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PHILIP M. BEAGON
theological debate seek to interpret the ancient texts in ways that sup-
question also has been tackled by Professor Cameron. She wishes to put
us on guard against the rhetoric of the Cappadocian Fathers, especially
the two Gregories, when they wrote about women, in particular the
sister of Gregory of Nyssa and Basil of Caesarea, Macrina:2
...for just as real women were denied an answer to the rhetoric of their portrayal, so a male author ostensibly writing about women was writing about
authority and control, and about the resolution of irreconcilable polarities.
Like the other major writers of the period...each of them also wrote on
Christological themes and on the theory and practice of virginity.
One would not wish to argue with the contention that we must understand the way in which the church fathers say what they say. But form
I shall also try to make a wider point. It may well be true that one
can see the writings of Basil and the two Gregories on virginity and
related topics as part of a 'repressive discourse' aiming at control and
subordination. But one should also acknowledge that those same
patristic sources enable one to paint a very different picture. Verna
Harrison has well shown how the theological attitude of the Cappado? E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1995
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166
PHILIP M. BEAGON
the second (Gen. 2. 22), where Eve is created from Adam's rib, which
underpins the Cappadocians' patristic anthropology.5 As a result the
stress in their thinking is upon the equality of men and women rather
than the subordination of the female to the male. Hence Basil writes
to contrast the attitude of Basil and the two Gregories with the views
of a contemporary writing at Rome, Ambrosiaster. As has been recently
argued, he relies upon the second creation account in Genesis to support
In The Body and Society Brown creates a powerful image of Cappadocian Christianity as tranquil and gelid, offering a contrast with hot
deserts and frantic cities. Attractive though the picture is, to imagine the
politics.
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167
II
In 375 Basil sat down to write a letter which marked the formal rup-
appropriate to call Julitta a woman, given the way she has transcended
the weakness of her sex, it is more significant to note the positive role
envisaged for women in this text.'? As Julitta walks happily to the fires
of virtue. Women, she says, are made from the same cupa,ua as men."
The correspondence of the Cappadocian Fathers and John
Chrysostom reveals that the rich female landowner was still a feature of
the financial affairs of the widow Julitta (Epp. 107-9). In Ep. 296 he
gravely thanks an unnamed woman for the loan of a mule.'2 John
Chrysostom tells us that Olympias had land-holdings in Cappadocia
(Ep. 9.2). Such women as these were the bedrock of Cappadocian
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168
PHILIP M. BEAGON
Gregory of Nyssa supplies the details about his family's social status
and wealth. The eldest in a family of nine, Macrina is the only one of
five sisters whose name is known. Indeed Macrina had two names. Her
mother Emmelia had a vision just before Macrina's birth in which it was
revealed that her child was to carry the secret name of Thecla. The
follower of St. Paul was a potent role-model in Christian Anatolia and
the name was common in Cappadocia at this time.'3 Indeed, not long
after Gregory wrote, one of the saint's good works was to protect
imperial messengers crossing Cappadocia.'4 That Macrina should bear
this secret name is one indication that Gregory's account is much more
than just a biography of his sister, as much recent research has
stressed.'5 But as well as being part of a wider rhetorical discourse the
Vita remains, on perhaps a more prosaic level, a vital source of prosopographical information about her family. Macrina is portrayed as the
rock at its heart. When her father dies she ensures that her mother does
not react with an unseemly display of grief. She undertakes the education of the youngest son, Peter, and ensures it has a sound biblical basis.
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169
to Sebaste and secured Eustathius' signature to an 'orthodox' profession of faith. But the agreement did not last. Eustathius began to circulate the Basil-Apollinaris correspondence, perhaps having doctored
it.20 Basil replied with Ep. 223. In 376 Eustathius was involved with the
Galatian bishops who succeeded in deposing Gregory of Nyssa.
This summary of Eustathius' career has demonstrated the close and
long-lasting nature of his ties with Basil. It also reveals the inadequacy
of Gregory's assertion that it was Macrina who converted Basil to
asceticism. Given the circumstances in which Gregory composed the
VM, in the midst of his battle against Messalianism, the damnatio
memoriae of Eustathius is hardly surprising. The temptation to assign
a more prominent role to Macrina is also understandable. All this has
been recognised before, especially by Gribomont. But I wish to stress
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PHILIP M. BEAGON
the development of asceticism, both within her own family and also
generally in Cappadocia. Indeed it is the purpose of the second half of
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171
The most recent editor of the text remarks on its spelling errors and
IV
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PHILIP M. BEAGON
27).28 With regard to the oration in honour of his sister, Cameron has
argued that Gregory's praise "is most enthusiastic when it imposes the
norms of female regulation most successfully",29 but this does not do
Arian church historian Philostorgius (HE IX 9). The family came from
Borissos in western Cappadocia. Eulampios was converted to Eunomianism by her husband Carterios. In her turn she managed to convert
her four brothers, her father Anysius, a presbyter of Borissos, and the
rest of his household. Western Cappadocia was an area where neoArianism flourished. Note, for example, Basil, Ep. 239, concerning
episcopal struggles in the small town of Doara. There we read of a
'godless woman' who makes and breaks bishops. One envisages a
powerful local aristocrat, exercising powers of patronage in a way not
dissimilar from Basil's own family's grip upon the see of Ibora, near the
them back after one year. But now, he argues, stronger action is
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173
with the homoiousian faction, for example at the Council of Constantinople in 359/60. Later, in the 370s, for his 'oikonomia' on the question of the divinity of the Holy Spirit. Ep. 52 is addressed to the
canonicae in Colonia Archelais (mod. Aksaray) and has traditionally
been dated to the early years of the episcopate.33 The canonicae needed
reassurance concerning Basil's soundness on the homoousion. Basil,
qua women. Likewise in Ep. 105 we find female religious involved in,
not remote from, the theological controversies of the age. Here Basil
writes to the daughters of Terentius, who were deaconesses at
Samosata. The letter praises their steadfastness in orthodoxy. They have
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PHILIP M. BEAGON
of the Holy Spirit with the militant orthodox monk whom Gregory of
Aerius' mad doctrines included the belief that bishops were in no way
Easter week, "they are out at daybreak, shopping for meat and wine,
stuffing themselves full, laughing raucously and poking fun at those
who celebrate the holy service of the Paschal week" (75.3.8). There
seems to be an echo of this in Basil's Homily 14. In this sermon on
drunkenness, preached in the week after Easter, Basil attacks the
women of Caesarea who had been dancing at the martyrs' shrines. Mov-
ing out into the Cappadocian countryside the deacon Glycerius was
responsible for similar activities at Venasa (mod. Avanos).36 Basil certainly had his hands full but it is misleading to emphasise the female
dimension in all these movements. In Basil's eyes, heretical male ascetics
were just as bad. And, in any case, for every maenad accompanying
Glycerius there was an equivalent in the sober daughters of Terentius,
the obedient sisters in Macrina's convent, or the theologically literate
canonicae of Archelais.
I conclude with two further examples of the reconciliation of Cappadocian female asceticism within the approved hierarchical structures.
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175
Gregory and Araxios processed at the head of the bier with two clerics
of high rank at the rear. They occupy positions of honour which one
might have thought would go to members of the convent. Indeed one
scholar has described this procession as representing subordination to
the sacerdotal power.38 Yet, considering the description of the funeral
as a whole, one might argue that in this demonstration of unity between
nieces of Basil. They were approaching death and anxious to find some
worthy person to whom they could bequeath their prized possession. It
is a pleasing scene to imagine: Basil's two aged nieces debating whether
they could trust this plausible Italian. But what I wish to stress is the
location of the convent; not in a remote country wilderness but 'in ipsa
* This paper is a revised version of one first given to the Corpus Classical Seminar at
Oxford University in December, 1992. I am grateful to Neil McLynn for his comments
' History as Text: the writing of Ancient History (London, 1989), 1-10, esp. p. 7.
2 'Virginity as metaphor: women and the rhetoric of early Christianity', History as Text,
184-205. Quotation from p. 200. See also her Christianty and the Rhetoric of Empire: the
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PHILIP M. BEAGON
men. In general, this sermon shares the positive attitude towards women already
illustrated and clearly sits happily in the Cappadocian milieu, even if certainty about its
author is unattainable. See the edition by A. Smets and M. van Esbroeck, Basile de
taries of Symmachus, cf. Eusebius, HE 6.17. Crouzel, BLE LXIV 1963, 195-208 argues
that this visit took place in the early rather than mid third-century. Some believe the
Caesarea in question is really that in Palestine.
the unusual nature of the sentiment, but, as Harrison (n. 4) has shown, it is not
unparalleled in a Cappadocian context. Contrast Clem. Hom. 20.2 = PG 2 449A where
men and women are of different rcpoqia.
is also found in inscriptions from Tyana. See REG 1958, p. 322, n. 492 quoting A.
Oikonomides, 'Inscriptions from the environs of Tyana', Mikrasiatica Chronica 7 (1957),
330-7.
14 G. Dagron, Vie et Miracles de S. Thecle, Sub. Hag. 62 (1978), 118 and 332-6 for
miracle 16, when Thecla provides an imaginary escort for an imperial messenger travelling
from Seleucia to Constantinople via Cilicia and Cappadocia, to protect him from
brigands. Dagron sees the genesis of the legend in the period of Isaurian incursions at the
beginning of the fifth century. Cf. Chrysostom, Letters to Olympias, 9.4.
15 As well as Cameron (n. 2) see A. Momigliano, 'The Life of St. Macrina by Gregory
of Nyssa', originally in The Craft of the Ancient Historian: Essays in Honor of Chester
G. Starr (New York, 1985), 443-58; reprinted in On Pagans, Christians and Jews (Mid-
dletown, Connecticut, 1987), 206-21. R. Albrecht, Das Leben der heiligen Makrina auf
dem Hintergrund der Thekla-Traditionen (Gottingen, 1986). E. Giannarelli, La Tipologia
femminile nella biografia e nell' autobiografia cristiana da IV secolo (Rome, 1980). G.
Luck, 'Notes on the Vita Macrinae by Gregory of Nyssa', The Biographical Works of
Gregory of Nyssa (ed. A. Spira, Patristic Monograph Series No. 12, Philadelphia Patristic
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177
of the Council of Gangra', JThS 40 (1989), 121-4 argues for a date c. 355. Perhaps the
dates given in the heading of the Syriac translation of the canons, 343 and 341/2, should
not be too lightly dismissed.
18 The identification of Eustathius of Basil, Ep. 1, with Eustathius of Sebaste was first
made by J. Gribomont, 'Eustathe le Philosophe et les voyages du jeune Basile de C6saree',
mentioned in Ammianus negotiating with Sapor, but also with the Eustathius who is
prominent in Eunapius' Lives of the Sophists, married to Sosipatra. But there is a problem
here not usually noticed. In Eunapius' account the life of Eustathius is closely connected
with that of his Cappadocian colleague, Aedesius. When he married Sosipatra (Wright,
p. 408; Giangrande VI.8.3) she said she would bear him three children but that he himself
would live only another five years, which, Eunapius avers, is what happened. Sosipatra
then returned to Pergamum where Aedesius helped her to bring up the children. Now in
his account of the education of Julian (Wright, p. 426f.; Giangrande, VII.1.5ff) Aedesius
is presented as an old man whose powers are failing, persuading Julian to be taught by
Maximus and Chrysanthius. Eunapius is presumably to be trusted on this since Chrysanthius was his own teacher. The crucial point is that Aedesius is said to be dead, 'AlEaCou
E teraoXXaSavTxo' (Wright, p. 438; Giangrande, VII.3.6) before Julian was made Caesar in
355. Therefore the Eustathius of Ammianus and of Basil, Ep. 1, cannot be the same as
essence or ether, "Eustathius cannot have died five years after the marriage for he was
corresponding with Julian the Apostate in 362". (This of course begs the question). As
for the statement that Aedesius cared for the children, ,tvT& Tiv -&oxTpI a tv Eu:na0iou', in
Buck's view 'a&toXWcprlatq' cannot mean death and he therefore concludes that Eustathius
had deserted Sosipatra. "The inner circle would have known the sordid truth, but
Eunapius deliberately used an ambiguous word in order not to sully Eustathius' reputation with his wider readership". It is very ingenious but I am not convinced.
19 S. Giet, 'St. Basile et le concile de Constantinople de 360', JThS n.s. 6 (1955), 94-99.
20 G. Prestige, St. Basil the Great and Apollinaris of Laodicea (ed. H. Chadwick, London, 1956).
21 Cameron (n. 2) nowhere mentions Eustathius in her comments on the VM. Eustathius'
role is recognised by P. Rousseau, 'Basil of Caesarea: Choosing a Past', Reading the Past
in Late Antiquity (ed. G. Clarke, Australian National University Press, 1990), 37-58 esp.
p. 50.
22 V. Burrus, 'The heretical woman as symbol in Alexander, Athanasius, Epiphanius
and Jerome', HThR 84 (1991), 229-48.
23 E. Clark, 'Devil's Gateway and Bride of Christ: Women in the Early Christian
World', Ascetic Piety and Women's Faith: Essays on Late Ancient Christianity (Edwin
Mellen Press, Lewiston, 1986), 31-2, notes the injunction of Chrysostom, Discourse 4 on
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PHILIP M. BEAGON
Genesis 1, that women should not teach. See also P. Wilson-Kastner, 'Macrina, Virgin
Muses particulierement florissant". Kurden lies some thirty miles nne of Kayseri near
modern Felahiye.
27 Maraval (n. 3) p. 273, thinks that perhaps the author was thinking of the De Anima
which often bears the MS heading ra Maxpivta, but the possibility of a collection of letters
remains.
demands equal standards of sexual fidelity in Oration 37. See C. Moreschini (ed.),
Gregoire de Nazianze. Discours 32-37, SC 318 (Paris, 1985), p. 51f.
32 Translation by W. Clarke, The Ascetic Works of Saint Basil, (London, 1925), p. 58.
33 Marina S. Troiano has recently argued for date in the mid-370s, 'Sulla cronologia di
Ep. 52, Ad alcune religiose, di Basilio di Cesarea', Vetera Christianorum XXVII (1990),
339-67. On canonicae see Gain, (n. 12), p. 119. J.-R. Pouchet, Basile le Grand et son
univers d'amis d'apres sa correspondance: une strategie de communion (Rome, 1992),
580-1 is hesistant whether Ep. 52 really is addressed to a group of female religious, pointing out that there is nothing in the text itself to force this conclusion, and that the only
evidence is provided by the manuscript headings. Moreover in some Mss one can read
'xavov...' or 'xavovtx ', which might suggest that the letter is a rule of faith. However, P.
34 By, for example, E. Clark (n. 23), 'Ascetic Renunciation and Feminine Advancement:
A Paradox of Late Ancient Christianity', 175-208. The idea is also stressed in S. Elm, 'The
Egypt', D. Phil. Thesis, Oxford, 1987. See now Elm's Virgins of God: Making of
Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1994), published while this article was in proof.
35 English translation by P. Amidon, New York, OUP, 1990.
36 On the attribution of Basil, Epp. 169-71 to Gregory of Nazianzus see A. Cavallin, Studien zu den Briefen des heiligen Basilius (Lund, 1944), On Messalianism: J. Gribomont,
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38 M. Alexandre, 'Les nouveaux martyrs. Motifs martyrologiques dans la vie des saints
et themes hagiographiques dans l'eloge des martyrs chez Gregoire de Nysse', The
Biographical Works of Gregory of Nyssa (n. 15), p. 53.
University of Manchester
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