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Good Example #1: Emailed list of corrections

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Page 3, paragraph 2, line 6

Currently reads:

"use of eclectic special educational services (e.g., sensori-"

Correction: "use of eclectic special educational services (e.g., TEACCH, sensori-"

Page 12, AAC section, paragraph 2, line 11

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"(assisted instruction). Mirenda also found substantial"

Correction: "(assisted instruction). Mirenda [omit also] found substantial"

Page 13, paragraph 5, line 7

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"PECS training, because they are for other treatment"

Correction: "PECS training, as [omit because] they are for other treatment"

Page 13, Discussion, paragraph 1, line 15

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Correction:

"groups of children with ASD. On the other, interventions"

"groups of children with ASD. On the other hand, interventions"

Preferred Example #2: Marked up PDF

Please use the text box and pencil tools to make marks similar to the
corrections
on
this
page.Methodologies Month XXXX
Cultural
Studies
Critical

critiques of trauma theory in which existing concepts of trauma did not allow for
the inclusion of repeated, which
rape orattack
incest (i.e., events that are not that
statistically
out of
do
the ordinary) in PTSD definitions, but also to ideas of (post)colonial identity, living under the perceived threat of nuclear attack, shell-shock exposure in the
World Wars and long-term exposure to Vietnam. Even Holocaust memoirs and
studies have focused on the creation of new psychological realms of the everyday
10
in which trauma becomes not so much a single wound as a new identity.
insert comma
Because mythologies establish common sense, a dominant framework through
which a culture understands and relates to itself, when they become internally
inconsistent, contradictory, or dissonant they can result in a breakdown of signifying chains and social events through which common sense is established or
maintained. Trauma does not manifest the frustrations and anxieties of this form
of everyday life, but it does present a framework within which contradiction, the
seeming abandonment of reason, reliance on aggression, or paralyzing apathy and
frustration can be understood (e.g., in Nina Eliasophs [1998] study on apathy in
U.S. politics). Acting out therefore reflects not only straightforward instability
but also an attempt to (re)make sense of a hegemony that has become insufficient
or fragmented.
It is not only the repeated pain and trauma of war, displacement, or physical
uncertainty (e.g., from incest cases or the ever-present threat of terrorist attacks
or violent reprisals in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) that defines quotidian
[delete] trauma, but also the often slow and quiet violation of a worldview. Overtly viorealistically
lent or aggressive trauma stems from limit events in which signifying chains are
made to seem incompatible with lived or imagined reality. More subtle levels of
banal quotidian trauma similarly rely on incompatibility, and both forms of traumatic existence are apparent in a dual process of remaking or creating new cognitive models (e.g., the death-camp mentality spoken of in many Holocaust
memoirs) and of acting out against the breakdown of the symbolic (e.g., renegotiating masculinity in MTVs The Pickup Artist). This is not to equate the two
forms of quotidian trauma nor is it to suggest that they should be seen through
one another. Instead, itinsert
is to comma
suggest that trauma is a social and cultural framework within which individuals and groups exist. Although its causes and results
[delete] vary drastically, examining traumatic processes from multiple perspectives allows
for an understanding of the maintenance, breakdown, reification, and evolution
of common sense. This provides us with a method by which we may engage or
understand on one hand the often bewilderingly counterproductive developments in geopolitical conflicts (e.g., the Sudan, IsraelPalestine, and IraqUnited
States) and on the other hand the acceptance of or adherence to such policies or
rhetoric. If we conceive of trauma as caused by oppressive or fragmenting structures, then it can be used
conceptualize and deal with events and psychologianytolikely
cal states as different as the constant fear of death in war and the fear of losing
ones job in a factory.11
To chart such processes in the contemporary middle classes, however, is at
once easier and more difficult than it might at first seem. It is simple to locate
[delete]

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4
Cultural Studies Critical Methodologies Month XXXX
Please do NOT use the commenting tool (as shown in this section).

critiques of trauma theory in which existing concepts of trauma did not allow for
the inclusion of repeated rape or incest (i.e., events that are not statistically out of
the ordinary) in PTSD definitions, but also to ideas of (post)colonial identity, living under the perceived threat of nuclear attack, shell-shock exposure in the
World Wars and long-term exposure to Vietnam. Even Holocaust memoirs and
studies have focused on the creation of new psychological realms of the everyday
in which trauma becomes not so much a single wound as a new identity.10
Because mythologies establish common sense, a dominant framework through
which a culture understands and relates to itself, when they become internally
inconsistent, contradictory, or dissonant they can result in a breakdown of signifying chains and social events through which common sense is established or
maintained. Trauma does not manifest the frustrations and anxieties of this form
of everyday life, but it does present a framework within which contradiction, the
seeming abandonment of reason, reliance on aggression, or paralyzing apathy and
frustration can be understood (e.g., in Nina Eliasophs [1998] study on apathy in
U.S. politics). Acting out therefore reflects not only straightforward instability
but also an attempt to (re)make sense of a hegemony that has become insufficient
or fragmented.
It is not only the repeated pain and trauma of war, displacement, or physical
uncertainty (e.g., from incest cases or the ever-present threat of terrorist attacks
or violent reprisals in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) that defines quotidian
trauma, but also the often slow and quiet violation of a worldview. Overtly violent or aggressive trauma stems from limit events in which signifying chains are
made to seem incompatible with lived or imagined reality. More subtle levels of
Not Preferred Example #2: Text editing tools
banal quotidian trauma similarly rely on incompatibility, and both forms of trauPlease do NOT use text edit tools. As you can see in this section, they are extremely hard to
matic existence are apparent in a dual process of remaking or creating new cogsee and are likely to be overlooked.
nitive models (e.g., the death-camp mentality spoken of in many Holocaust
memoirs) and of acting out against the breakdown of the symbolic (e.g., renegotiating masculinity in MTVs The Pickup Artist). This is not to equate the two
forms of quotidian trauma nor is it to suggest that they should be seen through
one another. Instead, it is to suggest that trauma is a social and cultural framework within which individuals and groups exist. Although its causes and results
vary drastically, examining traumatic processes from multiple perspectives allows
for an understanding of the maintenance, breakdown, reification, and evolution
of common sense. This provides us with a method by which we may engage or
understand on one hand the often bewilderingly counterproductive developments in geopolitical conflicts (e.g., the Sudan, IsraelPalestine, and IraqUnited
States) and on the other hand the acceptance of or adherence to such policies or
rhetoric. If we conceive of trauma as caused by oppressive or fragmenting structures, then it can be used to conceptualize and deal with events and psychological states as different as the constant fear of death in war and the fear of losing
ones job in a factory.11
To chart such processes in the contemporary middle classes, however, is at
once easier and more difficult than it might at first seem. It is simple to locate