Lis Mota
1. Judicial Power
a. Requisites of Judicial Inquiry
i. Actual Case or Controversry
b. Facial challenge
Estrada v. Sandiganbayan, G.R. No. 148560, Nov. 19, 2001
2004
Pimentel v. Ermita, G.R. 164978, October 13, 2005
but no more than 18 years of age. This was approved by the Senate and
House of Representative on 11 March and 13 March 2002 respectively
and signed by the President on 19 March 2002. The petitioners filed
prohibition and mandamus for temporary restraining order seeking the
prevention of postponement of the SK election and reduction of age
requirement on 11 March 2002.
Issue: Whether or not the proposed bill is unconstitutional.
July 9,
Decision: Petition dismissed for utter lack of merit. This petition presents
no actual justiciable controversy. Petitioners do not cite any provision of
law that is alleged to be unconstitutional. Petitioners perayer to prevent
Congress from enacting into law a proposed bill does not present actual
controversy. A proposed bill is not subject to judicial review because it is
not a law. A proposed bill creates no right and imposes no duty legally
enforceable by the Court. Having no legal effect it violates no
constitutional right or duty. At the time petitioners filed this petition, RA
No. 9164 was not yet enacted into law. After its passage petitioners
failed to assail any provision in RA No. 9164 that could be
unconstitutional.
XXX
Facts: The Commission on Elections, on December 4, 2001 issued
Resolution Nos. 4713 and 4714 to govern the SK elections on May 6,
2002. On February 18, 2002, petitioner Antoniette V.C. Montesclaros sent
a letter to the COMELEC, demanding that the SK elections be held as
scheduled on May 6, 2002. She also urged the COMELEC to respond to
her letter within 10 days upon receipt of the letter, otherwise, she will
seek judicial relief. On the other hand, then COMELEC Chairman Alfredo
L. Benipayo, wrote letters dated 20 February 2002 to the Speaker of the
House and the Senate President about the status of pending bills on the
SK and Barangay elections. In his letters, the COMELEC Chairman
intimated that it was operationally very difficultto hold both elections
simultaneously in May 2002. Instead, he expressed support for the bill of
Senator Franklin Drilon that proposed to hold the Barangay elections in
May 2002 and postpone the SK elections to November 2002.Instead of
receiving a response letter, petitioners received a copy of COMELEC En
Banc Resolution 4763 dated February 5, 2002 recommending to
Congress the postponement of the SK elections to November 2002 but
holding the Barangay elections in May 2002 as scheduled. Eventually, on
March 6, 2002, the Senate and the House of Representatives passed
their respective bills postponing the SK elections. On March 11, 2002, the
Bicameral Conference Committee of the Senate and the House came out
with a Report recommending approval of the reconciled bill consolidating
Senate Bill 2050 and House Bill 4456. The Bicameral Committees
consolidated bill reset the SK and Barangay elections to 15 July 2002 and
lowered the membership age in the SK to at least 15 but not more than
18 years of age. On this same date, Montesclaros filed the petition for
certiorari, prohibition and mandamus with prayer for a temporary
restraining order or preliminary injunction, seeking to prevent the
postponement of the SK elections originally scheduled 6 May 2002 and
also to prevent the reduction of the age requirement for membership in
the SK. The consolidated bill was approved by the Senate and the House
of Representatives and later on signed into law by the President.
Issue: Whether or not there is an actual controversy in the case which
seeks to prevent a postponement of the6 May 2002 SK elections, and
which seeks to prevent Congress from enacting into law a proposed bill
lowering the membership age in the SK.
Ruling: At first, the Court takes judicial notice of the following events that
have transpired since petitioners filed this petition. These are as follows:
1. The May 6, 2002 SK elections and May 13, 2002 Barangay elections
were not held as scheduled.
2. Congress enacted RA No. 9164 which provides that voters and
candidates for the SK elections must be "at least 15 but less than 18
years of age on the day of the election." RA No. 9164 also provides that
there shall be a synchronized SK and Barangay elections on July 15,
2002.
3. The COMELEC promulgated Resolution No. 4846, the rules and
regulations for the conduct of the July15, 2002 synchronized SK and
Barangay elections.
In this case, the court mentioned the requisites which must be complied
with for the Court to exercise its power of judicial review. These are (1)
the existence of an actual and appropriate case or controversy; (2) a
personal and substantial interest of the party raising the constitutional
question; (3) the exercise of judicial review is pleaded at the earliest
opportunity; and (4) the constitutional question is the lis mota of the
case. The Court ruled that in this case there is no actual controversy
requiring the exercise of the power of judicial review. While seeking to
prevent a postponement of SK elections, petitioners are but amenable to
a resetting of the SK elections to any date not later than 15 July 2002,
the date which RA 9164 has reset the SK elections. This only shows that
with respect to the date of the SK elections, there is therefore no actual
controversy requiring judicial intervention. Also, their prayer to prevent
Congress from enacting into law a proposed bill lowering the
membership age in the SK does not present an actual justiciable
controversy. According to the Court, a proposed bill is not subject to
judicial review because it is not a law. A proposed bill creates no right
and imposes no duty legally enforceable by the Court. A proposed bill,
having no legal effect, violates no constitutional right or duty. The Court
has no power to declare a proposed bill constitutional or unconstitutional
because that would be in the nature of rendering an advisory opinion on
a proposed act of Congress. The power of judicial review cannot be
exercised in vacuo.
It also emphasized that there can be no justiciable controversy involving
the constitutionality of a proposed bill. The Court can exercise its power
of judicial review only after a law is enacted, not before. It also noted
that under the separation of powers, the Court can neither restrain
Congress from passing any law nor dictate to Congress the object or
subject of bills that Congress should enact into law. The Court cannot
also direct the COMELEC to allow over-aged voters to vote or be voted
for in an election that is limited under RA No. 9164 to youths at least 15
but less than 18 years old. A law is needed to allow all those who have
turned more than 21 years old on or after May 6, 2002 to participate in
the July 15, 2002 SK elections. Petitioners' remedy is legislation, not
judicial intervention. Regarding petitioners personal and substantial
interest, the Court ruled that petitioners have no such rights or interests
in maintaining the suit. The Court stated that a party must show that he
has been, or is about to be denied some personal right or privilege to
which he is lawfully entitled.
A party must also show that he has a real interest in the suit. By "real
interest" is meant a present substantial interest, as distinguished from a
mere expectancy or future, contingent, subordinate, or inconsequential
interest. In this case, petitioners seek to enforce a right originally
conferred by law on those who were at least 15 but not more than 21
years old. But with the passage of RA No. 9164, this right is limited to
those who on the date of the SK elections are at least 15 but less than 18
years old. The new law restricts membership in the SK to this specific
age group. Not falling within this classification, petitioners have ceased
Issue: Whether or not Act No. 2706 as amended by Act no. 3075 and
Commonwealth Act no. 180 is void and unconstitutional.
Ruling: The Petitioner suffered no wrong under the terms of law and
needs no relief in the form they seek to obtain. Moreover, there is no
justiciable controversy presented before the court. It is an established
principle that to entitle a private individual immediately in danger of
sustaining a direct injury and it is not sufficient that he has merely
invoke the judicial power to determined the validity of executive and
legislative action he must show that he has sustained common interest
to all members of the public. Furthermore, the power of the courts to
declare a law unconstitutional arises only when the interest of litigant
require the use of judicial authority for their protection against actual
interference. As such, Judicial Power is limited to the decision of actual
cases and controversies and the authority to pass on the validity of
statutes is incidental to the decisions of such cases where conflicting
claims under the constitution and under the legislative act assailed as
contrary to the constitution but it is legitimate only in the last resort and
it must be necessary to determined a real and vital controversy between
litigants. Thus, actions like this are brought for a positive purpose to
obtain actual positive relief and the court does not sit to adjudicate a
mere academic question to satisfy scholarly interest therein. The court
however, finds the defendant position to be sufficiently sustained and
state that the petitioner remedy is to challenge the regulation not to
invalidate the law because it needs no argument to show that abuse by
officials entrusted with the execution of the statute does not per se
demonstrate the unconstitutionality of such statute. On this phase of the
litigation the court conclude that there has been no undue delegation of
legislative power even if the petitioners appended a list of circulars and
memoranda issued by the Department of Education they fail to indicate
which of such official documents was constitutionally objectionable for
being capricious or pain nuisance. Therefore, the court denied the
petition for prohibition.
XXX
The Philippine Association of Colleges and Universities (PACU) assailed
the constitutionality of Act No. 2706 as amended by Act No. 3075 and
Commonwealth Act No. 180. These laws sought to regulate the
ownership of private schools in the country. It is provided by these laws
that a permit should first be secured from the Secretary of Education
before a person may be granted the right to own and operate a private
school. This also gives the Secretary of Education the discretion to
ascertain standards that must be followed by private schools. It also
provides that the Secretary of Education can and may ban certain
textbooks from being used in schools.
Second, the State has the power to regulate, in fact control, the
ownership of schools. The Constitution provides for state control of all
educational institutions even as it enumerates certain fundamental
objectives of all education to wit, the development of moral character,
personal discipline, civic conscience and vocational efficiency, and
instruction in the duties of citizenship. The State control of private
education was intended by the organic law.
PACU contends that the right of a citizen to own and operate a school is
guaranteed by the Constitution, and any law requiring previous
governmental approval or permit before such person could exercise said
right, amounts to censorship of previous restraint, a practice abhorrent
to our system of law and government. PACU also avers that such power
granted to the Secretary of Education is an undue delegation of
legislative power; that there is undue delegation because the law did not
specify the basis or the standard upon which the Secretary must exercise
said discretion; that the power to ban books granted to the Secretary
amounts to censorship.
HELD: The Court dismissed the petition. A citizen acquires standing only
if he can establish that he has suffered some actual or threatened injury
as a result of the allegedly illegal conduct of the government; the injury
is fairly traceable to the challenged action; and the injury is likely to be
redressed by a favorable action. Petitioner has not shown that he has
sustained or is in danger of sustaining any personal injury attributable to
the creation of the PCCR. If at all, it is only Congress, not petitioner,
which can claim any injury in this case since, according to petitioner,
the President has encroached upon the legislatures powers to create a
public office and to propose amendments to the Charter by forming the
PCCR. Petitioner has sustained no direct, or even any indirect, injury.
Neither does he claim that his rights or privileges have been or are in
danger of being violated, nor that he shall be subjected to any penalties
or burdens as a result of the PCCRs activities. Clearly, petitioner has
Third, the State has the power to ban illegal textbooks or those that are
offensive to Filipino morals. This is still part of the power of control and
regulation by the State over all schools.
XXX
Decision: Petition for prohibition is denied. As a general rule, the
constitutionality of a statute will be passed on only if, and to the extent
that, it is directly and necessarily involved in a justiciable controversy
and is essential to the protection of the rights of the parties concerned.
The power of courts to declare a law unconstitutional arises only when
the interests of litigant require the use of that judicial authority for their
protection against actual interference, a hypothetical threat is
insufficient. Judicial power is limited to the decision of actual cases and
controversies. Mere apprehension that the Secretary of Education might
under the law withdraw the permit of one of petitioners does not
constitute a justiciable controversy.
GONZALES VS. NARVASA G.R. No. 140835, August 14 2000
FACTS: Petitioner Ramon A. Gonzales, in his capacity as a citizen and
taxpayer, filed a petition for prohibition and mandamus filed on
December 9, 1999, assailing the constitutionality of the creation of the
Preparatory Commission on Constitutional Reform (PCCR) and of the
positions of presidential consultants, advisers and assistants. The
Preparatory Commission on Constitutional Reform (PCCR) was created by
President Estrada on November 26, 1998 by virtue of Executive Order
No. 43 (E.O. No. 43) in order to study and recommend proposed
amendments and/or revisions to the 1987 Constitution, and the manner
of implementing the same. Petitioner disputes the constitutionality of
the PCCR based on the grounds that it is a public office which only the
legislature can create by way of a law.
ISSUE: Whether or not the petitioner has a legal standing to assail the
constitutionality of Executive Order No. 43
habeas corpus, it is manifest that the writ is not called for since its
purpose is to relieve petitioners from unlawful restraint, a matter which
remains speculative up to this very day. Petition is DISMISSED. However,
respondents, consistent and congruent with their undertaking earlier
adverted to, together with their agents, representatives, and all persons
acting for and in their behalf, are hereby enjoined from arresting
petitioners therein without the required judicial warrant for all acts
committed in relation to or in connection with the May 1, 2001 siege of
Malacaang.
Sanlakas vs. Exec Sec (2004)
FACTS: July 27, 2003-Oakwood mutiny -Pres GMA issued Proclamation no
47 declaring a "state of rebellion" & General Order No. 4 directing AFP &
PNP to supress the rebellion. -by evening, soldiers agreed to return to
barracks. GMA, however, did not immediately lift the declaration of a
state of rebellion, only doing so on August 1, 2003 thru Proc NO. 435.
Petitioners:
1. Sanlakas & PM; standing as "petitioners committed to assert, defend,
protect, uphold, and promote the rights, interests, and welfare of the
people, especially the poor and marginalized classes and sectors of
Philippine society. Petitioners are committed to defend and assert human
rights, including political and civil rights, of the citizens freedom of
speech and of expression under Section 4, Article III of the 1987
Constitution, as a vehicle to publicly ventilate their grievances and
legitimate demands and to mobilize public opinion to support the same;
assert that S18, Art7 of the Consti does not require the declaration of
state of rebellion to call out AFP;assert further that there exists no
factual basis for the declaration, mutiny having ceased.
2. SJS; standing as "Filipino citizens, taxpayers, law profs & bar
reviewers"; assert that S18, Art7 of the Consti does not require the
declaration of the state of rebellion, declaration a "constitutional
anomaly" that misleads because "overzealous public officers, acting
pursuant to such proclamation or general order, are liable to violate the
constitutional right of private citizens"; proclamation is a circumvention
of the report requirement under the same S18, Art7, commanding the
President to submit a report to Congress within 48 hours from the
proclamation of martial law; presidential issuances cannot be construed
as an exercise of emergency powers as Congress has not delegated any
such power to the President
3. members of House; standing as citizens and as Members of the House
of Representatives whose rights, powers and functions were allegedly
affected by the declaration of a state of rebellion; the declaration of a
state of rebellion is a "superfluity," and is actually an exercise of
emergency powers, such exercise, it is contended, amounts to a
usurpation of the power of Congress granted by S23 (2), Art6 of the
Constitution
4. Pimentel; standing as Senator; assails the subject presidential
issuances as "an unwarranted, illegal and abusive exercise of a martial
law power that has no basis under the Constitution; petitioner fears that
the declaration of a state of rebellion "opens the door to the
unconstitutional implementation of warrantless arrests" for the crime of
rebellion
Respondents: SolGen; petitions have been rendered moot by the lifitng
of the proclamation; questions standing of petitioners
ISSUES:
1. whether or not petitioners have standing
2. whether or not case has been rendered moot by the lifting of the
proclamation 3. whether or not the proclamation calling the state of
rebellion is proper
RULING: 1. NOT EVERY PETITIONER. only members of the House and Sen
Pimentel have standing. Sanlakas & PM have no standing by analogy
with LDP in Lacson v Perez " petitioner has not demonstrated any
injury to itself which would justify the resort to the Court. Petitioner is a
juridical person not subject to arrest. Thus, it cannot claim to be
threatened by a warrantless arrest. Nor is it alleged that its leaders,
members, and supporters are being threatened with warrantless arrest
and detention for the crime of rebellion." At best they seek for
declaratory relief, which is not in the original jurisdiction of SC. Even
assuming that Sanlakas & PM are "people's organizations" in the
language of Ss15-16, Art13 of the Consti, they are still not endowed with
standing for as in Kilosbayan v Morato "These provisions have not
changed the traditional rule that only real parties in interest or those
with standing, as the case may be, may invoke the judicial power. The
jurisdiction of this Court, even in cases involving constitutional questions,
is limited by the "case and controversy" requirement of S5,Art8. This
requirement lies at the very heart of the judicial function." SJS, though
alleging to be taxpayers, is not endowed with standing since "A taxpayer
may bring suit where the act complained of directly involves the illegal
disbursement of public funds derived from taxation.No such illegal
disbursement is alleged." Court has ruled out the doctrine of
"transcendental importance" regarding constitutional questions in this
particular case. Only members of Congress, who's (?) powers as provided
in the Consti on giving the Pres emergency powers are allegedly being
impaired, can question the legality of the proclamation of the state of
rebellion.
2. YES. As a rule, courts do not adjudicate moot cases, judicial power
being limited to the determination of "actual controversies."
Nevertheless, courts will decide a question, otherwise moot, if it is
"capable of repetition yet evading review."19 The case at bar is one such
case, since prior events (the May 1, 2001 incident when the Pres also
declared a state of rebellion) prove that it can be repeated. 3. YES. S18,
Art 7 grants the President, as Commander-in-Chief, a "sequence" of
"graduated power[s]." From the most to the least benign, these are: the
calling out power, the power to suspend the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus, and the power to declare martial law. In the exercise of
the latter two powers, the Constitution requires the concurrence of two
conditions, namely, an actual invasion or rebellion, and that public safety
requires the exercise of such power. However, as we observed in
Integrated Bar of the Philippines v. Zamora, "[t]hese conditions are not
required in the exercise of the calling out power. The only criterion is that
'whenever it becomes necessary,' the President may call the armed
forces 'to prevent or suppress lawless violence, invasion or
rebellion.'"Nevertheless, it is equally true that S18, Art7 does not
expressly prohibit the President from declaring a state of rebellion. Note
that the Constitution vests the President not only with Commander-inChief powers but, first and foremost, with Executive powers. The
ponencia then traced the evolution of executive power in the US (Jackson
and the South Carolina situation, Lincoln and teh 'war powers', Cleveland
in In re: Eugene Debs) in an effort to show that "the Commander-in-Chief
powers are broad enough as it is and become more so when taken
together with the provision on executive power and the presidential oath
of office. Thus, the plenitude of the powers of the presidency equips the
occupant with the means to address exigencies or threats which
undermine the very existence of government or the integrity of the
State." This, plus Marcos v Manglapus on residual powers, the Rev Admin
Code S4, Ch2, Bk3 on the executive power of the Pres to declare a
certain status, argue towards the validity of the proclamation. However,
the Court maintains that the declaration is devoid of any legal
significance for being superflous. Also, the mere declaration of a state of
rebellion cannot diminish or violate constitutionally protected rights. if a
state of martial law does not suspend the operation of the Constitution
or automatically suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,61
then it is with more reason that a simple declaration of a state of
rebellion could not bring about these conditions. Apprehensions that the
military and police authorities may resort to warrantless arrests are
likewise unfounded. In Lacson vs. Perez, supra, majority of the Court held
that "[i]n quelling or suppressing the rebellion, the authorities may only
resort to warrantless arrests of persons suspected of rebellion, as
provided under Section 5, Rule 113 of the Rules of Court,63 if the
circumstances so warrant. The warrantless arrest feared by petitioners
is, thus, not based on the declaration of a 'state of rebellion.'"64 In other
words, a person may be subjected to a warrantless arrest for the crime
of rebellion whether or not the President has declared a state of
rebellion, so long as the requisites for a valid warrantless arrest are
present. The argument that the declaration of a state of rebellion
amounts to a declaration of martial law and, therefore, is a
circumvention of the report requirement, is a leap of logic. There is no
illustration that the President has attempted to exercise or has exercised
martial law powers. Finally, Nor by any stretch of the imagination can the
declaration constitute an indirect exercise of emergency powers, which
exercise depends upon a grant of Congress pursuant to S23 (2), Art6 of
the Constitution. The petitions do not cite a specific instance where the
President has attempted to or has exercised powers beyond her powers
as Chief Executive or as Commander-in-Chief. The President, in declaring
a state of rebellion and in calling out the armed forces, was merely
exercising a wedding of her Chief Executive and Commander-in-Chief
powers. These are purely executive powers, vested on the President by
S1 & 18, Art7, as opposed to the delegated legislative powers
contemplated by Section 23 (2), Article VI.
PIMENTEL VS. ERMITA
FACTS: While Congress was in session, due to vacancies in the cabinet,
then president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) appointed Arthur Yap et al
as secretaries of their respective departments. They were appointed in
an acting capacity only. Senator Aquilino Pimentel together with 7 other
senators filed a complaint against the appointment of Yap et al. Pimentel
averred that GMA cannot make such appointment without the consent of
the Commission on Appointment; that, in accordance with Section 10,
Chapter 2, Book IV of Executive Order No. 292, only the undersecretary
of the respective departments should be designated in an acting
capacity and not anyone else.
On the contrary, then Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita averred that
the president is empowered by Section 16, Article VII of the 1987
Constitution to issue appointments in an acting capacity to department
secretaries without the consent of the Commission on Appointments
even while Congress is in session. Further, EO 292 itself allows the
president to issue temporary designation to an officer in the civil service
provided that the temporary designation shall not exceed one year.
During the pendency of said case, Congress adjourned and GMA issued
ad interim appointments re-appointing those previously appointed in
acting capacity.
ISSUE: Whether or not the appointments made by ex PGMA is valid.
or may not be the permanent appointee, but practical reasons may make
it expedient that the acting appointee will also be the permanent
appointee.
The law expressly allows the President to make such acting appointment.
Section 17, Chapter 5, Title I, Book III of EO 292 states that [t]he
President may temporarily designate an officer already in the
government service or any other competent person to perform the
functions of an office in the executive branch. Thus, the President may
even appoint in an acting capacity a person not yet in the government
service, as long as the President deems that person competent.
Finally, petitioners claim that the issuance of appointments in an acting
capacity is susceptible to abuse. Petitioners fail to consider that acting
appointments cannot exceed one year as expressly provided in Section
17(3), Chapter 5, Title I, Book III of EO 292. The law has incorporated this
safeguard to prevent abuses, like the use of acting appointments as a
way to circumvent confirmation by the Commission on Appointments.
Ad-interim appointments must be distinguished from appointments in an
acting capacity. Both of them are effective upon acceptance. But adinterim appointments are extended only during a recess of Congress,
whereas acting appointments may be extended any time there is a
vacancy. Moreover ad-interim appointments are submitted to the
Commission on Appointments for confirmation or rejection; acting
appointments are not submitted to the Commission on Appointments.
Acting appointments are a way of temporarily filling important offices
but, if abused, they can also be a way of circumventing the need for
confirmation by the Commission on Appointments.
However, we find no abuse in the present case. The absence of abuse is
readily apparent from President Arroyos issuance of ad interim
appointments to respondents immediately upon the recess of Congress,
way before the lapse of one year.
KILOSBAYAN vs. MANUEL L. MORATO G.R. No. 118910. November
16, 1995.
FACTS: In Jan. 25, 1995, PCSO and PGMC signed an Equipment Lease
Agreement (ELA) wherein PGMC leased online lottery equipment and
accessories to PCSO. (Rental of 4.3% of the gross amount of ticket or at
least P35,000 per terminal annually). 30% of the net receipts is allotted
to charity. Term of lease is for 8 years. PCSO is to employ its own
personnel and responsible for the facilities. Upon the expiration of lease,
PCSO may purchase the equipment for P25 million. Feb. 21, 1995. A
petition was filed to declare ELA invalid because it is the same as the
Contract of Lease Petitioner's Contention: ELA was same to the Contract
of Lease.. It is still violative of PCSO's charter. It is violative of the law
regarding public bidding. It violates Sec. 2(2) of Art. 9-D of the 1987
Constitution. Standing can no longer be questioned because it has
become the law of the case Respondent's reply: ELA is different from the
Contract of Lease. There is no bidding required. The power to determine
if ELA is advantageous is vested in the Board of Directors of PCSO. PCSO
does not have funds. Petitioners seek to further their moral crusade.
Petitioners do not have a legal standing because they were not parties to
the contract
ISSUES: Whether or not the petitioners have standing?
HELD: NO. STARE DECISIS cannot apply. The previous ruling sustaining
the standing of the petitioners is a departure from the settled rulings on
RULING:
1. The power of judicial review is set forth in Section 1, Article VIII of the
Constitution, to wit:
Section 1. The judicial power shall be vested in one Supreme Court and
in such lower courts as may be established by law.
Judicial power includes the duty of the courts of justice to settle actual
controversies involving rights which are legally demandable and
enforceable, and to determine whether or not there has been grave
abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the
part of any branch or instrumentality of the Government.
When questions of constitutional significance are raised, the Court can
exercise its power of judicial review only if the following requisites are
complied with, namely: (1) the existence of an actual and appropriate
case; (2) a personal and substantial interest of the party raising the
constitutional question; (3) the exercise of judicial review is pleaded at
the earliest opportunity; and (4) the constitutional question is the lis
mota of the case.
the earliest opportunity; and (4) the constitutional question is the lis
mota of the case.[12]
The IBP has not sufficiently complied with the requisites of standing in
this case.
Legal standing or locus standi has been defined as a personal and
substantial interest in the case such that the party has sustained or will
sustain direct injury as a result of the governmental act that is being
challenged.[13] The term interest means a material interest, an interest
in issue affected by the decree, as distinguished from mere interest in
the question involved, or a mere incidental interest.[14] The gist of the
question of standing is whether a party alleges such personal stake in
the outcome of the controversy as to assure that concrete adverseness
which sharpens the presentation of issues upon which the court depends
for illumination of difficult constitutional questions.[15]
In the case at bar, the IBP primarily anchors its standing on its alleged
responsibility to uphold the rule of law and the Constitution. Apart from
this declaration, however, the IBP asserts no other basis in support of its
locus standi. The mere invocation by the IBP of its duty to preserve the
rule of law and nothing more, while undoubtedly true, is not sufficient to
clothe it with standing in this case. This is too general an interest which
is shared by other groups and the whole citizenry. Based on the
standards above-stated, the IBP has failed to present a specific and
substantial interest in the resolution of the case. Its fundamental purpose
which, under Section 2, Rule 139-A of the Rules of Court, is to elevate the
standards of the law profession and to improve the administration of
justice is alien to, and cannot be affected by the deployment of the
Marines. It should also be noted that the interest of the National
President of the IBP who signed the petition, is his alone, absent a formal
board resolution authorizing him to file the present action. To be sure,
members of the BAR, those in the judiciary included, have varying
opinions on the issue. Moreover, the IBP, assuming that it has duly
authorized the National President to file the petition, has not shown any
specific injury which it has suffered or may suffer by virtue of the
questioned governmental act. Indeed, none of its members, whom the
IBP purportedly represents, has sustained any form of injury as a result
of the operation of the joint visibility patrols. Neither is it alleged that any
of its members has been arrested or that their civil liberties have been
violated by the deployment of the Marines. What the IBP projects as
injurious is the supposed militarization of law enforcement which might
threaten Philippine democratic institutions and may cause more harm
than good in the long run. Not only is the presumed injury not personal
in character, it is likewise too vague, highly speculative and uncertain to
satisfy the requirement of standing. Since petitioner has not successfully
established a direct and personal injury as a consequence of the
questioned act, it does not possess the personality to assail the validity
of the deployment of the Marines. This Court, however, does not
categorically rule that the IBP has absolutely no standing to raise
constitutional issues now or in the future. The IBP must, by way of
allegations and proof, satisfy this Court that it has sufficient stake to
obtain judicial resolution of the controversy.
Having stated the foregoing, it must be emphasized that this Court has
the discretion to take cognizance of a suit which does not satisfy the
requirement of legal standing when paramount interest is involved.[16]
In not a few cases, the Court has adopted a liberal attitude on the locus
standi of a petitioner where the petitioner is able to craft an issue of
transcendental significance to the people.[17] Thus, when the issues
raised are of paramount importance to the public, the Court may brush
aside technicalities of procedure.[18] In this case, a reading of the
petition shows that the IBP has advanced constitutional issues which
deserve the attention of this Court in view of their seriousness, novelty
and weight as precedents. Moreover, because peace and order are under
constant threat and lawless violence occurs in increasing tempo,
undoubtedly aggravated by the Mindanao insurgency problem, the legal
controversy raised in the petition almost certainly will not go away. It will
stare us in the face again. It, therefore, behooves the Court to relax the
rules on standing and to resolve the issue now, rather than later.
BAGATSING VS. COMMITTEE
112399, JULY 14, 1995]
ON
PRIVATIZATION
[G.R.
NO.
of Congress have the legal standing to question the validity of acts of the
Executive which injures them in their person or the institution of
Congress to which they belong. In the latter case, the acts cause
derivative but nonetheless substantial injury which can be questioned by
members of Congress (Kennedy v. James, 412 F. Supp. 353 [1976]). In
the absence of a claim that the contract in question violated the rights of
petitioners or impermissibly intruded into the domain of the Legislature,
petitioner shave no legal standing to institute the instant action in their
capacity as members of Congress. However, petitioners can bring the
action in their capacity as taxpayers under the doctrine laid down in
Kilosbayan, Inc. v. Guingona, 232 SCRA 110 (1994).Under said ruling,
taxpayers may question contracts entered into by the national
government or government-owned or controlled corporations alleged to
be in contravention of the law. As long as the ruling in Kilosbayan on
locus standi is not reversed, we have no choice but to follow it and
uphold the legal standing of petitioners as taxpayers to institute the
presentaction.
PRIVATIZATION. The only requirement under R.A. No. 7181 in order to
privatize a strategic industry like PETRON is the approval of the
President. In the case of PETRON's privatization, the President gave his
approval not only once but twice. PETRON's privatization is also in line
with and is part of the Philippine Energy Program under R.A. No.
7638.Section 5(b) of the law provides that the Philippine Energy Program
shall include a policy direction towards the privatization of government
agencies related to energy.
BIDDING. On the claim that there was a failed bidding, petitioners
contend that there were only three bidders. One of them, PETRONAS,
submitted a bid lower than the floor price while a second, failed to prequalify.
Under said COA Circular, there is a failure of bidding when: 1) there is
only one offeror; or (2) when all the offers are non-complying or
unacceptable. In the case at bench, there were three offerors: SAUDI
ARAMCO,PETRONAS and WESTMONT. While two offerors were
disqualified, PETRONAS for submitting a bid below the floor price and
WESTMONT for technical reasons, not all the offerors were disqualified.
To constitute a failed bidding under the COA Circular, all the offerors
must be disqualified.
XX X
PETRON questions the locus standi of petitioners to file the action (Rollo,
pp. 479-484). Petitioners however, countered that they filed the action in
their capacity as members of Congress.
In Philippine Constitution Association v. Hon. Salvador Enriquez, G.R. No.
113105, August 19, 1994, we held that the members of Congress have
the legal standing to question the validity of acts of the Executive which
injures them in their person or the institution of Congress to which they
belong. In the latter case, the acts cause derivative but nonetheless
substantial injury which can be questioned by members of Congress
(Kennedy v. James, 412 F. Supp. 353 [1976]). In the absence of a claim
that the contract in question violated the rights of petitioners or
impermissibly intruded into the domain of the Legislature, petitioners
have no legal standing to institute the instant action in their capacity as
members of Congress.
However, petitioners can bring the action in their capacity as taxpayers
under the doctrine laid down in Kilosbayan, Inc. v. Guingona, 232 SCRA
110 (1994). Under said ruling, taxpayers may question contracts entered
into by the national government or government-owned or controlled
corporations alleged to be in contravention of the law. As long as the
ruling in Kilosbayan on locus standi is not reversed, we have no choice
Issue:
The petitions raise the following fundamental issues:
1.Whether the Cityhood Laws violate Section 10, Article X of the
Constitution; and
2.Whether the Cityhood Laws violate the equal protection clause.
Held:
We grant the petitions.
The Cityhood Laws violate Sections 6 and 10, Article X of the
Constitution, and are thus unconstitutional.
First, applying the P100 million income requirement in RA 9009 to the
present case is a prospective, not a retroactive application, because RA
9009 took effect in 2001 while the cityhood bills became law more than
five years later.
Second, the Constitution requires that Congress shall prescribe all the
criteria for the creation of a city in the Local Government Code and not in
any other law, including the Cityhood Laws.
Third, the Cityhood Laws violate Section 6, Article X of the Constitution
because they prevent a fair and just distribution of the national taxes to
local government units.
Fourth, the criteria prescribed in Section 450 of the Local Government
Code, as amended by RA 9009, for converting a municipality into a city
are clear, plain and unambiguous, needing no resort to any statutory
construction.
Fifth, the intent of members of the 11th Congress to exempt certain
municipalities from the coverage of RA 9009 remained an intent and was
never written into Section 450 of the Local Government Code.
Sixth, the deliberations of the 11th or 12th Congress on unapproved bills
or resolutions are not extrinsic aids in interpreting a law passed in the
13th Congress.
Seventh, even if the exemption in the Cityhood Laws were written in
Section 450 of the Local Government Code, the exemption would still be
unconstitutional for violation of the equal protection clause.
Francisco I. Chavez vs. Judicial Bar Council (JBC) GR no. 202242
April 16 2013
Facts: The case is in relation to the process of selecting the nominees for
the vacant seat of Supreme Court Chief Justice following Renato Coronas
departure.
Originally, the members of the Constitutional Commission saw the need
to create a separate, competent and independent body to recommend
nominees to the President. Thus, it conceived of a body representative of
all the stakeholders in the judicial appointment process and called it the
Judicial and Bar Council (JBC).
In particular, Paragraph 1 Section 8, Article VIII of the Constitution states
that (1) A Judicial and Bar Council is hereby created under the
supervision of the Supreme Court composed of the Chief Justice as ex
officio Chairman, the Secretary of Justice, and a representative of the
Congress as ex officio Members, a representative of the Integrated Bar, a
professor of law, a retired Member of the Supreme Court, and a
more than one (1) representative from the legislature would sit in the
JBC, the Framers could have, in no uncertain terms, so provided.
Moreover, under the maxim noscitur a sociis, where a particular word or
phrase is ambiguous in itself or is equally susceptible of various
meanings, its correct construction may be made clear and specific by
considering the company of words in which it is founded or with which it
is associated. Every meaning to be given to each word or phrase must
be ascertained from the context of the body of the statute since a word
or phrase in a statute is always used in association with other words or
phrases and its meaning may be modified or restricted by the latter.
Applying the foregoing principle to this case, it becomes apparent that
the word Congress used in Article VIII, Section 8(1) of the Constitution
is used in its generic sense. No particular allusion whatsoever is made on
whether the Senate or the House of Representatives is being referred to,
but that, in either case, only a singular representative may be allowed to
sit in the JBC
Considering that the language of the subject constitutional provision is
plain and unambiguous, there is no need to resort extrinsic aids such as
records of the Constitutional Commission. Nevertheless, even if the Court
should proceed to look into the minds of the members of the
Constitutional Commission, it is undeniable from the records thereof that
it was intended that the JBC be composed of seven (7) members only.
The underlying reason leads the Court to conclude that a single vote
may not be divided into half (1/2), between two representatives of
Congress, or among any of the sitting members of the JBC for that
matter.
With the respondents contention that each representative should be
admitted from the Congress and House of Representatives, the Supreme
Court, after the perusal of the records of Constitutional Commission, held
that Congress, in the context of JBC representation, should be
considered as one body. While it is true that there are still differences
between the two houses and that an inter-play between the two houses
is necessary in the realization of the legislative powers conferred to them
by the Constitution, the same cannot be applied in the case of JBC
representation because no liaison between the two houses exists in the
workings of the JBC. No mechanism is required between the Senate and
the House of Representatives in the screening and nomination of judicial
officers. Hence, the term Congress must be taken to mean the entire
legislative department.
The framers of Constitution, in creating JBC, hoped that the private
sector and the three branches of government would have an active role
and equal voice in the selection of the members of the Judiciary.
Therefore, to allow the Legislature to have more quantitative influence in
the JBC by having more than one voice speak, whether with one full vote
or one-half (1/2) a vote each, would negate the principle of equality
among the three branches of government which is enshrined in the
Constitution.
It is clear, therefore, that the Constitution mandates that the JBC be
composed of seven (7) members only. Thus, any inclusion of another
member, whether with one whole vote or half (1/2) of it, goes against
that mandate. Section 8(1), Article VIII of the Constitution, providing
Congress with an equal voice with other members of the JBC in
recommending appointees to the Judiciary is explicit. Any circumvention
of the constitutional mandate should not be countenanced for the
Constitution is the supreme law of the land. The Constitution is the basic
and paramount law to which all other laws must conform and to which all
Issue: W/N the JBCs practice of having members from the Senate and
the House of Representatives to be unconstitutional as provided in Art
VIII Sec 8 of the constitution.
Held: The practice is unconstitutional; the court held that the phrase a
representative of congress should be construed as to having only one
representative that would come from either house, not both. That the
framers of the constitution only intended for one seat of the JBC to be
allotted for the legislative. The motion was denied.
XX X
Held:
(1) Yes. The Courts power of judicial review is subject to several
limitations, namely: (a) there must be an actual case or controversy
calling for the exercise of judicial power; (b) the person challenging the
act must have standing to challenge; he must have a personal and
substantial interest in the case, such that he has sustained or will
sustain, direct injury as a result of its enforcement; (c) the question of
constitutionality must be raised at the earliest possible opportunity; and
(d) the issue of constitutionality must be the very lis mota of the case.
Generally, a party will be allowed to litigate only when these conditions
sine qua non are present, especially when the constitutionality of an act
by a co-equal branch of government is put in issue.
The Court disagrees with the respondents contention that petitioner lost
his standing to sue because he is not an official nominee for the post of
Chief Justice. While it is true that a personal stake on the case is
imperative to have locus standi, this is not to say that only official
nominees for the post of Chief Justice can come to the Court and
question the JBC composition for being unconstitutional. The JBC likewise
screens and nominates other members of the Judiciary. Albeit heavily
publicized in this regard, the JBCs duty is not at all limited to the
nominations for the highest magistrate in the land. A vast number of
aspirants to judicial posts all over the country may be affected by the
Courts ruling. More importantly, the legality of the very process of
nominations to the positions in the Judiciary is the nucleus of the
controversy. The claim that the composition of the JBC is illegal and
unconstitutional is an object of concern, not just for a nominee to a
judicial post, but for all citizens who have the right to seek judicial
intervention for rectification of legal blunders.
(2) Yes. The word Congress used in Article VIII, Section 8(1) of the
Constitution is used in its generic sense. No particular allusion
whatsoever is made on whether the Senate or the House of
Representatives is being referred to, but that, in either case, only a
singular representative may be allowed to sit in the JBC. The sevenmember composition of the JBC serves a practical purpose, that is, to
provide a solution should there be a stalemate in voting.
It is evident that the definition of Congress as a bicameral body refers
to its primary function in government to legislate. In the passage of
laws, the Constitution is explicit in the distinction of the role of each
house in the process. The same holds true in Congress non-legislative
powers. An inter-play between the two houses is necessary in the
realization of these powers causing a vivid dichotomy that the Court
cannot simply discount. This, however, cannot be said in the case of JBC
representation because no liaison between the two houses exists in the
workings of the JBC. Hence, the term Congress must be taken to mean
the entire legislative department. The Constitution mandates that the
JBC be composed of seven (7) members only.
Notwithstanding its finding of unconstitutionality in the current
composition of the JBC, all its prior official actions are nonetheless valid.
Under the doctrine of operative facts, actions previous to the declaration
of unconstitutionality are legally recognized. They are not nullified.