Project Description

The INTERLOC PROJECT*

Gender, Class and Ethnicity
Intersectionality and Local Citizenship
Research project by Ann-Dorte Christensen and Sune Qvotrup Jensen

1. Introduction and theoretic framework

2. Method and analytical model

3. Empirical methods and operationalization

4. Subproject 1 by Ann-Dorte Christensen

5. Subproject 2 by Sune Qvotrup Jensen

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6. Literature

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* INTERLOC is an abbreviation of the English project title:

Gender, Class, and Ethnicity. Intersectionality and Local Citizenship
The project is funded by the Danish Social Science Research Council 2007-2010

1. Introduction and theoretic framework1

The purpose of the project is to develop new knowledge about everyday life, lived
citizenship and identities in relation to gender, class and ethnicity in a specific locality,
and to study different attitudes towards citizenship, multiculturalism, equality and
difference. The local point of departure of the project is Aalborg East, the most
multicultural area in Northern Jutland. The two focal points are the Danish majority
and the ethnic minorities. We agree with Savage et al. that the local point of departure
does not mean that we preclude broader social developments. Rather, we argue that
wide-ranging global changes can be studied by looking at local cultural practices, life
styles and identities (Savage et al., 2005). One main objective is to examine the
interplay between the general discourses and policies in society regarding
equality/difference, belonging and multiculturalism on the one side and the everyday
lives, political identities and cultural practices of individuals and groups on the other
in one specific area. Another aim is to examine the impact of the interplay between
gender, class, ethnicity, age etc. as categories of identity formation and types of social
differentiation. The basic method in the project is life story narratives, but we also
apply other qualitative and quantitative methods. The project consists of the following
two subprojects:
Subproject 1:

Two generations narratives about gender, class and ethnicity

(by Ann-Dorte Christensen)

Subproject 2:

Gender, ethnic minorities and the local welfare state

(by Sune Qvotrup Jensen (postdoc project).

A central part of the project is to investigate the various ways in which gender
intersects with other categories like class and ethnicity. From a sociological and
political-sociological approach we will develop gender research by analyzing the
interplay between the different categories based on empirical studies of key
developments and social cleavages in Danish society. The ambition is to increase the
understanding of the complex dynamics that characterize the intersection of gender,
class and ethnicity in modern globalized welfare societies.
The study is based on four key concepts: intersectionality, everyday life, citizenship
and political identities.
Intersectionality has in recent years become a central concept in Danish and
international gender research. The concept emphasizes the intersecting pattern of
different social categories like gender, class, ethnicity and age. A key point in
1

The project description is a revised version of the original project description Gender, Class and Ethnicity.
Power and Intersectionality in Modern Welfare Societies, which we prepared in 2006 in cooperation with
Anette Borchorst and Birte Siim. The projects included in the revised version only cover Ann-Dorte
Christensens and Sune Qvotrup Jensens subprojects. Although the theoretic and methodological framework is
revised and targeted at the two subprojects, it is important to emphasize that it has been developed within the
original partnership. Likewise, all four researchers continue to cooperate on some of the projects core areas: the
intersectionality concept, citizenship, multiculturalism and the relation between social equality and gender
equality.

intersectionality research is that the categories are mutually constituting. Therefore it is

based on a non-additive principle that refers to how different power hierarchies
mutually constitute each other. The intersectionality concept was introduced by black
feminists in the US as a reaction to the tendency in research and politics to separate
gender and ethnicity. Gender research and equality policy were criticized for being
blind to ethnicity and for ignoring class, while ethnicity research was criticized for
being gender blind. In recent years, the intersectionality concept has made its way
from the US to the UK to the Nordic countries, and during that voyage, both its focus
and contents have changed. In the US, it was social scientists that headed the
development of the concept, and they especially emphasized social structures like
racism and patriarchy (see e.g. Crenshaw, 1994; Collins, 1998). In Denmark, the
concept found its first home in post-structural humanistic gender research, which led
to a shift in object area and focus towards analyses of subjectification processes (see
e.g. Stauns, 2003; Sndergaard, 2005).
Despite an emphasis on interplay and interactions, there is a risk that intersectionality
analyses can result in inappropriate homogenization of the categories (Skeggs, 2006;
Yuval-Davis, 2006; Phoenix & Pattynama, 2006). We analyze gender, class and
ethnicity as mutually constituting, but are also aware that they are forms of
differentiation that function according to different logics, each of which requires its
own conception. Gender, class and ethnicity are produced and reproduced as a result of
social, cultural, economic and political processes and at different social levels, but in
different ways. Further each of the three categories has its own theoretical history. For
example, the interplay between gender and class has been a frequent topic in welfare
and gender research over several decades, whereas ethnic differentiation and ethnic
identities have only been central research areas for a few years in the Nordic
countries.2
The concept of everyday life is inspired by Birte Bech-Jrgensen and the field of
phenomenological everyday life research (Schutz, 1975; Bech-Jrgensen, 1994). That
understanding has worked well to pinpoint subjective meaning, repetitions and
routines in recognizable patterns of everyday life. Other everyday life researchers
more inspired by Marxism have focused more on what Agnes Heller calls universes of
meaning and social institutions (Heller, 1970). In accordance with this distinction we
do not use the everyday life concept in a narrow phenomenological sense; in contrast
to this tradition we also look at framing structural and discursive conditions as an
independent analytical level. This cannot be analyzed entirely from the perspective of
everyday conduct. Therefore a clarification of the intersectionality concept at the level
of everyday life must be able to accommodate an understanding of gender, class,
2

Class is a classic concept in social sciences and can be traced back to Marx and Weber. Today it is experiencing
a renaissance and has been reconceived, for instance in connection with globalization and migration (Skeggs,
2004; Divine et al., 2006). Since the 1970s there has been a relatively large focus on gender in social sciences
not least in the Nordic countries, and today there is broad consensus in (gender) research about a social
constructivist understanding of gender (Butler, 1999; Sndergaard, 2000; Christensen, 2001), however with
considerable variation between radical and moderate positions. In contrast, ethnicity has only entered the
research agenda in recent years. In terms of history of theories, the interest in ethnicity can be traced back to
Weber (1978), but the ethnicity concept had its great breakthrough in the 1960s and 1970s when it became a key
concept in social science anti-racism and anti-colonialism debates in the US (Guibernau & Rex, 1997, 1-2).

ethnicity etc., both as structuring forms of differentiation and as meaningful categories

in the processes of subjectification and identity formation. This means that we
emphasize processes of differentiation and identification. More specifically, this means
that we perceive categories like gender, class and ethnicity as stratifying and
differentiating phenomena for peoples lives, but also as significant and meaningful
categories in everyday life. The objective is to shed light on the interplay between
these two aspects.
Citizenship basically concerns individuals and groups relations to the public sphere
i.e. public contexts and institutions where we meet to discuss common issues. It
includes various dimensions: 1) status, rights and duties; 2) political participation; and
3) political identities that refer to belonging to cultural and political communities
(Andersen et al., 1993). This project concentrates mainly on the third dimension,
political identities. The concept lived citizenship emphasizes aspects of citizenship
related to identity the meaning that citizenship actually has in peoples lives
(Lister, 2003: 3). The point is that citizenship involves actual people who are
positioned in different ways in relation to gender, class, ethnicity, age, nationality etc.
during their life course and in their everyday lives. However, it is important to clarify
two further conditions in our use of the citizenship concept: First, although the concept
focuses on the question of equal rights and equal participation, it is increasingly
applied to analyze diversity and recognition of differences (Siim, 2003; Young, 1990).
Second, although we focus at the local level, political institutions and identities are
formed by the interplay between the local area and regional, national and transnational
communities (Yuval-Davis, 2005). Therefore, the interplay between micro, meso and
macro level plays a significant role in analyses of citizenship.
The concept political identities is applied here to further concretize lived citizenship,
as it concerns the attitudes and praxis of individuals and groups in relation to
communities, political institutions and values, and not least how they perceive their
own role and belonging. Political identities comprise two important aspects, namely a
process of becoming and a process of belonging. The former aspect emphasizes
political learning processes as a key element in the subjectification of each individual.
The other aspect emphasizes belonging and the sense of belonging to communities
(Christensen, 2003). We point out that political identities are never complete, firmly
rooted positions, but that they are created and recreated individually and collectively
throughout a life course when a person expresses belonging to some groups and
distancing from or dis-identification with others (Skeggs, 1997). An important
question in the project is the significance of the categories gender, class and ethnicity
in these political identity formation processes.
The project analyzes individuals and groups everyday lives in a defined area and
looks at how the welfare states overall policies and more specific housing and social
policy initiatives in a defined area affect social forms of differentiation, and whether
the local welfare state has a greater impact on some forms of differentiation than on
others. In this connection, Srensen & Torfing have demonstrated how local
governance networks gain increased importance in local democratic/political context

(2000). The networks have excluding as well as including traits and are important fora
for empowerment.3 Another important question in this context is how they affect the
interplay between gender, class and ethnicity.
It is important for us that our theoretical approach comprises (1) the combination of
different categories in the intersectionality approach and (2) the interplay between
macro, meso and micro level as it manifests itself in citizenship and in social
differentiations.
The overall research questions in the project are:
a)
b)
c)

How do discourses and policies on citizenship, equality/differences and

multiculturalism structure and affect ordinary peoples everyday lives and
cultural practices?
How do intersecting categories of gender, class, ethnicity etc. express themselves
and give meaning in collective and individual identities?
What strengthens and weakens local communities, feelings of belongings and
empowerment processes?

We will now move on to describing our analytical model, empirical methods and the
two subprojects.

2. Method and analytical model

The fundamental premise of the project is that concrete analyses at micro level can
serve as a point of departure for examining how overall discourses and policies
interact with the concrete everyday life and lived citizenship.
Another premise is that we like Skeggs (1997) emphasize the interplay between
structures and processes. We thus maintain that the categories gender, class, ethnicity,
age etc. should be seen both as social positions rooted in structural organizations and
as categories of lived identities. In terms of method this implies establishing an
analytical interplay between these two dimensions.
In the following we will clarify the projects theoretical and methodological frame of
understanding via an overall analytical model.

Analyses of Demokrati fra neden [Democracy from below] and of local empowerment studies emphasize the
importance of distinguishing between two aspects of empowerment: empowerment in the sense of individuals
and communities actual possibilities of gaining foothold in the political system, and empowerment in the sense
of the subjective acquisition of knowledge and competences that enable the individual person to make use of
possibilities for influence and action (Bang et al., 2000; Goul Andersen, 2000; Andersen et al., 2003; Andersen,
2005).

Analytical model:

Social movements, voluntary associations,

networks in local communities

Micro
level

Every day life, lived citizenship and

subjectification

Identities

Meso
level

Discourses

Welfare and equality regimes

Policies

Macro
level

The analytical model illustrates the projects overall intentions to establish an interplay
between social differentiations in relation to citizenship and social inequalities at
macro level and everyday life, lived citizenship and subjectifications at micro level. At
meso level we localize voluntary organizations, social movements and networks in
local society.
The primary point of departure of the subprojects is micro and meso level. They are
thus rooted at the level for everyday life and lived citizenship, but at the same time
they aim at shedding light on the influence of policies and organizations in and on the
local welfare state, just as they analyze the meanings and consequences current
discussions and policies have for ordinary peoples choices and priorities in
everyday life and throughout the course of their lives.
The model also illustrates how policies, discourses and identities serve as active and
linking elements at micro, meso and macro level. Policies are thus applied both as
something that defines significant parts of the framework for everyday life and as
individuals and groups attitudes towards policies in everyday life. Likewise,
discourses are applied as perceptions that are significant for individuals and groups
identities and everyday actions. Finally identities are applied as collective
communities and as individual identity constructions. The aim is to grasp the interplay
between the life story narratives about policies, discourses and identities and the
concrete meanings in everyday life to overall social trends.
Overall, the project will expand our understanding of how key cleavages and debates
unfold in a specific area within the Danish majority and the ethnic minorities
respectively.
The two subprojects are described in more detail below.

3. Empirical methods and operationalization

The common point of departure is to examine how gender, class, ethnicity and age as
social differentiations and identity markers affect everyday life and lived citizenship
within the Danish majority and ethnic minority groups in a specific area. We will
describe the basis and then the specific content of the two projects.
We have chosen Aalborg East because:
-

it is one of the most multicultural areas in Aalborg and Northern Jutland

a predominant trait is organized interests in the form of urban renewal, housing
associations, etc.
there is a high degree of welfare initiatives in the form of social projects and
outreach social work (cf. Jensen, 2002)

We primarily use qualitative methods: life story interviews, focus group interviews,
participant observation, discourse analyses and interviews with active citizens in the
local area. However, we will initially use survey data, as the social profile of Aalborg
East is narrowed down based on COMPAS results and reprocessing of the survey
material specifically for this project.4 The survey comprises 1,174 respondents,
including 80 from Aalborg East (60 of whom have given their phone numbers and
made themselves available for interviews. Informants for the two subprojects will be
selected from this group). To ensure an adequate picture of the social profile, data from
the COMPAS project will be compared with register-based data on a continuous basis,
for example via the socio-demographic database at Aalborg University.5
Like Savage at al., we use qualitative methods to produce knowledge on general and
broad social issues as well as global changes. This implies that we do not subscribe to
the point of view that social relations as a rule are a result of, or founded in, everyday
micro interactions, as assumed in grounded theory and parts of the interactionist or
ethnomethodological tradition (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; West & Fenstermaker, 1995).
Rather, we are inspired by Bourdieus reflexive sociology, which grasps the interplay
between structure and social actors (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1996).
Including quantitative data gives us some advantages in terms of method triangulation
(Riis, 2001) as the validity and analytical generalization of the qualitative studies is
strengthened. The studies are planned as thick description (Geertz, 1973), which
implies a high degree of depth in the specific case in contrast to e.g. comparative case
studies. However, to qualify our own analyses, we want to develop mirror

COMPAS (Contemporary Patterns of Social Differentiation the Case of Aalborg) headed by professor Annick
Prieur, Aalborg University. The project was funded by the Danish Social Sciences Research Council in the
period October 2003 March 2007. See e.g. COMPAS homepage at
http://www.socsci.auc.dk/compas/index.htm. There will be no overlap between the two projects; rather
INTERLOC will supplement COMPAS, which does not include in-depth local studies or specific generation
analyses.
5
This database was developed by Ruth Emerek and Lisbeth B. Knudsen.

perspectives via dialogue and cooperation with similar local studies of citizenship and
multiculturalism.6
The basis of the qualitative methods will be life story interviews with ethnic Danish
groups and ethnic minority groups. We have chosen this approach because based on
the informants narratives we want to analyze the meanings assigned to the categories
gender, class and ethnicity in a life story perspective. We do not adopt the pure
narrative approach where the holistic context of the life story structures the analysis
(like e.g. in Alheit, 1990 and Horsdal, 1999). Rather we see life stories as a dual
process formed by social life conditions on the one side and on the other by the actors
biographical projects creating and revising their own life narratives (Kupferberg, 1998;
Giddens, 1991; Gullestad, 1996). We select specific areas in the life narrative as
particularly relevant for the project: e.g. lived citizenship, the relation between ethnic
majority and minority groups, and gender relations.
Several gender researchers who use the intersectionality concept have argued that
biographical and life story methods are well suited for studying intersections between
different categories. Life story narratives about for instance gender, class and ethnicity
emphasize that the categories are subjectively lived and dynamic (Brah & Phoenix,
2004). Moreover, life stories are appropriate for determining whether individuals are
speaking from different I-positions along with changing affiliation with different
collective contexts (Buitelaar, 2006).
As mentioned, the actual selection of informants is based on the results of the
COMPAS project, but we also use Leslie McCalls (2005) methodological instructions
for intersectionality analyses. Instead of either selecting and defining analytical
categories beforehand or applying pure deconstruction, McCall proposes a third
position: The idea behind the so-called intercategorical approach is that you select
strategic anchor points, but stay open to new categories. In our study, the strategic
point of departure is: an area (Aalborg East); ethnicity (the two subprojects with focus
on the Danish majority and the ethnic minority groups respectively); and finally we
select informants based on age and gender. McCalls operationalization of the
intersectionality concept is primarily developed in relation to statistic analyses. One of
the aims of INTERLOC is to develop it further, also in relation to qualitative empirical
studies.

We have already established contact with the SLIB project (Segregation, Local Integration and Employment),
Danish Building Research Institute and Roskilde University headed by John Andersen, and have agreed on a
minimum of two seminars. We will also contact the Swedish project on The Changing Local Gender Contract
headed by Susanne Johansson, Arbetslivsinstituttet and GURU, Global Urban Research Unit by Frank Moulaert,
University of Newcastle.

4. Subproject 1 by Ann-Dorte Christensen

Two generations narratives about gender, class and ethnicity
The objective of Subproject 1 is via two generations from the Danish majority group
in Aalborg East to investigate the intersectionality between gender, class and
ethnicity as they are constructed in life story narratives and positionings in relation to
current discourses and policies. The project is based on an overall assumption that the
interplay and meanings of the categories are changing in a life perspective, formed by
the social structures, discourses and institutions as well as by individual choices and
priorities in everyday life (Christensen, 2003; Christensen & Siim, 2006; Skeggs,
1997).
The project emphasizes (a) lived citizenship (e.g. democratic learning, belonging to
local political communities) and (b) positionings in relation to policies and discourses
on equality/differences and multiculturalism.
The empirical study is designed as follows:
1.
2.

An introductory phase where the social profile in Aalborg East is identified based
on existing studies and survey data from COMPAS. Based on this, informants are
selected for interviews (this part is joint with Subproject 2).
A main phase using two types of qualitative empirical material:
(a) life story interviews with two generations
(b) focus group interviews with the two selected generations and a mixed-age
group.

Re (a): Life story interviews with two generations:

20-30 year olds (the 90s generation)
50-60 year olds (the 68 generation)
The argument for the two generations: The 68 generation was the primary bearer of the
mobilization from the late 1960s to the early 1980s and the first welfare generation.
The 90s generation grew up in a non-mobilized period and with the future of the
welfare state under pressure.7 Basing the analysis on these two generations allows us
to comply with Mannheims principle of two sociological generations (Mannheim,
1952) that reflect different historical phases in the Danish welfare state, but also of two
distinct ages and life phases.
12 informants will be selected from each generation (equally distributed on men and
women) for life story interviews (see above). After the 12 interviews we will decide
whether to re-interview some of the informants and whether there is a need for
supplementary interviews in terms of depth/saturation of the material and variation
in relation to the social profile of the area.
7

In previous work including three or more generations (Andersen et al., 1993; Christensen & Tobiasen, 2006;
Andersen & Goul Andersen, 2003), the 68ers were often compared with the older and the younger generations
and at the same time they constituted, in a life story perspective, the middle-aged or the mid-life stage.
However, due to their current age, the 68ers no longer represent the mid-life stage.

The interviews are planned according to three main themes:

I.

The life story/chronological biographic narrative about changing and significant

meanings of gender, class and ethnicity. The main objective is to localize the way
categories produce differences and meaning in the informants life story.

II.

Extended thematic narratives about lived citizenship:

political identities: democratic learning, belonging, sense of affiliation with
communities, tolerance, inclusion and exclusion
multiculturalism: attitudes towards minority groups, solidarity, cultural
openness, respect and recognition
welfare state: the relation between public/private support/care
gender relations: division of labor, equality and forms of cohabitation.

III. Elaboration of attitudes towards current public discourses. These areas will be
more precisely defined closer to the study in terms of prevalent public discourses.
Examples are:
different cultural expressions (e.g. headscarves and nudity in the public
space)
- public/private provision/care (e.g. attitudes towards work and family,
use of daycare institutions and womens and mens use of
maternity/paternity leave)
welfare reforms start help, use of public benefits and service, tax stop.
Re (b): Focus group interviews:
1. 20-30 year olds
2. 50-60 year olds
3. a cross-generational group
The focus group interviews are planned so that it is possible to combine group
interaction and the focus determined by the researcher (Morgan, 1997). The groups are
composed on the basis of the COMPAS project and consist of four women and four
men. The objective will be to elaborate main theme II about lived citizenship and main
theme III about views on current public discourses.

5. Subproject 2 by Sune Qvotrup Jensen

Gender, ethnic minorities and the local welfare state
The objective of Subproject 2 is to study intersectionality at the local community level,
with a special focus on the local welfare state, as experienced by ethnic minority
groups in Aalborg East. The concept of intersectionality requires new types of analyses
of lived citizenship as focus is shifted towards how political identities in everyday life
are constituted in the intersection between forms of social differentiations like gender,
ethnicity, age, class etc. The general assumption of the project is that both ethnic
10

minority background and gender play a key differentiating and signifying role for
political identities as well as for the encounter with the local welfare state.
The Nordic welfare states are often described as women-friendly; partly in terms of
political representation, partly in relation to the specific content of relevant policies on
childcare, daycare institutions, maternity/paternity leave etc. (Hernes, 1987). This
description has been challenged by researchers who question whether this is also true
for women with ethnic minority background (Siim, 2003). It is also an open question
to what extent this type of welfare state has empowerment potentials in relation to men
with ethnic minority background. We are dealing with new political as well as social
science challenges.
In a Swedish context Ove Sernhede has shown that ethnic minorities often identify
strongly with the local area and with transnational cultural flows, whereas they see the
Swedish political institutions as irrelevant (1999). We also know that it is often
difficult for ethnic minorities to participate in local democracy and that they often do
not know about or do not take advantage of local social projects (Ejrns & Tireli,
1997).
An analysis of gender and ethnicity as they unfold in the specific local welfare state is
therefore important if we want to develop our understanding of the Danish welfare
model. The project focuses on power and empowerment processes at the local
community level (Andersen et al., 2003), at the same time as the analysis is
continuously contextualized to overall policies and discourses on gender, class and
ethnic diversity.
The subproject is divided into 3 phases:
Phase 1: Local culture and the local welfare state in Aalborg East are described based
on existing studies. The purpose is to gather and produce knowledge on the areas
recent history, political processes, social projects etc. This knowledge will later serve
as a basis for selecting areas for participant observation and interviews (this part will
primarily be placed in this subproject, but in dialogue with Subproject 1).
Phase 2: The local social profile in Aalborg East is narrowed down based on existing
quantitative data, including survey data from the COMPAS project (this part is joint
with Subproject 1).
Phase 3 applies three types of qualitative material:
A. participant observation
B. individual interviews
C. focus group interviews
A: Participant observation in relevant fora which can provide insight into everyday
life in the neighborhood and in the citizens encounters with the local welfare state:
town fair, urban renewal programmes, member democracy in local housing

11

associations etc. The objective is to expand the knowledge of Aalborg East, produce
knowledge of social and political praxis and to generate themes for later interviews
and recruit informants.
Individual interviews will be carried out to explore processes of intersecting identities,
while focus group interviews will be carried out to identify collective identities around
the local area and the potentials for collective empowerment.
B.

Individual interviews are planned according to four themes:

1. Life story: experiences arriving in Denmark and living in Aalborg East.
2. Political identities and attitudes towards the welfare state locally and
nationally (relation between private and public, provision and care).
3. Multiculturalism (attitudes towards minority groups, cultural openness,
respect and recognition).
4. Gender relations (division of labor, equality and forms of cohabitation).

C.

Focus group interviews are planned according to three themes:

1. Political identities/gender relations, multiculturalism etc.
2. Attitudes towards the welfare state/overall policies and locally. How is the
local welfare state perceived?
3. Experiences with living in Aalborg East. Perception of what the problems
are in Aalborg East and what can be done locally. Does the civil society
have empowerment potentials? Interplay between self-organization and
welfare state.

Informants are sampled on age to enable comparison with Subproject 1. We thus

expect to see interesting differences and similarities between the Danish majority
group and the ethnic minority groups respectively in the same age group. There are 12
informants of ethnic minority background in the 20-30 age group and 12 informants of
ethnic minority background in the 50-60 age group. It is not a priority to recruit
informants from the same ethnic group since we are not focusing on any assumed
cultural particularities of the ethnic minority groups. Approx. 10 informants can be
contacted via the COMPAS project; the remainder will be recruited during the field
work.

6. Literature
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Systime Academic, pp. 189-207.
Andersen, Johannes, Ann-Dorte Christensen, Kamma Langberg, Birte Siim & Lars
Torpe (1993). Medborgerskab demokrati og politisk deltagelse. Herning:
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Andersen, John (2005). Empowermentperspektivet vejen frem til en kritik

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Elm (2003). Empowerment i storbyen rum et socialvidenskabeligt perspektiv.
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Christensen, Ann-Dorte (2003). Fortllinger om identitet og magt. Unge kvinder i
senmoderniteten. rhus: Magtudredningen.
Christensen, Ann-Dorte & Birte Siim (2006). Magt og intersektionalitet en kritisk
refleksion. Kvinder, Kn og Forskning no. 4 (forthc.).
Christensen, Ann-Dorte & Mette Tobiasen (2006). Politiske identiteter og
knspolitiske holdninger i tre generationer. Pilotundersgelse, Institut for
konomi, Politik og Forvaltning, Aalborg Universitet (forthc.).
Collins, Patricia Hill (1998). Its all in the family: Intersections of gender, race and
nation, Hypatia, vol. 13, no. 3, pp. 62-82.
Crenshaw, Kimberle W. (1994). Mapping the Margins Intersectionality, Identity
Politics and Violence Against Women of Colour, in Martha Finneman &
Mykitiuk, Rixanne (eds.). The Public Nature of Private Violence. New York:
Routledge.
Divine, Fiona, Mike Savage, John Scott & Rosemary Crompton (2005). Rethinking
Class: Cultures, Identities and Lifestyles. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Ejrns, Morten & zeyir Tireli (1997). Etniske minoriteter og hverdagslivet.
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