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Vladimir Lenin

Lenin redirects here.


For other uses, see Lenin War by signing a punitive treaty with the Central Powers, and granted temporary independence to non-Russian
nations under Russian control. Ruling by decree, it redisThis name uses Eastern Slavic naming customs; the tributed land among the peasantry and nationalized banks
and large-scale industry. Opponents were suppressed in
patronymic is Ilyich and the family name is Ulyanov.
the Red Terror, a violent campaign orchestrated by the
Cheka; tens of thousands were killed and many others inVladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Russian: terned in Gulag labor camps. Lenins government proved
; IPA: [vldimr ljit ljanf]), alias Lenin victorious over anti-Bolshevik armies in the Russian Civil
(/lnn/;[1] Russian: ; IPA: [lenn]) (22 April War from 1917 to 1922. Responding to famine and pop[O.S. 10 April] 1870 21 January 1924) was a Russian ular uprisings, in 1921 Lenin introduced a mixed ecocommunist revolutionary, politician, and political theo- nomic system with the New Economic Policy. Creatrist. He served as head of government of the Russian ing the Communist International and waging the Polish
Republic from 1917 to 1918, of the Russian Soviet Fed- Soviet War to promote world revolution, Lenins goverative Socialist Republic from 1918 to 1924, and of the ernment also united Russia with neighboring territories
Soviet Union from 1922 to 1924. Under his administra- to form the Soviet Union in 1922. In increasingly poor
tion, Russia and then the wider Soviet Union became a health, Lenin expressed opposition to the growing power
one-party communist state governed by the Russian Com- of his successor, Joseph Stalin, before dying at his dacha
munist Party. Ideologically a Marxist, his political theo- in Gorki.
ries are known as Leninism.
Widely considered one of the most signicant and inuBorn to a wealthy middle-class family in Simbirsk, ential gures of the 20th century, Lenin was the posthuLenin gained an interest in revolutionary socialist poli- mous subject of a pervasive personality cult within the
tics following his brothers execution in 1887. Expelled Soviet Union until its dissolution in 1991. He became
from Kazan State University for participating in protests an ideological gurehead behind Marxism-Leninism and
against the Russian Empire's Tsarist regime, he devoted thus a prominent inuence over the international commuthe following years to a law degree. In 1893 he moved nist movement. A controversial and highly divisive indito Saint Petersburg and became a senior gure in the vidual, Marxist-Leninists view Lenin as a champion of
Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RS- socialism and the working classes whilst critics on both
DLP). Arrested for sedition and exiled to Shushenskoye the left and right see him as the founder of a totalitarian
for three years, there he married Nadezhda Krupskaya. dictatorship responsible for civil war and mass human
After his exile he moved to Western Europe, where he rights abuses.
became a prominent party theorist through his publications. In 1903, he took a key role in a RSDLP schism
over ideological dierences, leading the Bolshevik faction against Julius Martov's Mensheviks. Encouraging 1 Early life
insurrection during Russias failed Revolution of 1905,
he later campaigned for the First World War to be trans- Main article: Early life of Vladimir Lenin
formed into a Europe-wide proletarian revolution, which
as a Marxist he believed would result in the overthrow
of capitalism and its replacement with socialism. After
the 1917 February Revolution ousted the Tsar and estab- 1.1 Childhood: 187087
lished a Provisional Government, he returned to Russia to
campaign for the new regimes removal by a Bolshevik- Lenins father, Ilya Nikolayevich Ulyanov, was the grandled government of the soviets.
son and possibly also the son of a serf, although his
ethnic origins remain unclear; he was possibly Russian,
Chuvash, or Mordvin. Despite this lower class background he had risen to middle-class status, studying
physics and mathematics at Kazan State University before teaching at the Penza Institute for the Nobility.[2]
Ilya married Maria Alexandrovna Blank in the summer

Lenin played a leading role in the October Revolution

of 1917, overthrowing the Provisional Government and
establishing a one-party state under the new Communist Party. His government abolished Russias elected
Constituent Assembly, withdrew from the First World

of 1863.[3] Hailing from a relatively prosperous background, she was the daughter of an apostate Russian Jewish physician and his GermanSwedish wife, and had received a good education, learning Russian, German, English and French, and being well versed in Russian literature.[4] Soon after their wedding, Ilya obtained a job in
Nizhny Novgorod, rising to become Director of Primary
Schools in the Simbirsk district six years later. Five years
after that, he was promoted to Director of Public Schools
for the province, overseeing the foundation of over 450
schools as a part of the governments plans for modernisation. His dedication to education earned him the Order
of St. Vladimir, which bestowed on him the status of
hereditary nobleman.[5]


mitted his misbehaviour.[10] A keen sportsman, he spent

much of his free time outdoors or playing chess, and excelled at school, the disciplinarian and conservative Simbirsk Classical Gimnazia.[11]
Ilya Ulyanov died of a brain haemorrhage in January
1886, when Vladimir was 16.[12] Vladimirs behaviour
became erratic and confrontational, and shortly thereafter he renounced his belief in God.[13] At the time,
Vladimirs elder brother Aleksandr Sacha Ulyanov was
studying at Saint Petersburg University. Involved in political agitation against the absolute monarchy of the
reactionary Tsar Alexander III which governed the Russian Empire, he studied the writings of banned leftists
and organised anti-government protests. He joined a revolutionary cell bent on assassinating the Tsar and was
selected to construct a bomb; before the attack commenced, the conspirators were arrested and tried; in May,
Sacha was executed by hanging.[14] Despite the emotional
trauma brought on by his father and brothers deaths,
Vladimir continued studying, leaving school with a gold
medal for his exceptional performance, and decided to
study law at Kazan University.[15]

1.2 University and political radicalisation:


Vladimir, nicknamed Volodya, aged four

The couple had two children, Anna (born 1864) and

Alexander (born 1868), before Vladimir Volodya Ilyich
was born in Simbirsk on 10 April 1870, and baptised
in St. Nicholas Cathedral several days later. They
would be followed by three more children, Olga (born
1871), Dmitry (born 1874) and Maria (born 1878). Another brother, Nikolai, had died in infancy in 1873.[6]
Ilya was a devout member of the Russian Orthodox
Church and baptised his children into it, although Maria
a Lutheran was largely indierent to Christianity, a
view that inuenced her children.[7] Both parents were
monarchists and liberal conservatives, being committed
to the emancipation reform of 1861 introduced by the
reformist Tsar Alexander II; they avoided political radicals and there is no evidence that the police ever put them
under surveillance for subversive thought.[8] Every summer they holidayed at a rural manor in Kokushkino.[9]
Among his siblings, Vladimir was closest to his sister
Olga, whom he bossed around, having an extremely competitive nature; he could be destructive, but usually ad-

Lenin, c. 1887.

Upon entering Kazan University in August 1887,

Vladimir moved into a nearby at alongside his
mother.[16] Interested in his late brothers radical ideas,

he joined both an agrarian-socialist revolutionary cell and
the universitys illegal Samara-Simbirsk zemlyachestvo,
being elected as its representative for the universitys zemlyachestvo council.[17] In December he took
part in a demonstration against government restrictions that banned student societies. The police arrested Vladimir and accused him of being a ringleader
in the demonstration; he was expelled from the university, with the Ministry of Internal Aairs exiling
him to his Kokushkino estate.[18] There, he read voraciously, becoming enamoured with Nikolay Chernyshevsky's 1863 pro-revolutionary novel What is to be
Done?.[19] Vladimirs mother was concerned by her sons
radicalisation, and was instrumental in encouraging the
Interior Ministry to permit him to return to Kazan.[20]
In the city, he joined Nikolai Fedoseev's revolutionary
circle, through which he discovered Karl Marx's 1867
book Capital. This sparked his interest in Marxism, a
socio-political theory that argued that society developed
in stages, that this development resulted from class struggle, and moreover that capitalist society would ultimately
give way to socialist society and from that to communist
Wary of his political views, Vladimirs mother bought
an estate in Alakaevka village, Samara Oblast made
famous in the work of poet Gleb Uspensky, of whom
Lenin was a great fan in the hope that her son would
turn his attention to agriculture. However, he had little interest in farm management, and his mother soon
sold the land, keeping the house as a summer home.[22]
The Ulyanov family subsequently moved to the city
of Samara in September 1889, and it was here that
Vladimir joined Alexei Sklyarenko's socialist discussion
circle.[23] Both Vladimir and Sklyarenko adopted Marxism, with Vladimir translating Marx and Friedrich Engels' 1848 political pamphlet, The Communist Manifesto,
into Russian.[24] He began to read the works of the Russian Marxist Georgi Plekhanov, a founder of the Black
Repartition movement, concurring with Plekhanovs argument that Russia was moving from feudalism to capitalism and that accordingly it would be the proletariat,
or urban workers, who would be the class to implement
socialism and not the rural peasantry.[25]
This Marxist perspective contrasted with the agrariansocialist, Narodnik view that the peasantry could establish socialism in Russia through the formation of
peasant communes; this approach had developed in the
1860s with the Peoples Freedom Party and was dominant
within the Russian revolutionary movement.[26] Contrary to Lenin and the Marxists, these Narodniks hoped
to bypass capitalism altogether in pushing Russia toward socialism.[27] Although opposing the Narodnik perspective, Lenin was nevertheless inuenced by agrariansocialists like Ptr Tkachvi and Sergei Nechaev,[28] and
befriended members of that movement, in particular
Apollon Shukht, who asked Vladimir to be his daughters
godfather in 1893.[29]

In May 1890, Maria convinced the authorities to allow

Vladimir to undertake his exams externally at a university
of his choice. He chose the University of St Petersburg,
and obtained the equivalent of a rst-class degree with
honours. The graduation celebrations were marred when
his sister Olga died of typhoid.[30] Vladimir remained
in Samara for several years, in January 1892 being employed as a legal assistant for a regional court, before gaining a job with a local lawyer.[31] He devoted much time
to radical politics, remaining active in Skylarenkos group
and formulating ideas about Marxisms applicability to
Russia. Inspired by Plekhanovs work, Vladimir collected
data on Russian society, using it to support a Marxist interpretation of societal development and increasingly rejecting the claims of the Narodniks.[32] In the spring of
1893, Lenin submitted his paper on New Economic Developments in Peasant Life to the liberal journal Russian
Thought, but it was rejected and appeared in print only
much later.[33]

2 Revolutionary activity
Main article: Revolutionary activity of Vladimir Lenin

2.1 Early activism and imprisonment:

In autumn 1893, Lenin moved to Saint Petersburg.[34]
There, he worked as a barristers assistant and rose to
a senior position in a Marxist revolutionary cell calling themselves the Social Democrats after the Marxist
Social Democratic Party of Germany.[35] Publicly championing Marxism among the socialist movement,[36] he
encouraged the foundation of revolutionary cells in Russias industrial centres.[37] By autumn 1894 he was leading a Marxist workers circle, and was meticulous in
covering his tracks, knowing that police spies were trying to inltrate the revolutionary movement.[38] He entered a romantic relationship with Marxist schoolteacher
Nadezhda Nadya Krupskaya.[39] He also authored a political tract criticising the Narodnik agrarian-socialists,
What the Friends of the People Are and How They Fight
the Social-Democrats; based largely on his experiences
in Samara, around 200 copies were illegally printed in
Lenin hoped to cement connections between his SocialDemocrats and Emancipation of Labour, a group of Russian Marxist emigres based in Switzerland, soon visiting
Switzerland to meet group members Plekhanov and Pavel
Axelrod.[41] He proceeded to Paris to meet Paul Lafargue
and to research the Paris Commune of 1871, which he
saw as an early prototype for a proletarian government.[42]
Financed by his mother, he stayed in a Swiss health spa
before traveling to Berlin, where he studied for six weeks

at the Staatsbibliothek and met Wilhelm Liebknecht.[43]
Returning to Russia with a stash of illegal revolutionary
publications, he traveled to various cities distributing literature to striking workers.[44] While involved himself
in producing a news sheet, Rabochee delo (The Workers
Cause), he was among 40 activists arrested and charged
with sedition.[45]


Keen to keep abreast of the developments in German

Marxism where there had been an ideological split, with
revisionists like Eduard Bernstein advocating a peaceful,
electoral path to socialism Ulyanov remained devoted
to violent revolution, attacking revisionist arguments in
A Protest by Russian Social-Democrats.[52] He also nished The Development of Capitalism in Russia (1899),
his longest book to date, which oered a criticism of
the agrarian-socialists and promoted a Marxist analysis
of Russian economic development. Published under the
pseudonym of Vladimir Ilin, upon publication it received predominantly poor reviews.[53]

Refused legal representation or bail, Lenin denied all

charges against him but remained imprisoned for a year
before sentencing.[46] He spent this time theorising and
writing, focusing his attention on the revolutionary potential of the working-class; acknowledging that the rise
of industrial capitalism in Russia had led large numbers
of peasants to move to the cities, where they became
2.2 Munich, London and Geneva: 1900
proletariat, from a Marxist perspective he argued that
they would gain class consciousness and then violently
overthrow Tsarism, the aristocracy, and the bourgeoisie
to establish a proletariat state that would move toward His exile over, Ulyanov settled in Pskov in early 1900.
There, he began raising funds for a newspaper, Iskra
(The Spark), a new organ of the Russian Marxist party,
now calling itself the Russian Social Democratic Labour
Party (RSDLP).[55] In July 1900, Ulyanov left Russia
for Western Europe; in Switzerland he met other Russian Marxists, and at a Corsier conference they agreed
to launch the paper from Munich, where Lenin relocated
in September.[56] Containing contributions from prominent European Marxists Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Kautsky, and Leon Trotsky, Iskra was smuggled into Russia illegally,[57] becoming the countrys most successful underground publication for 50 years.[58] Ulyanov
adopted the pseudonym Lenin in December 1901, possibly taking the River Lena as a basis;[59] he often used the
fuller pseudonym of N. Lenin, and while the N did not
Lenin (centre) with other members of the League of Struggle for stand for anything, a popular misconception later arose
that it represented Nikolai.[60] Under this pseudonym,
the Emancipation of the Working Class in 1897
he published the political pamphlet What Is to Be Done?
In February 1897, he was sentenced without trial to 3 in 1902; his most inuential publication to date, it dealt
years exile in eastern Siberia, although granted a few days with Lenins thoughts on the need for a vanguard party to
in Saint Petersburg to put his aairs in order; he used lead the proletariat to revolution.[61]
this time to meet with the Social-Democrats, who had renamed themselves the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class.[48] His journey to eastern
Siberia took 11 weeks, for much of which he was accompanied by his mother and sisters. Deemed only a minor
threat to the government, he was exiled to a peasants hut
in Shushenskoye, Minusinsky District, where he was kept
under police surveillance; he was nevertheless able to correspond with other subversives, many of whom visited
him, and permitted to go on trips to hunt duck and snipe
The rst issue of Iskra (Spark), ocial organ of the Russian
and to swim in the Yenisei River.[49]
In May 1898, Nadya joined him in exile, having been
arrested in August 1896 for organising a strike. Although initially posted to Ufa, she convinced the authorities to move her to Shushenskoye, claiming that she and
Ulyanov were engaged; they married in a church on 10
July 1898.[50] Settling into a family life with Nadyas
mother Elizaveta Vasilyevna, in Shushenskoye the couple translated English socialist literature into Russian.[51]

Social Democratic Labour Party. Edited by Lenin from his base

in Geneva, Switzerland, copies would be smuggled into Russia,
where it would prove successful in winning support for the Marxist revolutionary cause.

Nadya joined Lenin in Munich, becoming his personal

secretary.[62] They continued their political agitation,
with Lenin writing for Iskra and drafting the RSDLP program, attacking ideological dissenters and external crit-


Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath: 190514

ics, particularly the Socialist Revolutionary Party,[63] a

Narodnik agrarian-socialist group founded in 1901.[64]
Despite remaining a Marxist, he accepted the Narodnik
view on the revolutionary power of the Russian peasantry, accordingly penning the 1903 pamphlet To the Village Poor.[65] To evade Bavarian police, Lenin relocated
to London with Iskra in April 1902,[66] there becoming
friends with Trotsky.[67] While in London, Lenin fell ill
with erysipelas and was unable to take such a leading role
on the Iskra editorial board; in his absence the board
moved its base of operations to Switzerland.[68]
The 2nd RSDLP Congress was held in London in July
1903.[69] At the conference, a schism emerged between
Lenins supporters and those of Julius Martov. Martov argued that party members should be able to express themselves independently of the party leadership; Lenin disagreed, emphasising the need for a strong leadership with
complete control over the party.[70] Lenins supporters
were in the majority, and Lenin termed them the majoritarians (bolsheviki in Russian; thus Bolsheviks); in
response, Martov termed his followers the minoritarians (mensheviki in Russian; thus Mensheviks).[71] Arguments between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks continued after the conference; the Bolsheviks accused their rivals of
being opportunists and reformists who lacked discipline,
while the Mensheviks accused Lenin of being a despot
and autocrat.[72] Enraged at the Mensheviks, Lenin resigned from the Iskra editorial board and in May 1904
published the anti-Menshevik tract One Step Forward,
Two Steps Back.[73] The stress made Lenin ill,[74] and to
recuperate he went on a rural holiday.[75] The Bolshevik
faction grew in strength; by the spring, the whole RSDLP
Central Committee was Bolshevik,[76] and in December
they founded the newspaper Vperd (Forward).[77]


Revolution of 1905 and its aftermath:


In January 1905, the Bloody Sunday massacre of

protesters in St. Petersburg sparked a spate of civil unrest
known as the Revolution of 1905.[78] Lenin urged Bolsheviks to take a greater role in the events, encouraging violent insurrection.[79] In doing so he adopted SR slogans regarding armed insurrection, mass terror, and the expropriation of gentry land, resulting in Menshevik accusations that he had deviated from orthodox Marxism.[80]
In turn he insisted that the Bolsheviks split completely
with the Mensheviks, although many Bolsheviks refused
and both groups attended the 3rd RSDLP Congress, held
in London in April 1905.[81] Lenin presented many of
his ideas in the pamphlet Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution, published in August
1905. Here, he predicted that Russias liberal bourgeoisie
would be sated by a transition to constitutional monarchy
and thus betray the revolution; instead he argued that the
proletariat would have to build an alliance with the peasantry to overthrow the Tsarist regime and establish the

provisional revolutionary democratic dictatorship of the
proletariat and the peasantry.[82]
The uprising has begun. Force against Force. Street
ghting is raging, barricades are being thrown up, ries
are cracking, guns are booming. Rivers of blood are owing, the civil war for freedom is blazing up. Moscow and
the South, the Caucasus and Poland are ready to join the
proletariat of St. Petersburg. The slogan of the workers
has become: Death or Freedom!"
Lenin, 1905[83]
In response to the Revolution of 1905, Tsar Nicholas
II accepted a series of liberal reforms in his October
Manifesto, at which Lenin felt it safe to return to St.
Petersburg.[84] Joining the editorial board of Novaya
Zhizn (New Life), a radical legal newspaper run by
Maria Andreyeva, he used it to discuss issues facing
the RSDLP.[85] He encouraged the party to seek out
a much wider membership, and advocated the continual escalation of violent confrontation, believing both to
be necessary for a successful revolution.[86] Although he
briey supported the idea of reconciliation between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks,[87] at the 4th Party Congress
in Stockholm, Sweden in April 1906 the Mensheviks
condemned Lenin for supporting bank robberies and
violence.[88] A Bolshevik Centre was set up in Kuokkala,
Grand Duchy of Finland, which was then a semiautonomous part of the Empire,[89] before the Bolsheviks
regained dominance of the RSDLP at its 5th Congress,
held in London in May 1907.[90] However, as the Tsarist
government disbanded the Second Duma while its secret
police, the Okhrana, cracked down on revolutionaries,
Lenin ed Finland for Switzerland.[91]
Alexander Bogdanov and other prominent Bolsheviks decided to relocate the Bolshevik Centre to Paris, France;
although Lenin disagreed, he moved to the city in December 1908.[92] Lenin disliked Paris, lambasting it as
a foul hole, and while there he sued a motorist who
knocked him o his bike.[93] Here, Lenin revived his
polemics against the Mensheviks,[94] who objected to his
advocacy of violent expropriations and thefts such as the
1907 Tiis bank robbery, which the Bolsheviks were using to fund their activities.[95] Lenin also became heavily
critical of Bogdanov and his supporters; Bogdanov believed that a socialist-oriented culture had to be developed among Russias proletariat for them to become a
successful revolutionary vehicle, whereas Lenin favoured
a vanguard of socialist intelligentsia who could lead the
working-classes in revolution. Furthermore, Bogdanov
inuenced by Ernest Mach believed that all concepts of
the world were relative, whereas Lenin stuck to the orthodox Marxist view that there was an objective reality
to the world, independent of human observation.[96] Although Bogdanov and Lenin holidayed together at Maxim
Gorky's villa in Capri, Italy, in April 1908,[97] on returning to Paris, Lenin encouraged a split within the Bolshe-


vik faction between his and Bogdanovs followers, accus- one of the thieves in order to identify the interests of all
ing the latter of deviating from Marxism.[98]
thieves with the interests of the nation or the fatherland is
In May 1908, Lenin lived briey in London, where he an unconscionable bourgeois lie.
used the British Museum library to write Materialism and
Empirio-criticism, an attack on Bogdanovs relativist perspective, which he lambasted as a bourgeois-reactionary
falsehood.[99] Lenins factionalism began to alienate increasing numbers of Bolsheviks, including close Lenin
supporters Alexei Rykov and Lev Kamenev.[100] The
Okhrana decided to exploit his factionalist attitude by
sending a spy, Roman Malinovsky, to become a vocal
supporter and ally of Lenin within the party. Various Bolsheviks expressed their suspicions regarding Malinovsky
to Lenin, although it is unclear if the latter was aware of
the spys duplicity; it is possible that he used Malinovsky
to feed false information to the Okhrana.[101]
In August 1910, Lenin attended the 8th Congress of
the Second International an international meeting of
socialists in Copenhagen as the RSDLPs representative, following this with a holiday in Stockholm with
his mother.[102] With his wife and sisters he then moved
to France, settling rst in Bombon and then Paris.[103]
Here, he became a close friend to the French Bolshevik Inessa Armand; their friendship continued until 1912,
with some biographers suggesting that they had an extramarital aair.[104] Meanwhile, at a Paris meeting in June
1911 the RSDLP Central Committee decided to move
their focus of operations back to Russia, ordering the
closure of the Bolshevik Centre and its newspaper, Proletari.[105] Seeking to rebuild his inuence in the party,
Lenin arranged for a party conference to be held in
Prague in January 1912, and although 16 of the 18 attendants were Bolsheviks, he was heavily criticised for
his factionalist tendencies and failed to boost his status
within the party.[106]
Then moving to Krakow in the Kingdom of Galicia
and Lodomeria, a culturally Polish part of the AustroHungarian Empire, he made use of Jagellonian University's library to conduct his ongoing research.[107] There,
he was able to stay in close contact with the RSDLP operating in the Russian Empire, convincing the Dumas Bolshevik members to split from their parliamentary alliance
with the Mensheviks.[108] In January 1913, the Bolshevik
Joseph Stalin whom Lenin referred to as the wonderful
Georgian visited him, with the pair discussing the future of non-Russian ethnic groups in the Empire.[109] Due
to the ailing health of both Lenin and his wife, they moved
to the rural area of Biay Dunajec,[110] before heading
to Bern, Switzerland for Nadya to have surgery on her


First World War: 191417

The [First World] war is being waged for the division of

colonies and the robbery of foreign territory; thieves have
fallen outand to refer to the defeats at a given moment of

Lenin was in Galicia when the First World War broke
out.[113] The war pitted the Russian Empire against the
Austro-Hungarian Empire, and due to his Russian citizenship, Lenin was arrested and briey imprisoned until
his anti-Tsarist credentials were explained.[114] Lenin and
his wife returned to Bern,[115] before relocating to Zurich
in February 1916.[116] Lenin was angry that the German
Social-Democratic Party was supporting the German war
eort a direct contravention of the Second Internationals Stuttgart resolution that socialist parties would
oppose the conict and thus saw the Second International as defunct.[117] He attended the Zimmerwald Conference in September 1915 and the Kiental conference in
April 1916,[118] urging socialists across the continent to
convert the imperialist war into a continent-wide civil
war with the proletariat pitted against the bourgeoisie
and aristocracy.[119] In July 1916, Lenins mother died,
but he was unable to attend her funeral.[120] Her death
deeply aected him, and he became depressed, fearing
that he would not live long enough to witness the proletariat revolution.[121]
In September 1917, Lenin published Imperialism, the
Highest Stage of Capitalism, in which he argued that
imperialism was a product of monopoly capitalism, as
capitalists sought to increase their prots by extending
into new territories where wages were lower and raw materials cheaper. He believed that competition and conict would increase and that war between the imperialist powers would continue until they were overthrown
by proletariat revolution and socialism established.[122]
At this time, he devoted much time to reading the
works of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Ludwig Feuerbach, and Aristotle, all of whom had been key inuences on Marx.[123] In doing so he rejected his earlier interpretations of Marxism; whereas he had once
believed that policies could be developed on the basis
of predetermined scientic principles, he now believed
that the only test of whether a policy was right or not
was through practice.[124] Although still perceiving himself as an orthodox Marxist, he began to divert from
some of Marxs predictions regarding societal development; whereas Marx had believed that a bourgeoisiedemocratic revolution of the middle-classes had to
take place before a socialist revolution of the proletariat, Lenin believed that in Russia, the proletariat could
overthrow the Tsarist regime without the intermediate



October Revolution: 1917

February Revolution and the July ing his April Theses, an outline of his plans for the
Bolsheviks which he had written on the journey from
Days: 1917

In February 1917, the February Revolution broke out in

St. Petersburg recently renamed Petrograd as industrial workers went on strike over food shortages and
deteriorating factory conditions. The unrest spread to
other parts of Russia, and fearing that he would be violently overthrown, Tsar Nicholas II abdicated. The State
Duma took over control of the country, establishing a
Provisional Government and converting the Empire into
a new Russian Republic.[126] When Lenin learned of this
from his base in Switzerland, he celebrated with other
dissidents.[127] He decided to return to Russia to take
charge of the Bolsheviks, but found that most passages
in to the country were blocked due to the ongoing conict. He organised a plan with other dissidents to negotiate a passage for them through Germany, with whom
Russia was then at war. Recognising that these dissidents could cause problems for their Russian enemies,
the German government agreed to permit 32 Russian citizens to travel in a train carriage through their territory,
among them Lenin and his wife.[128] The group traveled
by train from Zurich to Sassnitz, proceeding by ferry to
Trelleborg, Sweden, and from there to Helsinki, Finland,
before taking the nal train to Petrograd.[129]

Switzerland.[131] He publicly condemned both the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries who dominated
the inuential Petrograd Soviet for supporting the Provisional Government, denouncing them as traitors to socialism. Considering the government to be as equally
imperialist as the Tsarist regime, he advocated immediate peace with Germany and Austria-Hungary, rule by
soviets, the nationalisation of industry and banks, and
the state expropriation of land, all with the intention of
establishing proletariat government and pushing toward
a socialist society. The Mensheviks conversely believed
Russia to be insuciently developed to transition to socialism and accused Lenin of trying to plunge the new
Republic into civil war.[132] Over the coming months
he campaigned for his policies, attending the meetings
of the Bolshevik Central Committee, prolically writing
for the Bolshevik newspaper Pravda, and giving public
speeches in Petrograd aimed at converting workers, soldiers, sailors, and peasants to his cause.[133]
Sensing growing frustration among Bolshevik supporters,
Lenin suggested an armed political demonstration in Petrograd to test the governments response.[134] However,
amid deteriorating health,[135] he left the city to recuperate in the Finnish village of Neivola.[136] The Bolsheviks
armed demonstration, the July Days, took place while
Lenin was away, but upon learning that demonstrators
had violently clashed with government forces he returned
to Petrograd, there calling upon Bolshevik supporters for
calm.[137] Responding to the violence, the government ordered the arrest of Lenin and other prominent members
of the Bolsheviks, raiding their oces, and publicly alleging that he was a German agent provocateur.[138] Evading
arrest, Lenin hid in a series of Petrograd safe houses.[139]
Fearing that he would be killed, Lenin and fellow senior
Bolshevik Grigory Zinoviev then escaped Petrograd in
disguise, relocating to Razliv.[140] It was here that Lenin
began work on the book that became The State and Revolution, an exposition on how he believed the socialist state
would develop following the proletariat revolution, and
how from that point on the state would gradually wither
away leaving a pure communist society.[141] He began
arguing for a Bolshevik-led armed insurrection to topple the government, although at a clandestine meeting of
the partys central committee this idea was rejected.[142]
Lenin then headed by train and by foot to Finland, arriving at Helsinki on 10 August, where he hid away in safe
houses belonging to Bolshevik sympathisers.[143]

Lenin in disguise, Finland, August 1917

2.6 October Revolution: 1917

On arriving at Petrograds Finland Station, Lenin gave
a speech to Bolshevik supporters condemning the Provisional Government and again calling for a Europewide proletariat revolution.[130] Over the following days
he spoke at Bolshevik meetings, lambasting those who
wanted reconciliation with the Mensheviks and reveal-

Main article: October Revolution

In August 1917, while Lenin was in Finland, General
Lavr Kornilov, the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian
Army, sent troops to Petrograd in what appeared to be
a military coup attempt against the Provisional Govern-


party began plans to organise the oensive, holding a nal

meeting at the Smolny Institute on 24 October.[151] This
was the base of the Military Revolutionary Committee
(MRC), an armed militia largely loyal to the Bolsheviks
that had been established by the Petrograd Soviet during
Kornilovs alleged coup.[152]

Painting of Lenin in front of the Smolny Institute by Isaak Brodsky

In October, the MRC were ordered to seize control of

Petrograds key transport, communication, printing and
utilities hubs, doing so without bloodshed.[153] Bolsheviks had laid siege to the government in the Winter
Palace, succeeding in overcoming it and arresting its
ministers after the Bolshevik ship Aurora opened re
on the building.[154] While the insurrection was taking place, Lenin gave a speech to the Petrograd Soviet announcing that the Provisional Government had
been overthrown.[155] The Bolsheviks declared the formation of a new government, the Council of Peoples
Commissars or Sovnarkom"; although Lenin initially
turned down the leading position of Chairman, suggesting Trotsky for the job, the other Bolsheviks refused to
accept this and ultimately Lenin relented.[156] Lenin and
other Bolsheviks then attended the Second Congress of
Soviets, held over 26 and 27 October; there they announced the creation of the new government, but were
condemned by Menshevik attendees, who lambasted the
Bolshevik seizure of power as illegitimate and warned of
civil war.[157] In these early days of the new regime, Lenin
avoided talking in explicitly Marxist and socialist phraseology, fearing that in doing so he might alienate much
of Russias population, instead focusing on the idea of
a country controlled by the workers.[158] At this point,
Lenin and many other Bolsheviks were expecting proletariat revolution to sweep across Europe, either in the
coming days or, at most, in the coming months.[159]

ment. Premier Alexander Kerensky turned to the Petrograd Soviet including its Bolshevik members for
help, allowing the revolutionaries to organise workers
as Red Guards to defend the city. The coup petered
out before it reached Petrograd, however the events had
allowed the Bolsheviks to return to the open political
arena.[144] Fearing a counter-revolution from right-wing
forces hostile to socialism, the Mensheviks and SocialRevolutionaries who then dominated the Petrograd Soviet had been instrumental in pressurising the government
to normalise relations with the Bolsheviks.[145] However, 3 Lenins government
both the Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries had lost
much popular support because of their aliation with Main article: Government of Vladimir Lenin
the Provisional Government and its unpopular continuation of the war, with the Bolsheviks capitalising on this,
and soon the pro-Bolshevik Marxist Trotsky was elected
leader of the Petrograd Soviet.[146] In September, the Bol- 3.1 Organising the Soviet government
sheviks gained a majority in the workers sections of both
the Moscow and Petrograd Soviets.[147]
The Provisional Government had planned for a ConRecognising that the situation was safer for him, Lenin stituent Assembly to be elected in November 1917;
returned to Petrograd.[148] There, he attended a meet- against Lenins objections, Sovnarkom agreed for the
ing of the Bolshevik Central Committee on 10 October, vote to take place as scheduled.[160] In the constitutional
where he again argued his case that the party should lead election, the Bolsheviks gained approximately a quaran armed insurrection to topple the Provisional Govern- ter of the vote, being defeated by the agrarian-focused
ment. This time, he was successful in his argument, and Socialist Revolutionary Party.[161] Lenin argued that the
the motion was ratied with ten votes against two.[149] election had not been a fair reection of the peoples
Those critical of the plan, Zinoviev and Kamenev, ex- will, stating that they had not had time to acquaint thempressed the view that Russian workers would not support selves with the Bolsheviks political program and nota violent coup against the existing regime and that there ing that the candidacy lists had been drawn up before
was no clear evidence for Lenins assertion that all of Eu- the Left Socialist Revolutionaries had split from the Sorope was on the verge of proletarian revolution.[150] The cialist Revolutionaries.[162] The newly elected Russian


Organising the Soviet government

Lenin in his oce, 1918

Constituent Assembly convened in Petrograd in January 1918,[163] however Sovnarkom argued that it was
counter-revolutionary because it sought to remove power
from the soviets, an idea rejected by the Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks.[164] The Bolsheviks presented
the Assembly with a motion that would strip it of most of
its legal powers; when the Assembly rejected the motion,
Sovnarkom declared this to be evidence of its counterrevolutionary nature and forcibly disbanded it.[165]
At the 7th Congress of the Bolsheviks in March 1918,
the group renounced their ocial name, the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, with Lenin seeking to terminologically distance his group from the Social Democratic Party of Germany.[166] Instead they renamed themselves the Russian Communist Party, emphasizing their
ultimate goal: the establishment of a future communist
society.[167] Sovnarkom faced repeat calls including
from some Bolsheviks to establish a coalition government with other socialist parties, an idea that Lenin
rejected.[168] However, partially conceding to the idea, in
December 1918 the Bolsheviks permitted the Left Socialist Revolutionaries to become junior partners in Sovnarkom, allowing them ve posts in the cabinet; this
coalition only lasted four months.[169]
Although ultimate power ocially wrested with the
countrys government in the form of Sovnarkom and
the Executive Committee (VTSIK) elected by the AllRussian Congress of Soviets (ARCS), the Communist
Party was the de facto controlling power in Russia, something which was acknowledged by its members at the
time.[170] Within the party was established a Political
Bureau (Politburo) and Organisation Bureau (Orgburo) to accompany the preexisting Central Committee; the decisions of these party bodies were deemed
mandatory for Sovnarkom and the Council of Labor
and Defense to adopt.[171] By 1918, Sovnarkom had
begun acting unilaterally, claiming a need for expediency, with the ARCS and VTSIK becoming increasingly
marginalized,[172] meaning that in eect the soviets no
longer had any place in the governance of Russia.[173]

Lenin addressing a crowd in Sverdlov Square, Moscow, 1920

During 1918 and 1919, the government then expelled

members of the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries from the soviets.[174] Russia had become a one-party
Lenin was the most signicant gure in this governance
structure; as well as being the Chairman of Sovnarkom
and sitting on the Council of Labor and Defense, he was
on the Central Committee and Politburo of the Communist Party.[176] The only individual to have anywhere
near this inuence was Lenins right-hand man, Yakov
Sverdlov, although the latter died in March 1919 during a u pandemic.[176] In November 1917 Lenin and his
wife took a two-room at within the Smolny Institute,[177]
although in December Lenin holidayed briey in Halia,
Finland.[178] In January 1918 he survived an assassination
attempt made on him in Petrograd; Fritz Platten, who was
with Lenin at the time, shielded him but was injured by a
Concerned that the German Army posed a threat to Petrograd, in March 1918 Sovnarkom relocated to Moscow,
initially as a temporary measure.[180] There, Lenin, Trotsky and other Bolshevik leaders moved into the Kremlin,
where Lenin lived with his wife and sister Maria, in a rst
oor apartment that was adjacent to the room in which
the Sovnarkom meetings were held.[181] Lenin disliked
Moscow,[182] although nevertheless rarely left the centre of the city during the rest of his life.[183] It was in
the city in August 1918 that a second assassination attempt was made on Lenins life, in which he was shot
and badly injured after giving a public speech.[184] A Socialist Revolutionary, Fanny Kaplan, was arrested and
executed.[185] The attack received much coverage in the
Russian press, with much good wishes expressed toward
Lenin himself.[186] The assassination attempt boosted
Lenins popularity and generated much sympathy for
him.[187] As a respite, in September 1918 Lenin was



driven to the luxurious estate of Gorki, located just out- The established system of law was replaced by revside the city of Moscow, which the government had re- olutionary conscience, which was to be the deciding
cently acquired for him.[188]
factor regarding crime and punishment.[198] In November, Revolutionary Tribunals were established to deal
with counter-revolutionary crimes,[199] while in March
3.2 Social, legal, and economic reform
1918 the Peoples Courts were established to deal with
civil and other criminal oences; told to ignore preTo All Workers, Soldiers and Peasants. The Soviet au- Bolshevik laws, they were instructed to instead base their
thority will at once propose a democratic peace to all na- rulings on the Sovnarkom decrees and a socialist sense of
tions and an immediate armistice on all fronts. It will justice.[200] November also witnessed a major overhaul
safeguard the transfer without compensation of all land of the Russian armed forces, as Sovnarkom implemented
landlord, imperial, and monastery to the peasants com- egalitarian measures by abolishing all previous ranks, timittees; it will defend the soldiers rights, introducing a tles, and medals; to reorganise the system, soldiers were
complete democratisation of the army; it will establish called upon to establish their own committees through
workers control over industry; it will ensure the convo- which they could elect their own commanders.[201]
cation of the Constituent Assembly on the date set; it will
supply the cities with bread and the villages with articles
of rst necessity; and it will secure to all nationalities inhabiting Russia the right of self-determination... Long
live the revolution!"
Lenins political program, October 1917[189]
Upon taking power, Lenins regime issued a series of decrees, the rst of which was a Decree on Land; this declared that the landed estates owned by the aristocracy
and the Russian Orthodox Church should be conscated,
taken into national ownership, and then redistributed
among the peasants by the local government. This was in
contrast to Lenins desire for agricultural collectivisation
but provided governmental recognition of the widespread
peasant land seizures that had already occurred.[190] In
November 1917 the government issued the Decree on the
Press which closed down many opposition media outlets
which were deemed counter-revolutionary; they claimed
it would be a temporary measure, although the decree was
widely criticised, including by many Bolsheviks themselves, for compromising freedom of the press.[191]
In November 1917, Lenin issued the Declaration of the
Rights of the Peoples of Russia, which stated that nonRussian ethnic groups living inside the Republic had
the right to cede from Russian authority and establish
their own independent nation-states.[192] Many nations
declared independence as a result of this: Finland and
Lithuania in December 1917, Latvia and Ukraine in
January 1918, Estonia in February 1918, Transcaucasia
in April 1918, and Poland in November 1918.[193] The
Bolsheviks were soon active in promoting independent
communist parties in these newly independent nationstates,[194] while in July 1918, at the Fifth All-Russian
Congress of the Soviets, a constitution was approved that
reformed the Russian Republic into the Russian Soviet
Federative Socialist Republic.[195] Seeking to modernise
the country, the government ocially converted Russia
from the Julian calendar to the Gregorian calendar used
in Europe.[196]

Bolshevik political cartoon poster from 1920, showing Lenin

sweeping away monarchs, clergy, and capitalists

In October 1917, Lenin issued a decree proclaiming that

no one in Russia should work more than eight hours per
day.[202] He proclaimed the Decree on Popular Education which stipulated that the government would guarantee free, secular, universal education for all children
in Russia,[202] while another decree established a system of state orphanages.[203] To combat mass illiteracy, a literacy campaign was initiated; an estimated 5
million people were schooled in crash courses to teach
them basic literacy skills between 1920 and 1926.[204]
Embracing the equality of the sexes, laws were introIn November 1917, Sovnarkom issued a decree abolish- duced that helped to emancipate women, by giving them
ing Russias pre-existing legal system and its courts.[197] economic autonomy of husbands and removing restric-


Treaty of Brest-Litovsk

tions on divorce.[205] A Bolshevik womens organisation,

Zhenotdel, was established to further these aims.[206] Militantly atheist, the Communist Party wanted to demolish
organised religion,[207] with the new government declaring the separation of church and state.[208]


anti-democratic nature of Soviet Russia, to which Lenin

published a vociferous reply.[222] The German Marxist
Rosa Luxemburg echoed Kautskys views,[223] while the
Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin described the Bolshevik seizure of power as the burial of the Russian
In November 1917, Lenin issued the Decree on Work- Revolution.
ers Control, which called on the workers of a particular
enterprise to establish an elected committee who would
monitor that enterprises management.[209] That month 3.3 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
they also issued an order requisitioning the countrys
gold,[210] and nationalised the banks, an act which Lenin "[By prolonging the war] we unusually strengthen Gersaw as a major step toward establishing socialism.[211] man imperialism, and the peace will have to be concluded
In December, Sovnarkom established a Supreme Coun- anyway, but then the peace will be worse because it will
cil of the National Economy (VSNKh) which had author- be concluded by someone other than ourselves. No doubt
ity over industry, banking, agriculture, and trade.[212] The the peace which we are now being forced to conclude is
factory committees were subordinate to the trade unions, an indecent peace, but if war commences our government
who in turn were subordinate to the VSNKh; the states will be swept away and the peace will be concluded by ancentralized economic plan was therefore prioritised over other government.
the workers local economic interests.[213] In early 1918, Lenin on peace with the Central Powers.[225]
Sovnarkom cancelled all foreign debts and refused to pay
the interest owed on them.[214] In April 1918, it nationalised foreign trade, establishing a state monopoly on im- Upon taking power, Lenin believed that a key policy of
ports and exports.[215] In June 1918 Sovnarkom issued his government must be to withdraw from the ongoing
a decree ocially nationalising public utilities, railways, First World War by establishing an armistice with [226]
engineering, textiles, metallurgy, and mining, although
often these were state owned in name only.[216] Full- He believed that ongoing war would generate increasing
scale nationalisation would not take place until Novem- resentment among war-weary Russian troops to whom
ber 1920, when small-scale industrial enterprises were he had promised peace and that these troops and the advancing German Army posed a threat both to the future
brought under state control.[217]
of his own government and to international socialism.[227]
A faction of the Bolsheviks known as the "Left Com- Other Bolsheviks in particular Bukharin and the Left
munists" criticised Sovnarkoms economic policy as be- Communists viewed things dierently, believing that
ing too moderate; they desired the total nationalisation peace with the Central Powers would be a betrayal of inof all industry, agriculture, trade, nance, transport, and ternational socialism and that Russia should instead wage
communication.[218] Lenin believed that this was imprac- a war of revolutionary defense that they believed would
tical at that stage, arguing that the government should only provoke an uprising of the German proletariat against
nationalise Russias large-scale capitalist enterprises, such their nations government.[228]
as the banks, railways, larger landed estates, and larger
factories and mines, allowing smaller businesses to op- Lenin proposed a three-month armistice in his Decree on
erate privately until a point where they had grown to a Peace, which was then approved by the Second Congress
to the German and Austrosuciently large size where they could be successfully of Soviets and presented[229]
The Germans responded
Lenin also disagreed with the Left Compositively,
to focus their
munists on issues of economic organisation; in June 1918,
o looming
Lenin expressed the need for a centralised economic con[230]
at Bresttrol of industry, whereas the Left Communists promoted
the idea of each factory being under the direct control of
delegation beits workers, an syndicalist approach that Lenin considered on the Eastern Front, with the Russian
Meanwhile, a
to be detrimental to the cause of socialism.
ceasere designed to last until January was agreed.[232]
The Left Communists and other factions within the Com- During negotiations, the Germans insisted on keeping
munist Party expressed concern at where Russia was their wartime conquests which included Poland, Lithuaheaded; adopting a more left libertarian perspective, they nia, and Courland whereas the Russians countered
critiqued the increasing lack of democracy.[220] Interna- that this was a violation of these nations rights to selftionally, many socialists decried Lenins regime and de- determination.[233] There had been hopes among the Bolnied that he was establishing socialism; in particular, they sheviks that the armistice negotiations could be dragged
highlighted the lack of widespread political participa- out indenitely until such a time as proletarian revolution
tion, popular consultation, and industrial democracy.[221] would break out throughout Europe.[234] On 7 January
In autumn 1918, the Czech-Austrian Marxist Karl Kaut- 1918, Trotsky returned from Brest Litovsk to St. Peterssky authored an anti-Leninist pamphlet condemning the burg, informing the government that the Central Pow-


ers had presented them with an ultimatum: either they 3.4

accept Germanys territorial demands or the war would


Anti-Kulak campaigns, Cheka, and

Red Terror

See also: Decossackization and Red Terror

"[The bourgeoisie] practised terror against the workers,
soldiers and peasants in the interests of a small group
of landowners and bankers, whereas the Soviet regime
applies decisive measures against landowners, plunderers
and their accomplices in the interests of the workers, soldiers and peasants.
Lenin on the Red Terror.[246]

The signing of the treaty

In January and again in February Lenin urged the Bolsheviks to accept Germanys proposals. He argued that the
territorial losses were acceptable if it ensured the survival
of the Bolshevik-led government, however the majority
of Bolsheviks rejected his position, hoping to prolong the
armistice and call Germanys blu.[236] On 18 February
the German Army relaunched the oensive, advancing
further into Russian-controlled territory and within a day
conquering Dvinsk.[237] At this point Lenin nally convinced a small majority of the Bolshevik Central Committee to accept the Central Powers demands.[238] On 23
February the Central Powers issued a new ultimatum: the
Russian government would recognise German control not
only of Poland and the Baltic states but also Ukraine, else
they would face a full-scale invasion of Russia itself.[239]
On 3 March, the Treaty of Brest Litovsk was signed.[240]
The Treaty resulted in massive territorial losses for Russia, with 26% of the former Empires population, 37%
of its agricultural harvest area, 28% of its industry, 26%
of is railway tracks, and two-thirds of its coal and iron
reserves being transferred to German control.[241] Accordingly, the Treaty was deeply unpopular across Russias political spectrum,[242] and several Bolsheviks and
Left Socialist Revolutionaries resigned from Sovnarkom
in protest.[243] After the Treaty was signed, Sovnarkom
focused its attentions on attempting to foment proletarian revolution in Germany, issuing an array of antiwar and anti-government publications in the country;
the German government retaliated by expelling Russias
diplomats.[244] However, that month Wilhelm II, the German Emperor, resigned and the countrys new administration signed the Armistice of 11 November 1918. As
a result, the Sovnarkom proclaimed the Treaty of BrestLitovsk to be devoid of meaning.[245]

Many of the cities in western Russia were facing famine as

a result of chronic food shortages.[247] Lenin claimed that
the blame for this problem lay with the kulaks, or wealthier peasants, who were allegedly hoarding their produce.
In May 1918 he issued a requisitioning order that established armed detachments who would conscate grain
from the kulaks for distribution in the cities, and in June
called upon the formation of the Committees of Poor
Peasants to aid the requisitioning eort.[248] This policy resulted in vast social disorder and violence, with the
armed detachments often clashing with peasant groups,
providing much fuel for the developing civil war.[249] A
prominent example of Lenins views on the matter was
provided in the August 1918 telegram that he sent to the
Bolsheviks of Penza, in which he called upon them to suppress a peasant insurrection by publicly hanging at least
100 known kulaks, rich men, [and] bloodsuckers.[250]
The requisitioning eorts disincentived peasants from
producing more grain than they could personally consume, and thus production slumped.[251] A booming
black market supplemented the ocial state-sanctioned
economy,[252] with Lenin calling on speculators, black
marketeers and looters to be shot.[253] Both the Socialist
Revolutionaries and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries condemned these armed appropriations of grain at the Fifth
All-Russian Congress of Soviets in July 1918,[254] and
coming to realize that the Committees of the Poor Peasants were also persecuting peasants who were not kulaks
and were accordingly contributing to anti-government
feeling among the peasantry, in December 1918 Lenin
abolished them.[255]
Lenin repeatedly emphasised the need for terror and violence to be used in order for the old order to be overthrown and for the revolution to succeed.[256] Speaking
to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the
Soviets in November 1917, he declared that the state is
an institution built up for the sake of exercising violence.
Previously, this violence was exercised by a handful of
moneybags over the entire people; now we want... to organise violence in the interests of the people.[257] When
suggestions were made that the government should abolish capital punishment, he strongly opposed the idea,[258]
declaring Never! How can you safeguard a revolution


Civil War and Polish-Soviet War

without executions?"[259] Fearing anti-Bolshevik forces

would overthrow his administration, in December 1917
Lenin ordered the establishment of the Emergency Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution and Sabotage, or Cheka, a political police force under the leadership of Felix Dzerzhinsky.[260]

camps had been established across Soviet Russia, holding
circa 50,000 prisoners; by October 1923, this had grown
to 315 camps with approximately 70,000 inmates.[278]
Those interned in the camps were used as slave labor.[279]
From July 1922, intellectuals deemed to be in opposition
to the Bolshevik government were exiled to inhospitable
regions or deported from Russia altogether; Lenin personally scrutinized the lists of those to be dealt with in this
manner.[280] In May 1922, Lenin issued a decree calling
for the execution of anti-Bolshevik priests,[281] resulting
in between 14,000 and 20,000 deaths.[282] Although the
Russian Orthodox Church was worst aected, the governments anti-religious policies also impacted on Roman
Catholic churches, synagogues, and mosques.[283]

3.5 Civil War and Polish-Soviet War

The corpses of those killed by the Red Terror outside the headquarters of the Kharkov Cheka

In September 1918 Sovnarkom passed a decree, On

Red Terror.[261] The Red Terror was designed to eliminate the bourgeoisie as a class,[262] and the majority of
its victims were well-to-do citizens or former members
of the Tsarist administration.[263] However, it was also
used to exterminate many non-bourgeois anti-Bolsheviks
and perceived social undesirables such as prostitutes.[264]
The Cheka claimed the right to both sentence and execute anyone whom it deemed to be an enemy of
the government, without recourse to the Revolutionary
Tribunals.[265] Accordingly, throughout Soviet Russia the
Cheka carried out killings, often in large numbers,[266]
with the Petrograd Cheka for instance executing 512
people over the course of a few days.[267] There are no
surviving records to provide an accurate gure of how
many perished due to the Red Terror,[268] although the
later estimates of historians have ranged from 50,000 to

Lenin, Trotsky, and Klim Voroshilov, with Red Army soldiers in

Petrograd, 1921

Although Lenin expected that Russias aristocracy and

bourgeoisie would oppose his government, he believed
that the sheer numerical superiority of the lower classes,
coupled with the Bolsheviks ability to eectively organise them, guaranteed a swift victory in any conict.[284]
In this, he failed to anticipate the intensity of the violent
opposition to Bolshevik rule in Russia.[284] The ensuing
Russian Civil War pitted the pro-Bolshevik Reds against
the anti-Bolshevik Whites, but also encompassed ethnic conicts on Russias borderlands and conict between
both Red and White armies and local peasant groups, the
Green armies, throughout the former Empire.[285] Accordingly, various historians have seen the civil war as
representing two distinct conicts: one between the revolutionaries and the counter-revolutionaries, and the other
between dierent revolutionary factions.[286]

Lenin never witnessed this violence or participated in it

rst hand,[270] and publicly distanced himself from it.[271]
Although regularly doing so in his coded telegrams and
condential notes, in his published articles and speeches
he did not typically call for executions.[272] Many middleranking Bolsheviks expressed disapproval of the Chekas
mass executions and feared the organisations apparent
unaccountability for its actions.[273] The Party brought in
attempts to restrain its activities in early 1919, stripping it
of its powers of tribunal and execution, however this only
applied in those few areas not under ocial martial law;
the Cheka therefore continued their activities as before
in large swathes of the country.[274] By 1920, the Cheka
had become the most powerful institution in Soviet Rus- The White armies were established by former ocers of
sia, exerting inuence over all other state apparatus.[275] the Tsarist military,[287] and included Anton Denikin's
The establishment of concentration camps was entrusted Volunteer Army in South Russia,[288] Alexander
to the Cheka, with Dzerzhinsky orchestrating their con- Kolchak's forces in Siberia,[289] and Nikolai Yudenich
struction from the spring of 1919 onward,[276] although troops in the newly independent Baltic states.[290] The
they would subsequently be administered by a new gov- Whites were bolstered when 35,000 members of the
ernment agency, Gulag.[277] By the end of 1920, 84 Czech Legion prisoners of war from the conict with

the Central Powers turned against Sovnarkom and
allied themselves to the Committee of Members of the
Constituent Assembly (Komuch), an anti-Bolshevik government established in Samara.[291] However, the White
cause was hindered by the fact that they were fragmented
and geographically scattered,[292] as well as the fact that
the ethnic Russian supremacism expressed by the Whites
alienated the regions national minorities.[293]


British, US, and Japanese forces landed in Vladivostok,

the latter soon having 70,000 troops based in Siberia.[303]
Japan saw this as an opportunity for territorial expansion,
desiring to bring Russias Far Eastern Maritime Province
under its own imperial control.[304] While Japanese troops
remained to play a part in the civil war, Western troops
were soon ordered home, although Western governments
continued to provide White armies with ocers, technicians, and armaments.[305]

Responding to anti-Bolshevik threats, Lenin tasked Trotsky with establishing a Workers and Peasants Red
Army.[294] With Lenins support, in September 1918
Trotsky organised a Revolutionary Military Council, remaining its chairman until 1925.[295] Recognising that
they often had valuable military experience, Lenin agreed
that ocers who had previously been loyal to the Tsar
could serve in the Red Army, although Trotsky established military councils to monitor the activities of
such individuals.[296] During the conict, the Bolsheviks primarily held the area of Great Russia, while the
White opposition were situated largely in the peripheries
of the former Empire.[297] Signicantly, the Bolsheviks
held control of Russias two largest cities, Moscow and Bolsheviks killed by Czechoslovak legionaries of the 8th Regiment
Petrograd.[298] By 1919, the White armies were all in at Nikolsk Ussuriysky, 1918

In July 1918, Sverdlov informed Sovnarkom that the Ural

Regional Soviet had overseen the execution of the former Tsar and his immediate family in Yekaterinburg in
order to prevent them from being rescued by advancing
White troops.[306] Although lacking proof, biographers
and historians like Richard Pipes and Dmitri Volkogonov
have expressed the view that the killing was probably anctioned by Lenin,[307] for whom the killing was axiomatic;
he highlighted the precedent set by the execution of Louis
XVI in the French Revolution.[308]

White Russian anti-Bolshevik propaganda poster

Anti-Bolshevik armies carried out the White Terror, a

campaign of violence against perceived Bolshevik supporters, although this was typically more spontaneous
than the state-sanctioned Red Terror.[299] Both White and
Red Armies were responsible for attacks against Jewish
communities,[300] prompting Lenin to issue a condemnation of anti-Semitism in which he blamed such hatred of
Jews on capitalist propaganda.[301]
Western governments backed the White forces, perceiving the Treaty of Best Litovsk as a betrayal of the Allied war eort and fearing the Bolsheviks calls for world
revolution.[302] This Western support soon took a more
active role in the conict; by July 1918, 4000 troops provided by the United Kingdom, France, United States,
Canada, Italy, and Serbia had landed in Murmansk,
taking control of Kandalaksha; by August their troop
numbers had grown to 10,000.[303] In November 1918,

After the Brest Litovsk Treaty, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries had increasingly come to view the Bolsheviks as
traitors to the revolutionary cause.[309] In July 1918, the
Left Socialist Revolutionary Yakov Grigorevich Blumkin
assassinated the German ambassador to Russia, Wilhelm
von Mirbach, unsuccessfully hoping that the ensuing
diplomatic incident would lead to a relaunched revolutionary war against Germany.[310] The Left Socialist Revolutionaries then launched a coup in Moscow, shelling the
Kremlin and seizing the citys central post oce, however
their uprising was soon put down by Trotskys forces.[311]
The partys leaders and many of their members were arrested and imprisoned, although the Bolsheviks showed
greater leniency toward them than they had done to many
other opponents.[312]
In 1920, the Polish-Soviet War broke out after Poland attempted to annex parts of Belarus and Western Ukraine;
by May 1920 they had conquered Kiev.[313] After forcing the Polish Army back, Lenin urged the Red Army
to push into Poland itself, believing that the Polish proletariat would rise up to support the Russian troops and thus
spark European revolution. Although Trotsky and other
Bolsheviks were sceptical, they eventually agreed to the


Comintern and world revolution


invasion; however, the Polish proletariat uprising failed

to materialise, and the Red Army was defeated at the
Battle of Warsaw.[314] The Polish armies began to push
the Red Army back into Russia, forcing Sovnarkom to
sue for peace; the war culminated in the Peace of Riga, a
treaty in which Russia ceded territory to Poland and paid
them reparations.[315]


Comintern and world revolution

The International World Revolution is near, although

revolutions are never made to order. Imperialism cannot delay the world revolution. The imperialists will set
re to the entire world and will start a conagration in
which they themselves will perish if they dare to quell the Trotsky, Lenin and Kamenev at the II Party Congress in 1919
Lenin, 11 November 1918.[316]
After the Armistice on the Western Front, Lenin believed that the breakout of world revolution was imminent, particularly in Europe.[317] Sovnarkom supported
the establishment of Bla Kun's Hungarian Soviet Republic in March 1919,[318] as well as the establishment
of the Bavarian Council Republic and various revolutionary socialist uprisings in other parts of Germany,
among them that of the Spartacus League.[318] During
Russias Civil War, the Red Army were sent into the
newly independent national republics on Russias borders
to aid Marxists there in establishing soviet systems of
government.[319] In Europe, this resulted in the establishment of the Commune of the Working People of Estonia, the Latvian Socialist Soviet Republic, the Lithuanian
Soviet Socialist Republic, the Socialist Soviet Republic
of Byelorussia, and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, all of
which were ocially independent of the Russian Soviet
Federated Socialist Republic.[319] In February 1921 the
Red Army invaded Georgia and established the Georgian
Soviet Socialist Republic,[320] while in late 1921 the
Red Army invaded Outer Mongolia and established the
Mongolian Peoples Republic.[321] Various senior Bolsheviks wanted these absorbed into the Russian state; Lenin
insisted that national sensibilities should be respected, although reassured these Bolsheviks that these nations new
Communist Party governments were de facto regional
branches of Moscows government.[322]
In late 1918, the British Labour Party called for the establishment of an international conference of socialist parties, the Labour and Socialist International.[323] Lenin saw
this as a revival of the Second International which he had
despised and decided to oset its impact by formulating
his own rival conference of international socialists.[324]
Lenin set about organising such a conference with the aid
of Zinoviev, Trotsky, Christian Rakovsky, and Angelica
Balabano.[324] On 2 March 1919, the First Congress of
the Communist International (Comintern) opened in
Moscow.[325] It lacked a global coverage; of the 34 as-

sembled delegates, 30 resided within the countries of the

former Russian Empire, and most of the international delegates were not ocially recognised by the socialist parties within their own nations.[326] Accordingly, the Bolsheviks dominated proceedings,[327] with Lenin subsequently authoring a series of regulations that meant that
only socialist parties that endorsed the Bolsheviks views
were permitted to join Comintern.[328] Comintern remained nancially reliant on the Soviet government.[329]
During the rst conference, Lenin spoke to the delegates, lambasting the parliamentary path to socialism espoused by revisionist Marxists like Kautsky and repeating
his calls for a violent overthrow of Europes bourgeoisie
governments.[330] While Zinoviev became the Internationals President, Lenin continued to wield great control
over it.[331]
The Second Congress of the Communist International
opened in Petrograds Smolny Institute in June 1920,[332]
representing the last time that Lenin visited a city other
than Moscow.[333] There, he encouraged foreign delegates to emulate the Bolsheviks seizure of power,[334]
and abandoned his longstanding viewpoint that capitalism was a necessary stage in societal development, instead encouraging those nations under colonial occupation to transform their pre-capitalist societies straight into
socialist ones.[335] For this conference, he authored LeftWing Communism: An Infantile Disorder, a short book
in which he articulated his criticism of far left elements
within the British and German communist parties who refused to enter those nations parliamentary systems and
trade unions; instead he urged them to do so in order
to advance the revolutionary cause.[336] The conference
had to be suspended for several days due to the ongoing
war with Poland,[335] before the Congress subsequently
moved to Moscow, where it continued to hold sessions
until August.[337] However, Lenins predicted world revolution failed to materialise, as the Hungarian Soviet Republic was overthrown and the German Marxist uprisings
suppressed.[338] Lenin instead suggested that the German


communists form an alliance with the Freikorps and other

far right groups in order to overthrow the government, at
which they could then turn upon the far right groups; the
German communists refused to accept this proposal.[339]


Famine and the New Economic Policy


In 1920 and 1921, Russia witnessed a number of peasant uprisings against the government, sparked by local opposition to the requisitioning, but these were
suppressed.[353] Among the most signicant was the
Tambov Rebellion, which was put down by the Red
Army.[354] In February 1921, workers went on strike
in Petrograd, resulting in the government proclaiming
martial law in the city and sending in the Red Army to
quell demonstrations.[355] In March, the Kronstadt rebellion began as sailors in Kronstadt revolted against the
Bolshevik government, demanding that all socialists be
given freedom of press, that independent trade unions
be given freedom of assembly, and that peasants be allowed free markets and not be the subject to forced
requisitioning.[356] Under Trotskys leadership, the Red
Army began an assault on the rebels; the rebellion was
subdued on 17 March, with thousands dead and many survivors sent to labor camps.[357]

"[Y]ou must attempt rst to build small bridges which

shall lead to a land of small peasant holdings through State
Capitalism to Socialism. Otherwise you will never lead
tens of millions of people to Communism. This is what
Within the Communist Party itself there was dissent the objective forces of the development of the Revolution
from both the Group of Democratic Centralism and the have taught.
Workers Opposition, both of whom criticised the Rus[358]
sian state for being too centralised and bureaucratic.[340] Lenin on the NEP, 1921.
The Workers Opposition, who had connections to the
states ocial trade unions, also expressed the concern Acknowledging Russias economic woes, in February
that the government had lost the trust of Russias working 1921 Lenin suggested the introduction of a New Ecoclass.[341] The 'trade union discussion' preoccupied much nomic Policy (NEP) to the Politburo, eventually conof the partys focus in this period; Trotsky angered the vincing most senior Bolsheviks of its necessity, with it
Workers Opposition by suggesting that the trade unions passing into law in April.[359] Lenin explained the policy
be eliminated, seeing them as superuous in a "workers in a booklet, On the Food Tax, in which he stated that
state", but Lenin disagreed, believing it best to allow their the NEP represented a return to the Bolsheviks original
continued existence, and most of the Bolsheviks eventu- economic plans; he claimed that they had been derailed
ally embraced this latter view.[342] Seeking to deal with by the civil war, in which they had been forced to rethe problem of these dissenting factions, at the Tenth sort to the economic policies of "war communism".[360]
Party Congress in February 1921, Lenin brought about Designed to renew economic growth, the NEP allowed
a ban on factional activity within the party, under pain of for the restoration of some private enterprise within
Russia, permitting the reintroduction of the wage sys[344]
Caused in part by a drought,
the Russian famine of tem and allowing peasants to sell much of their promarket, albeit then being taxed on
1921 was the most severe that the country had experi- duce on the open
policy also allowed for a return to
The famine was exacerenced since that of 1891.
although basic industry,
bated by the governments requisitioning eorts,
all remained under state
well as their decision to continue exporting large quan[362]
capitalism",[363] alcontrol.
tities of Russian grain rather than using it for domesthought it to be a betrayal of sotic consumption.[347] To aid the famine victims, the U.S. though many Bolsheviks
biographers have often charcialist
government established an American Relief Administra[348]
the NEP as one of Lenins
tion to distribute food,
although Lenin was suspicious
with Service suggestDuring the
of this aid, and had it closely monitored.
then the Bolshevik
Russian famine of 1921, Patriarch Tikhon called on Orgovernment
overthrown amid
thodox churches to sell unnecessary items to help feed the
starving, an action endorsed by the government.
Stalin, Lenin and Mikhail Kalinin (detail of a photo from the 8th
Congress of the Russian Communist Party, March 1919).

February 1922 Sovnarkom went further by calling on all

valuables belonging to religious institutions to be forcibly
appropriated and sold.[351] Tikhon opposed the sale of
any items used within the Eucharist, and many clergy resisted the appropriations.[352]

In January 1920, Lenins government brought in universal labour conscription, ensuring that all citizens aged between 16 and 50 had to work.[367] Lenin also called for
a mass electrication project, the GOELRO plan, which

began in February 1920; Lenins declaration that communism is Soviet power plus the electrication of the
whole country would be widely cited in later years.[368]
Seeking to advance the Soviet economy through establishing foreign trade links, the Soviet Union sent delegates
to the Genoa Conference; Lenin had hoped to attend, but
was prevented by ill health.[369] The conference resulted
in a Russian agreement with Germany, the Treaty of Rapallo,[370] while an Anglo-Soviet Trade Agreement was
also agreed with the United Kingdom.[371] Lenin hoped
that by allowing foreign corporations to invest in Russia,
it would exacerbate rivalries between the capitalist nations and hasten their downfall; for instance, he unsuccessfully attempted to rent the oil elds of Kamchatka to
an American corporation in order to exacerbate tensions
between the U.S. and Japan, who desired Kamchatka for
their empire.[372]

Decline and death

omitted.[374] During 1920, a number of prominent Western socialists had visited Lenin in Russia; these included
the philosopher Bertrand Russell and the author H. G.
Wells,[375] as well as the anarchists Emma Goldman and
Alexander Berkman.[376]
Armand repeatedly visited Lenin at the Kremlin, where
he became increasingly concerned by her poor health.[377]
He sent her to a sanatorium in Kislovodsk, Northern Caucusus in order to recover, but there she died in September
1920 during a cholera epidemic.[378] Her body was transported to Moscow, where a visibly grief-stricken Lenin
oversaw its burial beneath the Kremlin Wall.[379] During his leadership of the Soviet administration, Lenin
struggled against the state bureaucracy and the corruption
within it,[380] and became increasingly concerned by this
in his nal years.[381] Condemning such bureaucratic attitudes, he suggested a total overhaul of the Russian system to deal with such problems,[382] in one letter complaining that we are being sucked into a foul bureaucratic
Lenin was seriously ill by the latter half of 1921,[384]
suering from hyperacusis, insomnia, and regular
headaches.[385] At the Politburos insistence, in July he
left Moscow for a months leave at his Gorki mansion,[386]
where he was cared for by his wife and sister.[387] Lenin
began to contemplate the possibility of suicide, asking
both Krupskaya and Stalin to acquire potassium cyanide
for him.[388] In total, 26 physicians would be hired to
help Lenin during his nal years; many of them were
foreign, and had been hired at great expense.[389] Some
suggested that his sickness could have been caused by
metal oxidation arising from the bullets that were lodged
in his body; in April 1922 he underwent a surgical operation to remove them.[390] The symptoms continued after this, with Lenins doctors unsure of the cause; some
suggested that he was suering from neurasthenia or
cerebral arteriosclerosis, although others believed that he
had syphilis,[391] an idea endorsed in a 2004 report by
a team of neuroscientists, who suggested that this fact
was later deliberately concealed by the government.[392]
In May 1922, he suered his rst stroke, temporarily losing his ability to speak and being paralysed on his right
side.[393] He convalesced at Gorki, and had largely recovered by July.[394] In October he returned to Moscow,[395]
although in December suered a second stroke and returned to Gorki.[396]

Lenin, constrained to a wheelchair, in 1923

In April 1920, the Bolsheviks held a party to celebrate

Lenins ftieth birthday, with widespread celebrations
taking place across Russia and poems and biographies
dedicated to him being published. All of this embarrassed and horried Lenin himself.[373] Between 1920
and 1926, twenty volumes of Lenins Collected Works
were published; that material which was deemed inappropriate for the needs of the Soviet government were

Between June and August 1922, a trial of the SR leaders

was held in which they were found guilty of conspiring
against the government; although Lenin urged that they
be executed, they were instead imprisoned indenitely,
only being executed during the Great Purges of Stalins
leadership.[397] In March 1923, the Politburo ordered the
expulsion of Mensheviks from state institutions and enterprises, with members being arrested and sent to concentration camps, resulting in the virtual eradication of
Menshevism in Russia.[398]

During December 1922 and January 1923 Lenin dictated "Lenins Testament", in which he discussed the
personal qualities of his comrades, particularly Trotsky
and Stalin.[399] Here, he recommended that Stalin be removed from his position as General Secretary of the
Communist Party, deeming him inappropriate for the
position.[400] Instead he presented Trotsky as the best
suited person for the job, describing him as the most
capable man in the present Central Committee"; he highlighted Trotskys superior intellect but at the same time
criticized his self-assurance and inclination toward excess administration.[401] Concerned at the survival of the
Tsarist bureaucratic system in Soviet Russia,[402] during
this period he dictated a criticism of the bureaucratic nature of the Workers and Peasants Inspectorate, calling
for the recruitment of new, working-class sta as an antidote to this problem,[403] while in another article he called
for the state to combat illiteracy, encourage punctuality
and conscientiousness within the populace, and encourage peasants to join co-operatives.[404]


union, which he suggested be called the Union of Soviet

Republics of Europe and Asia.[411] Stalin ultimately relented to this proposal, although changed the name of the
newly proposed state to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), which Lenin agreed to.[412] Lenin sent
Trotsky to speak on his behalf at a Central Committee
plenum in December, where the plans for the USSR were
sanctioned; these plans were then ratied on 30 December by the Congress of Soviets, resulting in the formation
of the Soviet Union.[413]

In March, Lenin suered a third stroke and lost his ability

to speak;[414] that month, he experienced partial paralysis on his right side and began exhibiting sensory aphasia.[415] By May, he appeared to be making a slow recovery, as he began to regain his mobility, speech, and writing skills.[416] In October 1923, he made a nal visit to
Moscow and the Kremlin.[417] In his nal weeks, Lenin
was visited by Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Bukharin, with
the latter visiting him at his Gorki dacha on the day of
his death.[418] Lenin died at his Gorki home on 21 January
Stalin is too crude, and this defect which is entirely 1924, having fallen into a coma earlier in the day.[419] His
acceptable in our milieu and in relationships among us ocial cause of death was recorded as an incurable disas communists, become unacceptable in the position of ease of the blood vessels.[420]
General Secretary. I therefore propose to comrades that
they should devise a means of removing him from this job
and should appoint to this job someone else who is dis- 4.1 Funeral
tinguished from comrade Stalin in all other respects only
by the single superior aspect that he should be more tolerant, more polite and more attentive towards comrades,
less capricious, etc.
Lenin, 4 January 1923.[188]
In Lenins absence, Stalin had begun consolidating
his power by appointing his supporters to prominent
positions,[405] as well as cultivating an image of himself
as Lenins closest intimate and deserving successor.[406]
In December 1922, Stalin took responsibility for Lenins
regimen, being tasked by the Politburo with controlling
who had access to him.[407] Lenin was however increasingly critical of Stalin; while Lenin was insisting that the
state should retain its monopoly on international trade
during the summer of 1922, Stalin was leading a number
of other Bolsheviks in unsuccessfully opposing this.[408]
There were personal arguments between the two as well;
Stalin had upset Krupskaya by shouting at her during a
phone conversation, which in turn greatly angered Lenin,
who sent Stalin a letter expressing his annoyance.[409]
The most signicant political division between the two
emerged during the Georgian Aair. Stalin had suggested that Georgia, as well as other neighbouring countries like Azerbaijan and Armenia, should be merged into
the Russian state, despite the protestations of their national governments.[410] Lenin saw this as an expression
of Great Russian ethnic chauvinism on behalf of Stalin
and his supporters, instead calling for these nation-states
to join Russia as semi-independent parts of a greater

Pallbearers carrying Lenins con during his funeral, from

Paveletsky Rail Terminal to the Labour Temple.

The government publicly announced Lenins death the

following day.[421] On 23 January, mourners from the
Communist Party, trade unions, and soviets visited his
Gorki home to inspect the body, which was carried aloft
in a red con by leading Bolsheviks.[422] Transported
by train to Moscow, the con was carried to the House
of Trade Unions, where the body lay in state.[423] Over
the next three days, around a million mourners came to
see the body, many queuing for hours in the freezing
conditions.[424] On Saturday 26 January, the eleventh AllUnion Congress of Soviets met to pay respects to the deceased leader, with speeches being made by Kalinin, Zinoviev and Stalin, but notably not Trotsky, who had been
convalescing in the Caucasus.[424] Lenins funeral took

place the following day, when his body was carried to
Red Square, accompanied by martial music, where assembled crowds listened to a series of speeches before
the corpse was carried into the vault of a specially erected
mausoleum.[425] Despite the freezing temperatures, tens
of thousands attended.[426]
Despite Krupskayas protestations, Lenins body was
mummied in order to preserve it for long-term public
display in the Red Square mausoleum.[427] During this
process, Lenins brain was removed; in 1925 an institute
was established to dissect it, revealing that Lenin had suffered from severe sclerosis.[428] In July 1929, the Politburo agreed to replace the temporary mausoleum with
a permanent granite alternative, which was nished in
1933.[429] The sarcophagus in which Lenins corpse was
contained was replaced in 1940 and again in 1970.[430]
From 1941 to 1945 the body was moved from Moscow
and stored in Tyumen for safety amid the Second World

an order of civilized co-operators in which the means

of production are socially owned,[439] and believed that
this economic system had to be expanded to the point
whereby it could create a society of abundance.[436] To
achieve this, he saw bringing the Russian economy under state control to be his central concern,[440] with
in his words all citizens becoming hired employees
of the state.[441] Lenins view of socialism was one that
was centralised, planned, and statist, with both production and distribution strictly controlled.[436] He believed
that all workers throughout the country would voluntarily
join together to enable the states economic and political centralisation.[442] In this way, his calls for workers
control of the means of production referred not to the
direct control of enterprises by their workers, but the operation of all enterprises under the control of a workers
state.[443] This resulted in two conicting themes within
Lenins thought, that between the idea of popular workers control on the one side, and that of a centralised, hierarchical, and coercive state apparatus on the other.[444]

Political ideology

Main article: Leninism

We do not pretend that Marx or Marxists know the road
to socialism in all its concreteness. That is nonsense. We
know the direction of the road, we know what class forces
will lead it, but concretely, practically, this will be shown
by the experience of the millions when they undertake the
Lenin, 11 September 1917[432]
Lenin was a fervent believer in Marxism,[433] with his
interpretation of that socio-political ideology rst being termed Leninism by Martov in 1904.[434] Lenin
deemed Leninism to be the sole authentic, and orthodox,
interpretation of Marxism.[435] According to his Marxist
perspective, Lenin believed that humanity would eventually reach pure communism, becoming a stateless, classless, egalitarian society of workers who were free from
exploitation and alienation, controlled their own destiny,
and abided by the rule of "From each according to his
ability, to each according to his needs".[436] According to
biographer Dmitri Volkogonov, Lenin deeply and sin- Lenin statue in Leninplatz, East Berlin, Germany (removed in
cerely believed that the path which he was setting Rus- 1992)
sia on would ultimately lead to the establishment of this
communist society.[437]
Prior to 1914, Lenin had not signicantly deviated from
However, Lenins Marxist beliefs led him to the view that the mainstream of European Marxist orthodoxy.[433]
society could not transform straight from its present state However, Leninism introduced various revisions and into communism, but that it must rst enter a period of novations to orthodox Marxism, as well as adopting a
socialism, with his main concern thereby being how to more absolutist, doctrinaire perspective.[433] Similarly,
convert Russia from capitalism to socialism. To do so, Leninism distinguished itself from established variants of
he believed that a dictatorship of the proletariat had to Marxism by the emotional intensity of its liberationist vibe established, which could suppress the bourgeoisie and sion and its focus on the the leadershio role of a revoludevelop a socialist economy.[438] He dened socialism as tionary vanguard proletariat.[445] Thus, Lenin came to de-



viate from the Marxist mainstream over the issue of how

to establish a proletarian state; his belief in a strong state
apparatus that excluded the bourgeois conicted with the
views of European Marxists like Kautsky who envisioned
a democratic parliamentary government in which the proletariat had a majority.[445] Moreover, according to historian James Ryan, Lenin was the rst and most signicant Marxist theorist to dramatically elevate the role of
violence as revolutionary instrument.[446] Lenin incorporated the changing realities into his belief system,[447]
and the pragmatic realities of governing Russia amid war,
famine, and economic collapse resulted in Lenin deviating from many of the Marxist ideas that he had articulated
prior to the October Revolution.[448]

dictatorship of the proletariat to be democratic through

the election of representatives to the soviets, and by workers electing their own ocials, with regular rotation and
the involvement of all workers in the administration of
the country.[460] Lenin believed that the representative
democracy of capitalist countries had been used to give
the illusion of democracy while maintaining the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie; describing the representative
democratic system of the United States, he referred to the
spectacular and meaningless duels between two bourgeois parties, both of whom were led by astute multimillionaires that exploited the American proletariat.[461]
He was also opposed to liberalism, exhibiting a general
antipathy toward liberty as a value,[462] and believing that
it did not
Lenins ideas were heavily inuenced both by pre-existing liberalisms freedoms were fraudulent because
thought within the Russian revolutionary movement, and
the theoretical variants of Russian Marxism which had
focused heavily on how Marx and Engels writings would
apply to Russia.[449] Accordingly, Lenin was also inu6 Personal life and characteristics
enced by earlier currents of Russian socialist thought such
as Narodnichestvo.[450] Conversely, he derided Marxists
who adopted from contemporary non-Marxist philoso- Lenin believed himself to be a man of destiny, having an
phers and sociologists.[451] In his theoretical writings, unshakable belief in the righteousness of his cause,
Biparticularly Imperialism, he examined what he thought and in his own ability as a revolutionary leader.
were the developments in capitalism since Marxs death, ographer Louis Fischer described him as a lover of radi[466]
a man for whom
arguing that it had reached a new stage, state monopoly cal change and maximum upheaval,
Before taking power in 1918, he was of there was never a middle-ground. He was an either-or,
Highlighting Lenins exthe opinion that while the Russian economy was still dom- black-or-red exaggerator.
inated by the peasantry, the fact that monopoly capitalism traordinary capacity for disciplined work and total com[468]
the historian
existed in Russia meant that the country was suciently mitment to the revolutionary cause,
Richard Pipes noted that the Russian leader exhibited a
materially developed to move to socialism.
great deal of charisma and personal magnetism.[469] SimLenin was an internationalist and a keen supporter of
ilarly, Volkogonov believed that by the very force of his
world revolution, thereby deeming national borders to be
personality, [Lenin] had an inuence over people.[470]
an outdated concept and nationalism a distraction from
Conversely, Lenins friend Gorky commented that in his
class struggle.[454] He believed that under revolutionary
physical appearance as a a baldheaded, stocky, sturdy
socialism, there would be the inevitable merging of naperson, the communist revolutionary was too ordinary
tions and the ultimate establishment of "a United States
and did not give the impression of being a leader.[471]
of the World".[455] He opposed federalism, deeming it to
be bourgeoisie, instead emphasising the need for a cen- "[Lenins collected writings] reveal in detail a man with
tralised unitary state.[456] Lenin was an anti-imperialist, iron will, self-enslaving self-discipline, scorn for oppoand believed that all nations deserved the right of self- nents and obstacles, the cold determination of a zealot,
determination.[456] He thus supported wars of national the drive of a fanatic, and the ability to convince or browliberation, accepting that such conicts might be neces- beat weaker persons by his singleness of purpose, imsary for a minority group to break away from a socialist posing intensity, impersonal approach, personal sacrice,
state, asserting that the latter were not holy or insured political astuteness, and complete conviction of the possession of the absolute truth. His life became the history
against mistakes or weaknesses.[457]
of the Bolshevik movement.
"[Lenin] accepted truth as handed down by Marx and se[472]
lected data and arguments to bolster that truth. He did not Biographer Louis Fischer, 1964.
question old Marxist scripture, he merely commented,
and the comments have become a new scripture.
Historian and biographer Robert Service asserted that
Biographer Louis Fischer, 1964[458]
He expressed the view that Soviet government is
many millions of times more democratic than the most
democratic-bourgeois republic, the latter of which was
simply a democracy for the rich.[459] He deemed his

Lenin had been an intensely emotional young man,[473]

who had exhibited a strong emotional hatred of the
Tsarist authorities.[474] According to Service, Lenin developed an emotional attachment to his ideological
heroes, such as Marx, Engels and Chernyshevsky; he
owned portraits of them,[475] and privately described
himself as being in love with Marx and Engels.[476]

According to Lenin biographer James D. White, Lenin
treated the writings of Marx and Engels as if they were
holy writ, a religious dogma which should not be
questioned but believed in.[477] In Volkogonovs view,
Lenin accepted Marxism as absolute truth, and accordingly acted like a religious fanatic.[478] Similarly,
Bertrand Russell felt that Lenin exhibited unwavering
faith - religious faith in the Marxian gospel.[479] The biographer Christopher Read suggested that Lenin was a
secular equivalent of theocratic leaders who derive their
legitimacy from the [perceived] truth of their doctrines,
not popular mandates.[480] Lenin was however an atheist
and a critic of religion, believing that socialism was inherently atheistic; he thus deemed Christian socialism to
be a contradiction in terms.[481]
Service stated that Lenin was a man who could be moody
and volatile,[482] with Pipes deeming him to be a thoroughgoing misanthrope,[483] a view rejected to Read,
who highlighted many instances in which Lenin displayed kindness, particularly toward children.[484] According to several biographers, Lenin was intolerant of
opposition and often dismissed opinions that diered
from his own outright.[485] He ignored facts which did
not suit his argument,[486] abhored compromise,[487] and
very rarely admitted his own errors.[488] He refused to
bend his opinions, until he rejected them completely,
at which he would treat the new view as if it was
just as unbendable.[489] Although he showed no sign of
sadism or of personally desiring to commit violent acts,
Lenin endorsed the violent actions of others and exhibited no remorse for those killed by the revolutionary cause.[490] Adopting an amoral stance, in Lenins
view the end always justied the means;[491] according
to Service, Lenins criterion of morality was simple:
does a certain action advance or hinder the cause of the
Aside from Russian, Lenin spoke and read French, German, and English.[493] Concerned with physical tness,
he took regular exercise,[494] enjoyed cycling, swimming,
and hunting,[495] and also developed a passion for mountain walking in the Swiss peaks.[496] He was also fond of
pets,[497] in particular cats.[498] Tending to eschew luxury,
he lived an austere lifestyle,[499] with Pipes noting that
Lenin was exceedingly modest in his personal wants,
leading an austere, almost ascetic, style of life.[500]
Lenin despised untidiness, always keeping his work desk
tidy and his pencils sharpened,[501] and insisted on total
silence while he was working.[502] According to Fischer,
Lenins vanity was minimal,[503] and for this reason he
disliked the cult of personality that the Soviet administration had begun to build around him; he nevertheless
accepted that it might have some benets in unifying the
The Lenin who seemed externally so gentle and goodnatured, who enjoyed a laugh, who loved animals and
was prone to sentimental reminiscences, was transformed
when class or political questions arose. He at once be-

came savagely sharp, uncompromising, remorseless and

vengeful. Even in such a state, however, he was capable
of black humor.
Biographer Dmitri Volkogonov, 1994.[505]
Despite his revolutionary politics, Lenin disliked revolutionary experimentation in literature and the arts, for instance expressing his dislike of expressionism, futurism,
and cubism, and conversely favouring realism and Russian classic literature.[506] Lenin also took a conservative
attitude with regard to sex and marriage.[507] Throughout
his adult life, he was in a relationship with Krupskaya, a
fellow Marxist whom he married. Lenin and Nadya were
both sad that they never had children,[508] although they
enjoyed entertaining their friends ospring.[509] Read
noted that Lenin had very close, warm, lifelong relationships with his close family members,[510] although he
had no lifelong friends,[470] and Armand has been cited as
being his only close, intimate condante.[511]
Service described Lenin as a bit of a snob in national,
social and cultural terms.[512] The Bolshevik leader expressed an attitude of cultural superiority between dierent nations; at the top was Germany, followed by Britain
and France, and then Finland, with Russia coming beneath them.[513] Privately, he was critical of his Russian homeland, describing it as one of the most benighted, medieval and shamefully backward of Asian
countries.[461] He was annoyed at what he perceived as a
lack of conscientiousness and discipline among the Russian people,[514] and from his youth he had wanted Russia
to become more culturally European and Western.[513]

7 Legacy
Volkogonov claimed that there can scarcely have been
another man in history who managed so profoundly to
change so large a society on such a scale.[515] Lenins
administration laid the framework for the system of government that ruled Russia for seven decades as well as
providing the model for later Communist-led states which
came to cover a third of the inhabited world in the
mid-20th century.[516] In doing so, Lenins inuence was
global.[517] A controversial gure, Lenin remains both reviled and revered;[446] although he has been been idolised
by communists, he has been demonised by critics on both
the left, such as democratic socialists and anarchists, and
the right, such as conservatives and fascists.[518] Even during his lifetime, Lenin was loved and hated, admired and
scorned by the Russian people.[519]
The historian Albert Resis suggested that if the October Revolution is considered to be the most signicant
event of the 20th century, then Lenin must for good or
ill be considered the centurys most signicant political
leader.[520] Lenin biographer James D. White described
Lenin as one of the undeniably outstanding gures of



Russia and the West have highlighted the impact that preexisting ideas and popular pressures exerted on Lenin and
his policies.[530]
Various historians and biographers have characterised
Lenins administration as a totalitarian system of
government,[531] with many also describing it as a oneparty dictatorship.[532] Several such scholars have described Lenin as a dictator,[533] although Ryan stated that
he was not a dictator in the sense that all his recommendations were accepted and implemented, for many of his
colleagues disagreed with him on various issues.[534] Fischer noted that while Lenin was a dictator, [he was not]
not the kind of dictator Stalin later became,[535] while
Volkogonov believed that whereas Lenin established a
dictatorship of the Party, it would only be under Stalin
that the Soviet Union became the dictatorship of one
man.[536] Conversely, various Marxist observers including Western historians Hill and John Rees argued
against the view that Lenins government was a dictatorship, viewing it instead as an imperfect way of preserving
elements of democracy without some of the democratic
processes found in liberal democracies.[537]

7.1 Within the Soviet Union

Statue of Lenin in New Delhi, India

Main articles: List of places named after Vladimir Lenin

and List of statues of Vladimir Lenin
In the Soviet Union, a cult of personality devoted to

modern history,[521] while Service noted that the Russian leader was widely understood to be one of the 20th
centurys principle actors.[522] Read considered him to
be one of the most widespread, universally recognizable
icons of the twentieth century,[523] while the historian
James Ryan termed him one of the most signicant and
inuential gures of modern history.[524] Time magazine
named Lenin one of the 100 most important people of the
20th century,[525] and one of their top 25 political icons
of all time.[526]
In the Western world, biographers began writing about
Lenin shortly after his death; some like Christopher Hill
were sympathetic to him and others like Richard Pipes
and Robert Gellately expressly hostile, although a number of later biographers such as Read and Lars Lih sought
to avoid making either hostile or positive comments
about him, thereby evading politicized stereotypes.[527]
Among those sympathetic to him, he was portrayed as
having made a genuine adjustment to Marxist theory
that enabled it to suit Russias particular socio-economic
conditions.[528] The Soviet view characterised him as a
man who recognised the historically inevitable and accordingly helped to make the inevitable happen.[529] Conversely, the majority of Western historians have perceived him as a person who manipulated events in order
to attain and then retain political power, moreover seeing his ideas as being attempts to ideologically justify his
pragmatic policies.[529] More recently, revisionists in both

A mosaic of Lenin inside the Moscow Metro

Lenin had begun to develop during his lifetime, although

it would only be fully established after his death.[538] According to historian Nina Tumarkin, it represented the
worlds most elaborate cult of a revolutionary leader
since that of George Washington in the United States,[539]
and has been repeatedly described as quasi-religious
in nature.[540] Busts or statues of Lenin were erected in
almost every village,[541] and his face adorned postage
stamps, crockery, posters, and the front pages of Soviet


In the international communist movement


newspapers Pravda and Isvestia.[542] The places where

he had lived or stayed were converted into museums devoted to him.[541] Libraries, streets, farms, museums,
towns, and whole regions were named after him,[541]
with the city of Petrograd being renamed Leningrad
in 1924,[543] and his birthplace of Simbirsk becoming
Ulyanovsk.[544] The Order of Lenin was established as
one of the countrys main awards.[542] All of this was contrary to Lenins own desires, and was publicly criticised
by his widow.[426]

glastnost and perestroika, he too cited these actions as a

return to Lenins principles.[557] In late 1991, amid the
dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russian President Boris
Yeltsin ordered the Lenin archive be removed from Communist Party control and placed under the control of a
state organ, the Russian Center for the Preservation and
Study of Documents of Recent History, at which it was
revealed that over 6,000 of Lenins writings had gone
unpublished. These were declassied and made available for scholarly study.[558] Yeltsin did not dismantle the
Lenin mausoleum, however, recognising that Lenin was
Various biographers have stated that Lenins writings
among the Russian popuwere treated in a manner akin to holy scripture within too popular and well respected
lace for this to be viable.[559]
while Pipes added that his every
the Soviet Union,
opinion was cited to justify one policy or another and Although many of the Lenin statues across the former
treated as gospel.[546] Stalin codied Leninism through Soviet Union have been removed, some remain standa series of lectures at the Sverdlov University which ing, and a few new ones have been erected.[560] In Russia,
were then published as Questions of Leninism.[547] Stalin the ruling United Russia party has proposed removing the
also had much of the deceased leaders writings col- Lenin statues from Russian cities; the proposal is strongly
lated and stored in a secret archive in the Marx-Engels- opposed by the Communist Party of the Russian FedLenin Institute.[548] Material, such as Lenins collection eration.[561] During the Euromaidan protests in Ukraine,
of books in Krakow, were also collected from abroad for several were damaged or destroyed.[562] All others have
storage in the Institute, often at great expense.[549] Dur- to be dismantled to comply with decommunization laws;
ing the Soviet era, these writings would be strictly con- because of these laws all topographic entities named after
trolled and very few had access.[550] All of Lenins writ- Lenin were renamed.[563][564]
ings that proved useful to Stalin would be published, although everything else remained hidden,[551] and knowledge of both Lenins non-Russian ancestry and his noble status was suppressed.[542] In particular, his Jewish
ancestry would be suppressed until the 1980s,[552] perhaps out of Soviet anti-semitism or perhaps so as not
to provide fuel for anti-Soviet sentiment among interna- 7.2 In the international communist movement
tional anti-semites.[553] Under Stalins regime, Lenin was
actively portrayed as a close friend of Stalins who had
supported Stalins bid to be the next Soviet leader.[554]
During the Soviet era, ve separate editions of Lenins According to Lenin biographer David Shub, writing in
published works were published in Russian, the rst be- 1966, it was Lenins ideas and example that constitutes
Comginning in 1920 and the last from 1958 to 1965; although the basis of the Communist movement today.
apthe fth edition was described as complete, in reality it
had much omitted for political expediency.

Commemorative one rouble coin minted in 1970, in honor of

Lenins centenary.

After Stalins death, Nikita Khruschev became leader of

the Soviet Union and began a process of De-Stalinization,
citing Lenins writings (including those on Stalin) to
legitimize this process.[556] When Mikhail Gorbachev
took power in the 1980s and introduced the policies of

Following Lenins death, Stalins administration established an ideology known as Marxism-Leninism,[566]

a movement which came to be interpreted dierently by various contending factions in the Communist
movement.[567] After being forced into exile by Stalins
administration, Trotsky argued that Stalinism was a debasement of Leninism which was dominated by bureaucratism and Stalins own personal dictatorship.[568]
Marxism-Leninism would be adapted to many of the
20th centurys most prominent revolutionary movements, forming into variants such as Stalinism, Maoism,
Juche, Ho Chi Minh Thought, and Castroism.[523] Conversely, many later Western communists such as Manuel
Azcrate and Jean Ellenstein who were involved in the
Eurocommunist movement expressed the view that Lenin
and his ideas were irrelevant to their own objectives,
thereby embracing a Marxist but not Marxist-Leninist


See also
Lenin Peace Prize
Lenin Prize
MarxistLeninist atheism
National delimitation in the Soviet Union
Vladimir Lenin bibliography



[1] Lenin. Random House Websters Unabridged Dictionary.

[2] Fischer 1964, pp. 12; Rice 1990, pp. 1213; Service
2000, pp. 2123; White 2001, pp. 1315; Read 2005, p.
[3] Fischer 1964, p. 5; Rice 1990, p. 13; Service 2000, p.
[4] Fischer 1964, pp. 23; Rice 1990, p. 12; Service 2000,
pp. 1619, 23; White 2001, pp. 1518; Read 2005, p. 5;
Lih 2011, p. 20.
[5] Fischer 1964, p. 6; Rice 1990, pp. 1314, 18; Service
2000, pp. 25, 27; White 2001, pp. 1819; Read 2005,
pp. 4, 8; Lih 2011, p. 21.
[6] Fischer 1964, p. 6; Rice 1990, pp. 12, 14; Service 2000,
pp. 13, 25; White 2001, pp. 1920; Read 2005, p. 4; Lih
2011, p. 21, 22.
[7] Fischer 1964, pp. 3, 8; Rice 1990, pp. 1415; Service
2000, p. 29.
[8] Fischer 1964, p. 8; Service 2000, p. 27; White 2001, p.


[15] Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 25; Service 2000, p.

61; White 2001, p. 29; Read 2005, p. 16.
[16] Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 26; Service 2000, pp.
[17] Rice 1990, pp. 2627; Service 2000, pp. 6468, 70;
White 2001, p. 29.
[18] Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 27; Service 2000, pp.
6869; White 2001, p. 29; Read 2005, p. 15; Lih 2011,
p. 32.
[19] Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 28; White 2001, p.
30; Read 2005, p. 12; Lih 2011, pp. 3233.
[20] Fischer 1964, p. 18; Rice 1990, p. 310; Service 2000, p.
[21] Fischer 1964, p. 19; Rice 1990, pp. 3233; Service 2000,
p. 72; White 2001, pp. 3031; Read 2005, p. 18; Lih
2011, p. 33.
[22] Rice 1990, p. 33; Service 2000, pp. 7476; White 2001,
p. 31; Read 2005, p. 17.
[23] Rice 1990, p. 34; Service 2000, p. 78; White 2001, p.
[24] Rice 1990, p. 34; Service 2000, p. 77; Read 2005, p. 18.
[25] Rice 1990, p. 34 3637; Service 2000, pp. 5555, 80,
8889; White 2001, p. 31; Read 2005, pp. 3738; Lih
2011, pp. 3435.
[26] Fischer 1964, pp. 2325; Read 2005, p. 11.
[27] Fischer 1964, p. 26; Service 2000, p. 55; Read 2005, p.
[28] Service 2000, p. 98.
[29] Service 2000, p. 79.
[30] Rice 1990, pp. 3436; Service 2000, pp. 8286; White
2001, p. 31; Read 2005, pp. 18, 19; Lih 2011, p. 40.
[31] Fischer 1964, p. 21; Rice 1990, p. 36; Service 2000, p.
86; White 2001, p. 31; Read 2005, p. 18; Lih 2011, p.
[32] Fischer 1964, p. 21; Rice 1990, pp. 36, 37.

[9] Rice 1990, p. 18; Service 2000, p. 26; White 2001, p.

20; Read 2005, p. 7.
[10] Fischer 1964, p. 7; Rice 1990, p. 16; Service 2000, pp.
[11] Fischer 1964, p. 7; Rice 1990, p. 17; Service 2000, pp.
3646; White 2001, p. 20; Read 2005, p. 9.
[12] Fischer 1964, pp. 6, 9; Rice 1990, p. 19; Service 2000,
pp. 4849; Read 2005, p. 10.
[13] Fischer 1964, p. 9; Service 2000, pp. 5051, 64; Read
2005, p. 16.
[14] Fischer 1964, pp. 1017; Rice 1990, pp. 20, 2224;
Service 2000, pp. 5258; White 2001, pp. 2128; Read
2005, p. 10; Lih 2011, pp. 2325.

[33] Fischer 1964, p. 21; Rice 1990, p. 38; Service 2000, pp.
[34] Pipes 1990, p. 354; Rice 1990, pp. 3839; Service 2000,
pp. 9092; White 2001, p. 33; Lih 2011, pp. 40, 52.
[35] Pipes 1990, p. 354; Rice 1990, pp. 3940; Lih 2005, p.
[36] Rice 1990, p. 40.
[37] Rice 1990, p. 43; Service 2000, p. 96.
[38] Pipes 1990, p. 355; Rice 1990, pp. 4142; Service 2000,
p. 105; Read 2005, pp. 2223.
[39] Fischer 1964, p. 22; Rice 1990, p. 41; Read 2005, pp.



[40] Fischer 1964, p. 27; Rice 1990, pp. 4243; White 2001,
pp. 34, 36; Read 2005, p. 25; Lih 2011, pp. 4546.
[41] Fischer 1964, p. 30; Pipes 1990, p. 354; Rice 1990, pp.
4446; Service 2000, p. 103; White 2001, p. 37; Read
2005, p. 26; Lih 2011, p. 55.
[42] Rice 1990, p. 46; Service 2000, p. 103; White 2001, p.
37; Read 2005, p. 26.


[61] Fischer 1964, p. 39; Pipes 1990, p. 359; Rice 1990, pp.
7375; Service 2000, pp. 137142; White 2001, pp. 56
62; Read 2005, pp. 5254; Rappaport 2010, p. 62; Lih
2011, pp. 69, 7880.
[62] Fischer 1964, p. 37; Rice 1990, p. 70; Service 2000, p.
136; Read 2005, p. 44; Rappaport 2010, pp. 3637.
[63] Fischer 1964, p. 37; Rice 1990, pp. 7879; Service 2000,
pp. 143144.

[43] Fischer 1964, p. 30; Rice 1990, p. 46; Service 2000, p.

103; White 2001, p. 37; Read 2005, p. 26.

[64] Read 2005, p. 60.

[44] Rice 1990, pp. 4748; Read 2005, p. 26.

[65] Fischer 1964, p. 38; Lih 2011, p. 80.

[45] Fischer 1964, p. 31; Pipes 1990, p. 355; Rice 1990, p.

48; White 2001, p. 38; Read 2005, p. 26.
[46] Fischer 1964, p. 31; Rice 1990, pp. 4851; Service 2000,
pp. 107108; Read 2005, p. 31; Lih 2011, p. 61.
[47] Fischer 1964, p. 31; Rice 1990, pp. 4851; Service 2000,
pp. 107108.
[48] Fischer 1964, p. 31; Rice 1990, pp. 5255; Service 2000,
pp. 109110; White 2001, pp. 38, 45, 47; Read 2005, p.
[49] Fischer 1964, pp. 3132; Rice 1990, pp. 53, 5556;
Service 2000, pp. 110113; White 2001, p. 40; Read
2005, pp. 30, 31.
[50] Fischer 1964, p. 33; Pipes 1990, p. 356; Service 2000,
pp. 114, 140; White 2001, p. 40; Read 2005, p. 30; Lih
2011, p. 63.
[51] Fischer 1964, pp. 3334; Rice 1990, pp. 53, 5556;
Service 2000, p. 117; Read 2005, p. 33.
[52] Rice 1990, pp. 6163; Service 2000, p. 124; Rappaport
2010, p. 31.
[53] Rice 1990, pp. 5758; Service 2000, pp. 121124, 137;
White 2001, pp. 4045; Read 2005, pp. 34, 39; Lih 2011,
pp. 6263.
[54] Fischer 1964, pp. 3435; Rice 1990, p. 64; Service 2000,
pp. 124125; White 2001, p. 54; Read 2005, p. 43;
Rappaport 2010, pp. 2728.
[55] Fischer 1964, p. 35; Pipes 1990, p. 357; Rice 1990,
pp. 6665; White 2001, pp. 5556; Read 2005, p. 43;
Rappaport 2010, p. 28.
[56] Fischer 1964, p. 35; Pipes 1990, p. 357; Rice 1990, pp.
6469; Service 2000, pp. 130135; Rappaport 2010, pp.

[66] Fischer 1964, pp. 3839; Rice 1990, pp. 7576; Service
2000, p. 147.
[67] Fischer 1964, pp. 40, 5051; Rice 1990, p. 76; Service
2000, pp. 148150; Read 2005, p. 48.
[68] Rice 1990, pp. 7778; Service 2000, p. 150.
[69] Pipes 1990, p. 360; Rice 1990, pp. 7980; Service 2000,
pp. 151152; White 2001, p. 62; Read 2005, p. 60; Lih
2011, p. 81.
[70] Rice 1990, pp. 8182; Service 2000, pp. 154155; White
2001, p. 63; Read 2005, pp. 6061.
[71] Fischer 1964, p. 39; Rice 1990, p. 82; Service 2000, pp.
155156; Read 2005, p. 61; White 2001, p. 64.
[72] Rice 1990, p. 83.
[73] Rice 1990, pp. 8384; Service 2000, p. 157; White 2001,
p. 65.
[74] Service 2000, pp. 158159.
[75] Service 2000, pp. 163164.
[76] Rice 1990, p. 85; Service 2000, p. 163.
[77] Fischer 1964, p. 41; Rice 1990, p. 85; Service 2000, p.
165; White 2001, p. 70; Read 2005, p. 64.
[78] Fischer 1964, p. 44; Rice 1990, pp. 8688; Service 2000,
p. 167; Read 2005, p. 75; Lih 2011, p. 87.
[79] Fischer 1964, pp. 4445; Pipes 1990, pp. 362363; Rice
1990, pp. 8889.
[80] Service 2000, pp. 170171.
[81] Pipes 1990, pp. 363364; Rice 1990, pp. 8990; Service
2000, pp. 168170; Read 2005, p. 78.
[82] Fischer 1964, p. 60; Pipes 1990, p. 367; Rice 1990, pp.
9091; Service 2000, p. 179; Read 2005, p. 79.

[57] Rice 1990, pp. 6970; Read 2005, p. 51; Rappaport

2010, pp. 4142, 5355.

[83] Rice 1990, pp. 8889.

[58] Rice 1990, pp. 6970.

[84] Fischer 1964, p. 51; Rice 1990, p. 94; Service 2000, pp.
175176; Read 2005, p. 81; Read 2005, pp. 77, 81.

[59] Fischer 1964, pp. 45; Service 2000, p. 137; Read 2005,
p. 44; Rappaport 2010, p. 66.

[85] Rice 1990, pp. 9495; White 2001, pp. 7374; Read
2005, pp. 8182.

[60] Rappaport 2010, p. 66; Lih 2011, pp. 89.

[86] Rice 1990, pp. 9697; Service 2000, pp. 176178.


[87] Rice 1990, p. 95; Service 2000, pp. 178179.


[111] Fischer 1964, pp. 7374; Rice 1990, pp. 122123;

Service 2000, pp. 217218; Read 2005, p. 105.

[88] Fischer 1964, p. 53; Pipes 1990, p. 364; Rice 1990, pp.
99100; Service 2000, pp. 179180; White 2001, p. 76. [112] Fischer 1964, p. 85.

[89] Rice 1990, p. 103; Service 2000, pp. 180181; White [113] Solzhenitsyn 1976, p. 12; Rice 1990, p. 127; Service
2001, p. 77.
2000, pp. 222223.
[90] Rice 1990, pp. 103105; Service 2000, pp. 181182; [114] Fischer 1964, p. 94; Solzhenitsyn 1976, pp. 1315; Pipes
White 2001, pp. 7879.
1990, pp. 377378; Rice 1990, pp. 127128; Service
2000, pp. 223225; White 2001, p. 104; Read 2005, p.
[91] Rice 1990, pp. 105106; Service 2000, pp. 184186.
[92] Service 2000, pp. 186187.

[115] Fischer 1964, p. 94; Pipes 1990, p. 378; Rice 1990, p.

128; Service 2000, p. 225; White 2001, p. 104; Read
[93] Fischer 1964, pp. 6768; Rice 1990, p. 111; Service
2005, p. 127.
2000, pp. 188189.
[94] Service 2000, p. 189.
[95] Fischer 1964, p. 71; Pipes 1990, pp. 369370; Rice
1990, p. 108.

[116] Fischer 1964, p. 107; Service 2000, p. 236.

[117] Fischer 1964, p. 85; Pipes 1990, pp. 378379; Rice
1990, p. 127; Service 2000, p. 225; White 2001, pp.

[96] Fischer 1964, p. 64; Rice 1990, p. 109; Service 2000, pp.
[118] Fischer 1964, p. 94; Rice 1990, pp. 130131; Pipes
189190; Read 2005, pp. 8990.
1990, pp. 382383; Service 2000, p. 245; White 2001,
pp. 113114, 122113; Read 2005, pp. 132134.
[97] Fischer 1964, pp. 6364; Rice 1990, p. 110; Service
2000, pp. 190191; White 2001, pp. 83, 84.
[119] Fischer 1964, p. 85; Rice 1990, p. 129; Service 2000, pp.
227228; Read 2005, p. 111.
[98] Rice 1990, pp. 110111; Service 2000, pp. 191192;
Read 2005, p. 91.
[120] Pipes 1990, p. 380; Service 2000, pp. 230231; Read
2005, p. 130.
[99] Fischer 1964, pp. 6467; Rice 1990, p. 110; Service
2000, pp. 192193; White 2001, pp. 84, 8788; Read
[121] Rice 1990, p. 135; Service 2000, p. 235.
2005, p. 90.
[100] Fischer 1964, p. 69; Rice 1990, p. 111; Service 2000, p.

[122] Fischer 1964, pp. 95100, 107; Rice 1990, pp. 132134;
Service 2000, pp. 245246; White 2001, pp. 118121;
Read 2005, pp. 116126.

[101] Fischer 1964, pp. 8182; Pipes 1990, pp. 372375; Rice
[123] Service 2000, pp. 241242.
1990, pp. 120121; Service 2000, pp. 206; White 2001,
p. 102; Read 2005, pp. 9697.
[124] Service 2000, p. 243.
[102] Fischer 1964, p. 70; Rice 1990, pp. 114116.

[125] Service 2000, pp. 238239.

[103] Fischer 1964, pp. 6869; Rice 1990, p. 112; Service [126] Rice 1990, pp. 136138; Service 2000, p. 253.
2000, pp. 195196.
[127] Service 2000, pp. 254255.
[104] Fischer 1964, pp. 7580; Rice 1990, p. 112; Pipes 1990,
p. 384; Service 2000, pp. 197199; Read 2005, p. 103. [128] Fischer 1964, pp. 109110; Rice 1990, p. 139; Pipes
1990, pp. 386, 389391; Service 2000, pp. 255256;
[105] Rice 1990, p. 115; Service 2000, p. 196; White 2001,
White 2001, pp. 127128.
pp. 9394.
[129] Fischer 1964, p. 110113; Rice 1990, pp. 140144;
[106] Fischer 1964, pp. 7172; Rice 1990, pp. 116117;
Pipes 1990, pp. 391392; Service 2000, pp. 257260.
Service 2000, pp. 204206; White 2001, pp. 9697;
Read 2005, p. 95.
[130] Fischer 1964, pp. 113, 124; Rice 1990, p. 144; Pipes
1990, p. 392; Service 2000, p. 261; White 2001, pp.
[107] Fischer 1964, p. 72; Rice 1990, pp. 118119; Service
2000, pp. 209211; White 2001, p. 100; Read 2005, p.
[131] Pipes 1990, pp. 393394; Service 2000, p. 266; White
2001, pp. 132135; Read 2005, p. 143, 146147.
[108] Fischer 1964, pp. 9394; Pipes 1990, p. 376; Rice 1990,
p. 121; Service 2000, pp. 214215; White 2001, pp. 98 [132] Service 2000, pp. 266268, 279; White 2001, pp. 134
136; Read 2005, pp. 147, 148.
[109] Rice 1990, p. 122; White 2001, p. 100.

[133] Service 2000, pp. 267, 271272; Read 2005, pp. 152,

[110] Service 2000, p. 216; White 2001, p. 103; Read 2005, p.

[134] Service 2000, p. 282; Read 2005, p. 157.




[135] Service 2000, p. 276; White 2001, p. 140; Read 2005, p. [160]
[136] Pipes 1990, p. 421; Rice 1990, p. 147; Service 2000, p.
283; White 2001, p. 140; Read 2005, p. 157.

Shub 1966, p. 314; Service 2000, p. 317.

Shub 1966, p. 315; Pipes 1990, pp. 540541; Rice 1990,
p. 164; Volkogonov 1994, p. 173; Service 2000, p. 331;
Read 2005, p. 192.

[137] Pipes 1990, pp. 422425; Rice 1990, pp. 147148; [162] Volkogonov 1994, p. 176; Service 2000, pp. 331332;
Service 2000, pp. 283284; Read 2005, pp. 15861;
White 2001, p. 156; Read 2005, p. 192.
White 2001, pp. 140141; Read 2005, pp. 157159.
[163] Rice 1990, p. 164.
[138] Pipes 1990, pp. 431434; Rice 1990, p. 148; Service
2000, pp. 284285; White 2001, p. 141; Read 2005, p. [164] Pipes 1990, pp. 546547.
[165] Pipes 1990, pp. 552553; Rice 1990, p. 165; Volkogonov
[139] Fischer 1964, p. 125; Rice 1990, pp. 148149; Service
1994, pp. 176177; Service 2000, pp. 332, 336337;
2000, p. 285.
Read 2005, p. 192.
[140] Pipes 1990, p. 436, 467; Service 2000, p. 287; White [166]
2001, p. 141; Read 2005, p. 165.
[141] Pipes 1990, pp. 468469; Rice 1990, p. 149; Service
2000, p. 289; White 2001, pp. 142143; Read 2005, pp.
[142] Service 2000, p. 288.
[143] Pipes 1990, p. 468; Rice 1990, p. 150; Service 2000, pp.
289292; Read 2005, p. 165.
[144] Pipes 1990, pp. 439465; Rice 1990, pp. 150151;
Service 2000, p. 299; White 2001, pp. 143144; Read
2005, p. 173.

Fischer 1964, p. 219.

Fischer 1964, pp. 219, 256, 379; Shub 1966, p. 374;
Service 2000, p. 355; White 2001, p. 159; Read 2005, p.
Fischer 1964, p. 158; Shub 1966, pp. 301302; Pipes
1990, pp. 508, 519; Service 2000, pp. 318319; Read
2005, pp. 189190.

[169] Pipes 1990, pp. 533534, 537; Volkogonov 1994, p. 171;

Service 2000, pp. 322323; White 2001, p. 159; Read
2005, p. 191.
[170] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 374375; Service 2000, p. 377.

[145] Pipes 1990, p. 465.

[171] Service 2000, p. 388; Lee 2003, p. 98.

[146] Pipes 1990, pp. 465467; White 2001, p. 144; Lee 2003,
[172] Sandle 1999, p. 74.
p. 17; Read 2005, p. 174.
[147] Pipes 1990, p. 471; Rice 1990, pp. 151152; Read 2005, [173] Fischer 1964, p. 432.
p. 180.
[174] Lee 2003, pp. 9899.
[148] Pipes 1990, pp. 473, 482; Rice 1990, p. 152; Service
[175] Lee 2003, p. 99.
2000, pp. 302303; Read 2005, p. 179.
[149] Pipes 1990, pp. 482484; Rice 1990, pp. 153154; [176] Service 2000, p. 388.
Service 2000, pp. 303304; White 2001, pp. 146147.
[177] Service 2000, pp. 325326; Read 2005, p. 212.
[150] Pipes 1990, pp. 471472; Service 2000, p. 304; White
[178] Service 2000, p. 333; Read 2005, p. 211.
2001, p. 147.
[151] Service 2000, pp. 306307.
[152] Pipes 1990, p. 466; Rice 1990, p. 155.

[179] Shub 1966, p. 361; Pipes 1990, p. 548; Volkogonov

1994, p. 229; Service 2000, pp. 335336; Read 2005,
p. 198.

[153] Pipes 1990, pp. 485486, 491; Rice 1990, pp. 157, 159; [180] Fischer 1964, p. 156; Shub 1966, p. 350; Pipes 1990,
Service 2000, p. 308.
p. 594; Volkogonov 1994, p. 185; Service 2000, p. 344;
Read 2005, p. 212.
[154] Pipes 1990, pp. 492493, 496; Service 2000, p. 311;
Read 2005, p. 182.
[181] Fischer 1964, pp. 320321; Shub 1966, p. 377; Pipes
[155] Pipes 1990, p. 491; Service 2000, p. 309.

1990, pp. 94595; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 187188;

Service 2000, pp. 346347; Read 2005, p. 212.

[156] Pipes 1990, p. 499; Service 2000, pp. 314315.

[182] Service 2000, p. 345.

[157] Pipes 1990, pp. 496497; Rice 1990, pp. 159161;
[183] Fischer 1964, p. 466; Service 2000, p. 348.
Service 2000, pp. 314315; Read 2005, p. 183.
[158] Pipes 1990, p. 504; Service 2000, p. 315.
[159] Service 2000, p. 316.

[184] Fischer 1964, p. 280; Shub 1966, pp. 361362; Pipes

1990, pp. 806807; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 219221;
Service 2000, pp. 367368; White 2001, p. 155.



[185] Fischer 1964, pp. 282283; Shub 1966, pp. 362363; [215] Fischer 1964, p. 264.
Pipes 1990, pp. 807, 809; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 222
[216] Pipes 1990, pp. 681, 692693; Sandle 1999, pp. 9697.
228; White 2001, p. 155.
[186] Volkogonov 1994, p. 222.

[217] Pipes 1990, pp. 692693; Sandle 1999, p. 97.

[187] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 231.

[218] Fischer 1964, p. 236; Service 2000, pp. 351352.

[188] Service 2000, p. 369.

[219] Fischer 1964, pp. 259, 444445.

[189] Rice 1990, p. 161.

[220] Sandle 1999, p. 120.

[190] Fischer 1964, pp. 252253; Pipes 1990, p. 499; [221] Service 2000, pp. 354355.
Volkogonov 1994, p. 341; Service 2000, pp. 316317;
[222] Fischer 1964, pp. 307308; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 178
White 2001, p. 149; Read 2005, pp. 194195.
179; White 2001, p. 156; Read 2005, pp. 252253.
[191] Shub 1966, p. 310; Pipes 1990, pp. 521522; Service
2000, p. 317318; White 2001, p. 153a; Read 2005, pp. [223] Shub 1966, pp. 329330; Service 2000, p. 385; White
2001, p. 156; Read 2005, pp. 253254.
[192] Fischer 1964, p. 249; Pipes 1990, p. 514; Service 2000, [224] Shub 1966, p. 383.
p. 321.
[225] Fischer 1964, pp. 193194.
[193] Fischer 1964, p. 249; Pipes 1990, p. 514; Read 2005, p.
[226] Shub 1966, p. 331; Pipes 1990, p. 567.
[194] White 2001, pp. 159160.
[195] Fischer 1964, p. 249.

[227] Fischer 1964, p. 151; Pipes 1990, p. 567; Service 2000,

p. 338.

[196] Sandle 1999, p. 84; Read 2005, p. 211.

[228] Fischer 1964, pp. 190191; Shub 1966, p. 337; Pipes

1990, p. 567; Rice 1990, p. 166.

[197] Pipes 1990, p. 797.

[229] Fischer 1964, pp. 151152; Pipes 1990, pp. 571572.

[198] Pipes 1990, pp. 796797; Read 2005, p. 242.

[230] Fischer 1964, p. 154; Pipes 1990, p. 572; Rice 1990, p.


[199] Pipes 1990, pp. 798799.

[200] Hazard 1965, p. 270; Pipes 1990, pp. 796797.

[231] Fischer 1964, p. 161; Shub 1966, p. 331; Pipes 1990, p.


[201] Volkogonov 1994, p. 170.

[232] Fischer 1964, pp. 162163; Pipes 1990, p. 576.

[202] Service 2000, p. 321.

[233] Fischer 1964, pp. 171172, 200202; Pipes 1990, p.


[203] Fischer 1964, pp. 260261.

[204] Sandle 1999, p. 174.
[205] Fischer 1964, pp. 554555; Sandle 1999, p. 83.
[206] Sandle 1999, pp. 122123.

[234] Rice 1990, p. 166; Service 2000, p. 338.

[235] Service 2000, p. 338.
[236] Fischer 1964, p. 195; Shub 1966, pp. 334, 337; Service
2000, pp. 338339, 340; Read 2005, p. 199.

[207] Fischer 1964, p. 552; Sandle 1999, p. 126; Read 2005,

[237] Fischer 1964, pp. 206, 209; Shub 1966, p. 337; Pipes
pp. 238239.
1990, pp. 586587; Service 2000, pp. 340341.
[208] Volkogonov 1994, p. 373.
[238] Pipes 1990, p. 587; Rice 1990, pp. 166167; Service
2000, p. 341; Read 2005, p. 199.
[209] Pipes 1990, p. 709; Service 2000, p. 321.
[210] Volkogonov 1994, p. 171.

[239] Shub 1966, p. 338; Pipes 1990, pp. 592593; Service

2000, p. 341.

[211] Pipes 1990, pp. 682, 683; Service 2000, p. 321; White
[240] Fischer 1964, pp. 211212; Shub 1966, p. 339; Pipes
2001, p. 153.
1990, p. 595; Rice 1990, p. 167; Service 2000, p. 342;
[212] Pipes 1990, p. 689; Sandle 1999, p. 64; Service 2000, p.
White 2001, pp. 158159.
321; Read 2005, p. 231.
[241] Pipes 1990, p. 595; Service 2000, p. 342.
[213] Fischer 1964, pp. 437438; Pipes 1990, p. 709; Sandle
[242] Fischer 1964, pp. 213214; Pipes 1990, pp. 596597.
1999, pp. 64, 68.
[214] Fischer 1964, pp. 263264; Pipes 1990, p. 672.

[243] Service 2000, p. 344.




[244] Fischer 1964, pp. 313314; Shub 1966, pp. 387388; [272] Volkogonov 1994, p. 202.
Pipes 1990, pp. 667668; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 193
[273] Pipes 1990, p. 825.
194; Service 2000, p. 384.
[245] Fischer 1964, pp. 303304; Pipes 1990, p.
Volkogonov 1994, p. 194; Service 2000, p. 384.

668; [274] Pipes 1990, pp. 828829.

[246] Volkogonov 1994, p. 182.

[275] Pipes 1990, pp. 829830, 832.

[276] Pipes 1990, pp. 832, 834.

[247] Fischer 1964, p. 236; Pipes 1990, pp. 558, 723; Rice [277]
1990, p. 170; Volkogonov 1994, p. 190.
[248] Fischer 1964, pp. 236237; Shub 1966, p. 353; Pipes
1990, p. 560, 722, 732736; Rice 1990, p. 170; [279]
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 181, 342343; Service 2000, pp.
349, 358359; White 2001, p. 164; Read 2005, p. 218. [280]

Pipes 1990, p. 835; Volkogonov 1994, p. 235.

Pipes 1990, p. 836.
Pipes 1990, pp. 832833.
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 358360.

[249] Fischer 1964, p. 254; Pipes 1990, p. 728, 734736; [281] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 376377; Read 2005, p. 239.
Volkogonov 1994, p. 197.
[282] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 376377.
[250] Fischer 1964, pp. 277278; Pipes 1990, p. 737; Service [283]
2000, p. 365; White 2001, pp. 155156.
[251] Fischer 1964, p. 450; Pipes 1990, p. 726.
[252] Pipes 1990, pp. 700702; Lee 2003, p. 100.
[253] Fischer 1964, p. 195; Pipes 1990, p. 794; Volkogonov
1994, p. 181; Read 2005, p. 249.

Volkogonov 1994, p. 381.

Service 2000, p. 357.
Service 2000, pp. 391392.
Lee 2003, pp. 84, 88.
Read 2005, p. 205.

[288] Shub 1966, p. 355; Rice 1990, pp. 173, 175; Volkogonov
1994, p. 198; Service 2000, pp. 357, 382; Read 2005, p.
[255] Service 2000, p. 385; White 2001, p. 164; Read 2005, p.
[289] Fischer 1964, pp. 334, 343, 357; Service 2000, pp. 382,
[256] Shub 1966, p. 344; Pipes 1990, pp. 79079a;
392; Read 2005, pp. 205206.
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 181, 196; Read 2005, pp. 247
[290] Read 2005, p. 206.
[254] Fischer 1964, p. 237.

[257] Shub 1966, p. 312.

[258] Fischer 1964, pp. 435436.
[259] Fischer 1964, p. 435.

[291] Fischer 1964, pp. 288189; Pipes 1990, pp. 624630;

Service 2000, p. 360; White 2001, pp. 161162; Read
2005, p. 205.
[292] Pipes 1990, p. 651; Volkogonov 1994, p. 200; White
2001, p. 162; Lee 2003, p. 81.

[260] Shub 1966, pp. 345347; Pipes 1990, p. 800;

Volkogonov 1994, p. 233; Service 2000, pp. 321322; [293] Fischer 1964, p. 251; White 2001, p. 163; Read 2005, p.
White 2001, p. 153; Read 2005, pp. 186, 208209.
[261] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 233234; Sandle 1999, p. 112.

[294] Pipes 1990, p. 610; Volkogonov 1994, p. 198.

[262] Shub 1966, p. 366; Sandle 1999, p. 112.

[295] Pipes 1990, p. 612; Volkogonov 1994, p. 198.

[296] Fischer 1964, p. 337; Pipes 1990, p. 609, 612, 629;

Volkogonov 1994, p. 198; Service 2000, p. 383; Read
Shub 1966, p. 366; Sandle 1999, p. 113; Read 2005, p.
2005, p. 217.
[297] Fischer 1964, p. 248.
Pipes 1990, p. 801.
[298] Fischer 1964, p. 262.
Pipes 1990, pp. 819820.
[299] Pipes 1990, p. 792; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 202203;
Shub 1966, p. 364.
Read 2005, p. 250.

[263] Pipes 1990, p. 821.


[268] Pipes 1990, p. 837.

[300] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 203204.

[269] Pipes 1990, p. 834.

[301] Volkogonov 1994, p. 204.

[270] Volkogonov 1994, p. 202; Read 2005, p. 247.

[302] Fischer 1964, pp. 262263.

[271] Pipes 1990, p. 796.

[303] Fischer 1964, p. 291; Shub 1966, p. 354.


[304] Fischer 1964, p. 331.

[333] Service 2000, p. 409.

[305] Fischer 1964, p. 333.

[334] Service 2000, pp. 409410.


[306] Shub 1966, pp. 357358; Pipes 1990, pp. 781782; [335] Service 2000, p. 410.
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 206207; Service 2000, pp. 364
[336] Fischer 1964, pp. 415420; White 2001, pp. 161, 180
[307] Pipes 1990, pp. 763, 770771; Volkogonov 1994, p. 211.
[337] Shub 1966, p. 397.
[308] Volkogonov 1994, p. 208.
[338] Fischer 1964, p. 341; Shub 1966, p. 396; Rice 1990, p.
[309] Pipes 1990, p. 635.
[310] Fischer 1964, p. 244; Shub 1966, p. 355; Pipes 1990, [339] Service 2000, pp. 413414.
p. 636640; Service 2000, pp. 360361; White 2001, p.
[340] Fischer 1964, pp. 437438; Shub 1966, p. 406; Rice
159; Read 2005, p. 199.
1990, p. 183; Service 2000, p. 419; White 2001, pp.
[311] Fischer 1964, p. 242; Pipes 1990, pp. 642644; Read
2005, p. 250.
[341] Shub 1966, p. 406; Service 2000, p. 419; White 2001, p.
[312] Fischer 1964, p. 244; Pipes 1990, p. 644; Volkogonov
1994, p. 172.
[342] Fischer 1964, pp. 436, 442; Rice 1990, pp. 183184;
[313] Fischer 1964, p. 389; Rice 1990, p. 182; Volkogonov
Sandle 1999, pp. 104105; Service 2000, pp. 422423;
1994, p. 281; Service 2000, p. 407; White 2001, p. 161.
White 2001, p. 168; Read 2005, p. 269.
[314] Fischer 1964, pp. 391395; Shub 1966, p. 396; Rice [343] White 2001, p. 170.
1990, pp. 182183; Service 2000, pp. 408409, 412;
[344] Fischer 1964, pp. 507508; Rice 1990, pp. 185186.
White 2001, p. 161.
[315] Rice 1990, p. 183; Volkogonov 1994, p. 388; Service [345]
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[316] Shub 1966, p. 387.
[317] Shub 1966, p. 387; Rice 1990, p. 173.
[318] Fischer 1964, p. 333; Shub 1966, p. 388; Rice 1990, p.
173; Volkogonov 1994, p. 395.
[319] Service 2000, pp. 385386.
[320] Fischer 1964, p. 531.
[321] Fischer 1964, p. 536.
[322] Service 2000, p. 386.
[323] Shub 1966, pp. 389390.
[324] Shub 1966, p. 390.

Rice 1990, pp. 185186.

Volkogonov 1994, p. 343.
Volkogonov 1994, p. 347.
Fischer 1964, p. 508; Shub 1966, p. 414; Volkogonov
1994, p. 345; White 2001, p. 172.
Volkogonov 1994, p. 346.
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 374375.
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 375376; Read 2005, p. 251.
Volkogonov 1994, p. 376.
Fischer 1964, p. 467; Shub 1966, p. 406; Volkogonov
1994, p. 343; Service 2000, p. 425; White 2001, p. 168;
Read 2005, p. 220.

[354] Fischer 1964, p. 459; Service 2000, pp. 423424; White

[325] Fischer 1964, p. 525; Shub 1966, p. 390; Rice 1990, p.
2001, p. 168.
174; Volkogonov 1994, p. 390; Service 2000, p. 386;
White 2001, p. 160; Read 2005, p. 225.
[355] Shub 1966, pp. 406407; Rice 1990, p. 184; Read 2005,
p. 220.
[326] Fischer 1964, p. 525; Shub 1966, pp. 390391; Rice
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[327] Service 2000, p. 387; White 2001, p. 160.

1990, p. 184; Service 2000, p. 427; White 2001, p. 169.

[328] Fischer 1964, p. 525; Shub 1966, p. 398; Read 2005, pp. [357] Fischer 1964, pp. 470471; Shub 1966, pp. 408409;
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[329] Volkogonov 1994, p. 392.

[358] Shub 1966, pp. 412413.

[330] Service 2000, p. 387.

[359] Shub 1966, p. 411; Rice 1990, p. 185; Service 2000, pp.
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[331] Shub 1966, p. 395; Volkogonov 1994, p. 391.

[332] Shub 1966, p. 397; Service 2000, p. 409.

[360] Fischer 1964, pp. 479480; Sandle 1999, p. 155; Service

2000, p. 430; White 2001, pp. 170, 171.




[361] Shub 1966, p. 411; Sandle 2001, pp. 153, 158; Service [390] Fischer 1964, pp. 598599; Shub 1966, p. 426; Service
2000, p. 430; White 2001, p. 169; Read 2005, pp. 264
2000, p. 443; White 2001, p. 172; Read 2005, p. 258.
[391] Service 2000, pp. 444445.
[362] Shub 1966, p. 412; Service 2000, p. 430; Read 2005, p.
[392] Lerner, Finkelstein & Witztum 2004, p. 372.
[363] Fischer 1964, pp. 479; Shub 1966, p. 412; Sandle 1999, [393] Fischer 1964, p. 600; Shub 1966, pp. 426427; Service
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p. 155.
[364] Sandle 1999, p. 151; Service 2000, p. 422; White 2001, [394]
p. 171.
[365] Service 2000, p. 421.
[366] Service 2000, p. 434.

Shub 1966, pp. 427428; Service 2000, p. 446.

Shub 1966, p. 431.
Fischer 1964, p. 634; Shub 1966, p. 432; White 2001, p.

[367] Pipes 1999, pp. 703707; Sandle 1999, p. 103.

[397] Fischer 1964, pp. 60602; Shub 1966, pp. 4288430;

Sandle 1999, p. 164; Service 2000, pp. 442443; Read
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2001, p. 165; Read 2005, p. 230.
[369] Fischer 1964, pp. 567569.
[370] Fischer 1964, pp. 574, 576577; Service 2000, p. 441.
[371] Service 2000, p. 432.
[372] Fischer 1964, pp. 424427.
[373] Fischer 1964, p. 414; Rice 1990, pp. 177178; Service
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[374] Volkogonov 1994, p. 283.

[398] Volkogonov 1994, p. 310; Sandle 1999, p. 164; Lee

2003, pp. 103104.
[399] Fischer 1964, pp. 638639; Shub 1966, p. 433;
Volkogonov 1994, p. 417; Service 2000, p. 464; White
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[400] Fischer 1964, p. 647; Shub 1966, pp. 434435; Rice
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[375] Fischer 1964, pp. 404409; Rice 1990, pp. 178179; [401] Fischer 1964, p. 640; Shub 1966, pp. 434435;
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 249, 418; Service 2000, p. 465;
Service 2000, p. 440.
White 2001, p. 174.
[376] Fischer 1964, pp. 409411.
[402] White 2001, p. 176; Read 2005, pp. 270272.
[377] Fischer 1964, pp. 433434; Shub 1966, pp. 380381;
Rice 1990, p. 181; Service 2000, pp. 414415; Read [403] Fischer 1964, pp. 666667, 669; Service 2000, p. 468;
Read 2005, p. 273.
2005, p. 258.
[378] Fischer 1964, p. 434; Shub 1966, pp. 381382; Rice [404] Fischer 1964, pp. 650654; Service 2000, p. 470.
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[405] Shub 1966, pp. 426, 434.
[379] Rice 1990, pp. 181182; Service 2000, p. 416417;
[406] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 263264.
Read 2005, p. 258.
[380] Volkogonov 1994, p. 311.

[407] Rice 1990, p. 191; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 273, 416.

[381] Fischer 1964, p. 578; Rice 1990, p. 189.

[408] Fischer 1964, p. 635; Service 2000, pp. 451452; White

2001, p. 173.

[382] Rice 1990, pp. 192193.

[409] Fischer 1964, pp. 637638, 669; Shub 1966, pp. 435
436; Volkogonov 1994, pp. 273274, 422423; Service
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[410] Fischer 1964, pp. 607608; Rice 1990, pp. 190191;
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Rice 1990, p. 187; Service 2000, p. 436.
[411] Fischer 1964, p. 608; Volkogonov 1994, p. 421; Service
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Service 2000, p. 436; Read 2005, p. 281.

[383] Fischer 1964, p. 578.


[388] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 420, 425426; Service 2000, p. [412] Service 2000, pp. 455, 456.
439; Read 2005, pp. 280, 282.
[413] Volkogonov 1994, p. 421; Service 2000, pp. 460461,
[389] Volkogonov 1994, p. 443; Service 2000, p. 437.


[414] Fischer 1964, p. 671; Shub 1966, p. 436; Rice 1990, p. [444]
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[415] Fischer 1964, p. 671; Shub 1966, p. 436; Volkogonov
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[416] Fischer 1964, p. 672; Rice 1990, pp.
Volkogonov 1994, pp. 429430.


Sandle 1999, p. 36.

Ryan 2012, p. 19.
Ryan 2012, p. 3.
Ryan 2012, p. 13.

193194; [448] Sandle 1999, p. 57; White 2001, p. 151.

[449] Sandle 1999, p. 29; 2930; White 2001, p. 1.

[417] Fischer 1964, p. 672; Shub 1966, p. 437; Volkogonov
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[418] Rice 1990, p. 194; Volkogonov 1994, p. 299; Service [451]
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[419] Fischer 1964, pp. 673674; Shub 1966, p. 438; Rice
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Service 2000, p. 203.

Sandle 1999, p. 34.
White 2001, pp. 150151.
Fischer 1964, p. 54; Shub 1966, p. 423; Pipes 1990, p.

[420] Volkogonov 1994, p. 435; Lerner, Finkelstein & Witztum

2004, p. 372.
[455] Fischer 1964, pp. 8889.
[421] Rice 1990, p. 7.

[456] Fischer 1990, p. 87.

[422] Rice 1990, pp. 78.

[457] Fischer 1990, pp. 91, 93.

[423] Fischer 1964, p. 674; Shub 1966, p. 439; Rice 1990, pp. [458]
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[424] Rice 1990, p. 9.
[425] Shub 1966, p. 439; Rice 1990, p. 9; Service 2000, pp.
[426] Volkogonov 1994, p. 440.

Fischer 1964, p. 213.

Fischer 1964, p. 310; Shub 1966, p. 442.
Sandle 1999, pp. 3637.
Rice 1990, p. 121.

[462] Volkogonov 1994, p. 471.

[427] Fischer 1964, p. 674; Shub 1966, p. 438; Volkogonov [463] Shub 1966, p. 443.
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[464] Service 2000, p. 159.
[428] Fischer 1964, pp. 625626; Volkogonov 1994, p. 446.
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[429] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 444, 445.
[430] Volkogonov 1994, p. 445.
[431] Volkogonov 1994, p. 444.

[466] Fischer 1964, p. 47.

[467] Fischer 1964, p. 148.
[468] Pipes 1990, p. 351.

[432] Fischer 1964, p. 150.

[469] Pipes 1990, p. 348.

[433] Ryan 2012, p. 18.

[470] Volkogonov 1994, p. 246.

[434] Volkogonov 1994, p. 409.

[471] Fischer 1964, p. 57.

[435] Sandle 1999, p. 35; Service 2000, p. 237.

[472] Fischer 1964, pp. 2122.

[436] Sandle 1999, p. 41.

[473] Service 2000, p. 73.

[437] Volkogonov 1994, p. 206.

[474] Fischer 1964, p. 44; Service 2000, p. 81.

[438] Sandle 1999, p. 35.

[475] Service 2000, p. 118.

[439] Shub 1966, p. 432.

[476] Service 2000, p. 232; Lih 2011, p. 13.

[440] Sandle 1999, p. 43.

[477] White 2001, p. 88.

[441] Sandle 1999, p. 42.

[478] Volkogonov 1994, p. 362.

[442] Sandle 1999, p. 38.

[479] Fischer 1964, p. 409.

[443] Sandle 1999, pp. 4344, 63.

[480] Read 2005, p. 262.




[481] Fischer 1964, pp. 4041; Volkogonov 1994, p. 373; [514]

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[483] Pipes 1996, p. 11; Read 2005, p. 287.
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[485] Fischer 1964, p. 67; Pipes 1990, p. 353; Read 2005, pp.
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Pipes 1996, p. 11; Service 2000, p. 400.

Volkogonov 1994, p. 326.
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Volkogonov 1994, p. 259.
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[489] Fischer 1964, p. 59.

[522] Service 2000, p. 488.

[486] Pipes 1990, p. 353.

[490] Fischer 1964, p. 45; Pipes 1990, p. 350; Volkogonov

[523] Read 2005, p. 283.
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[493] Service 2000, p. 242.

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[494] Fischer 1964, p. 56; Rice 1990, p. 106; Service 2000, p.

[527] Lee 2003, p. 14; Ryan 2012, p. 3.
[495] Fischer 1964, p. 56; Service 2000, p. 188.

[528] Lee 2003, p. 14.

[496] Read 2005, pp. 20, 64, 13237.

[529] Lee 2003, p. 123.

[497] Shub 1966, p. 423.

[530] Lee 2003, p. 124.

[498] Fischer 1964, p. 367.

[531] Fischer 1964, p. 516; Shub 1966, p. 415; Volkogonov

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[499] Fischer 1964, p. 368.

[500] Pipes 1990, p. 812.
[501] Service 2000, pp. 99100, 160.
[502] Service 2000, p. 160.
[503] Fischer 1964, p. 245.
[504] Pipes 1990, pp. 349350; Read 2005, pp. 284, 259260.
[505] Volkogonov 1994, p. 200.

[532] Sandle 1999, p. 164; Service 2000, p. 506; Lee 2003, p.

97; Read 2005, p. 190; Ryan 2012, p. 9.
[533] Fischer 1964, p. 417; Shub 1966, p. 416; Pipes 1990, p.
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[534] Ryan 2012, p. 1.
[535] Fischer 1964, p. 524.
[536] Volkogonov 1994, p. 313.

[506] Fischer 1964, pp. 489, 491; Shub 1966, pp. 420421; [537] Lee 2003, p. 120.
Sandle 1999, p. 125; Read 2005, p. 237.
[538] Volkogonov 1994, p. 327; Tumarkin 1997, p. 2; White
2001, p. 185; Read 2005, p. 260.
[507] Fischer 1964, p. 79; Read 2005, p. 237.
[508] Service 2000, p. 199.

[539] Tumarkin 1997, p. 2.

[509] Shub 1966, p. 424; Service 2000, p. 213; Rappaport [540] Pipes 1990, p. 814; Service 2000, p. 485; White 2001,
p. 185; Read 2011, p. 284.
2010, p. 38.
[510] Read 2005, p. 19.

[541] Volkogonov 1994, p. 328.

[511] Fischer 1964, p. 515; Volkogonov 1994, p. 246.

[542] Service 2000, p. 486.

[512] Service 2000, p. 453.

[543] Volkogonov 1994, p. 437; Service 2000, p. 482.

[513] Service 2000, p. 389.

[544] Lih 2011, p. 22.


[545] Shub 1966, p. 439; Pipes 1996, p. 1; Service 2001, p.

[546] Pipes 1996, p. 1.
[547] Service 2000, p. 484; White 2001, p. 185; Read 2005, p.
284; Read 2005, p. 260.
[548] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 274275.
[549] Volkogonov 1994, p. 262.
[550] Volkogonov 1994, p. 261.
[551] Volkogonov 1994, p. 263.
[552] Lih 2011, p. 20.
[553] Read 2005, p. 6.
[554] Service 2000, p. 485.
[555] Pipes 1996, pp. 12; White 2001, p. 183.
[556] Volkogonov 1994, pp. 452453; Service 2000, pp. 491
492; Lee 2003, p. 131.
[557] Service 2000, pp. 491492.
[558] Pipes 1996, pp. 23.
[559] Service 2000, p. 492.
[560] Two Lenin monuments opened in Luhansk Oblast,
UNIAN (April 22, 2008)
[561] All monuments of Lenin to be removed from Russian
cities, RT (20 November 2012)
[562] Ukraine crisis: Lenin statues toppled in protest. BBC.
2014-02-22. Retrieved 2015-04-21.
[563] Poroshenko signed the laws about decomunization.
Ukrayinska Pravda. 15 May 2015
Poroshenko signs laws on denouncing Communist, Nazi
regimes, Interfax-Ukraine. 15 May 20
Poroshenko: Time for Ukraine to resolutely get rid of
Communist symbols, UNIAN. 17 May 2015
Goodbye, Lenin: Ukraine moves to ban communist symbols, BBC News (14 April 2015)
[564] (Ukrainian) Street signs were Dnipropetrovsk nedekomunizovanymy, Radio Svoboda (2 December 2015)
[565] Shub 1966, p. 10.
[566] Shub 1966, p. 9; Service 2000, p. 482.
[567] Shub 1966, p. 9.
[568] Lee 2003, p. 132.
[569] Lee 2003, pp. 132133.


9.2 Bibliography
Fischer, Louis (1964). The Life of
Lenin. London: Weidenfeld and
Hazard, John N. (1965). Unity
and Diversity in Socialist Law.
Law and Contemporary Problems
30 (2): 270290.
Lee, Stephen J. (2003). Lenin and
Revolutionary Russia. London and
New York: Routledge. ISBN 9780415287180.
Lerner, Vladimir; Finkelstein, Y.;
Witztum, E. (2004). The Enigma
of Lenins (18701924) Malady.
European Journal of Neurology 11
(6): 371376. doi:10.1111/j.14681331.2004.00839.x.
Lih, Lars T. (2011). Lenin. London: Reaktion Books. ISBN 9781861897930.
Pipes, Richard (1990). The Russian Revolution: 18991919. London: Collins Harvill. ISBN 9780679736608.
Pipes, Richard (1996). The Unknown Lenin: From the Secret
Archive. New Haven and London:
Yale University Press. ISBN 0300-06919-7.
Rappaport, Helen (2010). Conspirator: Lenin in Exile. New York:
Basic Books. ISBN 978-0-46501395-1.
Read, Christopher (2005). Lenin:
A Revolutionary Life. London:
ISBN 978-0-415Routledge.
Rice, Christopher (1990). Lenin:
Portrait of a Professional Revolutionary. London: Cassell. ISBN
Ryan, James (2012). Lenins Terror: The Ideological Origins of
Early Soviet State Violence. LonISBN 978don: Routledge.

Sandle, Mark (1999). A Short
History of Soviet Socialism.
London: UCL Press.

Gooding, John (2001). Socialism

In Russia: Lenin and His Legacy,
18901991. Palgrave Macmillan.
ISBN 978-0333972359.

Service, Robert (2000). Lenin: A

Biography. London: Macmillan.
ISBN 9780333726259.

Hill, Christopher (1971). Lenin

and the Russian Revolution. Pelican

Shub, David (1966). Lenin: A

Biography (revised ed.). London:

Leggett, George (1987).

Cheka: Lenins Political Police. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198225522.

Solzhenitsyn, Alexander (1976)

[1975]. Lenin in Zrich. H.T.
Willetts (translator). New York:
Faber, Straus & Giroux.


Lih, Lars T. (2008) [2006]. Lenin

Rediscovered: What is to be Done?
in Context. Chicago: Haymarket
Books. ISBN 978-1931859585.

Tumarkin, Nina (1997). Lenin

Lives! The Lenin Cult in Soviet Russia (enlarged ed.). Cambridge, MA
and London: Harvard University
Press. ISBN 9780674524316.

Lukcs, Georg (1970) [1924].

Lenin: A Study on the Unity of
his Thought.
Nicholas Jacobs

Dmitri (1994).
Lenin: Life and Legacy. Harold
Shukman (translator). Hammersmith: HarperCollins.

Nimtz, August H. (2014). Lenins

Electoral Strategy from 1907 to
the October Revolution of 1917:
The Ballot, the Streetsor Both.
Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781137393777.

White, James D. (2001). Lenin:

The Practice and Theory of Revolution. Basingstoke and New York:
Palgrave. ISBN 9780333721575.

Pannekoek, Anton (1938). Lenin

as Philosopher.

Further reading
Budgen, Sebastian; Stathis Kouvelakis; Slavoj iek, eds. (2007).
Lenin Reloaded: Toward a Politics
of Truth. Duke University Press.
ISBN 978-0822339410.

Payne, Robert (1967). The Life

And Death Of Lenin. Simon &
Ryan, James (2007). Lenins The
State and Revolution and Soviet
State Violence: A Textual Analysis. Revolutionary Russia 20 (2):

Cli, Tony (1986).

the Party: Lenin, 18931914.
Haymarket Books. ISBN 9781931859011.

Service, Robert (1985). Lenin: A

Political Life Volume One: The
Strengths of Contradiction. Indiana University Press. ISBN 9780253333247.

Felshtinsky, Yuri (2010). Lenin

and His Comrades: The Bolsheviks Take Over Russia 1917
1924. Enigma Books. ISBN 9781929631957.

Service, Robert (1991). Lenin:

A Political Life Volume Two:
Worlds in Collision.
ISBN 978University Press.

Gellately, Robert (2007). Lenin,

Stalin, and Hitler: The Age of Social
Catastrophe. Knopf. ISBN 9781400032136.

Service, Robert (1995). Lenin: A

Political Life Volume Three: The
Iron Ring. Indiana University Press.
ISBN 978-0253351814.




External links Lenin Internet Library

Lenins speech (video) on YouTube Lenins speech
with subtitles
Article on Lenin written by Trotsky for the Encyclopdia Britannica
Reminiscences of Lenin by N. K. Krupskaya
Lenin and the First Communist Revolutions
Lenin Internet Archive Biography includes interviews with Lenin and essays on the leader
TIME 100: V.I. Lenin by David Remnick, 13 April
Re: Lenin in color high quality edition on
Works by Vladimir Lenin at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Vladimir Lenin at Internet
Archive (narrowed results)
Works by or about Vladimir Lenin at Internet
Archive (broad results)
Works by Vladimir Lenin at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks) Lenin Internet Archive Extensive
compendium of writings, a biography, and many
Lenins Popularity Highest in Years on Revolutionarys 144th Birthday. The Moscow Times, April 22,
The Lies We Tell About Lenin.
Jacobin. July 23, 2014.

Lars T. Lih.




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