1. Introduction
A prerequisite for sustainable agricultural and rural development is gender equitable access to
appropriate technology and related support services for population living in agriculture and rural
communities. Yet while considerable progress has been achieved in technology development
in Asia, most technology has been targeted at men. The processes of technology development
and dissemination have ignored the differing roles and technology needs of men and women in
distinct agro-ecological production systems. Technology transfer approaches have tended to
isolate women in traditional gender roles, perpetuating the notion that technology for men is
also good for women.
While the overall position of women in Thailand compares well with other developing countries
in the Asia-Pacific Region, gender inequalities persist in the labour market, income distribution,
and access to resources and services. Rural women play a vital role in household and rural
production systems in Thailand and contribute to the generation of family income and food
security. Yet, their role is usually unrecognized and unpaid because of the lack of sex-segregated
statistics, as well as traditional beliefs and cultural biases that undervalue women’s contribution.
As a consequence, rural women tend to lack equal access to technologies that are affordable
and appropriate to their needs for farm and home production as well as for post harvesting
activities.
In this context, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations, Regional Office for Asia and Pacific (FAO/RAP) cooperated
in a Support for Policy and Programme Development (SPPD) project in Thailand during 2001 to
2003. The purpose of the SPPD was to assess gender-differentiated technology needs as well
as availability and dissemination modalities in selected villages of Thailand, and to identify
capacity-building strategies to improve rural women’s access to and use of technologies in
support of poverty alleviation. The aim was to develop research-driven recommendations to
support the Royal Government of Thailand, UNDP and FAO to:
● Improve rural women’s access to and use of appropriate and modern technologies to
reduce the burden of unpaid care work and stimulate improvements in farm production.
● Promote inter-sectoral partnerships and expand the rural resource base to improve
productivity in unpaid care work and farm production.
● Develop and disseminate a gender-responsive policy framework for rural technology
development and education to assist rural households to improve their livelihoods and living
standards.
An additional objective of the SPPD was to build the capacity of selected Thai professionals
and grassroots workers to carry out participatory research and gender analysis. In this context,
field investigators from the four provinces included in the study were trained in participatory rural
appraisal tools and techniques, and basic gender analysis theories and concepts1. In addition,
members of the national participatory rural appraisal (PRA) team participated in a three-day
training course, and a young (Thai) professional officer was recruited to the team in the place of
a community development specialist.
1
Six researchers (five male and one female) attended a one-week training course at the FAO Regional Office
in Bangkok in April 2001. Subsequent training also took place in the provinces following changes in the
composition of the research team.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 2
The conceptual framework in Figure 1 was developed to guide the design of field research
and its implementation. The conceptual framework provides the rationale, grounded in the local
socio-economic and cultural milieu and policy environment, in which to: i) identify the existing
technologies used by rural women; ii) analyse women’s and men’s respective technology needs;
and iii) review existing technology support. It integrates consideration of different factors – such
as rural economics, rural infrastructure and logistics, technology traditions and practices, and
rural institutions – that affect the supply of and demand for gender-responsive technology. The
availability of technology and gender-differentiated access were examined for activities in three
groups: agricultural production, post-harvest and household activities.
Technology
Social Milieu Policy Milieu
Environment
Rural Society
Technology Traditions
Gender Traditions
Family Situation
Rural Logistics
Rural Economy Options
Rural Institutions for Technology Transfer
Agricultural Production
Processing
Household Production
Gender Responsive
Technology Framework
Recommendations
Within each of these segments, researchers examined the existing access among men
and women to technology in order to identify gender gaps – that is a situation where the
technology supply does not meet the demands of rural women. In a complementary process,
gender-differentiated expectations and perceptions of technology needs and user capacity were
studied. Supply and demand was considered on the basis of the type of technology available,
access to related information and training support, its cost and user-constraints, as well as the
existing institutional and policy framework.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 3
1.2 Methodology
The study used a mix of complementary research methodologies to collect the required qualitative
and quantitative information.
The research sites were six villages in four provinces as indicated in Figure 2.
The four provinces were selected (Buriram, Nan, Phitsanulok, and Songkhla) to reflect the diversity
of socio-economic and agro-ecological conditions in Thailand, ranging from lowland coastal plains
to high plateau and mountainous areas, as shown in Table 1. The following indicators were used
to select villages: cooperative headman; relatively poor; and location in a district where the UNDP
Sustainable Agriculture Project has been implemented. In the sample frame two provinces were
included twice to ensure selection of villages to provide an agro-ecological and production system
variance. These two provinces were Nan and Songkhla.
2
Focus group discussions were organised in groups composed of only women participants, and only men
participants as well as with groups composed of both men and women participants.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 4
Ban Nam Kob Village ● Located on a plain, one side of which is hilly with altitudes
Wat Bot District, Phitsanulok Province of 60-120 m.
● Field crops and paddy farming.
● Provincial Per capita GDP: 40,345 Baht (1997)
Ban Tukud Tasa Village ● Located on an upper plain. Hilly with altitudes of 190 m and
Nang Rong District, Buriram Province under.
● Rain-fed paddy farming, field crops, orchards and rubber
plantations
● Provincial Per capita GDP: 22,805 Baht (1997)
Ban Nam Hin Village ● Located on high ground, surrounded by mountains. Altitudes
Na Noi District, Nan Province of 120-360 m.
● Paddy farming and field crops.
● Provincial Per capita GDP: 29,022 Baht (1997)
Ban Fa Village ● Situated on high land with altitudes of 340-600 m and
Ban Luang District, Nan Province surrounded by mountains.
● Paddy farming and field crops.
● Provincial Per capita GDP: 29,022 Baht (1997)
Ban Kuan Nua Village ● Located on the coastal plain inland from Songkhla Lake, with
Bang Klam District, Songkhla Province altitudes of 10-40 m.
● Rubber plantations, paddy farming, fishing.
● Provincial Per capita GDP: 64,168 Baht (1997)
Ban Sri Chai Village ● Located on the shores of Songkhla Lake at a low elevation,
Sathing Phra District, Songkhla Province which means that flooding is a chronic problem.
● Rubber plantations, paddy farming, fishing.
● Provincial Per capita GDP: 64,168 Baht (1997)
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 5
The study was pilot in scope only including six villages and four provinces and thus, it is
acknowledged that the findings are relevant to these research sites and thus presents a limitation
of generalization of the results to whole of Thailand. It is possible that there could be different
patterns in other villages not included in the study.
Rural women in each of the villages studied play a major role in all aspects of paddy production,
including seed preparation, transplanting, weeding, fertilizer application, harvesting, and seed
storage. Given the lack of appropriate technologies for most paddy-farming activities, women
perform labour-intensive tasks with the use of simple and traditional technologies. As a result,
they are sometimes overworked and exhausted (for instance in Kuan Nua Village). By comparison,
men are responsible for those parts of paddy production that are mechanised such as use of
the tractor for ploughing.
Similarly in orchard (such as guava and mango) and cash crop production (such as peanuts and
mung beans), women are involved in labour-intensive, simple and low-prestige tasks, while men
are responsible for mechanised tasks. For instance, in cassava production women are responsible
for weeding, hoeing and digging at harvest time. In horticulture, with the exception of a few
hand tools, most of the tasks undertaken by women are performed manually. Where technologies
are available to women, they are normally very simple like the hoe, spade and knife. Women
play the main role in raising small livestock, particularly poultry, and also assist men with some
of the manual tasks involved in raising cattle and buffaloes such as sweeping pens, carrying
water. However, men take the lead when small livestock is farmed commercially (such as ducks)
and women play a supporting role. In the rubber-producing villages studied, research revealed
that, women are involved alongside men in all steps of rubber tapping due to inadequate
labour and the seasonal nature of rubber production. In addition, like men, women often work
as self-employed or hired labour.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 6
Research confirmed that women play the major role in food preparation and processing activities,
which tend to be regarded as an extension of their household responsibilities. A wide variety of
snack foods are produced for domestic consumption (such as naam: fermented minced pork),
as well as for sale (such as buttered banana chips, donuts and curry puffs). In each of the
provinces studied, it was found that processing is normally done at home and organised by local
housewives groups. In some villages, women have access to training and support from home
economists in the Department of Agricultural Extension (Ban Nam Kob Village) and non-formal
education centres (Ban Kuan Nua Village). The technology used for processing is generally basic
(such as charcoal stoves, gas stoves, cooling racks, plastic bags and staplers for packaging)
and, in some cases, dangerous. An example of dangerous task would be such as the open
pans in processing toddy palm syrup into sugar in Ban Sri Chai Village and traditional banana
slicing tool used for slicing raw banana to make buttered banana chips in Wat Bot Village.
The study found that women perform the majority of household tasks, yet receive little recognition
for their contribution. Men are seldom, if at all, involved in household tasks. The village of Ban
Nam Hin (Nan Province) is a notable exception; here men help women in a number of household
tasks including preparation of sticky rice and “naam” and “laab” (spicy minced meat appetizer),
gathering firewood, feeding poultry and washing clothes.
Household tasks are usually time-consuming and labour-intensive. In most instances, only simple
traditional technologies are used (such as bamboo baskets, knifes, manual rice grinder, northern
style cooking pots, firewood stove). However, in some villages (Ban Nam Kob, Ban Sri Chai,
Ban Tukud Tasa), more modern appliances – like rice cookers, gas stoves and electric irons –
that help to reduce drudgery are also being used. As a result of the demands on their time, the
research found that women in some villages (Ban Kuan Nua) have insufficient time to devote to
household tasks, and in response cut short their sleeping time to fit everything in. They also
resort to buy already cooked food to lessen their time spent in the kitchen.
2.4 Key findings: Impact of gender roles on access to technology and training
● Women perform multiple roles in agriculture and play a major role in labour-intensive and
manual activities. In addition, women are almost exclusively responsible for post-harvesting
(processing) and household activities. By comparison, men are normally responsible for
agricultural work that is mechanised or associated with greater income-generating potential.
Cultural traditions and gender stereotyping seriously limit the extent of assistance men
provide in manual agricultural work, processing and household activities.
● Gender inequalities exist in access to resources (such as material inputs, funds, seeds,
breeds and plant varieties) as well as information and knowledge (such as training courses
related to livestock, wet paddy farming techniques and fertilizer use).
● Inadequate information about the role of women in agriculture and limited recognition of
their contribution, coupled with the lack of sex-segregated statistics, has created a situation
in which the development and dissemination of agricultural technology has virtually ignored
the role and needs of rural women. In villages where technologies to reduce female
drudgery are available, they are normally beyond the means of poor and average-income
households.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 7
● Lack of gender awareness at all levels of society – in the family, community, and
government, and among women as well as men – reinforces traditional divisions of labour
based on gender, and neglects the fact that women and men have different needs, including
for technology and related support.
● Ignorance and a lack of attention to gender among government officials, scientists and
village leaders – almost all of whom are male – lead them to assume that men are the
main or even only target group in agriculture and rural development. Technology and related
technical information and training are targeted at men. Officials fail to recognize the value
of women’s contribution in agriculture and to ensure women’s participation in training.
Instead, women are targeted for training in traditional female task areas such as food
processing and health care.
● The traditional view of men as household heads, normally upheld by government
organizations, helps to preserve gender inequality and limit the role of women in
decision-making processes in the household and community. For instance, state banks
offering credit target men, while women – especially from poor households – have few if
any opportunities to access government loans because of their lack of collateral, and are
forced to rely on informal sources of credit.
● Women have limited access to the world outside their village. Only younger, educated
women tend to look for work outside the village. Most women – especially the older
generations – do not venture far from the village. Household commitments and inadequate
time, objections from their husbands, fears about safety, social norms or a lack of
self-confidence prevent most women from travelling outside the village, and obstruct
their access to information, technology, training and other external assistance.
● Raised to obey rather than to express opinions, most village women – especially poor rural
women with little education – lack the confidence to state their views, contact government
officials or attend training courses held outside the village.
● Overwork and lack of time, intensified by the
Intensive demand on rural women’s time
absence of suitable labour-saving technologies,
to balance multiple tasks both economic
limits the ability of most rural women to participate and care giving that are labour intensive
in meetings or attend training aimed at improving leads to drudgery and welfare loss as
productivity. The research found that poorer and well as an impediment to participation in
less-educated women, who should be the community meetings and training. Their
participation is further constrained due
important target group in rural development, face to social expectations of appropriate
social and economic barriers to join women’s behaviour and social realities of mobility
groups. Women who belong to groups are usually constraints.
better off and more likely to participate in and
benefit from village-level training. However, in general, village groups still have fewer women
members, and the selection process for training is biased in favour of men.
In brief women participating in the PRA exercise indicated that they need material inputs and
simple technologies to save time and reduce the drudgery of their daily work. An overview of
the constraints faced by rural women and their technology needs is presented in Table 2. The
summary of the PRA findings is presented in this section below.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 8
Agricultural production
Paddy farming ● Labour-intensive ● Simple technologies for
● Time consuming seed germination, trans-
planting, planting and
harvesting
Raising farmyard chickens and pigs ● No direct transfer of technology ● Direct transfer of technology
and information about
animal health, vaccinations,
care and feeding
Application of fertilisers and ● Chemical fertilisers and ● Training on appropriate use
pesticides pesticides are dangerous if of fertilisers and pesticides
improperly used (chemical- and organic-
based)
● Sprayers and tanks are too ● Light-weight sprayers and
heavy tanks
Land preparation and ploughing ● Small three-wheel tractor is ● Light-weight and affordable
heavy and difficult to operate tractor with automatic start
and control switch
Household Production
Collection of water for drinking, ● Time consuming and labour ● Mobile water pump
household use, washing clothes, intensive
home gardening, farmyard chickens
and pig-raising
Cooking fuel ● Expensive ● Low cost of fuel and
alternative energy sources
Cutting grass for animal feed ● Sickles are dangerous and ● Low-cost small tool for
time-consuming grass cutting and weeding
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 9
Agricultural production
● The perceived need for material inputs (such as improved seeds and breeds) to support
agricultural production is greater than for knowledge and technology (related to vaccines,
medication, pesticides, fertilisers).
● Most of the needs expressed by women reflect the prevailing gender division of labour in
rural Thailand. However, the demand for lighter herbicide containers and a lightweight
hand-operated tractor for ploughing confirm women’s involvement in activities normally
regarded as male.
● More than half of all the demands expressed with regard to post-harvesting were for
additional information and knowledge to support food-processing activities (value addition
for agriculture produce) – particularly recipes to process foodstuffs (such as mangoes,
bamboo shoots and garlic) that are still not widely processed.
● Fewer women expressed needs for improved material inputs and technology for home
based production (such as improved banana slicing tool, charcoal oven with more even
temperature).
Household production
● Almost all the needs identified relate to tasks traditionally performed by women, reflecting
the widespread acceptance of gender roles.
● Most of the women participants expressed needs for either simple equipment (such as
less expensive gas stoves, improved charcoal stoves, water pumps and water containers)
or information and knowledge (for instance about poultry and small livestock diseases) to
help them better manage the household’s production activities.
● In some cases, the needs expressed were for technologies and equipment not yet available
for the household. In other cases, demands were expressed for equipment like washing
machines, which is beyond the means of an average household.
3
Copies will be provided to district-level government offices, technology transfer centres and selected village
groups in the study area.
4
As part of the decentralization process, administrative functions at the sub-district (Tambon) level have been
strengthened through the formation of Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs) that encourage the
participation of civic groups in development planning and decision-making.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 10
The research also found that local organizations – formed by people within the community to
respond to a particular need or opportunity – play an important role in facilitating linkages between
the community and external institutions, disseminating information and allocating available
resources to villagers. Certain types of local organizations (such as savings groups, cremation
groups and housewives groups) were found in each of the villages studied. Informal savings
and loan groups were found to be an important source of
support for poorer households, which lack the collateral required Most successful and sustainable
local organizations were those
by commercial banks. Indeed, in many cases, these informal that had a strong leader, active
groups are the few main safety nets available to poor households participation from a minimum
in times of stress. The study also found that the most successful number of villagers, clear goals,
and sustainable local organizations were those that had a strong the capacity to adapt in
response to changing local
leader, active participation from a minimum number of villagers,
needs, and external support.
clear goals, the capacity to adapt in response to changing local
needs, and external support.
The PRA found that women tend to belong to local organizations that are focused on home
economics and household tasks (such as housewives groups, savings groups and public health
volunteers). Men are more likely to be members of local organizations that seek to improve
agricultural productivity and generate income (such as agriculture groups, livestock groups and
fisheries group).
Research found that women have less access than men to decision-making processes in local
organizations. The PRA demonstrated that the planning and decision-making processes of local
organizations tend to exclude women’s participation. Most committee members of village
organizations are male and decision-making and voting in these organizations is usually the
prerogative of male members. Although all planning and decision-making processes within local
organizations are open to women in principle, in practice
women’s participation tends to be restricted as a result of Gender differentiated participation
pattern in gender selective local
cultural norms, gender biases and traditional power
institutions though may in part fulfil
relationships. In the villages studied, women generally only objective of women’s participation
have opportunities to participate in planning in organizations in development, yet may not
in which: i) there are no men (such as housewives groups); contribute to gender equal
ii) the activity is associated with women’s work (such as participation in development or
gender mainstreaming for social
village health volunteers); or iii) women account for a majority transformation.
of members (such as the small livestock group in Nan
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 11
Province). Because of this unequal participation, local groups fail to consider women’s interests
and gender-sensitive approaches, women do not participate adequately in determining technology
needs, and male villagers have greater access to services. Such gender differentiated
participation pattern though may in part fulfil objective of women’s participation in development,
yet may not contribute to gender equal participation in development or gender mainstreaming
for social transformation.
The research found that women have less access than men to technology and services provided
by external institutions. The Venn diagram exercises carried out in the six villages revealed that
women have best access to institutions most closely associated with traditional female activities.
By comparison, women lack equal access to other kinds of institutions including those that
provide agriculture services, training and formal finance (such as the Bank of Agriculture and
Cooperatives). For instance, women account for less than 10 per cent of participants enrolled
in training courses offered by the Department for Skills Development.
Inadequate time and family responsibilities prevent most rural women from travelling outside their
village to participate in training or technology demonstrations, while their limited knowledge about
the kinds of services offered hinders them from accessing available services. In addition,
a number of systemic factors seriously obstruct women’s access to technology as described
below.
Gender stereotypes and traditional beliefs about men and women’s roles in society define the
place of women within the village, irrespective of their contribution to the household and village
economy. Research demonstrated that these prevailing social biases affect the selection of
candidates targeted for technology transfer and training. Men are normally selected for training
related to agricultural topics such as technology support for livestock production, while training
on processing or household activities generally targets women. While female participants in
agricultural training courses are not the norm, in some of the villages studied women have been
included based on their interest and involvement in livestock production. However, in other
villages, women are seen as incapable of learning or slow learners.
Local traditions, customs and hierarchies exert a strong influence on governance and power
relations at the village level. Traditionally, men have been most involved in politics, and are better
informed and socially well connected. Most of the villagers who occupy positions of power or
leadership are men from wealthy households. Responsible for identifying local needs, and
negotiating and allocating external resources, these men play a leading role in village planning
and decision-making. As a result, already powerful households tend to have the first choice of
available resources and technologies.
Society has conditioned rural women to believe that men’s opinions are more credible and,
as a result, they tend to go along with decisions reached by men. This creates opportunities for
men to play the leading role in resource allocation planning and decision-making in support of
their own needs.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 12
Kinship systems
The village headman is normally responsible for recruiting participants for meetings and
workshops. Given the lack of time often available for this task, and the desire to meet deadlines
so that future support is not compromised, he is most likely to draw on his own kinship networks
and contacts, or those of other influential individuals in the village. As a consequence, those
who are less powerful, and less vocal or socially poorly linked-mostly rural women in poorer
households – tend to be excluded.
Economics
The PRA demonstrated that middle and high-income households have greater access to available
technology and resources, and that technology transfer activities supported by government
organizations and NGOs tend to miss the poor. Poorer households, which usually depend on
day labour to generate an income, normally cannot spare the time to participate in village
meetings or training, which would represent a loss of earnings. Nor can they afford to take the
risk associated with the trial of new technologies.
Institutional barriers
The scarcity of female government officials, extension agents and trainers hampers women’s
access to information, resources and technology provided by external institutions. The research
found that formal communications from government officials are unconsciously gender-biased.
For instance, letters and invitations to meetings are always addressed to the head of the
household who is usually male. At the same time, cultural constraints, prevailing power
hierarchies and relationships make it difficult for village women to contact male officials. Male
officials themselves prefer to contact male villagers.
In addition, while training courses can help to advance the skills of some villagers, there is no
formal obligation on the part of those trained to communicate their new knowledge with other
villagers. As a result, new skills are not systematically shared, and opportunities to multiply and
scale up technology transfer are lost.
Government organizations at both the central and regional level play an important role in the
provision of technology, and information and knowledge services in rural areas. Central-level
administrative departments make policy, operational and budgetary decisions that affect the
structure, functions and performance of lower-level organizations. The stakeholder survey found
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 13
that provincial, district and sub-district organizations play a key role in the delivery of information
and technical support services aimed at improving rural livelihoods and living standards. However,
because most of these organizations have a traditional view of women’s roles in the community,
the services directed towards rural women usually relate to traditional female roles.
In recent years, decentralization has attempted to shift greater responsibility for programming
and planning to lower administrative levels in order to respond to local needs more accurately.
However, weak coordination, institutional constraints and the lack of a holistic policy framework
for gender and technology at the central level have hampered progress. Ministries have generally
continued to formulate and implement policies from the top down, limiting opportunities for
a bottom-up approach. Overlapping sector plans and weak coordination between different
government organizations – horizontally as well as vertically – has resulted in duplication of
services. Moreover, once priorities and budgetary allocations have been rigidly structured through
centrally managed planning process, it is impossible for administrative organizations at the
implementation level to adjust them in response to local needs or special circumstances.
The PRA exercises and key informant interviews also demonstrated that “participation” – defined
as an opportunity for rural men and women and government agents to learn and work together
– is not a familiar concept to district-level officials. Educated as experts in their technical fields,
the officers are used to occupying a position of power in the community and some government
officials seem concerned that participation would take from them the control of the development
management process. The notion that woman’s perspectives should be given equal importance
in the identification and selection of technology complicates the situation further. Indeed,
scepticism about gender and related issues among government officials was regularly
encountered during the research. While participation may be a familiar concept among villagers,
in practice, full participation in development planning and decision-making processes is rare.
As the research has shown, women are reticent to express their technology needs and opinions
in the midst of male-dominated groups where other members – male villagers and government
officials – are perceived to be more educated and better informed.
In line with the decentralization process, the Government has encouraged the establishment of
Agricultural Technology Transfer Centres (TTCs) to provide one-stop service centres for farmers
and communities in the areas of agricultural development, agricultural production, market
development, and natural resources management. Located close to rural communities, these
centres bring together national and local government organizations, and local people. They aim
to accelerate farmer education, facilitate technology transfer and technological development,
develop agricultural labour skills, and continuously enhance the learning process for all farmers,
thus increasing their earnings and professional capacities.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 14
The SPPD research found that inadequate information and technology support represents a real
barrier to the ability of the TTCs to serve the needs of their clients – both male and female. It
was also found that these centres lack gender-disaggregated data and that the staff are not
trained in gender analysis, which obstructs their ability to serve rural women in equal terms with
men. As such, the staff members do not always recognize women as farmers with various work
responsibilities that include but are not restricted to care-giving activities in the household.
Information and communication technologies (ICTs) are expected to play a key role in building
the capacity of these centres by providing a means for them to access the information required
to effectively plan and deliver customer-driven
technology. However, discussions with staff of At this time, a barrier to use ICTs to be effective
tools in technology transfer for local information
the TTCs found that most lack good computer
management in the TTC, is the lack of good
skills, as well as the knowledge about how to use knowledge of IT applications and computer use
IT as a tool for information management and skills among the staff.
planning.
Local, regional and national NGOs – some of which receive the patronage of the Thai Royal Family
– play an important role in agricultural development and rural poverty alleviation in Thailand. In
recent years, decentralization has widened the space for NGOs to play a greater role in
development processes, and encouraged government organizations to involve NGOs in policy
and planning processes, as well as service delivery in local areas. Consequently, NGOs now
play a greater role in policy- and decision-making processes at the national level. At the local
level, NGOs are often involved in planning activities with local government organizations, and in
coordinating, monitoring and evaluating their activities.
Research in the six study villages found that a small number of NGOs are engaged in the provision
of gender responsive technology and information support in the following ways:
Community-based organizations (CBOs) assist their members to access and manage technology
and resources, and build self-reliance. Some CBOs are established on the initiative of local people
to respond to a specific problem or opportunity (such as the need to mobilize external resources
or manage internally available resources). In other cases, external institutions are instrumental
in the establishment and/or development of CBOs. Indeed, government organizations appear
to play a major role in the formation of community groups, reflecting national policy to encourage
the mobilization and participation of local people in development.
Local needs strongly shape the role and activities of CBOs in each of the villages studied. In
this context, CBOs in different villages perform different kinds of functions. For instance, in Nan
Province community groups are active in a variety of areas including conservation of rivers and
streams, forest rehabilitation, integrated and sustainable agriculture, community enterprises and
public health. The CBOs in the villages studied differed in terms of goals and objectives,
membership size, scope of activities, size of target area, and rules and procedures. The research
found that the sustainability of CBOs depends on their capacity to mobilise and manage
resources. It also found that groups specifically targeted at or mainly comprised of women are
generally weak in the areas of management, resource mobilization and technical knowledge.
The findings of study document that academic institutions have several roles in community
development based on their technical expertise. In some cases, academic institutes provide
expert consultancy services to village development committees. In other cases, they help to
undertake research, develop and
Thai rural people recognized that academic institutions are implement science and technology
centres of research and technology development. But rural projects and programmes. Focus group
community members are uncertain if their technology
demands could be met by the academic institutions and
discussions showed that although
additionally they lack the know-how to contact academic academic institutions are recognized as
institutions and access their services. a source of technology and technical
information, they are generally perceived
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 16
as being inaccessible to villagers. Villagers indicated that they lack the knowledge about how
to contact academic institutions and access the services they provide, and are also uncertain if
their technology demands could be met through this channel.
The field research found that people in rural communities access information and technology
support through two main channels:
● Mass media (particularly television and radio) deliver a wide range of general and technical
information to a large number of people in rural areas.
● Institutions – especially government organizations – represent an important source of
technical information and knowledge in rural areas.
The widespread availability of mass media (such as television and radio) in rural households,
coupled with the fact that they are easy to access – in terms of operating and listening while
working – makes them particularly relevant and useful for rural women. By comparison, in spite
of the progress achieved by Thailand in the commercial IT sector, the vast majority of rural
communities remain isolated from and ignorant about information technology. While offering
great potential, the use of ICTs to deliver information to rural women is still limited due to a number
of constraints – particularly lack of access, limited skills and cultural barriers. Rural women are
still very unfamiliar with IT, and most lag behind men in terms of IT knowledge and experience.
The research found that local people most often learn about new technology and get information
at village meetings. Training courses, extension demonstrations, local planning meetings,
community learning centres and TTCs are also important sources of information in rural areas.
Institutions that target women – including housewives groups, livestock groups and farmer’s
groups as well as some government organizations and NGOs – are particularly important for
female villagers. Women also sometimes obtain access to information and knowledge through
contacts with village leaders and government officials, especially where they are female or
sensitive to women’s concerns.
However, the findings highlighted that rural women lack equal access to institutional sources of
technical information and technology services due to the existence of a number of barriers
including:
● Most of the officials representing government
Traditional communication means such, as organizations (such as extension agents) are
television is an important source of male, which makes it difficult for women to
information. In general new generation
contact them directly.
information technology has not become
common technology among rural residents. ● Government organizations often identify
In relative terms men are more aware of IT
technology demands and needs at community
than women. The common forum for raising
technology demands is the village meeting. meetings. However, fewer women may
But women tend to participate less in these participate in these meetings due to their family
meetings and in the planning process due to commitments and time constraints, while
various social reasons. cultural barriers may prevent women who do
attend from expressing their views.
● Women have fewer opportunities than men to contact outside institutions, and usually lack
a role in local planning and decision-making processes.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 17
The Ninth National Economic and Social Development Plan sets out Thailand’s development
priorities for 2002-2006. Rooted in a ‘people-centred’ approach to development, it pursues the
move from a central and compartmentalized planning approach to a more decentralized and
holistic one that was initiated in the Eighth Plan (1997-2001), and emphasises the need for
collaborative efforts and participation among all stakeholders, including women.
The Policy Statement of the Government of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra (delivered to
Parliament on Monday, 26 February 2001) identified priorities for different parts of the Government
and sets out a holistic framework for action to reduce poverty and generate more employment.
Recognizing that people at all levels have faced economic difficulties because of unemployment,
falling prices of agricultural produce and the decline in purchasing power, the statement identified
a set of nine “urgent” policies. These include three-year debt suspension for small farmers, the
establishment of a one-million-baht revolving fund for each village for community development,
the setting up of a people’s bank, the introduction of universal health insurance, and the promotion
of public participation in preventing and suppressing corruption6.
The policy to establish the village fund and people’s bank is part of the Government’s investment
to create capital access for nurturing new opportunities as sources to generate income for the
people. Poor rural women – who in the past have relied on local moneylenders – should benefit
from the people’s bank. They should also benefit from the village fund, which will support the
One Tambon One Product Project that already helps rural women through its focus on processing
and production of local products. Women labourers stand to benefit from the labour policy, which
stipulates adequate social policy measures to protect children and women. The energy policy’s
plan to promote the efficient procurement and use of alternative energy sources should reduce
the amount of time that women spend on firewood collection.
A significant weakness of the urgent policies, however, is their overall lack of visible attention to
gender concerns and the absence of gender specific targeting. Given their focus on “farmers”
– traditionally perceived as male – these policies run the risk of ignoring the roles and specific
needs of women, who in most cases are among the poorest groups in the rural communities.
Similarly, policies to encourage the involvement of local people in local government processes
fail to consider that cultural beliefs have historically excluded women from most household and
community decision-making processes.
5
http://www.unifem-eseasia.org/Gendiss/Gendiss3.htm
6
http://www.thaimain.org/cgi-bin/newsdesk_perspect.cgi?a=290&t=index_2.html
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 18
The Prime Minister’s Policy Statement emphasises the importance of science and technology
to develop the production and service sectors of the economy, promote agricultural income
generation, and transform the country into a knowledge-based society. However, the intended
role of IT fails to take into account the overall unfamiliarity with IT in rural areas. Most government
officials and people in rural areas – especially women – lack the capacity to access and use
IT-based information and knowledge systems.
The social policy specifically targets the family, children, youth, women and the elderly. It
promotes the rights, status and role of women and aims to enhance the capacity of women to
participate fully in development in the economic, social or political sphere at the community and
national level. It also seeks to enhance women’s access to a range of services through the
establishment of community family development centres (family health and planning services),
day care centres for pre-school children, and community-based libraries and learning centres.
The public administration policy aims to enhance social justice and national development through
political reform, public administration reform, legal reform, decentralization and the anti-corruption
measures. While it seeks to accelerate the reform of outdated laws, rules and regulations in
line with the country’s present economic and social conditions, it does not specifically mention
women’s rights or gender equality.
The Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives (MOAC) is responsible for food security in Thailand.
It seeks to strengthen the capacity of farming and other local communities to manage themselves
and their local environment through sustainable agriculture. At the time when study was
undertaken MOAC comprised of 13 departments and offices, which cover agricultural affairs,
agricultural economics, agricultural land reform, irrigation, fisheries, livestock, forestry, land
development, and cooperatives, and seven state enterprises.7
MOAC works in collaboration with other government institutions (such as the Thailand Institute
of Scientific and Technological Research, the Ministry of Interior and various universities), and
NGOs (such as the Community Development Organization and the Agriculture for Health
Foundation). MOAC’s programmes target Thai farmers, who in theory include both men
and women. Given the recognized role of women in processing, MOAC programmes in
7
http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/gems/eeo/law/thailand/inst_mac.htm. Since the study was
completed in 2002, there had been extensive restructuring of the Ministries in Royal Thai Government.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 19
post-harvesting and community enterprise development (such as the One Tambon One Product
Project) also target rural women. However, the SPPD research found that MOAC personnel tend
to direct most of their services and support – especially in agricultural production – towards male
farmers, with the assumption that it will reach other members of the household and community.
Yet often information and technology are not shared, and women are excluded from the MOAC’s
technical information and knowledge, and technology transfer processes in the agriculture sector.
The Department of Agricultural Extension (DOAE) trains farmers in modern agricultural techniques
through sub-district Agriculture TTCs. The DOAE has prepared a draft two-page policy document
that targets women farmers as a separate group and seeks to promote the development of
agricultural housewives groups. If implemented effectively, this policy has the potential to
empower women farmers by enhancing their access to knowledge and services in agricultural
production, management, marketing and credit. However, by simultaneously continuing to focus
on agricultural households’ home economics needs (farm home management, processing, home
improvements, and food and nutrition); the DOAE is reinforcing traditional gender roles, which
perpetuate traditional power relationships and inequalities between women and men.
The desk review found that the DOLD generally tends to work with livestock groups that raise
large animals – especially beef and dairy cattle – whose members are almost always male (even
though women are also involved in feeding, watering and cleaning pens of large livestock). In
addition, the research revealed that all the DOLD officials in the study sites were male, and
generally reluctant to serve women farmers, who play the major role in small livestock. With the
exception of the schools programme, the DOLD tends to ignore small livestock (such as chickens),
which make an important contribution to household food security and have significant income
generating potential. As a result, direct technology transfer tends to ignore women, and
opportunities to develop successful chicken enterprises are overlooked.
Several of the policies of the Department of Fisheries (DOF) are relevant to rural people including
those to develop fishery organizations and aquaculture, and enhance fishery resources and
environmental management. However, the DOF directs most attention towards large-scale
fisheries and post-harvesting for export, and largely ignores the potential of fishing and
aquaculture to alleviate rural poverty. In addition, DOF fails to target women in spite of their
important role in freshwater aquaculture. Most DOF personnel in the provinces are male, which
hinders information dissemination and technology transfer to women fisher folk.
The Bank for Agriculture and Cooperatives (BAAC) is implementing a number of projects targeted
at rural people, some of which promote gender mainstreaming and support national gender
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 20
policies. For instance, the Social Support Project offers training in food production and
processing techniques, as well as skills to build the capacity of rural men and women to become
self-employed and develop small enterprises. This project also works with Bank staff (including
senior management) to educate them about the gender dimensions of microfinance and develop
approaches and procedures to increase the number of female clients.
Some BAAC projects – like the Microfinance Linkage Project and the Green Bank Schemes –
support women indirectly by providing access to formal credit and supporting alternative income
generating activities such as small-scale vegetable production. However, other BAAC projects
– such as the Land Ownership Fund and the Agricultural Rehabilitation Project – disregard gender
in targeting, and may therefore be neither accessible nor responsive to the needs of rural women.
The Government’s Social Investment Fund (SIF) promotes social capital formation to help those
affected by the recent social and economic crisis. The fund’s innovative “Menu 5” window
enables Community Organization Networks made up entirely of volunteers to distribute social
fund financing directly to needy groups organized around shared interests (such as geographical
location or economic/social issues) in the form of social assistance and cash transfers.8 Impact
assessments have shown that the fund has achieved a good impact in benefiting the poor and
unemployed in rural areas. However, it is difficult to say how much poor and unemployed women
have benefited as part of this group.
The Ministry of Education (MOE) is responsible for formal and non-formal education and training
in Thailand. The Department of Non-formal Education (DFNE) has achieved an important impact
in increasing literacy in Thailand by mainstreaming non-formal adult education programmes in
socio-economic development at the grassroots level. DFNE provides non-formal education
through regional research and development centres, provincial and district non-formal education
centres, and sub-district learning centres. The desk review found that the DFNE has targeted
rural women as a sub-group of the under-privileged and out-of-school populations, and that the
training provided is relevant to some of their daily needs (such as food processing).
Although in theory gender neutral, vocational education and training – the responsibility of the
Department of Vocational Education (DOVE) – has tended to maintain traditional gender
stereotypes, targeting women for art and home economics training, and men for engineering
courses.
The Community Development Department in the Ministry of Interior (MOI) has eight policies
including those to improve the quality and use of household and community data, establish and
develop women’s organizations, promote income generation, strengthen the family as an
institution, and promote women’s political participation. Several of these seek to support women
and their organizations. For instance the income generation policy aims to improve women’s
finance and business skills to enable them to take advantage of income generating opportunities.
The establishment of Family Development Centres, managed by local women, are intended to
help prevent and solve community problems such as drugs, women and children trading and
child labour. However, the performance of the policy to improve data collection and use is
debatable. With the exception of village population data, household and community data are
8
www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/decentralization/sfupdate.pdf
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 21
not disaggregated by sex. In addition, it is unclear to what extent data are available to and
used by other parts of the Ministry of Interior to support planning and policy-making.
The Ministry of Public Health (MOPH) has developed a National Health Development Plan
(2002-2006) to guide implementation of health policy throughout the country. Part of the
MOPH’s strategy is to support the development of knowledge and technology in support of
health through the integration of social science information. One of the expected outputs is
a user-friendly health database and multidisciplinary health technology that provides a framework
to promote good health. Such an integrated system will provide a platform for information
exchange and dialogue that could help to resolve some important social issues in the public
health sphere such as reproductive health rights. However, the personnel policies of the MOPH
have not succeeded in ensuring a fair balance among male and female employees. Recruitment
and appointments at all levels (medical doctors, nurses and public health research scientists)
continue to reflect gender stereotypes.
The Department of Public Welfare (DPW) in the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare has nine
policies aimed specifically at women, including policies to promote women’s status, role and
potential, to strengthen women’s groups in marketing, to promote gender equality, to improve
skills training for female workers, and to increase gender awareness among the Department’s
staff. For instance, the DPW’s community vocational training project has the potential to reduce
the constraints women face in attending training outside their village and increase women’s
access to information, education and technology transfer. Similarly, policies to promote equality
in skills development by providing women with equal opportunities to enrol in the Labour Skills
Development Institutes and Centres throughout the country are important to increase the share
of female students in studies (such as agriculture, fisheries, trade and industry) that have
traditionally been associated with men. However, programmes developed under some other
policies appear misguided. For instance, activities that provide occupational training and
subsequently encourage women to accept contract work directly from factories keep women in
the informal sector, where labour rights and access to benefits are limited.
The Thailand Institute of Scientific and Technological Research (TISTR) is a state enterprise under
the Ministry of Science, Technology and Environment, which is responsible for formulating national
policy on science, technology and the environment. TISTR initiates and conducts research and
development to help achieve the goals of the country’s development plan. In accordance with
the Government’s focus on people-centred development, it uses a participatory approach to
identify needs-based and appropriate technology. Under the One Tambon One Product Project,
the TISTR indirectly supports rural women to generate additional income through the provision
of training, information and technology transfer. The TISTR supports rural women through the
development of energy-saving organic fertilizers and biogas, and the transfer of agricultural
technologies for mushroom cultivation under the Royal Highland Project. Planned research and
development on fragrant oils, fruit and food processing is also likely to benefit rural women.
However, the TISTR fails to target rural women systematically throughout its research and
development process, and in most cases, women are not adequately represented in technology
education and transfer workshops organized by the institute.
Gender Responsive Technology for Poverty Alleviation in Thailand 22
● National development plans recognize the importance of involving local people – including
women – in development processes. However, a comprehensive policy framework for
gender-responsive technology does not exist.
● Some government departments and ministries (such as the Department of Labour Welfare
in the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare) have developed policies based on the women
in development or gender and development (GAD) approaches that target women directly.
However, most policies ignore rural women as a separate target group. Where women
and women’s groups are the major beneficiaries of programmes, it is usually an
unintentional consequence of the fact that men are not involved in certain activities
(for instance food processing).
● Recruitment and training policies in government organizations and state enterprises fail to
consider gender inequities in the composition and hierarchy of staff. Given their
concentration in traditional subjects (such as social sciences, home economics and nursing)
and lower levels of education, women usually work in “traditional areas” or are employed
as support personnel. Fewer women are employed in fields that have traditionally been
regarded as male dominated sectors (agriculture, forestry, science and technology).
● Few government officials are aware of the CEDAW. Where policies and programmes take
account of differences in male and female needs, they are based on the Women in
Development (WID) approach. Few officials are knowledgeable about the Gender and
Development (GAD) approach.
● Several ministries have policies to promote the use of ICTs for information dissemination
and technology transfer. However, rural access to new generation ICTs remains
unattainable, especially for poor households, and most people in rural areas, and women
in particular, lack sufficient IT knowledge and experience.
The following recommendations – for capacity building, research and development, enhanced
collaboration, strengthened technology transfer centres and policy change – are also elaborated
in this context.