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Originally formed for self-protection, prison gangs have become the unlikely
custodians of order behind barsand of crime on the streets.
By Graeme Wood
Photos by Brian L. Frank
SEPTEMBER 16, 2014
N A CLEAR MORNING
time and let a cool, salty breeze blow across their bodies. Their
home, the California prison systems permanent address for its
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miles from the Oregon border in the other. This is their yard time.
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Most of the inmates belong to one of Californias six main prison gangs:
Nuestra Familia, the Mexican Mafia, the Aryan Brotherhood, the Black
Guerrilla Family, the Northern Structure, or the Nazi Lowriders (the last
two are offshoots of Nuestra Familia and the Aryan Brotherhood,
respectively). The inmates interact like volatile chemicals: if you open their
cells in such a way as to put, say, a lone member of Nuestra Familia in a
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crowd of Mexican Mafia, the mix can explode violently. So the guards
release them in a careful order.
Now watch what they do, says Christopher Acosta, a corrections officer
with a shaved head who worked for 15 years as a front-line prison guard
and now runs public relations for Pelican Bay. We are standing with our
backs to a fence and can see everything.
At first, we seem to be watching a sullen but semi-random parade of
terrifying menheavily tattooed murderers, thieves, and drug dealers
walking past one of five casual but alert guards. Some inmates, chosen for
a strip search, drop their prison blues into little piles and then spin around,
bare-assed, to be scrutinized. Once inspected, they dress and walk out into
the yard to fill their lungs with oxygen after a long night in the stagnant air
of the cellblock. The first Hispanic inmate to put his clothes on walks about
50 yards to a concrete picnic table, sits down, and waits. The first black
inmate goes to a small workout area and stares out at the yard intently. A
white guy walks directly to a third spot, closer to the basketball court.
Another Hispanic claims another picnic table. Slowly it becomes obvious
that they have been moving tactically: each has staked out a rallying point
for his group and its affiliates.
Once each gang has achieved a critical massabout five menit sends off
a pair of scouts. Two of the Hispanics at the original concrete picnic table
begin a long, winding stroll. Theyll walk around, get within earshot of the
other groups, and try to figure out whats going down on the yard, Acosta
says. Then they can come back to their base and say whos going to attack
who, whos selling what.
Eventually, about 50 inmates are in the yard, and the guards have stepped
back and congregated at their own rallying point, backs to the fence, with
Acosta. The mens movements around the yard are so smooth and
organized, they seem coordinated by invisible traffic lights. And thats a
good thing. Theres like 30 knives out there right now, Acosta says.
Hidden up their rectums.
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A corrections officer at Pelican Bay conducts a search for contraband in an inmate's cell.
their activities and kill defectors who reveal their practices. This
past summer, however, a 32-year-old academic named David
Skarbek published The Social Order of the Underworld, his first
book, which is the best attempt in a long while to explain the intricate
organizational systems that make the gangs so formidable. His focus is the
California prison system, which houses the second-largest inmate
population in the countryabout 135,600 people, slightly more than the
population of Bellevue, Washington, split into facilities of a few thousand
inmates apiece. With the possible exception of North Korea, the United
States has a higher incarceration rate than any other nation, at one in 108
adults. (The national rate rose for 30 years before peaking, in 2008, at one
in 99. Less crime and softer punishment for nonviolent crimes have caused
the rate to decline since then.)
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Craig Canary, an inmate in Pelican Bays Security Housing Unit, in his solitary-confinement cell
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KARBEK TRAINED IN
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had prisons for nearly a century before the first documented gang
appeared. Some states dont have prison gangs at all. New York has had
street gangs for well over a century, but its first major prison gang didnt
form until the mid-1980s.
The explanation, Skarbek says, can be found in demographics, and in
inmate memoirs and interviews. Before prison gangs showed up, he
says, you survived in prison by following something called the convict
code.! Various recensions of the code exist, but they all reduce to a few
short maxims that old-timers would share with first offenders soon after
they arrived. It was pretty simple, he explains. You mind your own
business, you dont rat on anyone, and you pretty much just try to avoid
bothering or cheating other inmates.
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street gangs that have been locked up. The story of their origins, however,
is closer to the opposite: the Mexican Mafia, for example, was born at Deuel
Vocational Institution, in Tracy, California, in 1956, and only later did that
group, and others, become a presence on the streets. Today, the relation of
the street to the cellblock is symbiotic. The young guys on the street look
to the gang members inside as role models, says Charles Dangerfield, a
former prison guard who now heads Californias Gang Task Force, in
Sacramento. Getting sentenced to prison is like being called up to the
majors.
But Skarbek says the prison gangs serve another function for street
criminals. In a 2011 paper in American Political Science Review, he proposed
that prison is a necessary enforcement mechanism for drug crime on the
outside. If everyone in the criminal underworld will go to prison eventually,
or has a close relationship with someone who will, and if everybody knows
that gangs control the fate of all inmates, then criminals on the street will
be afraid to cross gang members there, because at some point they, or
someone they know, will have to pay on the inside. Under this model,
prison gangs are the courts and sheriffs for people whose business is too
shady to be able to count on justice from the usual sources. Using data
from federal indictments of members of the Mexican Mafia, and other legal
documents, Skarbek found that the control of prisons by gangs leads to
smoother transactions in the outside criminal world.
Gangs effect this justice on the inside in part by circulating a bad-news
list, or BNL. If your name is on a BNL, gang members are to attack you on
sightperhaps because you stole from an affiliate on the outside, or
because you failed to repay a drug debt, or because youre suspected of
ratting someone out. Skarbek says one sign that the BNL is a rationally
deployed tool, rather than just a haphazard vengeance mechanism, is that
gangs are fastidious about removing names from the list when debts are
paid.
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An inmate of the Security Housing Unit at Pelican Bay is flanked by corrections officers as he is transported from one area of the
unit to another.
O SCHOLAR WRITING
at Pelican Bay, can capture the reality of prison life in all its
brutality. I was prepared for that to be true, even just based on
my own reading. In 2005, Don Diva magazine interviewed a
former guard at Rikers Island, who described the conditions of prison life
in vivid terms. [In each cell] you have a filthy toilet with no cover, a rusty
sink, and a metal frame they call a bed, he told the magazine. Inmates
use the toilet as a refrigerator in the summer to keep milk cool. More vivid
still was his description of inmate survival tactics:
Inmates are legendary for keeping razors in their mouths. Being
able to spit out a razor is like a magic trick in jail. You could be
in the mess hall, get into an altercation with another inmate, and
the next thing you know hes spit out two razors from both sides
of his mouth and your face is slashed up A nigga will become
Houdini when it comes to survival. Spitting razors became such a
problem that inmates immediately punched other inmates in the
mouth as soon as an argument began. This was so that if the
other inmate did have razors in his mouth, he would cut his own
mouth up before even getting the opportunity to spit them out.
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But I found that the staff at Pelican Bay had already been thinking about
prisons the way Skarbek does. While I was there, Lieutenant Jeremy Frisk,
the prisons Institutional Gang Investigator, delivered a half-hour
PowerPoint presentation focused on the managerial ingenuity of the gang
leaders. One of the last slides featured a picture of the Chrysler chairman
and 1980s business icon Lee Iacocca. He was a very good manager, Frisk
said, and turned Chrysler around from the brink of bankruptcy. And he
could do that just from his management strategy: he never turned a
wrench on a car, never assembled a door. But because of his ideas, they
could make millions of dollars. Frisk said gang leaders are the Lee Iacoccas
of the prison world: brilliant managers of violence. (Since that
presentation, I have found it impossible to look at a picture of Iacocca
without imagining him stuffing his cheeks and rectum with razor blades.)
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the wall, to keep track of which inmate is in which cell. These cards include
each inmates name and photo. But the most-important information is
conveyed by the cards color, which roughly correlates with probable gang
affiliation: green for northern Hispanics, pink for southern Hispanics, blue
for blacks, white for whites, and yellow for others, including American
Indians, Mexican nationals, Laotians, and Eskimos. The information is
crucial to the smooth running of the institution. Maintaining balance in a
cellblock, and not putting a lone gang member in a situation where he
might be surrounded by members of a rival gang, requires constant
attention on the part of the corrections officers.
Out in the yard, when Acosta and I watched the inmates gather by gang,
the guards knew exactly what was happening, and they could have
intervened and broken up obvious gang activity. And it was obvious: nearly
all gang members have gang tattoos across their torsos, and some have
markings on their faces too. As Robert Mitchum growled in the remake of
Cape Fear: I dont know whether to look at him or read him.
Each interaction we observed between a correctional officer and a prisoner
resembled bargain more than diktat. Before yard time finished, the guards
let me inspect cells with them. The cells were livable, especially in
comparison to the Rikers Island ones I had read about, even if the whole
block had a dank locker-room smell. When I peeked in an inmates cell, I
saw a dirty metal object in the sink. It was blunt and had a wire attached.
Stinger, Acosta said. Inmates use it to boil water. Its illegal, but if the
inmate isnt doing anything wrong, a guard might let it pass. He said that
if a guard discovered a contraband item during an inspection, he might
place it on the inmates bunk, just to show that he knew about it and could
confiscate it at any time, if the inmate didnt behave.
The guards asked inmates to show me a technique called fishlining,
which involves attaching an object to one end of a string, sliding it out of a
cell and into the hallway, and then using the other end of the string to
yank it across the floor, this way and that, until it slides in front of the
desired cell. A shatter-toothed Aryan Brother smiled at me and said he
could send a book to an adjacent cell this way. (On his shelf: a singlevolume edition of The Chronicles of Narnia and a Teach Yourself book on
German.) The fishlines work as a way to distribute contraband, but are also
used, Skarbek told me, as a sort of corporate communications systemlike
pneumatic tubes for prisoners.
The messages inmates send include extensive questionnaires for new
arrivals. Nuestra Familia is particularly sophisticated, and, in a sure sign of
bureaucratization, the gang even has an initialism for its new-arrival
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questionnaire: NAQ. When you get put in your cell, and the door slams
shut, you might get a fishline with a piece of paper on it, Skarbek says.
And youll be expected to answer the questions in full. The survey might
include questions about your offense, your judge, and your relatives in
other prisons. But it could also ask where you lived on the outside and what
resources you have that could be valuable to the gang. The questionnaires
are collated and checked. At some prisons, inmates use their cellphones to
confirm details on Facebook, and Skarbek says they have been known to
open LexisNexis accounts. Gang members are trained in micrographythe
writing and decipherment of very tiny lettersso they can produce tightly
rolled pieces of paper, called kites, to be transported from prison to
prison in the usual orifice. These activity reports circulate around the
prison system. Christopher Acosta showed me a kite that had been
intercepted at Corcoran State Prison, reporting on a gangs battle with a
rival there.
An inmate doing push-ups in the SHUs exercise yard, a small concrete room with an overhead skylight where inmates are allowed
to spend an hour and a half a day and receive their only exposure to sunlight
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inmate every day. The only way to control known gang members is
to confine them under strict conditions that make communication
almost, but not quite, impossibleno freedom of movement or
circulation with the general prison population, for example, and only rare,
carefully monitored visits.
Over the years, California has tried two broad strategies for gang
management. The first was to break up gangs and scatter their members to
distant prisons where their influence would be divided and diluted. That
strategy too frequently allowed gangs to metastasize, effectively seeding
the whole prison system, and even other states and the federal system,
with gang activity. The current strategy, implemented in the 1990s, is to
identify high-level gang members (a process called validation) and bring
most of them to Pelican Bay.
Pelican Bay is far from the gangs strongholds of Los Angeles and the
Central Valley. In every direction there is little more than redwoods,
marijuana farms, and seacoast. More important, Pelican Bay has the
facilities and knowledge necessary to isolate and neutralize gang members.
In Sacramento, the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has
posters on the wall showing mug shots of all the major gang leadersthe
Lee Iacoccas, Steve Jobses, and Henry Fords of the underworldgrouped
by the prisons they live in. Most are at Pelican Bay, probably for life, in a
snowflake-shaped building called the Security Housing Unit, or SHU
(pronounced shoe).
Of course, there are ways to control inmates that American prisons have
never tried on a large scale. Skarbek points out that the gay-andtransgender unit of the Mens Central Jail in Los Angeles County is safe and
gang-freeso much so that prison officials have had to screen out straight
Angelenos who play gay just to keep away from gangs. That jail is simply
small and well administered, argues Sharon Dolovich, a UCLA professor
who studied it, and its not clear that its methods could scale up. We could
easily replicate less enlightened penal practices, too. In other countries,
they can use corporal punishments not available to authorities in American
prisons, Skarbek saysa bullet in the back of the neck is a strong
deterrent to any Chinese gang that might form behind bars. Within the
bounds of American civil rights, though, we are left with prisons whose
smooth operation relies in part on the predatory activities of gangsand
with facilities like the SHU, which is Californias effort to control the
gangs by subjecting their leaders to levels of surveillance and restriction far
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When I emerged, and the door had clanged again behind me, I told the
guard I hadnt managed to talk with anyone. She was not surprised. Any
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But there are limits to what even the most carefully designed prisons can
constrain. The guard and I were talking in library voices, and no sounds
came from the row of cells nearby. Its quiet, I said, lowering my voice.
&
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