Thesis On PDA PDF

We the Balkanians: A Critical Analysis of the Political
Discourse
Elsa Sknderi
Thesis for the degree of M aster of Philosophy in General Linguistics
Department of Linguistic, Literary and Aesthetic Studies
University of Bergen, Norway
Term, Spring 2014
UNIVERSITETET I BERGEN
We the Balkanians: A Critical

Analysis of the Political Discourse
Elsa Sknderi
Thesis presented in fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of master in
General Linguistics
Institutt for lingvistiske, litterre og

estetiske studier
Universitetet i Bergen
2014
ABSTRACT
The Critical Discourse Analysis is a growing discipline which is being applied to various
fields and subjects and the political discourse is one of the most prominent of those. This
thesis based on Critical Discourse Analysis analyzes the political discourse of the Balkan
politicians. The context of the discourse fragments analyzed is related to political or
economical summits or forums, where the high-profile Balkan politicians give their speeches.
The aim of this dissertation is to understand how the European Integration agenda, which
resembles an ideological project, influences the way the political discourse in the Balkans is
shaped. The way a common Balkan identity is indexed and the linguistic strategies, such as
Syntactic Transformations or Spatial and Temporal deictics are employed to refer to the
common problematic past of the Balkans, or to metaphorically map the European Integration
Process are the focus points of this research.
This inquiry is based on an analysis of the related literature and of the speeches of the political
leaders which comprised the empirical data. The findings and conclusions underline the fact
that the European Integration agenda has eased the ethnic tones and the conflicts in the
Balkans region. The politicians tend to shape a different political reality in the region, through
their speeches by indexing a common Balkan Identity, by employing syntactic transformations
for the sake of a politically correct discourse and by expressing solidarity through the use of
the same metaphoric scenarios in their discourse fragments.
This dissertation recommends that similar discourse analysis could be performed on larger
corpora. Another recommendation formulated is related to conducting comparative researches
rather within the Balkans context, or beyond that by comparing two different contexts such as
the Balkans and the Scandinavian one. Such researches could help understanding the way
identities are constructed or indexed, under the influence of European ideology or under the
influence of the problematic past.
Keywords: CDA, PDA, the Balkans, Political discourse, European Union Integration agenda
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To my little baby, who spent the very first days of his life doing Critical Discourse Analysis
with me.
Special thanks go to my supervisor, Professor ivin

Andersen and to my co-supervisor professor Shezai Rrokaj
for their insights and good advice.
I am immensely thankful to my father, to my family and to

my amazing husband for their support and love. I am
forever grateful!
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ...2
Acknowledgements..3
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION.7
1.1 Introduction....7
1.2 Overall research aim and research objectives.....8
1.3 Thesis Outline ....9
1.4 Background knowledge on the Balkans10
CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK.....12
2.1 Introduction ..12
2.2 Language and Politics....12
2.3 Critical Linguistics ....13
2.4 Critical Discourse Analysis ...14
2.4.1 What is CDA?.....................................................................................................14
2.5 Discourse Analysis and the CDA of Political Discourse...16
2.5.1 Why PDA?..........................................................................................................16
2.6 Reproaches (Critiques) to CDA.....18
2.6. 1 Neither theoretical nor methodical orthodoxy in CDA.....18
2.6.2 A single plausible interpretation and the issue of bias19
2. 7 On the Importance of this Research..21
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODS...22
3.1 Introduction ...22
3.2 Research Strategy ..23
3.3 Data Collection and Sampling Technique .....25
3.4 Data Selection Criteria ..25
3.5 Framework for Data Analysis ...26
4
3.5.1 Data Description ...26

3.5.2 Data Analysis ...27
3.5.2.1 The Grammar of Modality ....27
3.5.2.2 Transformations 32
3.5.2.3 Metaphors ..33
3.6 Limitations and Potential Problems 34
3.7 Reliability and Validity ..35
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS AND FINDINGS ...36
4.1 Introduction on Main Findings ..36
4.2 Findings on the Grammar of Modality ..37
4.2.1 Personal Deixes37
4.2.2 Temporal and Spatial Deixes ..43
4.3 Findings on Transformations .....50
4.4 Findings on Metaphoric Scenarios .55
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSIONS ..62
5.1 Introduction .62
5.2 Summary of Findings and Conclusions ...63
5.3 Recommendations for Further Research .67
REFERENCES ...68
APPENDIXES
Appendix 1: The deictic map of the speech of Ahtifete Jahjaga .71
Appendix 2: The deictic map of the speech of Boidar Deli .73
Appendix 3: The deictic map of the speech of Bujar Nishani .75
Appendix 4: The deictic map of the speech of Igor Lukic .77
Appendix 5: The deictic map of the speech of Nikola Gruevski .79
Appendix 6: The Speech of the President of Kosovo Ahtifete Jahjaga ..81
Appendix 7: The speech of the Minister of Economy and European Integration of
Serbia, Boidar Deli83
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Appendix 8: The Speech of the President of Albania Bujar Nishani ..85

Appendix 9: The speech of Igor Lukic ..87
Appendix 10: The speech of Nikola Gruevski ...90
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
This thesis focuses on a Critical Discourse Analysis of the Political discourse in the region of
the Balkans. The Balkan Peninsula is widely known as a region prone to ethnic diversity and
conflict. This phenomenon is strongly related to the history of disputes and war within the
nations of the Balkans. Notwithstanding the past politics of conflict and war, the present day
political reality in the Balkans is changing.
The Balkan countries tend to be more open to cooperation and the Balkan foreign politics is
much more amicable from what it used to be. This new political reality is mainly related to the
policies that the Balkan countries are applying in terms of their European Union Integration
processes.
This new European agenda is a sort of new ideology which makes the Balkans overcome the
nationalistic and ethnic feelings or conflicts. The alterations of the foreign policy of the
Balkan countries are reflected, and it is possible to trace the political discourse of the high
profile politicians. Such a claim supports the principle of Critical Linguistics and Critical
Discourse Analysis that: Discourses are ideological and that there is no arbitrariness of
signs. (Wodak, Cillia 2006:713)
1.2 Overall research aim and research objectives

The integration process to the European Union resembles an ideological project which can
potentially restructure the political discourse in the Balkans. One of the key claims of the
Critical Discourse Analysis is that: Major social and political processes and movements have
a partly linguistic-discursive character (Fairclough, Wodak 1993:271).
The Critical Discourse Analysis, which is one of the most salient branches of the Discourse
Analysis, is the discipline on which this research relies to draw the theoretical approach and
the methodological procedures. This kind of discourse analysis goes beyond the linguistic
level, to cover even the grounds of the sociopolitical context. Overall the research aim of this
thesis is to perform a Critical Discourse Analysis on the political discourse in the Balkan
context.
First of all we examine the way Balkan politicians index their identity when they talk to eachother or for each-other in political or economic summits or forums. One of the research
objectives of this inquiry is to shed light on the question: Have Balkan politicians begun to
index a common Balkan identity in their discourses?
Another objective is to interpret how is the construction of this Balkan identity overcoming
the ethnic pathos of the past, and how it can be interpreted in terms of the European
Integration process of the Balkan countries.
Critical Discourse Analysis asserts the lack of arbitrariness of the linguistic signs in the
discourse. Based on this the next objective is to examine how the linguistic discourse
strategies are employed in the Balkan political discourse. First of all we consider some aspects
of the Grammar of Modality, next we find and interpret the Transformations and finally we
take into account the conceptual metaphors used when talking about the European Integration.
Finding and interpreting the main linguistic strategies the Balkan politicians use in their
discourse are helpful to examine how the ethnic diversity is eased, how the politicians refer to
their problematic past, how they present their future goals and objectives and overall how their
discourse help their new common ideological project, which is that of the European Union
Integration.
This inquiry analyzes and interprets how the current ideology shapes the political discourse in
the Balkans. The term ideology here and throughout this thesis is used in the sense of
worldviews or schematically organized complexes of representations and attitudes with
regard to certain aspects of the social world. (van Dijk (1993) cited in van Leeuwen 2006)
This research is relevant not only to Critical Discourse Analysis, but also to linguistics studies
in the Balkans. More broadly it can be pertinent even to Balkan Studies.
1.3 Thesis Outline

The first chapter states the research objectives and the research aims. At the same time it
offers brief background knowledge on the Balkans history, covering the grounds which are
relevant to this thesis. Chapter two puts forward the Theoretical Framework on which this
thesis is built and makes a brief summary of the main issues of Critical Discourse Analysis. In
addition the chapter offers the main Critiques to Critical Discourse Analysis.
Chapter three presents the research methods of this thesis stating each of the related topics
such as the Research Strategy, Data Collection and Sampling Technique, the Criteria followed
for the data selection, the Framework for Data Analysis, The Data Description and Data
Analysis. Two important subjects this chapter treats are Limitations and Potential Problems of
this thesis and the subject of Reliability ad Validity.
Chapter four presents the results and findings reached after the empirical work and data
analysis. One by one we present the findings on the Grammar of Modality, on
Transformations and on Metaphoric Scenarios.
Chapter five summarizes the findings and conclusion, discusses these findings and offers
Recommendations for further research.
1.4 Background Knowledge on the Balkans

The Balkans is the geographical and historic name which refers to the Southeastern Europe.
The etymology of the word is related to the mountains Balkan, which lay through Bulgaria
and reach up to the eastern Serbia.
The region of the Balkans has always been in the boarders of great emperies, thus his history
has been dominated by wars, riots, invasions and clashes between emperies, from the times of
the Roman Empire, up to the recent wars in former Yugoslavia. The region has been a battle
field for the interests of Great Powers, in different epochs of history, but at the same time it
has experienced civil wars between some of the countries of the Peninsula.
The Balkans was not only the place of great clashes from the times of Greeks, Romans,
Byzantines, Habsburgs, and Ottomans, but also the place of the cultures amalgamation. The
expansion of the Habsburg Empire toward the Southeast up to the beginning of the 20th
century and the extension of Ottoman Empire toward North induced the ethnic, linguistic and
religious division in the Balkan region.
Another reason that induced the nationalism in the Balkans, was the injustice of Great Powers
for solving territorial and geopolitical issues through treaties and agreements such as Treaty of
San Stefano (1878) and the Treaty of Berlin (1878) etc. These treaties were considered as
unjust because they did not offer a solution to the Balkans conflicts, but aggravated more the
situation. The Eastern Question did indeed turn the Balkans into the "powder keg of Europe,"
but the responsibility for this situation lay as much with the great powers and the principle of
the balance of power as with the Balkan states. (Jelavich 1983: 440)
The national wars and revolutions that had started in the beginning of the 19th century,
continued through the 20th century, which started and ended with ethnic wars in the Balkans,
making the regions known in the whole world as The powder keg of Europe.
The whole 20th century has been a tragic period in the history of the Balkans starting by the
crisis of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908 and the Balkan Wars in 1912 to end with the war in
Bosnia-Herzegovina during 1992-1995 and in Kosovo in 1999.
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Sir Winston Churchills quote that The Balkans produce more history than they can
consume seems to have been relevant to those times. During the 20th century in the Balkans
7 wars took place and these wars made the territories of the Balkan countries change
continuously, reconfiguring the identity of the region. The ethnic issues of the Balkans during
the whole history of its wars never served to the good neighborly relations.
Notwithstanding, to the past the actual developments in the Balkans are showing a tendency to
improve the neighborly relations. There is a political will to end the democratization processes
and the European Union integration processes. These positive developments in the region are
leaving behind the philosophy of division, and the Balkan countries are trying to reach
reconciliation.
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CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 Introduction
The aim of this dissertation is to shed light to the way Balkan Politicians perform a common
Balkan Identity when they are in the presence of each-other. Next it is aimed to investigate
and analyze the language constructions of this political discussion, when referring to the
problematic past of the Balkans and to the common future. Yet another important objective of
the inquiry is to find out how the process of European Integration is marked through
conceptual metaphors in the Balkan political discourse.
These research objectives cover topics such as Politics and Language, Critical Discourse
Analysis, Political Discourse Analysis, Metaphor and Politics. Based on this, this chapter
outlines the theoretical framework of this thesis. First we consider the theoretical issues of
Language and Politics; secondly the discipline of Critical Linguistics is shortly presented
and then its relevance to this study is laid forward. Thirdly a concise overview of Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA) and its object of study is give. From the broad domain of CDA we
move to a more specific one that is directly linked to our research, which is that of Political
Discourse Analysis (PDA). The reasons for choosing a PDA are given and then the main
subjects studied by PDA are presented.
2.2 Language and Politics

The study of Politics intertwined to Language has started from the rhetorical studies of
Ancient Greece and Rome and is of a growing interest in scholar practices. Ancient Rhetoric
as the art to persuade others through language was as well concerned with aspects of political
communication. Classical rhetoric, apart from its uses in the courtroom, was primarily
developed as an art to persuade people in a political assembly. Thus, special arguments,
special forms and figures of style were traditionally associated with political text and talk.
(van Dijk 1997: 34)
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Indeed, the concepts of style and figures were essential to Rhetoric, but only as means to
ornament the language. The main interest of Rhetoric was not the study of how language is
used to express a certain standing or ideology, but how language should be used (inter alia in
political texts) to make the speech more persuasive.
A brief historical overview of the research in the domain of Language and Politics can be
found in the works of Wodak and Cillia (2006:707-09) and Chilton (2004:3-48).
Conditioned by this dissertation aims we will focus on some of most important developments
of the history of this research such as that of Critical Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis
and political discourse analysis.
2.3 Critical Linguistics

Critical Linguistics (CL) arouse in the mid-1970s a necessity for an academic branch which
would examine the connections between language and ideology, social structure. CL was
theoretically affected by the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt school and by the Marxist
philosophy. Roger Fowler, Tony Trew and Gunther Kress were the pioneers of CL and their
explicit argument was that: the world-view comes to language-users from their relation to
institutions and the socio -economic structure of their society. It is facilitated and confirmed
for them by a language use which has societys ideological impress. Similarly, ideology is
linguistically mediated [] (Fowler, Kress 1979: 185)
This argument presented the need for a linguistic analysis which would not only be formal or
neutral, as Fowler and Kress put it, but also critical. The need then is for a linguistics which
is critical, which is aware of the assumptions on which it is based and prepared to reflect
critically about the underlying cause of the phenomena it studies, and the nature of the society
whose language it is. (1979: 186)
The systemic functionalist linguistics was where CL relied for an analytical framework. M. A.
K. Hallidays books Language as Social Semiotic (1978) and Introduction to Functional
Grammar (1985) were central to Critical Linguistic Analyses. The concepts of these books
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became important for understanding grammar and interpreting texts, keeping in mind that:
grammar has to interface with what goes on outside language: with the happenings and
conditions of the world, and with the social processes we engage in (Halliday 2004: 24)
Halliday's Systemic Functional Linguistics became the groundwork to establish three basic
assumptions for CL: 1 that language serves a number of specific functions, and that all
linguistic forms and processes express one or all these functions; 2 that the selections which
speakers make from among the total inventory of forms and processes are principled and
systematic; and 3 that the relation between form and content is not arbitrary or conventional,
but that form signifies content. (Fowler, Kress 1979: 185)
Moreover Hallidays Functionalist Grammar was the foreground of an analytic method, or the
linguistic toolkit to CL, but not only to them. It still seems to be very important even to do and
understand CL descendant: Critical Discourse Analysis. In most studies there is reference to
Hallidayan systemic functional grammar. This indicates that an understanding of the basic
claims of Halliday's grammar and his approach to linguistic analysis is essential for a proper
understanding of CDA. (Wodak and Meyer 2002: 8)
2.4 Critical Discourse Analysis

CL apart from being the forerunner of CDA, is still being used interchangeably with the term
CDA especially when referring to the Analysis of Political Discourses. (See Wodak, Cellia
2006) Indeed Teun A. van Dijk, one of the pioneers of Discourse Studies, states that CL and
CDA are at most a shared perspective on doing linguistic, semiotic or discourse analysis
(van Dijk, 1993:131).
2.4.1 What is CDA?

The notion of discourse seems to be a fuzzy one. According to van Dijk, discourse has three
main domains: (a) language use, (b) the communication of beliefs (cognition), and (c)
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interaction in the social situation. (van Dijk 1997a:2) The coexistence of these domains urges
the necessity to analyze discourse from a multidisciplinary perspective.
In the beginning of 90s a new school of thought arose, aiming to analyze the discourse
through a multidisciplinary approach. This school established a new paradigm in Discourse
Analysis, that of Critical Discourse Analysis. As Wodak and Meyer point out, the term
critical here stands not for a negative connotation, but in the sense of Critical Theory
proclaimed by Max Horkheimer, one of the members of the Frankfurt School. (Wodak, Meyer
2009:6) Even why CDA has various orientations, mainly the analyses are based on concurrent
phenomena of discourse, ideology, and power. The political discourse is one of the most
salient discourses, where power and ideology are omnipresent.
CDA broadened the scope of CL from textual analysis to intertextual analysis. But at the same
time even the subject to which CDA was applied were extended. There are studies regarding
News and Media, (e.g. Fairclough 1995b; van Dijk 1998, van Dijk 1988). Racism (van Dijk
1991, Wodak and Matouschek 1993), Immigration (van Leeuwen and Wodak 1999), Gender
Issues, Education, Business etc.
There is also a wide variety of methodological approaches to the discourse fragments
analyzed. There is not a uniquely accurate methodology to do CDA, and this has been one of
many debated aspects of CDA (See Widdowson 1995).
2.5 Discourse Analysis and the CDA of Political Discourse

As T v. Dijk (1997) notes PDA contributes not only to discourse studies, but also to political
sciences and the social sciences in general.
In his paper What is political discourse? T. v. Dijk (1997) offers some preliminary criteria
that discourse has to fulfill to be considered a Political Discourse. Based on this assumption
the political discourse analyzed in this thesis is almost a prototypical one for the following
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reasons.
1. In the analyzed speeches politicians such as ministers, prime ministers, or presidents are the
actors or authors (v. Dijk 1997:13) of the political discourse. The discourse of all the other
individuals, institutions or organizations which are participants in the political process
(ibid.) is excluded.
2. The context of the analyzed speeches is a political one as the talk is contextualized in a
communicative event such as Balkan Summits or media interview on the Balkans politics.
3. The main political process to which the Balkan politicians refer to is the European Union
Integration. Thus when together they set common agendas and policies or at least they talk
politically regarding their progress in the European Union integration process.
4. The Balkan politicians refer in their speeches to shared political values which are equality
among Balkan States, justice, and freedom (which is crucial especially for countries like
Kosovo).
2.5.1 Why PDA?

There is a broad corpus of research on PDA, which is very helpful when it comes to the
methodological approach. As it was mentioned, PDA is one of the most representative subbranches of CDA, which consecutively employs its techniques of analysis. The most crucial
point why CDA was chosen is its linguistic affinity.
However, the linguistic character of CDA becomes evident in this section, because in
contrast to other approaches to text and discourse analysis (for example, content
analysis, grounded theory, conversation analysis; see Titscher et al., 2000) CDA
strongly relies on linguistic categories. This does not mean that topics and contents
play no role at all, but that the core operationalizations depend on linguistic concepts
such as actors, mode, time, tense, argumentation, and so on. (Meyer 2002: 25)
Beyond this, the previous research in the field of CDA and PDA offers many theoretical and
practical models, which are relevant to the objectives of this inquiry. For instance, in some of
the research conducted by political discourse analysts have continuously paid attention to the
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issues of identity and have already established even a theoretical link between discourse and
identity performance. Discourse not only shapes reality, but it also serves as a medium where
people perform identities.
The performative character of the discourse has changed the way sociolinguistics and studies
of language focus on their object of inquiry. Sociolinguistics traditionally assumes that
people talk the way they do because of who they already are, whereas a performative
approach to identity suggests that people are who they are because of (among other things)
the way they talk (Cameron, 1997 cited by Pennycook 2006: 288)
As our study aims to see whether the common Balkan identity is performed or indexed. The
politicians can position themselves with respect to a Balkan identity implicitly through
pronoun use, through which they create or make their identities specific. For this reason we
take a closer look at person deixis in the political speeches to understand how group identity is
conceptualized.
In addition to person deixis, spatial and temporal deixis are also examined because according
to Chilton and Schffner (2002) these deixes have a political significance too. (see Chilton,
Schffner 2002: ff) Temporal deixis is specifically important for the understanding of how
Balkan Politicians refer to the past or how they make the historical periodisation.
Critical analysts consider of a great importance the syntactic transformations which take place
in the political discourse. Fowler and Kress in their seminal work Critical Linguistics (1979)
give strong arguments to show that linguistics structures such as nominalizations and
passivizations are not arbitrary in the discourse, but serve specific aims to the speakers. These
theoretical assumptions play an important role in our inquiry.
Analysts such as Musolff and Zinken (2009), Chilton (2004, 2006), Chilton and Lakoff (1995)
etc. under the light of the Metaphors we live by (Lakoff, Johnson 1980) have brought to CDA
the mechanism of the conceptual metaphor. The cognitive metaphor in the Lakoffian sense is
beyond the borders of rhetorical metaphor. Its importance is in the mapping of one concrete
and familiar domain of experience to another abstract unfamiliar domain. In the political
discourse metaphors conceptualize political actions or processes by offering a certain
ideological view of the reality. Thus specific metaphoric scenarios can be identified.
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Metaphoric scenarios which are idealized cognitive models Lakoff (1987:185) serve to
build conceptual mapping and can be considered as as a set of standard assumptions made
by competent members of a discourse community about the prototypical content aspects
(participants, roles, dramatic story-lines) and social/ethical evaluations concerning elements
of conceptual domains. (Musolff 2004: 17)
The metaphors also express distance or solidarity in the speeches of the politicians. In our
view metaphors are central to the PDA, (see Meadows 2007) because, as Paul Chilton argues,
Metaphors can contribute to a situation where they privilege one understanding of reality
over others. (1996: 74)
2.6 Reproaches (Critiques) to CDA

CDA has continuously been criticized for having theoretical shaky grounds, for the lack of
scientific methods and for the way analyses are undertaken. Edward Haig makes a remarkable
statement regarding the large number of the critics of CDA, whose activity threatens to
develop into a whole new academic cottage industry of its own (2014: 5).
Here we are presenting some of the most peculiar assumptions of the critique of CDA.
2.6. 1 Neither theoretical nor methodological orthodoxy in CDA.
In some Balkan countries like Albania, Kosovo and Serbia if somebody is referred to as
having Marxist ideologies, it is almost like being referred to as a traitor. This can be explained
with reference to the bitter Communist past of these countries. Not surprisingly, one of the
most renowned scholars of CDA, Norman Fairclough is often criticized for following a
Marxist theoretical background in his analyses. Being influenced by Marx is somehow
acceptable for Fairclough, as the Marxist approach was also the theoretical foundation of the
Critical Theory (See Breezer 2011: 496-498). However Theo van Leeuwen makes a statement
that may calm down even fanatics from Albania, Kosovo or Serbia. According to him: But,
again, there is no theoretical orthodoxy in critical discourse analysis (van Leeuwen 2006:
291).
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Beyond the positive lack of theoretical or methodology orthodoxy there exists in fact a wide
range of approaches. Wodak and Meyer (2001) emphasize that CDA cannot be considered
merely as a theory or method applied to social problems. Actually the essence of CDA is that
it can be conducted in, and combined with any approach and subdiscipline in the humanities
and the social sciences (Wodak, Meyer 2001: 96).
Notwithstanding the homogenous approaches are considered as a vulnerable feature of CDA.
CDA is a broad church, it seems, and can contain multitudes. []The consequences of
operating in such an eclectic framework are obvious: Lack of coherence, indiscriminate
mixing of incompatible concepts, unsystematic application of methods, and so on. Moreover,
intellectual rigour aside, there are issues of disciplinary self-definition or selfunderstanding
which clearly have yet to be resolved (Breezer 2011: 502).
2.6.2 A single plausible interpretation and the issue of bias
Furthermore, the work of Critical Discourse Analysts is criticized for offering a single
plausible interpretation and for claiming that the more detailed the analysis, the more
convincing the interpretation will be. Henry Widdowson (1998), one of the faultfinders of
CDA argues that the principles of analysis are unclear. To add Widdowson claims that the
analyses is biased and to some extent arbitrary, as it does not take into account the standpoints
of the writers or the readers of the texts.
The producers and consumers of texts are never consulted. Thus, no attempt is ever
made to establish empirically what writers might have intended by their texts. Their
intentions are vicariously inferred from the analysis itself, by reference to what the
analyst assumes in advance to be the writer's ideological position. Nor is there any
consultation with the readers for whom texts are designed. Their understanding is
assigned to them by proxy, which in effect means that the analysts use the linguistic
features of the text selectively to confirm their own prejudice (Widdowson 1998:
143).
The matter of a single plausible interpretation is also related to the levels of adequacy of CDA.
While its faultfinders argue that the discourse analysis can at its best reach an interpretative
adequacy, the critical discourse analysts and theorists disagree. According to them the range
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of possible interpretations can be narrowed down by deconstructing the text and discovering
the ideologies and power relations embedded in it. Fairclough and Wodak (1997) emphasize
the fact that CDA can reach an explanatory adequacy:
This marks the point where critical readings differ from reading by an uncritical
audience: they differ in their systematic approach to inherent meanings, they rely on
scientific procedures and they naturally and necessarily require self-reflection of the
researchers themselves. In this point, they differ clearly from pure hermeneutics. We
might say they are explanatory in intent, not just interpretative. We also have to state
that interpretations are never finished and authoritative; they are dynamic and open,
open to new contexts and new information (Fairclough, Wodak 1997: 279).
Besides these objections toward CDA, another central critique is that of analysts having
partial or political stances, which effect their interpretations. Although this claim accuses
CDA researchers for being biased and subjective, they do not oppose it. Having such a stance
does not make CDA less scientific. Unlike much other scholarship, CDA does not deny but
explicitly defines and defends its own sociopolitical position. That is, CDA is biased and
proud of it (Wodak, Meyer 2001: 96).
In conclusion the critique towards CDA has been addressed by Critical Discourse analysts
themselves. In this study the PDA aims to consider what is more trustworthy from the
discipline of CDA, to understand the way politicians talk. As we are convinced that the
linguistic features of the political discourse cannot be considered simply stylistic expressions
or preferences. Wodak and Meyer (2001) emphasize that CDA analysts do discourse analysis
with an attitude, and they are in solidarity with the oppressed ones. (96). In contrast to
these, our study is not in solidarity with anyone, nor is there any certain attitude kept. The
analysis conducted here does not belong to someone politically or socially engaged, nor does
it deal with detecting and interpreting ideology, social inequality or power abuses. We want to
use some of the techniques of CDA, mainly concentrating on language as a toolkit. Our work
is based on similar research on PDA.
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2. 7 On the Importance of this Research

The theoretical framework presented in this chapter gives a clearer view of the central
developments in the field of CDA. Moreover it addresses the individual objectives of this
research. As to the importance of this research it may be argued that there is a clear need for
PDA in the context and reality of the Balkans.
We humbly think that it adds value to the current research of CDA, as to our knowledge there
is no similar research regarding the Balkan Political Discourse. This study has a twofold
purpose: to examine the identity as it is performed by the politicians, and to see what language
strategies are used to refer to the problematic past and to the EU integration. This research
work will contribute to discover how past the ethnic conflict in the Balkans is eased by the EU
integration aspirations of the Balkans countries.
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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODS
3.1 Introduction
This chapter lays forward the methodological framework that was used to execute the
analysis, aiming to comply with the research objectives of this thesis. As it was mentioned in
the previous chapter, the methodology of PDA is not a preset collection of rules which the
analyst has to follow. It actually seems to be of a learning by doing sort. Peculiarly
Discourse Analysis is considered to have a difficult-to-define method.
(Berg 2009) Much of the work of discourse analysis is a craft skill, something like bicycle
riding or chicken sexing, that is not easy to render or describe in an explicit or codified
manner (Wetherell, Potter (1992) cited in Berg 2009: 218). Despite such claims this chapter
does its best to describe the elicitation of data and the procedures that were followed to
analyze the collected data.
As it was presented in previous chapters, the focus of this inquiry is the political discourse of
the Balkan leaders. The aim is to discover whether, through their speeches, a common Balkan
identity is constructed, and to find out how Balkan politicians perform identity when they are
gathered in formal forums or summits. The speeches may also be considered as discourse
fragments as far as they have the same thematic concerns Each discourse strand comprises a
multitude of elements which are traditionally called texts. I prefer the term discourse fragment
to `text' since texts (can) address several themes and thus contain several discourse fragments.
What I call a discourse fragment is therefore a text or part of a text which deals with a certain
theme, for example, foreigners/foreigners' affairs (in the broadest sense) (Jger 2002: 46).
Another point of interest is the way politicians refer to their problematic common past and
how they talk to refer to the common EU integration process. To shed light on the raised
research questions, the empirical material which must be analyzed are the speeches of the
main Balkan leaders, given in Balkan Summits or Forums.
In the chapter of theoretical framework we mentioned some of the topics that the CDA inquiry
has covered. There is ample evidence as to the need to conduct such a PDA in the Balkan
context. This research makes one step further as it has a twofold scope: to intertwine the issue
22
of identity to the issue of the EU integration process. All in all we expect to discover a mutual
correlation between these issues.
The outline of this chapter consists of the Research Strategy of the thesis, where the strategy
intended to complete the empirical study is described. Next it presents the Data Collection
and the technique used to gather the relevant data. Besides, another subtopic of this chapter is
the Framework of the Data Analysis, where the collected data is described and then
analyzed. Finally the chapter poses any possible Limitation and potential problems of this
research and it also addresses the questions of reliability and validity.
3.2 Research Strategy

The research strategy that we have decided to implement is hermeneutic CDA methodology
combined with that of a case study. A case study stands for a detailed in depth study, which
observes how a certain group or population behaves in a certain context. The case study
strategy is an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth, within
its real-life context (Yin 2003: 13).
The case study strategy includes various topics, and it is a strategy chosen when other research
strategies such as survey, ethnographic research, historical research or experimental research,
are excluded as relevant strategies that comply with the research objectives. For example,
case studies of programs, events, persons, processes, institutions, social groups, and other
contemporary phenomena have been completed. Sometimes people use the term case study as
a catchall category for research that is not a survey, an observational study, or an experiment
and is not statistical in nature (Hancock, Algozzine 2006:15 ).
The strategy of inquiry usually is conditioned by the nature of the research. Thus for
quantitative research mainly the experiment or survey strategies are used. These strategies are
also conditioned by the quantifiable data the quantitative research deals with. Patricia Duff
(2008: 44) defines the quantitative research as follows: theory-driven (positivist) research,
where an existing theory or model is tested and the standard quantitative (experimental, quasi-
23
experimental) procedures of random sampling, pretesting, assigning groups randomly to

treatments, posttesting, and so on, may be employed.
As to the qualitative research, the researcher is not interested in quantifiable data, and
typically does not belong to the field of natural sciences. Instead he/she studies things in their
natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the
meanings people bring to them (Denzin, Lincoln 1994: 2).
A typical research strategy related to qualitative research is the case study. Nevertheless one
has to keep in mind that this strategy does not exclusively belong to qualitative research and it
can possibly be used in quantitative research too. Case studies represent another type of
qualitative research. They are different from other types in that they are intensive analyses and
descriptions of a single unit or system bounded by space and time. Topics often examined in
case studies include individuals, events, or groups. Through case studies, researchers hope to
gain in-depth understanding of situations and meaning for those involved (Hancock,
Algozzine 2006:10-11).
The case study strategy is best suited to perform an in-depth analysis of the chosen political
speeches, and helps to gain a richer understanding of how political discourse shapes reality
through identity performances. Another reason why this strategy is chosen is that the speeches
that are going to be analyzed belong to a small group of politicians, specifically those who
belong to the context of the Balkans.
Lastly the collected data does not come from an ethnographic research, where the data is
interpreted under the bias of culture, nor does it come from an experiment or survey. The data
is collected to give answers to the specific research questions that we have raised. The
linguistic categories that are going to be analyzed are not very broad, as the aim is to
accomplish a qualitative research, but also not to depart from the distinctive CDA
methodological approach which is small corpora which are usually regarded as being typical
of certain discourses (Meyer 2002: 25).
24
3.3 Data Collection and Sampling Technique

The data that constitutes this corpus was collected by the technique of convenient sampling.
That is because we are interested in scrutinizing the speeches of the high profile politicians
from Balkan. Thus the convenient sampling technique is quite relevant, as far as our aim is not
to make generalizations regarding a large population, as the random or stratified sampling
tends to do.
The speeches which comprise our corpus or data were either found on the official websites of
the politicians or on YouTube. The speeches gathered from YouTube were transposed into
writing. In the cases when the speeches were in languages different from English, which the
author of this dissertation does not speak, the speeches were translated into English.
3.4 Data Selection Criteria

The main criterion for the speech selection was the context. Hence a certain political speech
would be selected as appropriate if it was given to a political gathering, forum, summit, where
the speakers talked about the Balkans (political/ economical situation).
Another criterion for data selection was that of representativeness. A speech can be assumed
to be representative of its genre, if it is given by a high profile politician. The politicians are
presidents, prime ministers or ministers.
As we already pointed out, the research is predisposed to be a qualitative one. In addition to
this fact the typical way of building a corpus in CDA is also taken into account. The corpora
of CDA are not too broad, and the texts analyzed are among the prototypical ones of the
selected discourse. Although there are no explicit statements about this issue, one might
assume that many CDA studies (perhaps with the exception of Teun van Dijk and Ruth
Wodak) mostly deal with only small corpora which are usually regarded as being typical of
certain discourses (Meyer 2002: 25).
25
3.5 Framework for Data Analysis

We are going to develop the framework of the data analysis by first describing the data. Then
we are going to explain step by step the data analysis process.
3.5. 1 Data Description

The speeches that consitute our corpus are:
The speech of the Kosovo President Ahtifete Jahjaga at Western Balkans Leaders
Meeting of the Brdo Process Source Official website of the President; Date and Place:
Slovenia 25/07/2013
The speech of the Serbian Minister Boidar Deli of Economy and European Integration
on Serbia and Western Balkans- The Economic Challenges and European Perspectives.
Source- YouTube; Date and Place: Ireland 10/ 2011
The speech of Albanian President Bujar Nishani, at Western Balkans Leaders Meeting
of the Brdo Process Source Official website of the President; Date and Place: Slovenia
25/07/2013
The speech of the Montenegro Prime Minister Igor Lukic, at the Balkan Leader
Summit 2011. Source: YouTube ; Date and Place: Turkey 22/09/ 2011
The speech of the prime minister of the Republic of Macedonia Nikola Gruevski at the
Balkan Leader Summit 2011. Source: YouTube; Date and Place: Turkey 22/09/ 2011
All these speeches transposed into writing are included in the section of the Appendixes.
Ideally all the speeches would belong to a single political gathering. But this was not possible
as the Balkan Leaders were not present at all summits or forums organized. For example
Serbia did not attend the Balkan Leader Summit of 2011. On the other hand even when the
Serbian Leaders attended such Balkan Summits, their speeches could not be found published
on the internet or on the official websites of the politicians.
A typical example of this is the case of the Serbian President Tomislav Nicoli, who actually
attended the Western Balkans Leaders Meeting of the Brdo Process, but whose speech was
not published on his official website. The only material that could be found elsewhere on the
26
online newspapers, were some sentences elicited from his press interview, held on the
occasion, but those would be insufficient to our corpus.
3.5.2 Data analysis

Several aspects of the data will be analyzed to achieve a proper Political Discourse Analysis.
The linguistic categories that are going to be analyzed are not too broad, as the aim is to
accomplish a qualitative research, but also not to depart from the distinctive CDA
methodological approach which is that of considering a restricted number of linguistic
categories. (Meyer 2002)
Once more we want to accentuate our point of view that the linguistic forms used in the
politicians speeches are not arbitrary and that they serve specific functions. The selections
which speakers make from among the total inventory of forms and processes are principled
and systematic. [] The selection of one form over other points to the speakers articulation
of one kind of meaning rather than another. (Fowler, Kress 1979: 188-f)
In their seminal article Critical Linguistics Fowler and Kress (1979) provide the critical
analysts with a useful checklist of linguistic features with five headings (198 ff) which are
relevant to pursue a critical analysis. The linguistic features we are going to analyze using the
headings of Fowler and Kress checklist is: The grammar of Modality and Transitivity.
3.5.2.1 The Grammar of Modality

Fowler and Kress define the grammar of modality this way: This covers linguistic
constructions which may be called pragmatic and interpersonal. They express speakers
and writers attitudes towards themselves, towards their interlocutors and towards their
subject-matter; their social and economic relationships with the people they address; (1979:
200) In other words the grammar of modality deals with deictic categories. Likewise Chilton
and Schffner (2002: 30) claim that the linguistic resources used to perform deixes are
indexical expressions. Thus interpreters or listeners generate meaning by relating the
indexical expressions to the deixes. The deixes we are going to analyze from the speeches of
Balkan politicians are the person deixes, spatial deixes, and temporal deixes.
27
Michael Meyer (2002) asserts that the categories like deixis and pronouns can be the object of
the analysis in any linguistic method, but he proclaims that they are crucial for CDA.
Explicitly or implicitly CDA makes use of a concept of the so-called linguistic surface
(Meyer 2002: 16, my italics).
Many critical discourse analysts claim that the use of pronouns in political discourse is
significant and manipulative, since it generates political stands. (Fowler and Kress: 1979,
Fairclough: 1989, Wilson: 1990, Chilton and Schffner: 2002, van Dijk: 2002, etc.)
Pronouns, especially the first person plural (we, us, our) can be used to induce interpreters to
conceptualize group identity, coalitions and parties and the like, either as insiders or as
outsiders. Social indexicals arise from social structure and power relations, and not just from
personal distance (Chilton and Schffner 2002: 30, my italics) .
We are going to examine each of these pronouns of our discourse fragments to see the
prevailing forms and to interpret them. The pronouns that is going to be searched for are all
the personal pronouns, possessives and reflexives. Although the main focus will be on the
first person, plural pronoun we, because the aim is to examine closely the relation between
pronoun deictics and the identity performance. Accordingly we can conclude whether a
common Balkan Identity has started to be performed by the politicians or not and whether the
national identity is overcome by the construction of a Balkan Identity.
The technique of Diectic Mapping which was developed by Santon Wortham (1996) is a
good one to shed light to the participants in a conversation and to their interaction. The shifts
of the pronouns change the roles of participants and their interactional positions.
Deictic mapping is as a framework to analyze the use of pronouns. [] a methodological
technique- which I call deictic mapping- that can help analysts uncover interactional patterns
established through deictics (Wortham 1996: 4).
Deictic mapping technique makes use of charts that map systematically the deictics. In our
case we are not dealing with transcribed texts, but with texts which are transposed into
writing. That is why we are going to build the charts of the map, presenting all the deictics in
each line of each text. Through the following mapping tables we can analyze the relationship
28
of the speakers with hearers, and how these relations are transformed through indexical
expressions such as personal pronouns.
The technique is also helpful because it gives us the opportunity to look at the person deixis,
spatial deixis and temporal deixis at the same time. The spatial deixis could be defined as
follows: that aspect of deixis which involves referring to the locations in space of the
communication act participants; it is that part of spatial semantics which takes the bodies of
the communication act participants as significant reference objects for spatial specification
(Fillmore 1982: 37). PDA sees the spatial deixis through the light of a political connotation.
They do not refer merely to the conventional physical location, but spatial indexicals relate to
political or geopolitical space (Chilton, Schffner 2002: 30).
Figure 1 Wesn (2003) Scheme showing three kinds of deixis (person deixis, space deixis,
time deixis), as well as the relation of proximity and distance of the deictic center. Wikipedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Deixis.png Retrieved 08/02/2014
Temporal deixes bear the same political purport, they do not simply indicate a temporal point
(see figure 1). Temporal deixis can have a political significance. It can require one to assume
historical periodization - for example nowadays, today or just now could require to be
understood as after the revolution, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, after the election of
New Labour, or some such. (Chilton, Schffner 2002: 30) The temporal deixes used in the
Balkan political discourse fragments are particularly important to this inquiry. As it is aimed
to analyze the way politicians make a historical periodization and how they refer to the
Balkans problematic past.
29
An excerpt from the speech of Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, that shows the way that the
lines of the texts were numbered is presented in Table 1.
3
Its a great pleasure for me to take part in the Balkan leader summit. Please allow me to
greet all participants and convey cordial congratulations to the organizers who provided
us with this opportunity for exchange of opinions, stemming the confidence among us, and
creating new bridges for corporation in the spirit of unity. Todays event symbolizes the
commitment to such cooperation. It is a prove of the various share by the Balkans
countries. We are connected by the past, but we are connected by the present, but most of
all by our common future. The belief in a better tomorrow for our citizens for modern and
9
10
developed countries, for open borders, for cultural competition, in creating new values
11
and benefits to our civilization. The Balkan region has proven itself as a center for
12
spreading science, education and culture throughout history. This is a good basis to
13
confirm that we have joined platforms and that we can improve ourselves in every view.
Table 1 An excerpt from the Speech of Nikola Gruevski, which shows how each line of the text is numbered.
The pronouns are marked with boldfaced font.
Based on the texts, as the one shown in Table 1, the deictic maps were then built. Below Table
2 presents the corresponding deictic map to the excerpt (Table 1) from the speech of mister
Gruevski. Whenever a certain pronoun is used more than once in a line, referring to the same
LINE
object, its number of occurrence is indicated in parenthesis.
3
5
SPEAKER
Gruevski
Gruevski
Gruevski
Gruevski
8
8
Gruevski
11
13
2ND PERSON
me- Gruevski (as current speaker)

(2)
us- participants (Balkan leaders)
incl. (2)
3RD PERSON
SPATIAL
TEMPORAL
It -expletive
subject
todayIt- the event

we- Balkan countries incl. (2)
past-
Gruevski
present-
Gruevski
our- Balkan countries/peoples

incl.
our- Balkan citizens incl.
Gruevski
our- Balkan region incl.
Gruevski
we- participants (Balkan leaders)

incl. (2)
9
9
1ST PERSON
future
tomorrow
itself- Balkan
region
Table 2 Deictic map corresponding to the excerpt of the speech of Nikola Gruevsi. The fifth and the sixth
column also include the spatial and temporal deictics. Such an arranging model is taken from Wortham (1996:
12)
30
The same procedure of deictic mapping is followed for all the speeches that comprise our
corpus. After building all the deictic maps we are going to compare and contrast the use of
inclusive versus exclusive we. This way we might find out how is Balkan Identity performed,
and how the politicians position themselves and others both temporarily and spatially.
Chilton (2004) argues that while positioning themselves both temporarily and spatially in the
deictic centre, the utterers position the interpreters or the people to whom they address, near to
or somehow remote from the deictic centre. The concept of deictic centre (Verschueren
1999: 20) is sometimes used to denote the implied anchoring point that utterers and
interpreters construct or impose during verbal interaction (Chilton 2004: 56).
The relations among the spatial and temporal dimensions in the speeches, will be examined by
placing the events on a spatial and temporal axis for each of the speeches that comprise our
corpus.
Space deixis (or spatial deictic, as Chilton names it), serves to understand the remoteness of
hearers from the speaker, who is typically equal to the deictic centre. Thus deixis play an
important role in mapping the other political actors, or situating them as distinct or similar
entities. Language as a distinction-making machine can create both distance and solidarity
between two entities (Meadows 2005: 4).
Another mean that plays a similar role to the deictics are the metaphors used in the political
discourse. The metaphors can not only position the political actors, but also they serve to show
distance or solidarity (See Meadows 2005).
31
3.5.2.2 Transformations
Syntactic transformations that have been useful to the CDA are nominalizations and
passivizations. Nominalizations is the syntactic transformations in which nominals are
derived from sentences or parts of sentences- to put it another way, nominal expressions of
concepts for which an expression involving a verb or an adjective would have been available
to the writer or speaker (Fowler, Kress 1979: 207).
The discourse fragments that comprise our corpus are going to be checked in order to find
examples of nominalizations. The reason for preferring nominals instead of other grammatical
classes is related to the impersonal style. The impersonality is marked by the deletion of
participants in the nominalized processes or the deletions of participants.
The logic that stands behind the deletion of the participants is the same as for passivizations.
Passivization allows a noun denoting an affected participant, a non-agent, to be placed in the
subject position in the sentence, the left-hand noun-phase slot which is conventionally
regarded as the theme or topic of the sentence.[] This device allows a writer or speaker to
emphasize his thematic priorities, to emphasize what a text is about. (Fowler, Kress 1979:
2009).
A typical example of a passive structure from our corpus is this one: We from Serbia are
being not always welcomed to talk about other countries (Deli 2011). In this sentence what
is put in the first place is the topic, which is informationally important to the speaker. As to
those (who do not always welcome the ones from Serbia to talk about other countries) they
are hidden, not mentioned and simply left out! Either to avoid an open attack on them, or not
to give them too much importance, as to the speaker we from Serbia are the topic or what
it is being talked about.
Similarly, we are going to find the passive sentences or structures present in the all the
speeches that comprise our corpus and then it is aimed to interpret them as a typical critical
analyst would do.
32
3.5.2.3 Metaphors in PDA

Traditionally metaphor has been considered as a property of words, a linguistic trope, which
belongs to the domain of literature and bears rhetoric and artistic effects. This traditional view
was challenged by the Cognitive Metaphor Theory which considers metaphor not only as
poetic ornament, belonging merely to language, but as a cognitive phenomenon.
Humans organize their concepts through means such as the metaphor, which maps concepts
from one source domain to a target one. The target domain is the domain that we try to
understand through the use of the source domain (Kvecses 2010: 4).
Fairclough (1992) recommends that as a part of a practical methodology of CDA, the analysis
should be organized under four headings which are: Vocabulary, grammar, cohesion and text
structure. As to the metaphor it falls under the category of vocabulary, where words are
analyzed to examine their ideological or political significance.
Apparently metaphors not only affect the human cognition and the organization of knowledge,
but they seem to play a central role in the construction of social and political realities (Lakoff,
Johnson 1980). It is evident that such a perspective on metaphor as a conceptually
significant, even central, cognitive mechanism matches the research interests of CDA to a
large extent. As a consequence, a continuous stream of cognitively orientated CDA analyses
of metaphor has been published over the past decades [] (Musolff 2012: 302).
Each of the speeches of our corpus will be analyzed to see the use of the metaphoric scenarios.
In this way we will reach to results regarding the common metaphoric scenarios and see
whether they help in constructing political and social realities which are free of disputes and
more pacific. At the same time shared metaphoric scenarios can contribute to a less ethnically
marked political discourse and to positioning the politicians themselves closer to each-other.
3.6 Limitation and potential problems

There is no problem free dissertation, so in every case there might exist some potential
wrongdoings. The potential problems of this inquiry might be related mainly to the research
strategy that was chosen. The research aimed to offer an in-depth analysis based on the
33
methodological approach of CDA. Thus the results cannot be generalized to all contexts, as
they come from a specific case study.
The corpus of data analyzed could be bigger, but for the sake of a critical analysis it was
aimed to analyze a small number of speeches and to look at various linguistic strategies
employed in those speeches and then interpret them. The relatively small number of speeches
is also related to the qualitative research that was intended to be conducted.
A convenient sampling technique was used, instead of a random one as the speeches we were
looking for should have been of a special nature and coming from specified sources. As it was
mentioned above regarding the empirical level it would have been great if all the speeches
were gathered from the same political forum or summit, but this was practically impossible, as
the Balkan political leaders have not yet reached a full consensus to participate common
political gathering regarding the region.
34
3.7 Reliability and Validity

In the last section of this chapter it is appropriate to address some matters which are really
important to the integrity of a scientific research, such as reliability and validity.
A valid empirical research is one which is acceptable to the research community. We suppose
our research is valid as the research community has already known and approved similar
research strategies and data collection techniques as the ones that we have employed. The data
analysis techniques are of this research fall in with techniques used and proclaimed by critical
discourse analysts.
Potential problems may be related even to CDA methodological approaches in a broader

sense, but those do not belong to this study exclusively and are a risk taken when choosing to
conduct such a research.
This inquiry can be considered as a reliable one as the information regarding the each phase
of the research is given in detail. The speeches used and analyzed are transposed into writing
and presented in the appendixes.
The issue of bias can be a concerning one as completely avoiding bias is almost impossible;
There is no such thing as unbiased observation (Phillips, Pugh 2007: 50). This can be stated
with certainty especially when performing the role of a critical discourse analyst. Although
continuously through our work it was aimed to stay far from biased choices and
interpretations, by reiterating that the researcher of this inquiry is not politically engaged,
notwithstanding with most of the critical analysts, who emphasize that Critical discourse
analyst are aware that their own work, too, is driven by social, economical and political
motives, but they argue that this applies to all academic work. [] Critical discourse analysts
at least make their position explicit and feel they do not need to apologize for the critical
stance of their work (van Leeuwen 2006: 293).
35
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS AND FINDINGS

4.1 Introduction on Main Findings
This chapter reveals the findings of the CDA case study which was already described in
chapter three. The research focuses on the Grammar of Modality, on Transitivity and on the
conceptual Metaphors found in the political speeches of the Balkans politicians.
In this chapter it is aimed to describe the empirical findings, then to analyze them through
specific interpretations. Finally a synthesis of those findings is aimed to be reached by
comparing the Empirical findings to the Theoretical Framework findings.
The way this chapter is structured is as follows: In the Main findings section, firstly the results
elicited from the deictic maps are presented in tables and graphs for each of the politicians. A
special attention is paid to the results of the pronominal use.
Secondly, Passive structures and Nominalizations under the heading of Transitivity are
presented for each of speeches, giving an overall generalizing interpretation for all of them.
Finally we present the results achieved from the procedure of identifying and eliciting the
metaphoric scenarios from the political speeches, giving brief annotations which explain them.
All the speeches, from which the data are elicited and interpreted, but which also stands as the
ground from where the findings descend, can be found in the section of Appendixes.
36
4.2 Findings on the Grammar of Modality

Under the heading findings of the Grammar of Modality we are going to present first the
results of the person deixes which show the use of pronouns in political speeches. For each of
the speeches analyzed the overall results elicited using the Deictic mapping technique
(Wortham 1996), are going to be presented in tables. Next we are going to present and analyze
the results for the spatial and temporal deixes.
4.2. 1 Personal Deixes

The deictic mapping tables that present all the deictics found in the speeches of our analyzed
corpus can be found in the Appendixes 1-5. The results regarding each deictic table from each
speech are going to be presented in specific tables for each of the politicians whose speech
was analyzed.
Firstly we are going to look at the results gathered from the speech of the Serbian minister of
Economy and European Integration, Mister Boidar Deli, which are presented in the
following table:
SPEAKER
Boidar
Deli
PRONOUNS
I (or other first person singular related
pronouns)
You (or other second person related
pronouns)
He/ She/ it (or other third person
singular related pronouns)
Inclusive WE (or other first person plural
related pronouns)
Exclusive WE (or other first person
plural related pronouns)
They (or other third person plural
related pronouns)
TIMES USED
6
10
19
6
27
3
Table 3 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Boidar Deli
Interpretation of the numbers:

As it is seen from the Table 3, in the speech of the Serbian minister Boidar Deli there is a
frequent use of the deictic personal pronoun we as an inclusive pronoun. Inclusive we is used
almost four times less compared to the exclusive we. Notably the exclusive we is the most
37
dominant form even when compared to other pronouns used. Although the Serbian minister
Boidar Deli, makes statements like this: And for us in the Balkans joining the EU is a way
also to make sure that it happens never again, that we be together around the same table and
we solve differences through discussion, not through weapons (Deli 2011), he still refers
more to his national identity, rather than to the Balkan identity. Even when mister Deli aligns
himself, or what he represents with other countries or others from the Balkans, this is done
because of the agenda of joining EU, which is actually a common agenda of all the Balkan
countries.
The main role of Europe, useful role, some say the last positive utopia, definitely understressed right now, but this idea that put basically German and France, definitely not to wage
war anymore (Deli 2011). For the mister Deli the European agenda of the Balkans is what
can ease the ethnic conflicts and bring reconciliation: We did not do it because of
conditionality, we see the reconciliation as one of the most important basis that we have in the
region. (Deli 2011) The first two we-s are exclusive, but the third one is an inclusive we, as
it refers to all the members of the region. Even though the Serbian minister draws on other
identities, as a prime minister (when using the first person pronoun I) or as someone
belonging to the Balkans, the prevailing identity indexed by his pronoun usage is that of being
Serbian.
Secondly, we are going to look at the results gathered from the speech of the president of
Albania, Mister Bujar Nishani. The pronouns used in his speech are presented in Table 4.2
SPEAKER
PRONOUNS
Bujar
Nishani
I (or other first person singular

related pronouns)
pronouns)
Inclusive WE (or other first person
related pronouns)
TIMES USED
6
0
6
13
10
4
Table no. 4 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Bujar Nishani
38

In the speech of the president of Albania Bujar Nishani, there is almost an equivalent use of
the inclusive vs. exclusive we. He chooses to index almost equally his national identity to the
same extents that he indexes the Balkan identity.
The Albanian president Nishani, similarly to the Serbian minister Deli seems to use more the
inclusive pronoun we when talking about the European integration agenda. An example would
be the following statement The Slovenian and Croatian achievements present an asset that
must be used in our European integration process. We would be able to share our experiences
about what each one of us has done well or not. (Nishani 2013)
Thirdly, we present the results extracted from the deictic map of the speech of the
Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski.
The numbers presented in Table 5 show remarkable results. The Macedonian Prime Minister
Gruevski indexes from the beginning to the end of his speech a common Balkan Identity.
Implicitly, he does not index his national identity through the use of exclusive we. Setting
common goals to be achieved, overcoming the barriers that could lead to cooperation and
reconciliation in the Region is much more important and relevant to Mister Gruevski.
SPEAKER
Nikola
Gruevski
PRONOUNS
pronouns)
pronouns)
TIMES USED
4
3
6
Inclusive WE (or other first person plural

related pronouns)
37
Exclusive WE (or other first person plural

related pronouns)

related pronouns)
Table no. 5 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Nikola Gruevski
39
It is a proof of the various share by the Balkans countries. We are connected by the past, but
we are connected by the present, but most of all by our common future. [] This is a good
basis to confirm that we have joined platforms and that we have to be competitive in the
future (Gruevski 2011).
Gruevski situates himself in the Balkan political discourse and the context of his speech, a
Balkan political summit serves to construct and perform a Balkan identity.
Fourthly, the speech of the president of Kosovo Ahtifete Jahjaga showed a noteworthy
amount of inclusive pronoun we.
Interpretation of numbers:
As Table 6 shows that the inclusive we and related pronouns to the first person plural form,
which have an inclusive sense occur in the speech no less than 34 times. In contrast all the
other pronouns are all in all 18.
Apparently this fact has to do with the drive of Jahjaga to make her country a considerable
member of other countries of the Region. As Kosovo gained its independence from Serbia
only some years ago, on February 17, 2008. Jahjaga indexes the same identity as that of the
other countries. By using the inclusive we through her discourse she considers all the countries
of the Balkans as equal and tries to leave behind the discrepancies among the countries, which
are a result of the previous wars and ethnic conflicts in the Balkans. On the promise of future
cooperation for a lasting peace and stability, we, the countries of the region, must work
together. We had a difficult past, a past from which we may not have fully recovered and the
consequences of which we continue to suffer, but we are now coming together to the
promising vision of a united Europe (Jahjaga 2013).
Except through the implicit indexing achieved by the pronominal use, Jahjaga highlights the
equality of Kosovo to other countries even explicitly when stating: It is crucial that our
cooperation is comprehensive and inclusive.
No cooperation in the region will be completed without the participation of Kosovo; no

regional policy will be fully enacted without Kosovos inclusion and the European Union
40
project be incomplete without the full membership of the countries of the Western Balkans
(Jahjaga 2013).
SPEAKER
PRONOUNS

pronouns)
pronouns)
Ahtifete singular related pronouns)
Jahjaga Inclusive WE (or other first person plural
related pronouns)
Exclusive WE (or other first person plural
related pronouns)
related pronouns)
TIMES USED
4
2
7
34
3
2
Table no. 6 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Ahtifete Jahjaga
Lastly, the deictic map drawn from the speech of the Montenegro Prime Minister, Igor
Lukic has reflected the following results as shown in table 7
SPEAKER
PRONOUNS

pronouns)
pronouns)
Igor
Lukic Inclusive WE (or other first person plural
related pronouns)
related pronouns)
TIMES USED
22
3
22
57
7
8
Table no. 7 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Igor Lukic

On closer examination we find that the inclusive we is used 57 times. On the other hand the
exclusive we is used only seven times. It is interesting to notice that during the whole speech
the Prime Minister Lukic addresses the listeners not mainly through the second person
41
pronoun you, but by the inclusive we. Thus he implicitly indexes a common Balkan identity.
Yet this common identity as we saw from the speeches of other Balkan politicians emerges
and takes shape under the European Integration process and objectives.
The term identity here does not stand for the typical meaning of identity, actually it represents
identifying oneself as belonging to a certain group. The Balkan politicians through their
speeches do not refer to themselves or do not simply index themselves as belonging to a
common geographical region; they actually refer to one another as belonging to a common
group with some specific identity pattern.
In comparison to the speeches of other politicians, the speech of Lukic has a considerable
amount of the first person singular pronoun I and other related pronouns to it. This inclination
might be considered as an expected tendency because the speaker is not simply a politician,
but a high profiled one. Speakers tend to use the first person pronoun I when they hold the
appropriate authority to make certain statements. The I of action is also a regular (but less
foregrounded) feature of signed investigative and eye-witness reporting, where it seems to
suggest exclusivity and authenticity (Fowler, Kress 1997: 201).
The same explanation to the use of I is helpful for the speeches of the other politicians too. We
might only add another interpretation in the cases where I is used less frequently, compared to
other pronouns. The reason beyond this might be the aim to generalize ideas or thoughts or to
give the speech an impersonal tone.
In all the speeches that comprised our corpus, the pronoun you has a low frequency and this
can be explained by the fact that the politicians address not the potential listeners directly, but
they address mainly one-another and to do so they tend to use the inclusive we. You is, as
might be expected, complementary in meaning and usage to I/we; [] Its occurrence, and
its frequency of occurrence, are measures of the speakers consciousness of, care for or, most
often desire to manipulate the addressee (Fowler, Kress 1997: 203).
42
4.2.2 Temporal and Spatial Deixes

Temporal and Spatial deixes are crucial to a PDA because, as Chilton (2003: 56f) states, the
speakers situate themselves and the listeners through their speech regarding a certain time and
place. The Balkan political leaders anchor themselves in a deictic center, from where they
evoke the others (be they people or places), the past events, and the future expectancies or
goals. To represent the temporal and spatial deixes graphically the spatial and temporal
deictics were placed on two axes: the horizontal axis which stands for the temporal axis and
the vertical axis which stands for the spatial axis. The most remote point on the left of the
temporal axis is the past, and on the right of this axis there is the future. The events to which
the politicians refer will be placed on this axis.
On the other hand the spatial axis serves to illustrate how the speakers position other places
with respect to their assigned space where they stand. It is noteworthy to keep in mind that
when placing the mentioned entities along an axis, we cannot simply measure distances. It is
not that we can actually measure the distances from Self; rather, the idea is that people tend
to place people and things along a scale of remoteness from the self, using background
assumptions and indexical cues (Chilton 2003: 58).
The spatial and temporal indexicals gathered from the deictic table of the speech of the
president of Kosovo, Ahtifete Jahjaga are placed on the respective axes. The figure 4.1 shows
the events located on the spatial and temporal axes.
The left upper quadrant of the graph is about the European Union foundation and about the
progress that was noted during the last five decades. Below the left downer quadrant points to
the difficult past and unfortunate turns of the history of the Balkan countries which were left
behind. Although the events happened in the past they are actually opposite to one-another.
On one hand there is the progress, political stability, freedom of movement and deeper
understanding (Jahjaga 2013) of European Union and more broadly of the countries which
founded it and on the other hand there is the difficult past of the Balkan countries.
43
Figure 2 Events from the speech of Ahtifete Jahjaga located on the spatial and temporal axes.
The right upper quadrant presents the main points of the speaker who stands in the deictic
center regarding the future and the European Union agenda. In a spatial sense everything tends
to go up toward the EU. The right upper quadrant tends to be a mirror of the left upper one
regarding the positive expectancies or results which are inside the grey tags.
Keywords regarding the past: difficult past, not recovered yet from it, suffer the sequences
of the past.
Keywords regarding the future: cooperation, European perspective, unification of the

Balkan countries (inside EU), lasting peace, economic development, membership in EU.
44
Figure 3 Events from the speech of Boidar Deli located on the spatial and temporal axes.
The events, actors and spaces to which the Serbian Minister Boidar Deli of Economy and
European Integration refers in his speech Serbia and Western Balkans; The Economic
Challenges and European Perspectives. are placed on the spatial and temporal axes.
M. Deli overtly refers to two of the most important members and economically developed
members of the European Union such as Germany and France and draws a significant analogy
between the war that they had and the war that the Balkan countries had with one another.
This analogy is seen as an attempt to regard war as an inevitable phenomenon of the past, but
which could be avoided by the last positive utopia (Deli 2011) which is the European
Union. The EU is the ultimate solution and condition to stay away from war: And for us in
the Balkans joining EU is a way also to make sure that it happens never again, that we be
together around the same table, and we solve differences through discussion, not through
weapons (Deli 2011).
The past is knotty for M. Deli not only because there were wars in the Balkans, there were
committed terrible crimes and because the region has suffered 700 years of conflicts and
45
blood (Deli 2011), but also because Serbia was broken up against its own will. The Serbian
minister considers the reconciliation and the settlement as the key to find a solution to the
disputes, but also to make it possible to get closer to the European Union in the future.
At the quadrants on the left the negative events of the past are placed, but at the quadrants on
the right there is seen a tendency to completely turn the page and to move to reconciliation
and settlement.
Keywords regarding the past: wage war, conflicts and disputes, weapons, conflicts and
blood.
Keywords regarding the future: Reconciliation, settlement, together around the same table,
no war, economic development, joining the EU.
Figure 4 Events from the speech of Bujar Nishani located on the spatial and temporal axes
The figure 4 presents the events from the speech of the president of Albania Bujar Nishani
located on the spatial and temporal axes. M. Nishani does not make many statements
regarding the problematic past of the Balkans, but significantly he refers to the region as a
source of headache. The Western Balkans region has turned the page of its history by being
transformed from a source of headache into a space of numerous opportunities. (Nishani
46
2013) Solving bilateral issues among countries is what can make the actors such as Albania
and other Balkan countries, which he places inside the deictic center, move towards the
European Union.
Another condition set to reach the EU is to strengthen the neighborly relations and to intensify
the regional cooperation. As in the previous figures illustrated based on the speeches of the
respective politicians, even in this one based on the speech of M. Nishani the European Union
is the spatial destination to be reached and Albania together with other Balkan Countries
should be moving towards it.
Keywords regarding the past: Headache, and lack of the keywords regarding the future.
Keywords regarding the future: Resolve bilateral issues, strengthen the neighborly
relations, economic development, EU integration.
Figure 5 Events from the speech of Igor Lukic located on the spatial and temporal axes
Figure 5 illustrates the events to which Igor Lukic, the prime minister of Montenegro refers
to in his speech. M. Lukic continuously states the future objectives and goals which the
Balkan countries should reach. Partnership, cooperation and prosperity are some of these
goals and on the past these were missing. What leads to these values and objectives are the
lessons learnt from the past. This implies that the past was a challenging one where
47
partnership was absent; one of a kind which makes you learn from it. The Montenegro prime
minister is sure that through sharing a vision of common future (Lukic 2011) the Balkan
countries can move closer to the European Union. It is already the day we have to catch up a
lot. Therefore we have to continue with our approachment to EU (Lukic 2011).
Keywords regarding the past: A past which offers lessons to be learned; lack of the
keywords regarding the future.
Keywords regarding the future: Common vision of the future, partnership, cooperation,
economic prosperity.
Figure 6 Events from the speech of Nikola Gruevski located on the spatial and temporal axes
On the left down quadrant the temporal axis refers to the past and the moral and material
decay it presents. This time corresponds to the point where the Balkan countries have been on
a spatial sense. Opposite of this quadrant is the upper right one where the Macedonian Prime
Minister Gruevski places some goals to be reached in the future, such as prosperity, unity and
peace. Spatially the Balkan countries have moved from where they have been, to where they
are now inside the deictic center.
Furthermore these countries have to move to the point where they want to go and the final
destination is the European Union. As in the other speeches and figures there is an evident
corresponding among the future and the European Union. Although the future and the
48
European Union belong to the temporal and spatial axis correspondingly, they gain meaning
only when taken into account together. None of the Balkan high profile politicians talks about
future without intending the European Union, and no one talks about European Union without
considering it as a future goal or destination. The same point is valid about the speech of M.
Gruevski.
Keywords regarding the past: Scars from the past, moral decay, material decay
Keywords regarding the future: Cooperation, unity, prosperity, peace, European Union
membership.
49
4.3 Findings on Transformations

From a syntactic point of view the active construction detransitivized yields a passive
construction. Passivization clearly affects argument prominence, and a passive construction
may be used for the purpose of inverting the prominence relations of the active (Blevins
2006: 236). In the following tables we are going to present and annotate the passive
constructions and nominalizations, elicited from each of the speeches of our corpus.
Transformations
Type
I have to be careful because
Annotation
It hides the agent. Who are the ones who
sometimes, we from Serbia are
Passive
do not welcome Serbia to talk and it
being not always welcomed to talk
structure
brings we from Serbia in a Topic
about other countries as well.

[]
there
is
an
position.
increased
realization, I would say also in the

Balkans that its difficult to be
Instead of people or Balkan countries are

Nominalization
increasingly realizing. Through

nominalization the agent of the verb to
realize is hidden.
successful.
[] Something is good also to have
some decision-making capacity.
The actions to be capable and to make a

Nominalization
annotating nominal.
In this passive structure agents are rendered
Let me tell you that not everything

is going poorly in the Balkans,
many destroyed relations are being
improved, many things are being
decision are merged into one event
anonymous. The ones that have destroyed
Passive
the relations, the ones that are improving
structure
them, and the ones that are mending

things are obscured. Thus the
mended.
responsibility is veiled.
After 700 years of conflicts and
Instead of stating that we/ or the Balkan
blood there was a capacity to face Nominalization
countries were capable of facing the real

situation.
the real situation.

Serbia should not be allowed to
move closer to Europe before it
Passive
demonstrates
structure
having
captured
Karagic.
The agent is left unspecified, because it

would not have been appropriate to point
specifically to the real agents.
Table no. 8 Transformations elicited from the speech of Boidar Deli.
50
Transformations
Type
The Western Balkans region has
Annotation
The agents are anonymous and the
turned the page of its history by

being transformed from a source Passive structure
of headache into a space of
speaker considers irrelevant to mention

the ones who are transforming the
Region.
numerous opportunities.
Through the removal of all the non
physical barrier that obstacle the
movement of people, goods and
Instead of the action that the verb

Nominalization
removal is chosen.
capitals.
We
have
encouraged
This may be a simple stylistic choice
the
because the subject reforms is already
Albanians in the region to act

institutionally and to support the
remove presents, the nominal form
Nominalization
reforms aimed at consolidating
present. Another way of putting this

phrase would be: to support the
reforms which aim to consolidate
democracy and rule of law []
democracy.
The new ruling majority is the affected
participant, which is placed in the
Proclaiming this I have in mind

also the seriousness engagement of
the new ruling majority produced
subject position. Here the new ruling

Nominalization
majority has thematic priority. The

nominal structure is used instead of:
by the most recent elections.
The most recent elections produced a

new ruling majority.
Table no. 9 Transformations elicited from the speech of Bujar Nishani.
51
Transformations
Type
As far as the important fact is the goal
We must remind ourselves of the

goal
and
reasons
why
the
European Union was founded and
Annotation
and the reason and not the ones who
Passivization
founded EU, Jahjaga chooses to use a

passive sentence who does not stress the
why has it proved so successful.
founders but EU itself.

In this passive construction the patient
Most of the heavy work remains to

be done by the aspirant countries
Passivization
themselves.
is actually given, but the construction

serves to highlight the topic heavy
work.
Here the patient is missing but it is
As we recognize the challenge that

lies within each country and the
probably to avoid repetition as this

Passivization
construction is similar to the previous

one where the patient by the aspirant
work that remains to be done
countries themselves is given.

On
the
premise
of
The nominal lasting here as the verb to
future
cooperation for a lasting peace and

stability we, the countries of the
Nominalization
last refers in a broad sense to the

process of which the verb last denotes.
region must work together.

The direct way of putting this of
No cooperation in the region will

be
completed
without
the Nominalization
participation of Kosovo;
without
participate the cooperation in the region

will not be complete
This construction hides who are the
No regional policy will be fully

enacted
proposition is: If Kosovo doesnt
Kosovos Nominalization
inclusion []
ones who can include Kosovo in the

regional policy. Inclusion refers to the
result of the event.
This passive construction emphasizes
the theme role rather than the agent
The European path of each state

should
be
guaranteed
and Passivization
sustainable.
role. To add, the agent is not present at

all. Jahjaga chooses to hide who are the
ones who should guarantee and sustain
the European path of each state.
Table no. 10 Transformations elicited from the speech of Ahtifete Jahjaga
52
Transformations
Todays event symbolizes
Type
the
commitment to such cooperation.
Annotation
Gruevski uses the nominalizations and
Nominalization
avoids to mention the agents who are

committed to such cooperation
Gruevski uses the passive structure
instead of saying: The past, the present
We are connected by the past, but

we are connected by the present,
but most of all by our common
Passivization
but most of all the future connects us.

By using passive structures Gruevski
shifts us to we in order to make it the
future.
topic of the sentence.

The belief in a better tomorrow for
our citizens [] in creating new
values
and
benefits
to
our
Nominalization
Here
the
nominalizations
have
dynamic and process meaning.
civilization.
The perception that we belong to a
troublesome area can only be
overcome by the outreach hand of
By this nominalization the subjects who

Nominalization
perceive the fact that we belong to a

troublesome area are hidden.
reconciliation.
This idea paves the way for
optimism for a better future of our
people and achieving the ideal of
The nominalization here refers to the

Nominalization
long-lasting peace and economic
result of the event and has a static and

result meaning.
prosperity.
Table no. 11 Transformations elicited from the speech of Nikola Gruevski
53
Transformations
Type
It is a vision of partnership in
business
making,
partnership
in
vision
of
infrastructure
Annotation
The nominalization is used to refer
Nominalization
to the event with a dynamic and

process meaning.
development,
It is a vision of partnership in
business
making,
partnership
in
vision
of
infrastructure
The
Nominalization
nominalization
offers
the
process meaning of the developing

event.
development.
Another way of stating this would

be: A vision of partnership in
A vision of partnership in culture

development and culture cooperation,
a vision of partnership in education
developing culture, cooperating on

Nominalizations
culture issues, a vision of partnership

in cooperating in education. The
cooperation.
nominalizations refer to these events

with the process meaning.
To start a business, to try to offer their

skills and our talents to foreign
investitors, who are actually looking
Developing refers to an event and the

Nominalization
for possibilities in developing our
nominalization here bears a process

meaning.
countries.
I really believe that countries in ten
years time will be actually measured
by what they have done on the
structural
agenda,
in
terms
This passive structure hides the agent

Passivization.
that will measure what the countries

have done.
of
regaining their competitiveness.

Table 12 Transformations elicited from the speech of Igor Lukic
The speeches of Igor Lukic and Ahtifete Jahjaga are not as rich as the other speeches in
terms of passivizations. Essentially their speeches are the ones where certain political and
strategical goals are set. When doing so there is no space for hidden agents. The subjects or
the actors who are responsible of performing a certain duty are stated explicitly. Actually,
when setting goals for the future or when stating things that are to be done, all the Balkan
politicians prefer to use active sentences.
54
The passive structures serve mainly to bring to the attention a different topic from the one who
is the agent, so the informationally important topic comes to the first place. Another function
that the passivizations serve is avoiding explicit pointing to the real agents of some actions in
order to perform a politically correct speech.
The other type of transformation is nominalization and the speeches are more abundant in
such transformations. Throughout the speeches of the Balkan politicians nominalizations play
the role of hiding the agent of a certain agent and referring to an event rather with the
dynamic, process meaning or with the static, result meaning.
4.4 Findings on Metaphoric Scenarios

The metaphoric scenarios provide a set of cognitive mappings employed in the political
discourse of the Balkan leaders. One of the metaphoric scenarios which can be found in the
speeches that comprised our corpus is that of STATE AS PERSON.
This metaphor is a crucial one when referring to the political discourse, specifically to the one
which regards the foreign policy or international relationships. Lakoff (1991) defines this
metaphoric scenario as such: A state is conceptualized as a person, engaging in social
relations within a world community. Its land-mass is its home. It lives in a neighborhood, and
has neighbors, friends and enemies. States are seen as having inherent dispositions: they can
be peaceful or aggressive, responsible or irresponsible, industrious or lazy (Lakoff 1991: 3).
Another tactic which the metaphoric STATE AS PERSON scenario employs is to refer to
states as people who have a body. Kvecses in his book Metaphor, A practical Introduction
enlists the most common Source and Target Domains and considers the human body to be not
only one of the most common source domains, but also the ideal one: The human body is an
ideal source domain, since, for us, it is clearly delineated and (we believe) we know it well
(Kvecses 2010:18).
55
Musolff (2004) emphasizes that in the political discourse there is a long tradition in mapping
the target domain of sociopolitical institutions into the source domains of the human body.
[] at the in the mapping THE WHOLE OF STATE IS A BODY the emphasis lies on
explaining the functions of parts of the political entity by reference to the parts and organs of
the body and their state of health (Musolff 2004: 84). The conceptual elements of the BODYHEALTH domain are widely present in the speeches of our corpus.
The table 13 presents assertions that the Balkan leaders make employing this metaphoric
scenario. The annotation column presents brief interpretations regarding each assertion.
Metaphoric scenario:
STATE AS PERSON
Speaker
[] there is an increased realization
Annotation
Balkan states are people. Successful is
I would say also in the Balkans that
Boidar
its difficult to be successful, if
Deli
an adjective which typically describes a

person.
nobody else is successful around you

The regions membership perspective,
which unifies all of us, should prevail
beyond any doubts []. The process
in which we find ourselves should
In this proposition Jahjaga talks

Ahtifete
Jahjaga
metonymically. When saying unifies

all of us she actually means unifies our
states. The same is when saying in
become irreversible.
which we find ourselves
We had a difficult past, a past from
State is a person which has a body and
which
we may not
have
fully
Ahtifete
suffers from an illness. The verbs
recovered and the consequences of
Jahjaga
recover and suffer remind us of the
which we continue to suffer
domain of LIFE-BODY-HEALTH
[] but the union has helped close

the development gap in Europe by
Ahtifete
offering the helping hand to countries
Jahjaga
[]
at times moral and material decay

speaks more about where we have
word hand maps a body part from the

domain of the BODY
The lexeme scar which is a mark on
Certain scars from the recent past in

the presence of division, conflicts and
EU has a body as a person does. The
Nikola
Gruevski
been, rather than where we are going.
the skin left after the wound has healed,

maps the domain BODY-HEALTH.
Thus states who have certain scars are
people.
56
States must outreach the hands which
The perception that we belong to a

troublesome
area
can
only
be
overcome by the outreach hand of
Nikola
Gruevski
reconciliation.
equals state is a body and it has a hand

which is a body part. This complies to
the metaphoric scenario of STATE-ASPERSON
But not at the cost of endangering

single monetary policy. That is
The lexeme hurt maps the domain of
something that could hurt not only Igor Lukic
BODY. EU and the Balkans have
European Union. That would hurt
bodies which can be hurt.
Balkans []
Now Fructar, a Slovene company is in
Serbian hands.
Hands are parts of the body. We are in

Boidar
Deli
the domain of the conceptual metaphor

STATE-AS-PERSON
Table 13 Cases from Metaphoric scenario: STATE AS PERSON and their annotation
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS ARE SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

In the political discourse of the Balkan politicians only states are people, but metaphorically
even the relations among states are mapped as social relations. The community has
neighborhoods, and nearby countries are conceptualized as neighbors. International
relationships are seen as social relationships. Some countries are friends or at least friendly;
others are enemies or merely hostile. The table 14 presents the cases when the Balkan leaders
use this metaphoric scenario. In the annotation column brief interpretations are given
regarding each assertion elicited from the politicians speeches.
Metaphoric scenario:
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS
ARE SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS
Speaker
Annotation
Let me tell you that not everything is going

poorly in the Balkans, many destroyed
Boidar
Deli
relations are being improved many things are
Destroyed relations are being

improved, as it happens with
relations within people.
being mended.
The definition of the verb reconcile
retrieved from the online dictionary
We see the reconciliation as one of the most
Boidar
Deli
important basis that we have in the region.
dictionary.com is: to win over to

friendliness; to cause to become
amicable. Reconciliation here
means to become friends.
57
This does not mean that we have solved every
Serbia and Croatia have a bilateral
opened issue with Croatia, but if there is a one

Boidar
Deli
bilateral relation which over the last few years

has really improved, that is one between
relation which has improved. This

target domain maps to the source
domain of social relationship.
Serbia and Croatia.

Together we have a chance of facing the
Boidar
Deli
multinational companies, not as the enemies.

[] to renew our commitment to the
The countries are not enemies, they

are friendly.
Relations among countries can be
European agenda and strengthen the bilateral
Ahtifete
Jahjaga
relations, the platform that unites all our
strengthened, in the very same way

that
social
relations
are
citizens.
strengthened.
We need your support as we [] address the
Disputes and neighbors map the

Ahtifete
Jahjaga
remaining disputes between each other and

make way for genuine dialogue as neighbors.
[] who provided us with this opportunity for
exchange
of
opinions,
stemming
the
confidence among us and creating new for
Nikola
Gruevski
joined platforms and that we can improve

ourselves in every view.
social
relationship.
seen as a social relationship, where

countries can be friends and have
The reflexive ourselves does not

Nikola
Gruevski
refer exclusively to the people who

are attending the meeting, but he
refers to the states.
Certain scars from the recent past in the
The lexemes divisions, conflict,
presence of division, conflicts and at times

moral and material decay speaks more about
where we have been, rather than where we are
Nikola
Gruevski
we
belong
to
troublesome area can only be overcome []
the tiniest disagreements and disputes.
point to the domain of social
Belonging to a troublesome area is

Nikola
Gruevski
the analogy of belonging to a

troublesome neighborhood.
Relationships among Balkan states
[] create a positive climate of good

neighborly relations, and to put behind even
moral decay and material decay
relationship.
going.
that
of
confidence to one-another.
This is a good basis to confirm that we have
perception
domain
The relationship among countries is
cooperation in the spirit of unity.
The
source
Nikola
Gruevski
are conceptualized as relationships

among
neighbors
who
have
disagreements and disputes.

The Balkan States should not be
Not to be blacked, not to be humiliated.
Nikola
Gruevski
58
ashamed and humiliated in front of

the EU. These adjectives are used to
describe the social relationship

among people.
Because if we manage to open accession talks
The lexeme fellow makes one think
next year, I believe it will be good for

Montenegro, it will be good for European
Union, and I believe it will be good for other
Igor
Lukic
The nearby states of the Balkan
During these annual meetings we have
neighborly relations.
international relationships are social

relationships.
fellow countries in the region.
confirmed the very good level of good
that countries are friends, thus
Bujar
Nishani
region
are
conceptualized
as
neighbors and they share good

relations.
Friendship among countries- This
We have also reiterated the friendship and

cooperation among our countries.
Bujar
Nishani
phrase implies an analogy among

international
relationships
and
social relationships.
Table 14 Cases from Metaphoric scenario: STATE AS PERSON and their annotation
EU INTEGRATION IS A JOURNEY
One of the most common metaphors is that of JOURNEY, which is used to map the abstract
concept of integration to the European Union. The process of the Balkan states European
integration is seen as a journey, on a path, which has sometimes obstacles on it. These
obstacles should be removed and the journey must go on so that the countries can carry on
with their progress.
A large part of the way Balkan politicians speak about integration derives from the way that it
is spoken about journeys. They make use of the journey domain to speak about the political
process of integration. The table 15 presents the cases when the politicians make use of this
metaphoric scenario in their speech. In the annotation column there are brief interpretations
regarding each assertion elicited from the politicians speeches.
59
Metaphoric scenario: EU
INTEGRATION IS A JOURNEY
Speaker
Annotation
short time to renew our commitment to the
Ahtifete
European agenda [] which has paved the
Jahjaga
The lexemes to pave the way

maps the conceptual domain of the
JOURNEY
Its a great pleasure to meet again in such a
way to stability and prosperity in our region.

[] to assist the six remaining countries of
Ahtifete
the region in the process toward fulfilling the
Jahjaga
necessary criteria for EU membership.
Fulfilling the criteria for EU

membership is to move forward in
a process.
The European path of each state should be
Ahtifete
On
guaranteed and sustainable.
Jahjaga
integration states walk on a path
[] by offering a helping hand to countries
the
journey
toward
EU
On this journey not all the

Ahtifete
Jahjaga
that are lagged behind due to events of the

past decades.
countries walk at the same speed,

some of them are lagged behind.
The
Similarly the political progress we have seen
Ahtifete
Jahjaga
in the region in the past year alone.
lexeme
progress
which
actually belongs to the conceptual

domain of the journey is inscribed
to the politics.
Moving on the path toward EU is
Ahtifete
Jahjaga
[] is necessary to make this leap forward
to make a leap forward, especially

because
some
countries
have
lagged behind.
The lexeme shortcut is directly
[] as I have said in Kosovo we will not seek
Ahtifete
Jahjaga
shortcuts.
related to the path and to the

domain of the JOURNEY.
There is no coming back from this
The processes in which we find ourselves
Ahtifete
Jahjaga
should become irreversible.
journey on which the countries

find themselves.
Achieving
and
meeting
the
European standards is part of the

[] and accelerating the reforms pace to
Bujar
Nishani
achieve and meet the European standards
European Integration process. So

in the journey toward EU the pace
of
the
reforms
accelerated.
60
should
be
The process gets started and there is no

turning back.
Get started and turning back map

Gruevski
The best grounds for confronting those

challenges and overcoming them is to carry
on with our force []
The journey has some challenges

Nikola
Gruevski
And it is very important to deserve our

position in those prosperous integration with
our work and to enter there with our work.
to the source domain of Journey
which have to be confronted and

overcome.
The journey ends when the Balkan
Nikola
Gruevski
Countries enter the final gate

which is the European Union.
Because it is already the day that we have to
These travelers are left behind so
catch up a lot. Therefore we have to continue Igor Lukic

with our approach to EU.
they have to catch up a lot and to
Serbia has to prove it is really democratic and

Boidar
Deli
should not be allowed to move closer to

Europe.
continue their approach to EU.

To move closer is what maps the
source domain of the JOURNEY.
Table 15 Metaphoric scenario: EU INTEGRATION IS A JOURNEY and the respective annotations
61
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSIONS

5.1 Introduction
The overall research objective of this thesis was to find out how the Balkan politicians talk to
each-other, how they index their identity, whether they perform a common Balkan Identity,
how they use language to refer to their problematic past and to their common future under the
effect of the ideological project of European Union Integration.
This last chapter of the thesis Conclusions and Discussions aims to recapitulate the research
objectives of this thesis and to summarize the findings and results of the research that was
conducted to answer to the objectives and the research questions of the inquiry. At the same
time it is aimed to draw conclusions and to discuss based on the results attained from the
empirical ground.
The second part of this chapter will lay forward a range of recommendations regarding further
research, which can be conducted in the same field and for the same political context with that
of the Balkans.
62
5.2 Summary of Findings and Conclusions

The aim of this thesis was to perform a critical discourse analysis to the discourse of the high
profile politicians of the Balkans. The context of the discourse was enclosed by selecting the
speeches that the politicians gave in political or economical forums that regarded the region of
the Balkans. In the past the Balkans suffered from several wars and ethnic conflicts, which
nowadays are fading out. The reason which stimulates the political stability and peace, easing
he nationalistic tones is the European Union integration agenda. This new agenda for the
whole region resembles an ideological project which is now shaping a new political discourse
in the Balkans.
The Critical Discourse Analysis proved to be relevant to the context of this study, as the aim
was to link the linguistic structures of the discourse to the broad political context of the
Balkans. In political discourse linguistics have always been interested in the linguistic
structures used to get politically relevant messages across to the addressees in order to fulfill a
specific function, but narrow linguistic analysis of political discourse cannot ignore the
broader societal and political framework in which such discourse is embedded (Schffner
1996: 201).
One of the research objectives of this thesis was to examine how the Balkan politicians index
their identity in the discourse fragments and whether there is a common Balkan identity
constructed. The identification of the pronouns elicited from the discourse fragments revealed
that there seems to be a tendency to index a common Balkan identity which overcomes the
national identity of each politician.
The overall number of the inclusive pronoun we is higher than the number of the exclusive
pronoun we. The pronoun deictics and identity performance are closely related, thus it may be
concluded that under the effect of the European agenda, the strict national identity is left aside
and that the Balkans politicians have started to consider the fellow Balkan countries as
entities holding the same identity patterns as themselves.
These results concur not only with the view of analysts such Fowler and Kress (1979), Chilton
and Schffner (2002), Cramer (2010) etc. on pronominal deictics and their significance to
identity construction. But the findings are in the same path with Wodak et al. (2009) too, who
63
assume that national identity is not cardinal, nor static but that: there is no such thing as one
national identity in an essentialist sense, but rather that different identities are discursively
constructed according to context, i.e. according to the degree of public exposure of a given
utterance, the setting, the topic addressed, the audience to which it is addressed, and so on. In
other words, discursive national identities should not be perceived as static, but rather as
dynamic, vulnerable and rather ambivalent entities (Wodak et al. 2009: 187).
A central objective to this research was the need to assess how the temporal and spatial
deictics were utilized by the politicians in their discourse fragments to convey specific
information. These deictics bear a political importance as they do not simply point to a
location in space or to a certain point of time.
Through the spatial deictics all the politicians mark the European Union as a space or
destination which has to be reached by them. This destination is not near them, but it becomes
reachable through peace, political stability, cooperation, unity and reconciliation. The deictics
like here, in the Balkans and there in the European Union do not simply indicate two
geographical locations, but at the same time two political realities.
On the other hand the temporal deictics assume a historical periodization divided on two parts:
the past which includes the period of war and disputes in the Balkans and the future which
embraces long-lasting peace and reconciliation in the region for the sake of European Union
agenda.
Although the Balkan politicians tend to leave behind their problematic past, they still use
linguistic signifiers to mark it such as: war, blood and conflict, moral decay, scars from the
past, illness from which we have not recovered yet, and whose consequences are still present.
Through the temporal deictics the Balkan politicians compare and contrast the past and the
future making a historical periodization. Our conclusions on the political significance of
temporal and spatial deictics are in accordance with the view of Chilton and Schffner (2002)
and Chilton (2004).
The viewpoint that language does not reflect reality, but constructs it, is fundamental to this
thesis and to its conclusions. [] Language does not act as a mirror able to reflect an
independent object world, but is better understood as a tool that we use to achieve our
64
purposes (Rorty, 1980). Language makes rather than finds; representation does not
picture the world but constitutes it. (Barker, Galasiski 2001: 29) The main conclusion that
can be drawn regarding Transformations which occurred in the discourse fragments analyzed,
comply with this fundamental viewpoint and with the lack of arbitrariness not only in
language, but also in these discourse fragments.
Thus passivizations and nominalizations are not employed arbitrarily in the discourse of the
Balkan politicians. Both nominalizations and passivizations serve to the deletion of
participants or agents. Thus the real agents are hidden sometimes performing a politically
correct speech, and on other occasions for the sake of bringing to the attention a certain entity
by placing it to the subject position and emphasizing certain thematic priorities.
Another research objective of this thesis was to regard the metaphoric scenarios which were
used commonly in all the speeches analyzed. As it is already presented in the results and
findings section there were three main metaphoric scenarios used in the discourse fragments.
These common metaphoric scenarios serve to create and actually demonstrate solidarity
within countries.
However more importantly from a cognitive aspect although Balkan politicians, belong to and
represent different nations (which from a nationalistic point of view may suggest different
viewpoints and conceptualizations of the reality), they actually shape reality in the same way,
by employing the same metaphoric scenarios, when referring to the state as a human body,
when considering the international relationship as social relationship, and when considering
the European Union Integration process as a journey, on which they all are.
The relevance and importance of this research have already been mentioned beforehand, but it
is important to make another point regarding its importance. This thesis concluded that the
political discourse of the Balkans is moving from harsh, ethnic tones to a new discourse where
one may index Balkanness as well as his/ her own national identity.
This conclusion is important because it can be extended from the political discourse to the
social reality in the Balkans. It is through discourse that language users constitute social
realities: their knowledge of social situations, the interpersonal roles they play, their identities
65
and relations with other interacting social groups (van Leeuwen and Wodak, 1999) (Barker,
Galasiski 2001: 65).
CDA considers discourse as socially constructive, which means that the way the politicians
talk will influence and lead not only the way simple people talk. Indeed the political
discourses will also the shape the reality in the Balkans. Wodak and Meyer (2009:35) quote
Link (1983) when arguing that discourse is an institutionalized way of talking that regulates
and reinforces actions and thereby exerts power.
Discourses are not inscrutable or hermetic entities. They form a concatenation with oneanother and are mostly inter-textually connected. Hence discourses are supra-individual.
Discourses exert power because they transport knowledge on which collective and individual
consciousness feeds. This knowledge is the basis for individual and collective, discursive and
non-discursive action, which in turn shapes reality (Wodak and Meyer 2009: 39).
66
5.3 Recommendations for Further Research

This thesis brought the insights of CDA to the political discourse of the Balkans. Such a
discourse analytic framework proved to be appropriate to shed light to a changing political
stance in the Balkans. Our case study revealed interesting results and may be considered
ample to the purposes of a master thesis, but a broader and more inclusive research is
advisable to be conducted.
A similar but broader approach than that of the present inquiry will possibly bring to the
attention that a critical discourse analysis is not merely related to being critical, or to simply
discovering the overt power relations or power coercion in a discourse. A critical discourse
analysis can also shed light and ascertain positive improvements such as the ease of the ethnic
disputes or conflicts in a political discourse. Further research based on broader corpora than
the one considered in this thesis, could help to make more comprehensive generalizations.
Based on the findings of this thesis, a comparative inquiry would be of great importance. The
scope of the comparison could be two-fold. Firstly, a comparative inquiry could be conducted
within the context of the Balkans. It would be interesting to compare how the Balkan
politicians index the common Balkan identity when they talk in the presence of each-other,
and how does this indexing change when they talk of other countries not in Balkan forum or
gatherings, but on specific occasions such as national election campaigns, or national days.
Such a comparative research would help understanding how the identity construction and
identity performance is context related and is driven by the political purposes.
Secondly, it would be of great interest to conduct a research comparing two different contexts
which could be the political context of the Balkans and the political context of Scandinavia, in
terms of indexing a common respective identity. Such a research could help analysts and
scholars understand whether the problematic past hinders the construction of a common
identity or not, but at the same time it would broaden the subjects to which CDA is applied.
67
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LINE
APPENDIX 1: DEICTIC MAP OF THE SPEECH OF ATIFETE JAHJAGA
SPEAKER
1ST PERSON
2ND PERSON
3RD PERSON
Jahjaga
our- Balkan leaders incl.
Jahjaga
our- Balkan countries incl.
Jahjaga
Jahjaga
I- Jahjaga as current speaker
Jahjaga
us- Balkan leaders incl.
Jahjaga
Jahjaga
we- Balkan countries incl.
10
Jahjaga
10
Jahjaga
11
Jahjaga
13
Jahjaga
we- Balkan leaders incl.
13
Jahjaga
ourselves- Balkan leaders incl.
14
Jahjaga
14
Jahjaga
16
Jahjaga
17
Jahjaga
19
Jahjaga
19
Jahjaga
20
Jahjaga
it -change
22
Jahjaga
our- Balkan countries incl. (2)
it- Expletive
subject
22
Jahjaga
24
Jahjaga
25
Jahjaga
us- Balkan countries incl.
26
Jahjaga
26
Jahjaga
we- Kosovo leadership excl. (2)
SPATIAL
TEMPORAL
it- Expletive
sentence
in the near
future
your- President
Hollande
your- president
Hollande (2)
it- European Union

in the past
five decades
their- Founding
countries
never before
behind
past decades
it-peace
past year
a year earlier
forward
themselves
Balkan countries
71
LINE
SPEAKER
27
Jahjaga
28
Jahjaga
29
Jahjaga
31
Jahjaga
32
Jahjaga
33
Jahjaga
34
Jahjaga
37
Jahjaga
41
Jahjaga
we- Balkan leaders incl. (2)
45
Jahjaga
47
Jahjaga
us- Balkan countries incl.
49
Jahjaga
49
Jahjaga
ourselves- Balkan countries incl.
50
Jahjaga
50
Jahjaga
1ST PERSON
2ND PERSON
3RD PERSON
SPATIAL
TEMPORAL
it- Expletive
sentence
our- Kosovo leadership excl.

past (2)
now
it- Expletive
sentence
72
LINE
APPENDIX 2: DEICTIC MAP OF THE SPEECH OF BOIDAR DELI
SPEAKER
Deli
I- Deli as current speaker
Deli
Deli
we- Serbians excl.
Deli
Deli
Deli
Deli
we- the government of Serbia

excl.
we- the government of Serbia
excl.
Deli
Deli
10
Deli
11
Deli
14
Deli
15
Deli
we- Serbians excl.
15
Deli
our- Serbian excl.
it- the fruit
16
Deli
we- Serbians excl.
they- the fruit
17
Deli
we- Serbians excl.
18
Deli
we- Serbian nacionalists excl.
18
Deli
our- Serbian excl.
19
Deli
1ST PERSON
2ND PERSON
3RD PERSON
SPATIAL
youlisteners
It- Expletive
subject
Here
TEMPORAL
it- the action

it- expletive
subject
youlisteners
the last few

years
youlisteners
it- bilateral relation
we- Serbia and Slovenia excl.

three months
ago
In the times
of brekup of
Jugoslavia
youlisteners
now
they- Slovene
companies
22
Deli
22
Deli
we- Serbia and Slovenia excl.
23
Deli
we Balkan countries incl.
25
Deli
27
Deli
28
Deli
29
Deli
31
Deli
32
Deli
he- the singer (2)
32
Deli
it- the war
it- the Slovene

company
youlisteners
we- Balkan politicians incl.
youlisteners
73
ND
PERSON
RD
LINE
1ST PERSON
SPEAKER
PERSON
35
Deli
we- Serbian people/ government

excl.
39
Deli
us- Balkan countries/ people incl.
40
Deli
41
Deli
43
Deli
it- Serbia (2)
44
Deli
it- Serbia
45
Deli
46
Deli
47
Deli
51
Deli
we- Serbian government excl.
52
Deli
We- Balkan leaders/ countries

incl.
53
Deli
53
Deli
54
Deli
We- Serbian people/ state excl.
55
Deli
56
Deli
our- Serbian government excl.
58
Deli
our Serbian government excl.
58
Deli
we Serbian government excl.
59
Deli
60
Deli
we Serbian government excl. (2)
61
Deli
61
Deli
ours- Serbian territorial integrity

excl.
62
Deli
63
Deli
64
Deli
65
Deli
Deli
71
Deli
TEMPORAL
it- the war

you-listener
we- Serbian government excl. (2)
closer to
Europe
youassumed
listener
youassumed
listener
yourSerbians
he Serbian
president (2)
it- the act of going
to Bosnia.
post World
war
its- Serbia
After 700
years
it- expletive
subject
We Serbian government excl.
Deli
68
SPATIAL
today
it- existence of
barricades
themselvesKosovo citizens
74
future
LINE
APPENDIX 3: THE DEICTIC MAP OF THE SPEECH OF BUJAR NISHANI
SPEAKER
Nishani
Nishani
Nishani
11
Nishani
13
Nishani
15
Nishani
17
Nishani
18
Nishani
18
Nishani
18
Nishani
us- Balkan leaders/countries incl.
20
Nishani
21
Nishani
25
Nishani
we- the Albanian part excl.
28
Nishani
29
Nishani
31
Nishani
our- Western Balkans
41
Nishani
our- Albania excl.
42
Nishani
we- Albania excl.
43
Nishani
beyond
45
Nishani
towards
47
Nishani
we- Albanian leadership excl.
49
Nishani
51
Nishani
53
Nishani
55
Nishani
56
Nishani
56
Nishani
58
Nishani
58
Nishani
59
Nishani
us- Balkan leaders
60
Nishani
1ST PERSON
2ND PERSON
3RD PERSON
SPATIAL
TEMPORAL
I- Nishani as current speaker

their- France and
EU
their- Pahor and
Josipovic (2)
they- Slovenia and
Croatia
its- Western
Balkans
it- Western
Balkans (2)
beyond
it- Region
it- Integration
their- neighbor
countries
two
decades
this year
75
LINE
SPEAKER
62
Nishani
63
Nishani
63
Nishani
64
Nishani
64
Nishani
our- Albanian leadership excl (2)
66
Nishani
66
Nishani
Nishani
my- Nishani as current speaker

(2)
67
1ST PERSON
2ND PERSON
3RD PERSON

it- the new ruling
majority
its- the new ruling
majority
it- cooperation
76
SPATIAL
TEMPORAL
LINE
APPENDIX 4: DEICTIC MAP OF THE SPEECH OF IGOR LUKIC
SPEAKER
28
Lukic
29
Lukic
we Balkan countries incl.(2)
30
Lukic
31
Lukic
32
Lukic
we- Montenegro government

excl. (2)
32
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APPENDIX 6: THE SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT OF KOSOVO AHTIFETE JAHJAGA

Dear President Hollande,
President Pahor and President Josipovic,
Presidents of the region,
Its a great pleasure to meet again in such a short time to renew our commitment to the European
agenda and strengthen the bilateral relations, the platform that unites all our citizens and which has
paved the way to stability and prosperity in our region.
I am particularly pleased to have among us President Hollande to support the initiative of Slovenia and
Croatia to assist the six remaining countries of the region in the process toward fulfilling the necessary
criteria for EU membership as well as to strengthen the good neighborly relations. I am a firm believer
that we shall all become members of the EU in the near future. The European path of each state should
be guaranteed and sustainable.
We need your support as we make serious strides to reform our countries internally, address the
remaining disputes between each other and make way for genuine dialogue as neighbors. Your
presence and your political will to continue the policy of enlargement demonstrates that the
unfortunate turns in history of the last century will neither determine the regions future.
We must remind ourselves of the goal and the reasons why the European Union was founded and why
has it proved so successful. Europe has seen progress in the past five decades as never before. Not only
have the founding countries continued their steady development, but the Union has helped close the
development gap in Europe by offering the helping hand to countries that have lagged behind due to
the events of the past decades.
Peace has brought not only growth and unprecedented development, but it has brought a period of
political stability, freedom of movement and deeper understanding between peoples and nations.
Similarly, the political progress we have seen in the region in the past year alone has been unthinkable
just a year earlier. This change that has swept our countries has been possible with the clear goal and
the necessity of the European integration and it has been reached through the dialogue.
It is a vision endorsed by our citizens especially since we have much to offer to the European Union.
We understand our integration into the EU as a win-win outcome.
The political will and leadership to reform our economies and consolidate rule of law as the key
areas - is necessary to make this leap forward as is the commitment of the EU countries to guide us in
this process. Most of this heavy work remains to be done by the aspirant countries themselves and as I
have said in Kosovo we will not seek shortcuts because we need these reforms to ensure our
sustainability.
As we recognize the challenge that lies within each country and the work that remains to be done, we
must also realize the opportunities that arise from the regional cooperation. I take the opportunity to
once again thank Slovenia and Croatia for taking the lead to facilitate and define the contours of this
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much needed cooperation.

On the premise of future cooperation for a lasting peace and stability we, the countries of the region,
must work together. We had a difficult past, a past from which we may not have fully recovered and
the consequences of which we continue to suffer, but we are now coming together to the promising
vision of a united Europe.
It is crucial that our cooperation is comprehensive and inclusive. No cooperation in the region will be
completed without the participation of Kosovo; no regional policy will be fully enacted without
Kosovos inclusion and the European Union project be incomplete without the full membership of the
countries of the Western Balkans.
Our cooperation may take the shape of a so-called mini-Schengen and other best European practices
through which aspiring countries must develop closer bilateral and regional cooperation, invest in
building mechanisms and policies that will foster and enhance the economic cooperation, create
opportunities and incentives for each other to stimulate the economic development, to intensify joint
projects of capital investments, drawing on European Union and various funds of development.
We will all benefit from joint projects and we will also be bound by this cooperation ensuring a lasting
peace for the coming generations.
President Hollande, President Pahor and President Josipovic,
Presidents of the Western Balkan countries,
We need the European perspective to be encompassing, to continue to offer the hope and the concrete
incentive for societal and economic transformation.
The regions membership perspective, which unifies all of us, should prevail beyond any doubts about
the viability of the open door policy, because this perspective has already yielded tangible results.
The processes in which we find ourselves should become irreversible.
We will do everything necessary to influence our governments to develop concrete programs of
cooperation and to meet the criteria for membership into the EU.
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APPENDIX 7: THE SPEECH OF THE MINISTER OF ECONOMY AND EUROPEAN

INTEGRATION OF SERBIA, BOIDAR DELI
Its a great pleasure to be here and I would like just to tell you some elements about what Serbia and to
some extents what the Western Balkans are. I have to be careful because sometimes, we from Serbia
are being not always welcomed to talk about other countries as well. And please see it as really a care
for region, because there is an increased realization, I would say also in the Balkans that its difficult to
be successful, if nobody else is successful around you. So thats why we warmly welcome the
accession of Croatia to the European Union in July of 2013. This does not mean that we have solved
every opened issue with Croatia, but is a one bilateral relation which over the last few years has really
improved, its the one between Serbia and Croatia.
I have to tell you that with Slovenia for instance we will be very hard-pressed to find a single open
issue. And as the symbol, when three months ago a Serbian-juice maker Nectar, purchased what used
to be the leader in juice-making in ex-Yugoslavia which was a Fructar, this was an indication in a way,
in a very direct way of the European idea over an nationalistic idea. Let me illustrate. In the times of
the breakup of Yugoslavia, there were Serbian nationalists saying that we were taken for raid by the
Slovenians. Our great fruit, and it is a great fruit in Serbia, (( )). We sent them to Slovenia, they are
transformed and we pay dearly for those Slovene juice. So we have being exploited by Slovenia,
within Yugoslavia and we have to boycott this product. And when our juice maker took over the
Fructar, I asked where are you nationalists, what do you have to say about this. Now Fructar, a Slovene
company is in Serbian hands. And by the way Slovenia has already invested almost two billion euro in
Serbia, with more than 5 hundred companies present in all directions and they are really considered as
domestic. Together we are stronger. Together we have a chance facing the multinational companies,
not as their enemies, but something is good also to have some decision-making capacity at least in the
region.
So when the Slovene company Gorenje which is producing and its already world brand decided to
locate yet a third or fourth company in Serbia, this is also recognizing the relative place where one can
have in this value chain to mutual benefit. So before I tell you about what politicians have to talk
about, which are problems that we need to solve. Let me tell you that not everything is going poorly in
the Balkans, many destroyed relations are being improved, many things are being mended. And if one
looks at what people listen to, you would say that there will be this weekend a singer from Sarajevo,
Dino Merlin, who was under the shell during the Sarajevo, and he made it. He without even a single
second of advertisement filled in three and apparently four times the Beograd Arena. []
People were happy when we were able to share the gas with our Bosnian friends. Because of the
Bosnians war, []
The main role of Europe, useful role, some say the last positive utopia, definitely under stressed right
now, but this idea that put basically Germany and France, definitely not to wage war anymore. And for
us in the Balkans joining the EU is a way also to make sure that it happens never again, that we be
together around the same table, and we solve differences through discussion not through weapons. So
as you mentioned in 2008 there was debate if Serbia should sing. In the end there was a consensus to
sign the CAA [..] Some people said no, Serbia has to prove it is really democratic and it should not be
allowed to move closer to Europe before it demonstrates having captured Karagic. At that time we
were of different opinion, we said by having a true European agenda you will be strengthening the pro-
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European forces, you will strengthen the strands in society that really see (( )) as your European
Values, through this path we will strengthen also the civilian control of the deep part structures of
civilian police and army. This is that view that prevailed.
We did not do it because of this conditionality, we see the reconciliation as one of the most important
basis that we have in the region. And so my president went twice to Srebrenica, he did not do it as a
marketing trick, he did it through a heart-felt and also real politic point a view. We will not be able as a
Serbian people, Serbian society, as a Serbian state to be successful if we dont have reconciliation with
Bosnia. Thats why also the resolution in our parliament last March did not only have apologies on this
terrible crime; it was also a place to reaffirm the territory integrity of Bosnia-Herzegovina as one of the
main elements of our foreign policy.
We are against the breakup of Bosnia; we are against of the breakup of Macedonia, we are against the
breakup of Serbia and against the breakup of Kosovo. We are against all breakups; we support the
territorial integrity of all countries. We expect others to respect ours. And there is no valid reason why
Serbia should be the only democratic country post world war a full member of the UN to be broken up
against its own will. []
After 700 hundred years of conflicts and blood there was a capacity to face the real situation, it will see
also the other side of the problem. We see it as a way to look at only one side of the problem one
reality which is the Albanian reality of Kosovo, but then ignoring the other reality, which is Serbian.
So if there are today barricades in the North of Kosovo, it is because there is also people who do not
consent by being ruled by Prishtina, in the way that Kosovos Albanians did not consent to be ruled by
Belgrade. So the solution is to find a settlement, a settlement which everybody in the Balkans,
everybody in Kosovo will feel secure and will see a future for themselves.
Note: The speech is not completely transposed into writing, as we aimed to focus only on the relevant
part regarding our research and we did not want this speech to be longer than the others.
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APPENDIX 8: THE SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT OF ALBANIA BUJAR NISHANI

Honorable President Hollande,
Honorable President Pahor,
Honorable President Josipovi,
Distinguished Ministers,
Ladies and Gentlemen!
I have the honor and pleasure on behalf of the Albanian delegation also to express the gratitude and
appreciation to President Hollande whose presence in this Meeting clearly speaks. Through their
concrete deeds and positions France and European Union are paying the right attention to the Western
Balkans; are keeping alive and intensive the dialogue and remain committed to implement the
enlargement policy in our region even during these uneasy times of crisis.
A special wholehearted gratitude goes to the Presidents Pahor and Josipovi for their undertaking.
Through their excellent performance Slovenia and Croatia have deserved the European Union
accession and have also become worthy representatives of the image of a region which is positively
transforming. Saying this I have in mind not only the successful reforms that have aligned the
standards of these two countries to those of European ones, but also due to the fact that they are an
example of the manner how to resolve bilateral issues. They are powerful voices and advocates of the
region in the European Union.
The Slovenian and Croatian achievements present an asset that must be used in our European
integration process. We would be able to share our experiences about what each one of us has done
well or not.
Distinguished friends!
The Western Balkans region has turned the page of its history by being transformed from a source of
headache into a space of numerous opportunities. It holds tourist, cultural and historical potentials,
plenty of natural resources and it is located in a favorable geographical position. The dialogue has
already become the language of communication where the talks of normalizing the relations between
Kosova and Serbia present the most pleasant novelty that deserves a special support.
But beyond verbal statements, we think that the regional cooperation is accomplished through concrete
projects to establish a common modern regional infrastructure, through cooperation in the fields of
tourism and transportation, environmental protection, through the removal of all the non physical
barriers that obstacle the movement of people, goods and capitals, increase of the exchanges and better
knowing one another. Our common engagement would serve to increase the economic potential of
region in order to make it a tangible, attractive and competing market to the foreign investors from all
over the world.
The implementation of the Trans Adriatic Pipeline (TAP Project) offers a golden opportunity to all our
countries.
The cooperation to lobby for the Ionian Adriatic Gas Pipeline (IAP Project) has already become
practically necessary. This is a proposed project to build the natural gas pipeline stretching from
Albania through Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina all the way to Split in Croatia.
The Eight Corridor, an initiative undertaken in 1996 which would pass through Bulgaria, Macedonia
and Albania to conclude in Bari and Brindisi in Italy, remains another important challenge.
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In order to increase the competitiveness and security of energy resources supply on the regional level,
the South East Europe and European Union countries have signed the Energy Community Treaty. The
long-term objective is to found and make functional the exchange of the energy resources instruments
and to establish a European Integrated Regional Market in order to enable each country to gain the
largest profits possible.
The integration into the regional network marks one dimension of our policies. It consists in building
the interconnection lines with all the bordering countries and with Italy as well. Hence this way we
will create the opportunity to exchange energy with the neighboring countries and beyond that.
Ladies and Gentlemen!
The foreign policy of the Republic of Albania is oriented towards strengthening the good neighborly
relations and intensifying regional cooperation. Albania has no open issues with any of the countries of
the region.
We believe that the national interests of Albania are best served in a peaceful, stabilized, democratic
and economically development regional environment.
We have encouraged the Albanians in the region to act institutionally and to support the reforms aimed
at consolidating democracy and rule of law and also the Euro-Atlantic integration process of the
countries where live. Of course we will always be in favor of respecting and upholding their rights
according to the most advanced European and international standards. This policy which has been
shaped and unequivocally implemented for more than two decades will remain constant serving
regional peace and stability.
The Fifth Regional Summit of Presidents will be held in Albania this upcoming autumn, more
precisely on September 16-17, in Durrs. During these annual meetings we have confirmed the very
good level of good neighborly relations. We have also re-iterated the friendship and cooperation
among our countries and we are committed to contribute to the further incitement of this spirit in the
political dialogue, economic cooperation and about issues of common regional interests and
cooperation in the framework of the European integration of our countries. We believe and
wholeheartedly wish to welcome this year among us also the Presidents of Serbia and Bosnia
Herzegovina as well.
We remain fully committed to the intensification of the fight against corruption and organized crime,
strengthening of the rule of law and accelerating the reforms pace to achieve and meet the European
standards. This is a process that demands continuity. Proclaiming this I have in mind also the serious
engagement of the new ruling majority produced by the most recent elections and the conviction that it
would successfully accomplish its ambitious program. Hence we will offer services up to the European
quality to our citizens and will meet our primary strategic objective the European integration.
Lastly, I would like to seize this opportunity to wish good luck and success to this Meeting and to our
cooperation process in continuity and to guarantee about my and my countrys dedication to it.
Thank you!
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APPENDIX 9: THE SPEECH OF THE PRIME MINISTER OF MONTENEGRO IGOR

LUKIC
Hello prime ministers, Ladies and gentlemen.
Let me begin by thanking, Feba the organizers of this event. I would like to say that I am
privileged to take part in this event, in this forum, because it shows that there is huge energy,
actually it shows that human energy is the most powerful power plant that could actually help
transcend from where we are to where we want to be. And actually Balkans as a region is a set
of countries that have designed policies in order to move to a better state. In order to be free,
in order to be democratic in order to be prosperous countries. And thats why we are here.
We are here to talk about that, we are here to present our policies, we are here to attract
investors, we are here actually to promote a common vision and I believe that the common
vision for Balkans is actually a common vision that is based on partnership. I believe it is a
vision of partnership. It is a vision of partnership in business making, a vision of partnership
in infrastructure development, a vision of partnership in culture development and culture
cooperation, a vision of partnership in education cooperation. Ive met some of the young
people even tonight who are actually thinking of the possibility to come back to Balkans
states. To Montenegro for example. To start a business, to try to offer their skills and talents to
foreign investors who are actually looking for possibilities in developing our countries, more
concretely Montenegro.
And I am quite encouraged by that. Because I believe that is the point. That is what we have to
do. We have to create a Balkan as a dynamic society, competitive society that will actually be
based on such an energy that could be attracted, could be used for long term development.
And thats what we have to do. But I believe that we have to set certain anchors, we have to
set certain foreign anchors, foreign policy anchors, and we have to set certain economic
anchors to achieve that goal. Foreign anchors obviously in my view should be EU and NATO.
Our countries, Balkan countries share the vision of becoming part of the European Union, and
thats what we have to do. But dont forget referring to education, referring to jobs, referring
to young peoples opportunities; dont forget that European Union also needs young people to
boast their growth, they need to open jobs, and they need to attract people with skills with
talents. And if we let our young people go somewhere else, then we will lose productivity, we
will lose growth. And that is something we cannot afford to. Because it is already the day that
we have to catch up a lot. Therefore we have to continue with our approach to EU. And thats
something Montenegro is pretty much focused on to right now.
We are currently waiting for the progress report next month and we very much hope that the
European Commission will say yes to the accession talks. Because if we manage to open
accession talks next year, I believe it will be good for Montenegro, it will be good for
European Union, and I believe it will be good for other fellow countries in the region. Because
we will continue with the enlargement process, we will continue with sharing the vision of
common future, building a society which will develop institutions to meet the challenges,
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meet the requests that were set by most developed countries on the one hand. But on the other
hand we will be able to share single market benefits.
Secondly, it is not that all the countries in the region share as their ultimate goal, but I believe
that it is something that all the countries in the region should share as their ultimate goal. It is
the NATO enlargement. I believe that it is about time that all the countries in the region define
precisely their approach to the NATO. Because it is essential that we build a stable region, we
build a more secure as possible region. And thats the precondition for the long-term stability,
and for the long-term economic prosperity. On the economic err on the economic side, those
anchors are quite err obvious, and there are certain immediate concerns that we share in the
region as the economic financial crisis, and than again fiscal crisis is something that is
slumming. It is slumming over our region as well. As our economies are intertwined with the
European Union. Are intertwined because we are trading with neighboring countries, we are
trading among ourselves, we are trading with EU, we are trading with Turkey, we are trading
with the market which is the biggest in the world, the biggest contributors in the world to
growth, or to the global economy.
But we are worried and we are concerned of what lays ahead. Therefore it is absolutely
necessary that all our countries in my view should stick to the financial stability policies.
Therefore we have to take care about fiscal policies; we have to take care about that. But that
is not all, that is no where the story ends. We have to continue with structural policies. And I
really believe that countries in ten years time will be actually measured but they have done on
the structural agenda, in terms of regaining their competitiveness. And if we want to have
Balkans as a competitive region in Europe, in the world to attract investors, to make it
attractive for young people to go there, to work and to offer possibilities to the people who
live in our countries, than we have to do more on the structural agenda. And obviously there is
one more aspect of the economical policy.
Something that some of my predecessors have already spoken about; thats cutting red tape.
That is actually improving the business environment, for at least two reasons. One reason is to
release block productivity. Because there is more productivity in endless procedures, in
endless shops that you have to visit and barriers we have been setting up in the past years. We
have to cut those barriers we have to cut those procedures. And there are already countries in
our region that could be used as good examples. On the other hand it is essential because of
our anti-corruption policies. Because by closing the possibilities for (( )) by cutting barriers
we are actually closing possibilities of different sorts of corruption mechanisms. Therefore I
believe that it is the concept of economic policy that is consistent that is comprehensive and
that will in the long run help Balkan countries further economic span. But that is an immediate
concern as it was already said, and that is related to the situation with European Union in
terms of the Euro. I firmly believe as someone who lives in a country that circulates EURO.
Montenegro is unofficially part of the Euro zone.
I firmly believe that there is no problem with Euro, there is problem with economic policies,
there is problem with actually accumulated economic policies in certain countries, and they
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have to deal with that. But not at the cost of endangering single monetary policy. That is
something that could hurt not only European Union. That would hurt Balkans, that would hurt
Turkey, that will hurt global economy and that is not something that we can afford. I believe
that the true response is actually, economic policy that is already set ahead and that will deal
with all those aspects such as financial stability, agenda, business improvement in order to
regain competitiveness in the long run regain (()).
I on a concluding note believe that we live in a region which is possibly the most dynamic one
in Europe and we are responsible not to miss that opportunity. We have to turn the recourses,
we have to turn cultural richness of our region, we have to turn talents of our people into a
strong asset. And I believe we have learned the lessons from the past and therefore common
vision of our region should be common vision of partnership and we have to work the best we
can to make it material and not to let it only be whispered or only spoken about, we have to
make it material and therefore I regard this forum as another step in order to oblige us leaders
in the region to build partnership among our countries. Thank you!
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APPENDIX 10: THE SPEECH OF THE PRIME MINISTER OF MACEDONIA NIKOLA

GRUEVSKI
Distinguished Excellencies, Distinguished

Dear colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, esteemed guests.
Its a great pleasure for me to take part in the Balkan leader summit. Please allow me to greet all
participants and convey cordial congratulations to the organizers who provided us with this
opportunity for exchange of opinions, stemming the confidence among us, and creating new bridges
for corporation in the spirit of unity. Todays event symbolizes the commitment to such cooperation. It
is a prove of the various share by the Balkans countries.
We are connected by the past, but we are connected by the present, but most of all by our common
future. The belief in a better tomorrow for our citizens for modern and developed countries, for open
borders, for cultural competition, in creating new values and benefits to our civilization.
The Balkan region has proven itself as a center for spreading science, education and culture throughout
history. This is a good basis to confirm that we have joined platforms and that we can improve
ourselves in every view. If we could be competitive in the past than we have to be competitive in the
future. Certain scars from the recent past in the presence of divisions, conflicts and at times moral and
material decay speaks more about where we have been, rather than where we are going. My people
have an old saying:
You cannot rewind things to the start, but you can always involve yourself to creating a better future.
This is where I see our leadership grow, above () promoters of the new spirit that speaks of unity
instead of division, positive feelings instead of hate, cooperation instead of barriers. The perception
that we belong to a troublesome area can only be overcome by the outreach hand of reconciliation.
Only by cooperating with each-other, which will promote the mutual confidence and understanding,
can we achieve new levels of higher quality in the development of every field in society. It is this
cooperation among the countries of the region that is visionary idea in the (( )) this idea paves the way
for optimism for a better future of our people and achieving the ideal of long-lasting peace and
economic prosperity.
We are in a new circle in our development which requires new energies, enthusiasm and commitment.
The process gets started and there is no turning back. The challenge consists on how to adopt ourselves
more rapidly and efficiently to the new need in order to achieve economic growth, better living
standards for our citizens, how to implement new ideas and how to be competitive.
Especially how we can attract capital in order to modernize our countries, to create favorable
conditions for businesses, to intensify the production and trade processes among us in the areas of the
world. Now more than ever we need to focus on cooperation in a long term vision. We can find many
points for cooperation. Joint investments need for startup (( )) in better roads and rail road traffic. As
are the joint promotion of our truisms opportunities and even the joint appearance on trade market.
Only jointly can we respond to the requirements of our citizens in a quality manner and create
perspectives for the future generations.
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The best grounds for confronting those challenges and overcoming them is to carry on with our force
to further develop a democratic process in our countries, create a positive climate of good neighborly
relations, and to put behind even the tiniest disagreements and disputes. United in the large European
family of the United Nations.
The Balkans is a part of Europe it is our innate right to be an equal member of the European family of
nations. And it is a very important to deserve our position in those prosperous integrations with our
work. And to enter there with our forces . Not be black not be humiliated.
91

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We the Balkanians: A Critical Analysis of the Political

We the Balkanians: A Critical

Thesis presented in fulfillment of the

Institutt for lingvistiske, litterre og

Special thanks go to my supervisor, Professor ivin

I am immensely thankful to my father, to my family and to

3.5.1 Data Description ...26

Appendix 8: The Speech of the President of Albania Bujar Nishani ..85

1.2 Overall research aim and research objectives

1.3 Thesis Outline

1.4 Background Knowledge on the Balkans

CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.2 Language and Politics

2.3 Critical Linguistics

2.4 Critical Discourse Analysis

2.4.1 What is CDA?

2.5 Discourse Analysis and the CDA of Political Discourse

2.5.1 Why PDA?

2.6 Reproaches (Critiques) to CDA

2.6. 1 Neither theoretical nor methodological orthodoxy in CDA.

2.6.2 A single plausible interpretation and the issue of bias

2. 7 On the Importance of this Research

CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODS

3.2 Research Strategy

experimental) procedures of random sampling, pretesting, assigning groups randomly to

3.3 Data Collection and Sampling Technique

3.4 Data Selection Criteria

3.5 Framework for Data Analysis

3.5. 1 Data Description

3.5.2 Data analysis

3.5.2.1 The Grammar of Modality

commitment to such cooperation. It is a prove of the various share by the Balkans

object, its number of occurrence is indicated in parenthesis.

me- Gruevski (as current speaker)

todayIt- the event

our- Balkan countries/peoples

our- Balkan region incl.

we- participants (Balkan leaders)

3.5.2.3 Metaphors in PDA

3.6 Limitation and potential problems

3.7 Reliability and Validity

Potential problems may be related even to CDA methodological approaches in a broader

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS AND FINDINGS

4.2 Findings on the Grammar of Modality

4.2. 1 Personal Deixes

Table 3 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Boidar Deli

Interpretation of the numbers:

I (or other first person singular

Table no. 4 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Bujar Nishani

Interpretation of the numbers:

Inclusive WE (or other first person plural

Exclusive WE (or other first person plural

They (or other third person plural

Table no. 5 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Nikola Gruevski

No cooperation in the region will be completed without the participation of Kosovo; no

I (or other first person singular related

Table no. 6 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Ahtifete Jahjaga

I (or other first person singular related

Table no. 7 Results of Pronouns used in the speech of Igor Lukic

Interpretation of the numbers:

4.2.2 Temporal and Spatial Deixes

Keywords regarding the future: cooperation, European perspective, unification of the