementcharacterizedbypopularmobilization,butonenotnecessarilyorientedtoward
popularrule.Populismtendstomanifestitselfoutsidetheinstitutionsofgovernment,through
theworkingsofcivicassociations,socialorganizationsandmassdemonstrations.Populismis
popularinitsgenesisanditsintention:largenumbersofindividualsandsegmentsofsociety
(butnotalwaysthemajorityofthepopulous)coalescearoundanissueorprogramwhosegoalis
alwayscastasbeneficialtothemajorityofthecitizenry.Acrucialdifference,then,between
contemporarypopulismandtraditionaldemocracyisthefollowing:Populismultimatelycharges
anindividualleaderorapoliticalpartywiththeactualrealizationorconcreteenactmentofthe
policygoalsespousedorexpressedbythemovement.Inademocracy,bycontrast,thepeople
alwaysdecide.
Thus,whencriticsidentifydemagogueryasadangerendemictobothPopulismand
democracytheyconfusetwodistinctstatesofaffairs.Thesuccessfulpopulistdemagoguewill
eitherattainofficehimself,andthenpersonallyputintoeffectthepolicyprogramsupportedby
membersoftheirmovement(forinstance,aMussoliniorLenin);orhewillusehisprestigeand
politicalcapitaltoinfluenceofficeholdersunaffiliatedwiththemovementtodosoonbehalfof
hismovement(forinstance,MartinLutherKingorGandhi).Thedemocraticdemagogue,
alternatively,willattempttopersuadetheformallyassembledpeopletodecidepoliciesinways
thatpurportedlybenefitsthepeople(ImthinkingofPericles,AlcibiadesorCleon).Ina
democracy,therefore,ultimateresponsibilityfortheresultinglaworpolicyrestswithdecisions
ofthepeopleratherthan,asinPopulism,withdecisionsbyeliteswhoact(atsecondorthird
hand)inthepeoplesnameand/orontheirbehalf.

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Inthissense,Populismdidnotexistinancientdemocraciesanddemocraticrepublics.
InancientRome,TiberiusGracchusmayhaveproposedmassivereformsaimedateconomic
redistribution;butthepopulusRomanusitselfultimatelypassedsuchlegislation.Onthe
contrary,theplebeiansorthedemosofmodernrepublicsrelyentirelyonagentstonegotiate
policiesthathopefullyinsuregreaterequality(forinstance,agentssuchaslaborunionsin
Westerndemocracies);oronagentswhodestroyandreconstituteexistinginstitutional
arrangementssoastoachieveanewlybornequality(forinstance,theCommunistPartiesof
twentiethcenturyRussiaandChina).
Onthisdefinition,notableexamplesofPopulistmovementswouldinclude:Jacobinismin
RevolutionaryFrance;theChartistMovementinnineteenthcenturyBritain;Bolshevismand
FascismintwentiethcenturyRussiaandItaly;andthePeoplesPartyin1890sUnitedStates.5
Today,thetermisgenerallyappliedtoChavezisminVenezuela,FarRightpartiesinEurope,and
theTeaPartyintheU.S.
Asmentionedbefore,Populismistheflipsideofthecoinofnormalpoliticsinelectoral
democracies.Moderndemocraciesinsuretherisetoofficeofindividualswhoallowor
encouragesocioeconomicinequalitytounderminepoliticalequality.Becauseelectionseither
producepublicofficialswhoarethemselvesexclusivelywealthy,orbecausethemassivefunding
requiredtomountsuccessfulelectoralcampaignsinsurethatpublicofficials(whetherrichor
not)arebeholdentomoneyedinterests,electoraldemocraciesareoftencorrectlycharacterizedas
oligarchies.
Thisdiffersfromtraditionaldemocraticpractice.Ancientdemocraciesreliedonan
informaltrucebetweenrichandpoorcitizens;acompromisethroughwhichthedemoswouldnot

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excessivelyexpropriatetherichsolongasthewealthydidnotusetheirvasteconomic
resourcesandpublicprominencetounderminepoliticalequalityandtocorruptdemocratic
institutions.6Electoraldemocracies,onthecontrary,structurallyenforcethistruceinwaysthat
wildlyfavorwealthycitizensand,consequently,inwaysthatbothexacerbatesociopolitical
inequalityandcorruptdemocraticinstitutions.7
ThisexplainstheemergenceofPopulisminmoderndemocracies.Whenpoorercitizens
withinmodernelectoraldemocraciesfeelthreatenedbytheeconomicadvantagesofthewealthy,
theyengageinleftwingPopulismtoinfluencetheoutcomesofpoliticalmachinerythattheyare
preventedfromcontrollingdirectly.WhenPopulismhasbeensuccessfulinprotectingor
advancingrelativesocioeconomicequality(forinstanceinWesternEuropeaftereachofthetwo
WorldWars),socioeconomicelitesoftenrespondbysparkingrightwingPopulistmovements
aimedatrollingbackoreradicatingthoseegalitariangains.SuchrightwingPopulist
movementsinvokereligious,ethnicand/orculturalaspectsofnationalidentity;theseaspects
appealtocommitmentsamongpoorercitizensthatareoftenatoddswiththepoorsdesirefor
socioeconomicandpoliticalequality.
Ofteninsuchcircumstances,theprinciplesoflibertyorequalityaregivencultural,
ratherthanpoliticaloreconomic,inflections.Elitesappealtothecitizenrysnoneconomic,
affectiveoremotionalties,ortheirfearofforeignthreatstoreconstitutenationalsolidarityon
groundsotherthansocioeconomicorpoliticalequality.Hence,criticsoftenchargethatthe
AmericanTeaPartymovementisnotagenuinegrassrootsphenomenon,8andthatFascism
andmorerecentfarrightmovementsinEuropewere/aremoreelitedriventhanwasWestern

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EuropeanSocialDemocracyorevenCommunism(bothofwhichwere,ofcourse,stilltogreat
extents,elitedriven).9
Theexamplesofrightwingpopulismsuggestthatpoliticalenmityismoreintensewithin
Populistmovementsthanitiswithingenuinelydemocraticpolitics.Thedemosortheplebeians
ofancientAthensorRomeviewed,respectively,theoligarchsorpatriciansamongthecitizenry
withintensesuspicionandtheymonitoredtheirbehaviorwiththestrictestscrutiny.But,perhaps
becauseancientcitizenshaddirectaccesstomechanismsofrule,theydidnotfeeltheneedto
makeoutrightenemiesoftheiradversaries,asmembersofPopulistmovementssooftendo.For
instance,thinkofthefollowingoppositions:Jacobinsversusaristocratsormigrs;
CommunistsandFascistsversusthebourgeoisie;NationalSocialistsversustheJewsand
Bolsheviks;andintheU.S.,theTeaPartyidentifiestheirenemiesaseitherillegal
immigrants,oranamorphouslydefinedelitist,orliberalintellectualpoliticalclass
usuallyboth.
Thisdubiousintensitymaybeattributedtothenaturalfrustrationthatcitizensfeelwithin
mereelectoraldemocracieswhich,asJamesMadisonproudlyexclaimed,entailthetotal
exclusionofthepeopleintheircollectivecapacityfromanyshareingovernment.10But,even
underconditionscharacterizedbylargeterritorialstates,averagecitizensperhapsshouldnot
havebeenexcludedsodrasticallyfrommodernschemesofdemocraticrule.AsMachiavelli
noted,thechargesofextremismandinconstancythataristocraticcriticshaveforeverhurledat
thepeoplearemuchlessapplicableandmuchlessegregiousincircumstanceswherethepeople
themselvesconcretelyjudge,wheretheyactuallydecidepoliticalmatters.Thepeoplemay
clamorforallkindsofridiculousthingswhentheyareexcludedfromgoverning(suchaskilling

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allmembersofthearistocracyorentirelydestroyingthecitiesofforeignenemies);but,
Machiavellisuggests,theyjudgeresponsiblyandcorrectly,whentheyareempoweredtodecide
atleast,heinsists,theydecidemoreresponsiblyandcorrectlythanelitesdowhensimilarly
empoweredtodecide.11
Intherealmofhightheory,CarlSchmittandVladimirIlyichLeninareprobablythe
foremostintellectualadvocatesofwhatImcallingPopulism.12Schmittinsistedthatthe
peoplesWillwasbestrealizedbyaplebiscitarilyelectedchiefexecutive(e.g.,the
ReichsprsidentoftheWeimarRepublic)orbyapopularlyacclaimedpartyleaderwhohad
succeededinimposinghomogeneityontheentireGermanVolk(i.e.,AdolphHitler).Lenins
DemocraticCentralismsimilarlylegitimatedtheCommunistPartysclaimtoruleonbehalfof
theRussianproletariat.ItisworthnotingthatProgressiveformsofPopulism,suchastheturnof
thecenturyPopulistMovementintheU.S.,orWesternEuropeanTradeUnionisminthe
twentiethcentury,havenosuchgrandtheorists.
Perhapsforsimilarreasons,ancientdemocracyenjoyedscantintellectualadvocates
amongphilosophersandhistorians.Aristotlestandsasthegreatestobjectiveanalystofancient
democracy,and,asmentionedabove,Machiavellinot,Ibelieve,JeanJacquesRousseau!13is
themostfullthroatedmodernchampionofinstitutionsandpracticesthatapproximateancient
democracy.14Machiavelli,again,endorsedlargeassemblieswhereallcitizens,regardlessof
birthorwealth,couldinitiate,discussanddecideonlaws,aswellaspassjudgmentonthefateof
elitecitizenschargedwithpoliticalcrimes.Moreover,herecommendedoffices,likethe
PlebeianTribunate,forwhichwealthyandprominentcitizenswereineligible;officialswho
wieldedsignificantveto,legislativeandjudicialauthoritywithintheRomanRepublic.Ifsuch

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classspecificmagistraciesdidnotdistributeofficesaswidelyamongcommoncitizensasdid
Athenianlotteries,theycertainlydistributedthemmorewidelythandogeneralelectionsin
modernrepresentativedemocracies.
LetmemovetowardaconclusionbyofferingathoughtthatIhopeislesstrivialthanit
seems:Whileademocracywherethepeopleactuallyrulethemselvesisfarpreferableon
normativegroundsthanmostformsofPopulism,someformofthelatterisstillabsolutely
necessaryinordertomakemodernelectoraldemocraciesmoregenuinelydemocratic.A
politicalmovementinwhichthepeopledonotruleis,paradoxically,indispensabletothe
creationofcontemporarypoliticalregimeswheretheyactuallydo.Thisiswhy,althoughIam
skepticalofPopulisminmanyforms,Icautionagainstthehystericalcriticismsofitthatpervade
contemporaryscholarshippunditryondemocracy.
Tosumup:theinstitutionsofelectoral,representativedemocracycannotstand;and
Populismmustnotbetakenasanendinitself.ButPopulismcanandmustbeinstrumentalin
realizingtheaspirationsofournewdemocraticmoment:atimewhenthekratoscomponentof
democracyisradicallyrevivedandreinvigorated.Amomentwhenthepeopleasserttheirclaim
torule.

Notes

.SeeMogensHermanHansen,TheAtheniandemocracyintheageofDemosthenes:

structure,principles,andideology(UniversityofOklahomaPress,1991).
.SeeMosesI.Finley,Democracyancientandmodern(RutgersUniversityPress,1985).

.SeeRobertAlanDahl,Democracyanditscritics(YaleUniversityPress1989).

.SeeBernardManin,Theprinciplesofrepresentativegovernment(CambridgeUniversity

Press,1997).
.SeeJ.S.Maloy,DemocraticStatecraft:PoliticalRealismandPopularPower(Cambridge

UniversityPress,2013)14587.
.SeeJosiahOber,MassandeliteindemocraticAthens:rhetoric,ideology,andthepowerof

thepeople(PrincetonUniversityPress,1991).
.SeeJeffreyA.Winters,Oligarchy(CambridgeUniversityPress,2011).

.SeeThedaSkocpolandVanessaWilliamson,TheTeaPartyandtheRemakingof

RepublicanConservatism(OxfordUniversityPress,2012).
.SeeTimothyW.MasonandJaneCaplan,eds.,Nazism,fascismandtheworkingclass

(CambridgeUniversityPress,1995).
.SeeJamesMadison,FederalistPapers,#63.

10

.SeeMachiavelli,Discorsi,I.78,47,58.

11

.SeeCarlSchmitt,Constitutionaltheory,J.Seitzer,trans.(DukeUniversityPress,2008);

12

Legalityandlegitimacy,J.Seitzer,trans.(DukeUniversityPress,2004);DerHterderVerfassung
(Tbingen:J.C.B.Mohr[PaulSiebeck],1931);andDerFhrerschtztdasRecht,Deutsche
JuristenZeitung38,August1,1934.VladimirI.Lenin,EssentialworksofLenin:"Whatistobe
done?"andotherwritings,H.M.Christman(CourierDoverPublications,1987).
.ThereisnosharpercriticofAtheniandemocracythanRousseau,whoalsorecommended

13

votingweightedinfavorofwealthycitizensinlargerepublics:SeeJeanJacquesRousseau,Ofthe
SocialContract,orPrinciplesofPoliticalRight[1762]inRousseau:TheSocialContractandOther
LaterPoliticalWritings,ed.VGourevitch,(Cambridge1997)39152;here:bookIV,section4,p.
133).SeealsoJohnP.McCormick,RousseausRomeandtheRepudiationofPopulist
Republicanism,CriticalReviewofInternationalSocialandPoliticalPhilosophy(CRISPP)10,no.
1(March2007)327.
.SeeMcCormick,MachiavellianDemocracy(CambridgeUniversityPress,2011).

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