Xiongnu
1 History
1.1 Early history
An early reference to the Xiongnu was by Sima Qian who
wrote about the Xiongnu in the Records of the Grand Historian (c. 100 BCE), drawing a distinct line between the
settled Huaxia people (Chinese) to the pastoral nomads
(Xiongnu), characterizing it as two polar groups in the
sense of a civilization versus an uncivilized society: the
HuaYi distinction.* [19] Sources from the pre-Han eras
Territory of the Xiongnu which includes Mongolia, Western
often classied the Xiongnu as the Hu () people, even
Manchuria, Xinjiang, East Kazakhstan, East Kyrgyzstan, Inner
though this was more a blanket term for nomadic people
Mongolia, Gansu
in general; it only became an ethnonym for the Xiongnu
*
The Xiongnu (Old Chinese: /qo.na/, WadeGiles: during the Han. [20]
Hsiung-nu),* [1]* [2] were a large confederation* [3] of Ancient China often came in contact with the Xianyun
Eurasian nomads who dominated the Asian Steppe from and the Xirong nomadic peoples. In later Chinese histothe late 3rd century BCE to the late 1st century CE. Chi- riography, some groups of these peoples were believed to
nese sources from the 3rd century BC report them as hav- be the possible progenitors of the Xiongnu people.* [21]
ing created an empire under Modu Chanyu, the supreme These nomadic people often had repeated military conleader after 209 BC.* [4] This empire (209 BC 93 AD) frontations with the Shang and especially the Zhou, who
stretched beyond the borders of modern-day Mongolia. often conquered and enslaved the nomads in an expansion
After defeating the previously dominant Yuezhi in the drift.* [21] During the Warring States period, the armies
2nd century BC, the Xiongnu became a dominant power from the Qin, Zhao, and Yan states were encroaching and
on the steppes of central and eastern Asia. They were ac- conquering various nomadic territories that were inhabtive in regions of what is now southern Siberia, Mongolia, ited by the Xiongnu and other Hu peoples.* [22]
Inner Mongolia, Gansu and Xinjiang. Relations between Qin's campaign against the Xiongnu expanded the Qin
early adjacent Chinese dynasties to the south east and the dynasty's territory at the expense of the Xiongnu.* [23]
Xiongnu were complex, with repeated periods of mili- In 215 BCE, Qin Shi Huang sent General Meng Tian
tary conict and intrigue, alternating with exchanges of to conquer the Xiongnu and drive them from the Ordos
tribute, trade, and marriage treaties.
Loop, which he did later that year.* [24] After the catasVarious attempts to identify them with groups known
from further west across the Eurasian Steppe under different names remain highly controversial. The identity of the ethnic core of Xiongnu has been a subject of varied hypotheses, because only a few words,
1.2
Xiongnu tribes
Chubei* [25]
Huyan
Lan (tribe)
Luandi
Qiulin
Suibu
1.3
State formation
HISTORY
1.6
and right: the guli, the army commanders, the great governors, the dunghu and the gudu. Beneath them came
the commanders of detachments of one thousand, of one
hundred, and of ten men. This nation of nomads, a people on the march, was organized like an army.* [33]
3
158 BCE, his successor sent 30,000 cavalry to attack
Shangdang and another 30,000 to Yunzhong.
The Xiongnu also practiced marriage alliances with Han
dynasty ocers and ocials who defected to their side.
The older sister of the Chanyu (the Xiongnu ruler) was
married to the Xiongnu General Zhao Xin, the Marquis of Xi who was serving the Han dynasty. The
daughter of the Chanyu was married to the Han Chinese General Li Ling after he surrendered and defected.* [37]* [38]* [39]* [40] The Yenisei Kirghiz Khagans claimed descent from Li Ling.* [41]* [42] Another
Han Chinese General who defected to the Xiongnu was Li
Guangli who also married a daughter of the Chanyu.* [43]
1.5
4
the border markets. In 127 BC, the Han general Wei Qing
retook the Ordos. In 121 BC, the Xiongnu suered another setback when Huo Qubing led a force of light cavalry westward out of Longxi and within six days fought
his way through ve Xiongnu kingdoms. The Xiongnu
Hunye king was forced to surrender with 40,000 men. In
119 BC both Huo and Wei, each leading 50,000 cavalrymen and 100,000 footsoldiers (in order to keep up with
the mobility of the Xiongnu, many of the non-cavalry Han
soldiers were mobile infantrymen who traveled on horseback but fought on foot), and advancing along dierent
routes, forced the chanyu and his court to ee north of the
Gobi Desert.* [52] Major logistical diculties limited the
duration and long-term continuation of these campaigns.
According to the analysis of Yan You (), the diculties were twofold. Firstly there was the problem of supplying food across long distances. Secondly, the weather
in the northern Xiongnu lands was dicult for Han soldiers, who could never carry enough fuel.* [lower-alpha 1]
According to ocial reports, the Xiongnu lost 80,000 to
90,000 men, and out of the 140,000 horses the Han forces
had brought into the desert, fewer than 30,000 returned
to China.
As a result of these battles, the Chinese controlled the
strategic region from the Ordos and Gansu corridor to
Lop Nor. They succeeded in separating the Xiongnu
from the Qiang peoples to the south, and also gained direct access to the Western Regions. Because of strong
Chinese control over the Xiongnu, the Xiongnu became
unstable and were no longer a threat to the Han Chinese.* [54]
HISTORY
In 53 BC Huhanye () decided to enter into tributary relations with Han China.* [56] The original terms
insisted on by the Han court were that, rst, the chanyu
or his representatives should come to the capital to pay
homage; secondly, the chanyu should send a hostage
prince; and thirdly, the chanyu should present tribute to
the Han emperor. The political status of the Xiongnu
in the Chinese world order was reduced from that of a
brotherly stateto that of an outer vassal().
During this period, however, the Xiongnu maintained political sovereignty and full territorial integrity. The Great
Wall of China continued to serve as the line of demarcation between Han and Xiongnu.
Huhanye sent his son, the wise king of the rightShuloujutang, to the Han court as hostage. In 51 BC he personally visited Chang'an to pay homage to the emperor on
the Lunar New Year. In the same year, another envoy Qijushan () was received at the Sweet Spring Palace
in the north west of modern Shanxi.* [57] On the nan-
1.10
Southern Xiongnu
5
power, Huduershi even compared himself to his illustrious ancestor, Modu. Due to growing regionalism among
the Xiongnu, however, Huduershi was never able to establish unquestioned authority. When he designated his son
as heir apparent (in contravention of the principle of fraternal succession established by Huhanye), Bi, the Rizhu
king of the right, refused to attend the annual meeting at
the chanyu's court.
As the eldest son of the preceding chanyu, Bi (Pi) had a
legitimate claim to the succession. In A.D. 48, two years
after Huduershi's son Punu ascended the throne, eight
Xiongnu tribes in Bi's powerbase in the south, with a military force totalling 40,000 to 50,000 men, acclaimed Bi
as their own chanyu.
1.9
Northern Xiongnu
The Xiongnu's new power was met with a policy of ap- Southern and Northern Xiongnu in 200 AD, before the collapse
peasement by Emperor Guangwu. At the height of his of the Han Dynasty.
6
Economically, the southern Xiongnu relied almost totally
on Han assistance. Tensions were evident between the
settled Chinese and practitioners of the nomadic way of
life. Thus, in 94, Anguo Chanyu joined forces with newly
subjugated Xiongnu from the north and started a large
scale rebellion against the Han.
Towards the end of the Eastern Han, the southern
Xiongnu were drawn into the rebellions then plaguing the
Han court. In 188, the chanyu was murdered by some of
his own subjects for agreeing to send troops to help the
Han suppress a rebellion in Hebei many of the Xiongnu
feared that it would set a precedent for unending military service to the Han court. The murdered chanyu's son
Yufuluo, entitled Chizhisizhu (), succeeded
him, but was then overthrown by the same rebellious faction in 189. He travelled to Luoyang (the Han capital) to
seek aid from the Han court, but at this time the Han court
was in disorder from the clash between Grand General He
Jin and the eunuchs, and the intervention of the warlord
Dong Zhuo. The chanyu had no choice but to settle down
with his followers in Pingyang, a city in Shanxi. In 195,
he died and was succeeded by his brother Hucuquan.
HISTORY
3.1
Theories on multi-ethnicity
1.11.4
Interpretation
Ethno-linguistics
7
The supposed Old Chinese sound of the rst character
() has a possible similarity with the name Hunin
European languages. The second character () appears
to have no parallel in Western terminology. Whether the
similarity is evidence of kinship or mere coincidence is
hard to tell. It could lend credence to the theory that the
Huns were in fact descendants of the Northern Xiongnu
who migrated westward, or that the Huns were using a
name borrowed from the Northern Xiongnu, or that these
Xiongnu made up part of the Hun confederation. As in
the case of the Rouran with the Avars, oversimplications have led to the Xiongnu often being identied with
the Huns, who populated the frontiers of Europe. The
connection started with the writings of the 18th-century
French historian Joseph de Guignes, who noticed that a
few of the barbarian tribes north of China associated with
the Xiongnu had been named Hunwith varying Chinese characters. This theory remains at the level of speculation and although it is accepted by some scholars, including Chinese ones, the majority of Anglophone scholars atly reject it. DNA testing of Hun remains has so far
proved inconclusive in determining their origin. E. de la
Vaissire has shown in the usage of the Ancient Sogdian
Letters * [69] that both Xiongnu and Huns were referred
to asxwnorHunindicating thatXiongnuand
Hunare synonymous.
Porphyrogenitus in his book De Administrando Imperio,* [78]* [79] though in his use, Turksalways referred to Magyars.* [80] Such archaizing was a common
literary topos, and implied similar geographic origins
and nomadic lifestyle but not direct liation.* [81] Some
Uyghurs claimed descent from the Xiongnu (according to
Chinese history Weishu, the founder of the Uyghur Khaganate was descended from a Xiongnu ruler),* [82] but
many contemporary scholars do not consider the modern Uyghurs to be of direct linear descent from the old
Uyghur Khaganate because modern Uyghur language and
Old Uyghur languages are dierent.* [83] Rather, they
consider them to be descendants of a number of people,
one of them the ancient Uyghurs.* [84]* [85]* [86]
3.2
Iranian theories
3.3
Mongolic theories
The Turkologist Gerhard Doerfer has denied any possibility of a relationship between the Xiongnu language and
any other known language and rejected in the strongest
terms any connection with Turkic or Mongolian.* [103]
4.1
Archaeology
9
with the Ashina clan hair-style.* [109] Well-preserved
bodies in Xiongnu and pre-Xiongnu tombs in the Mongolian Republic and southern Siberia show both Mongoloid and Caucasian features.* [110] Analysis of skeletal remains from sites attributed to the Xiongnu provides
an identication of dolichocephalic Mongoloid, ethnically distinct from neighboring populations in presentday Mongolia.* [111] Russian and Chinese anthropological and craniofacial studies show that the Xiongnu were
physically very heterogenous, with six dierent population clusters showing dierent degrees of Mongoloid and
Caucasoid physical traits. These clusters point to signicant cross-regional migrations (both east to west and west
to east) that likely started in the Neolithic period and continued to the medieval Mongolian period.* [10]
traced through an analysis of Early Iron Age burial constructions. No region has been proven to have mortuary
practices that clearly match that of the Xiongnu.* [105]
4.1
Archaeology
Xiongnu bow
10
4.2
Genetics
11
thermore, it appears that the Yakuts probably did not nd class. Particularly interesting are in the cemetery Heigoutheir origin among the Xiongnu tribes as previously hy- liang, Xinjiang (Black Gouliang cemetery, also known
pothesised.* [132]
as the summer palace of Xiongnu king), east of Barkol
*
A research study of 2006 [133] focused on Y-DNAs basin, near the city of Hami. By typing results of DNA
of the Egyin Gol site, and besides the conrmation of samples during the excavation of one of the tombs it was
the above-mentioned two N3-Tats, it also identied a Q- determined that of the 12 men there were: Q1a*(xQM242 haplogroup from the middle period and a C-M130 M120, xQ-M25, xQ-M3) - 6, Q1b (M378) - 4 (two sephaplogroup from the later (2nd century AD). The Q- arate tombs), Q*(xQ1a, xQ1b)2 (unable to determine
subclade).
M242 is one of the haplogroups of the indigenous peoples
of the Americas (though this is not this subclade), and All Y-haplogroup Q1b-M378 represent hosts of the
minor across Eurasia. Only two groups in the Old World tombs, while half of Y-DNA Q1a* represents hosts and
are high majority Q-M242 groups. These are the Selkups half sacricial victims. They date from the time of
(however, only one study was made) and the Ket people. early (Western) Han (2nd-1st Century BC). In another
They live in western and middle Siberia, together with study, 3 in this place were identied as Q-M3. Sumthe Khanty people. The Kets originally lived in south- marizing the data from available evidences, it is conern Siberia. According to Uralistic literature* [134] the cluded that the tombs belongs to the representatives of the
swift migration and disjunction of the Samoyedic peo- Xiongnu/Hunnu nobility/conquerors.* [139]* [140]* [141]
ples might be connected to a heavy warring in the region,
probably due to the dissolution of the Xiongnu Empire in
the period of the Battle of the Altai Mountains.
5 Material culture
The mutation dening haplogroup C-M130, is restrained
in North and East Asia and in America (Bergen et al.
1998. 1999.) (Lell et al. 2002.). The highest frequencies
of Haplogroup C3 are found among the populations of
Mongolia and the Russian Far East, where it is generally
the modal haplogroup. Haplogroup C3 is the only variety of Haplogroup C-M130 to be found among Native
Americans, among whom it reaches its highest frequency
in Na-Den populations.
A research project of 2007 (Yi Chuan, 2007* [135]) was
aimed at the genetic anities between Tuoba Xianbei
and Xiongnu populations. Some mtDNA sequences from
Tuoba Xianbei remains in Dong Han period were analyzed. Comparing with the published data of Xiongnu,
the results indicated that the Tuoba Xianbei presented
some close anities to the Xiongnu, which implied
that there was a gene ow between Tuoba Xianbei and
Xiongnu during the two southward migrations.
A recent examination* [136] in a Xiongnu elite cemetery
in Duurlig Nars revealed a Western Eurasian male with
maternal U2e1 and paternal R1a1 haplogroups and two
other DNAs: a female with mtDNA haplogroup D4 and Gold stag with eagle's head, and ten further heads in the antlers.
a male with Y-haplogroup C3 and mtDNA haplogroup From a Xiongnu tomb on the frontier, 4th-3rd century BC
D4.
A study of 2010 * [137] analysed six human remains of a
nomadic group, excavated from Pengyang County. From
the mtDNA, six haplotypes were identied as three haplogroups: C, D4 and M10. The analyses revealed that
these individuals were closely associated with the ancient
Xiongnu and modern northern Asians. The analysis of
Y chromosomes from four male samples that were typed
as haplogroup Q-M242(all Q1a1-M120)* [138] indicated
that these people had originated in Siberia.
12
ilar image in work from Maoqinggou, a site which is presumed to have been under Xiongnu political control but
is still clearly non-Xiongnu. From Maoqinggou, we see
the prey replaced by an extension of the tiger's foot. The
work also depicts a lower level of execution; Maoqinggou
work was executed in a rounder, less detailed style.* [142]
In its broadest sense, Xiongnu iconography of animal predation include examples such as the gold headdress from
Aluchaideng and gold earrings with a turquoise and jade
inlay discovered in Xigouban, Inner Mongolia.* [142] The
gold headdress can be viewed, along with some other examples of Xiongnu art, from the external links at the bottom of this article.
Xiongnu art is harder to distinguish from Saka or Scythian
art. There was a similarity present in stylistic execution,
but Xiongnu art and Saka art did often dier in terms
of iconography. Saka art does not appear to have included predation scenes, especially with dead prey, or
same-animal combat. Additionally, Saka art included elements not common to Xiongnu iconography, such as a
winged, horned horse.* [142] The two cultures also used
two dierent bird heads. Xiongnu depictions of birds
have a tendency to have a moderate eye and beak and
have ears, while Saka birds have a pronounced eye and
beak and no ears.* [142]* :102103 Some scholars claim
these dierences are indicative of cultural dierences.
Scholar Sophia-Karin Psarras claims that Xiongnu images of animal predation, specically tiger plus prey, is
spiritual, representative of death and rebirth, and sameanimal combat is representative of the acquisition of or
maintenance of power.* [142]* :102103
5.2
REFERENCES
92-3-102846-4
2nd century BCE 2nd century CE, characters of
Hun-Xianbei script (Mongolia and Inner Mongolia),
N. Ishjamts,Nomads In Eastern Central Asia, in
the History of civilizations of Central Asia, Volume
2, Fig 5, p. 166, UNESCO Publishing, 1996, ISBN
92-3-102846-4
6 See also
List of Xiongnu rulers (Chanyus)
Rulers family tree
List of Mongol states
Nomadic empire
Ethnic groups in Chinese history
History of the Han Dynasty
Ban Yong
7 Notes
[1] This view was put forward to Wang Mang in AD 14* [53].
8 References
[1] Zheng Zhang (Chinese: ), Shang-fang (Chinese:
). " - - - ". . Rearranged by BYVoid.
[2] Zheng Zhang (Chinese: ), Shang-fang (Chinese:
). " - - - ". . Rearranged by BYVoid.
[3] Xiongnu People. britannica.com. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 25 July 2015.
[4] di Cosmo 2004: 186
[5] Harmatta 1994, p. 488: Their royal tribes and kings
(shan-yii) bore Iranian names and all the Hsiung-nu words
noted by the Chinese can be explained from an Iranian
language of Saka type. It is therefore clear that the majority of Hsiung-nu tribes spoke an Eastern Iranian language.
[6] Bailey 1985, pp. 2145
13
[29] Jerry Bentley, Old World Encounters: Cross-Cultural Contacts and Exchanges in Pre-Modern Times (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993), 36
[30]
[48] Charles Higham (2004). Encyclopedia of ancient Asian
14
REFERENCES
[71] Hyun Jin Kim, The Huns, Rome and the Birth of Europe.
ISBN 978-1-107-00906-6. Cambridge University Press.
2013. page 31.
[87] Beckwith 2009, p. 405: Accordingly, the transcription now read as Hsiung- nu may have been pronounced *
Sod, * Sol, * Sak(a)d, or even * Skla(C)da, etc.
[88] Ts. BaasansurenThe scholar who showed the true Mongolia to the world, Summer 2010 vol.6 (14) Mongolica,
pp.40
[92] http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/archaeology/
mongolia/xiongnu/xiongnuarchhist/sunandmoon_th.jpg
[78] Jenkins, Romilly James Heald (1967). De Administrando Imperio by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus. Corpus fontium historiae Byzantinae (New, revised ed.).
Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies. p. 65. ISBN 0-88402-021-5. Retrieved 28
August 2013. According to Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
writing in his De Administrando Imperio (ca. 950 AD)
Patzinakia, the Pecheneg realm, stretches west as far as
the Siret River (or even the Eastern Carpathian Mountains),
and is four days distant from Tourkia (i.e. Hungary).
15
[117] Miller, Bryan (2011). Jan Bemmann, ed. Xiongnu Archaeology. Bonn: Vor- und Fruhgeschichtliche Archaeologie Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat Bonn.
ISBN 978-3-936490-14-5.
[118] Purcell, David. Maps of the Xiongnu Cemetery at
Tamiryn Ulaan Khoshuu, Ogii nuur, Arkhangai Aimag,
Mongolia (PDF). The Silk Road 9: 143145.
[119] Purcell, David; Kimberly Spurr. Archaeological Investigations of Xiongnu Sites in the Tamir River Valley
(PDF). The Silk Road 4 (1): 2031.
[105] Honeychurch, William. Thinking Political Communi[120] Lai, Guolong. The Date of the TLV Mirrors from the
ties: The State and Social Stratication among Ancient
Xiongnu Tombs (PDF). The Silk Road 4 (1): 3443.
Nomads of Mongolia. The Anthropological Study of
Class and Consciousness: 47.
[121] Miller, Bryan (2011). Jan Bemmann, ed. Xiongnu Archaeology. Bonn: Vor- und Fruhgeschichtliche Archaolo[106] Archaeologist
D.Erdenebaatar
16
8.1
8.1.1
Bibliography
Primary sources
REFERENCES
8.1
Bibliography
Di Cosmo, Nicola. 2004. Ancient China and its Enemies: The Rise of Nomadic Power in East Asian History. Cambridge University Press. (First paperback
edition; original edition 2002)
J.K., Fairbank; Tng, S.Y. (1941). On the Ch'ing
Tributary System. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies
6. pp. 135246. doi:10.2307/2718006.
17
Nomadic Civilizations, 700 bc to ad 250; Edited
by Janos Harmatta et al. UNESCO. ISBN 92-3102846-4. 151-170.
Jankowski, Henryk (2006). Historical-Etymological
Dictionary of Pre-Russian Habitation Names of the
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>> (Yu yan yu fan yi, Language and Translation), 2005 02 . Wulumuqi (rmqi). ISSN
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Kradin, Nikolay. 2012. New Approaches and Challenges for the Xiongnu Studies. In: Xiongnu and its
eastward Neighbours. Seoul, p. 3551.
Kradin, Nikolay. 2005. Social and Economic Structure of the Xiongnu of the Trans-Baikal Region. Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia,
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18
Minyaev, Sergey. Les Xiongnu// Dossiers d' archaeologie, # 212. Paris 1996.
Minyaev, Sergey. Archaeologie des Xiongnu en
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Minyaev, Sergey. The origins of the Geometric
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2001, pp. 39
Minyaev, Sergey & Smolarsky Phillipe. Art of the
Steppes. Brussels, Foundation Richard Liu, 2002.
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(Russian) Minyaev, Sergey. The Xiongnu cultural
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REFERENCES
(French) Petkovski,
Elizabet.
2006.
Polymorphismes ponctuels de squence et identication gntique: tude par spectromtrie de
masse MALDI-TOF. Strasbourg: Universit Louis
Pasteur. Dissertation
19
Houle, J. and L.G. Broderick 2011 Settlement
Patterns and Domestic Economy of the Xiongnu in
Khanui Valley, Mongolia", 137-152. In Xiongnu
Archaeology: Multidisciplinary Perspectives of the
First Steppe Empire in Inner Asia.
External links
Downloadable article: Evidence that a West-East
admixed population lived in the Tarim Basin as early
as the early Bronze AgeLi et al. BMC Biology 2010,
8:15.
Material Culture presented by University of Washington
Encyclopedic Archive on Xiongnu
The Xiongnu Empire
The Silk Road Volume 4 Number 1
The Silk Road Volume 9
Gold Headdress from Aluchaideng
Belt buckle, Xiongnu type, 3rd2nd century B.C.
Videodocumentation: Xiongnu the burial site of
the Hun prince (Mongolia)
The National Museum of Mongolian History ::
Xiongnu
20
10
10
10.1
10.2
Images
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10.3
Content license
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