Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections/January Report

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE
OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

JANUARY 2016 REPORT
MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS
JANUARY 2016 REPORT
Published by
African Centre for Media Excellence
Plot 124 Nanjala Road (Bunga-Soya), off Ggaba Road
P. O Box 11283 Kampala, Uganda
Tel: +256393202351
info@acme.org
www.acme-ug.org
Facebook: ACME.UG
Twitter: @ACME_Uganda
CopyrightACME 2016
Layout and Design
Harriet Anena
hanena@acme-ug.org
Cover Photo
Rachel Mabala
January 2016 Report
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This report is published with support from the Democratic Governance
Facility (DGF), which has funded ACMEs project on monitoring media
coverage of the 2016 elections. We are grateful for the partnership with
DGF.
Several individuals have contributed to the report and we single out a few.
Project Manager Mohles Kalule Segululigamba, technical advisor George
Lugalambi, and statisticians Yusuf Mulumba and Brian Ssenabulya. We
also recognise the contribution of ACME staff Peter G. Mwesige and
Harriet Anena.
ACME would also like to thank the panel of advisors that reviews the
findings every month before they are shared with the public. Panel
members are David Ouma Balikowa, Charlotte Kawesa Ntulume, William
Tayeebwa, Patricia Litho and Joseph Ssemakula.
ACME further thanks the coders who tirelessly entered data and the
research assistants who recorded broadcast content.
ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................................3
Background........................................................................................................3
The Media and Elections..........................................................................................5
Monitoring Media Coverage.....................................................................................6
Media Coverage of Previous Elections..................................................................7

Monitoring/Research Questions...........................................................................9
METHODOLOGY................................................................................................11
Scope of the Monitoring.........................................................................................11
Sample and Sampling Methods............................................................................11
Methods of Data Collection...................................................................................15
THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT..................................................................................18

Legal Framework.......................................................................................................18
Media Ownership and Diversity...........................................................................21
Standards and Quality of Reporting......................................................................24
Experience..............................................................................................................25
Freedom to Report....................................................................................................25
FINDINGS.....................................................................................................................27
Volume of Election Stories.....................................................................................27

Type of Election Covered........................................................................................29
Space and Time Allocation to Elections..............................................................30

Most Covered Presidential Candidate...............................................................32
January 2016 Report
Most Pictured Candidate........................................................................................37

Front Page Coverage.................................................................................................38
Most Covered Topics.................................................................................................40
Tone...........................................................................................................................43
Reporting Approach................................................................................................48
Issues Vs. Personalities...........................................................................................51
Background and Context in Reporting............................................................54
Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises.........................................57

Sources of Information in Election Reporting.............................................60
Gender: Sources..........................................................................................................63
Sources: Number........................................................................................................66
USE OF TWITTER BY MAJOR CANDIDATES.........................................69

Followers............................................................................................................69
Following.....................................................................................................70
Tweets............................................................................................................................70
Interactions...................................................................................................71
Response to Twitter Questions............................................................................75
CONCLUSION..................................................................................................................76
January 2016 Report
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This report presents the results of the monitoring of media coverage of
the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the month of
January 2016. The key findings are outlined below.
A critical reading of the results shows that radio, which a majority of
Ugandans rely on for political news, has continued to lag behind other
media forms in terms of quantity of election stories (in proportionate
terms) as well as on most measures of quality.
In terms of volume of stories, upcountry radio stations, which serve most

Ugandans, carried far less election stories compared to their counterparts
in Kampala. This was blamed on ownership influences, self-censorship,
intimidation from ruling party and government officials, as well as low
human and financial resources at most upcountry stations.
In addition, most of the election coverage on radio fell below the

standards required for the electorate to get quality information. For
instance, more than half of the election news on radio (59%) did not
contain background and context, 71% of the stories did not interrogate
claims or promises by candidates, and 78% of the reports relied on single
sources. Such coverage denies voters the perspective required to make
informed decisions.
Meanwhile, the national broadcaster, UBC, which has a wider geographic
reach than any other television station, also performed poorly on several
measures of quality, including diversity of sources. In addition, UBC
TV, which is by law mandated to give equitable time to all candidates,
maintained its disproportionate attention to incumbent Museveni with
the percentage of airtime spent on him slightly increasing to 81% in
January from 79% in December.
UBC TV staff maintained that Mr Musevenis lions share of the airtime
was because he still enjoyed the services of the Presidential Press Unit,
which supplies many of the presidents campaign-related stories. They

added that his challengers had not taken up the offer to supply their own
footage, a claim opposition officials dismissed.
The New Vision and Bukedde (both in the Vision Group stable in which the
government owns majority shares) also gave far more space to President
Museveni (64% and 67% respectively) than to other candidates.
The New Vision led with Mr Museveni on the front page on 15 out of
the 31 days in January. On most of the remaining days, the newspaper
carried front page stories in which government officials provided upbeat
updates on the status of sectors such as health, tourism, railways and
roads.
Mr Museveni generally dominated coverage across all media

platforms. Although he remained at the top followed by Go Forwards
Amama Mbabazi and FDCs Kizza Besigye, there was an improvement
in the attention (space and time) given to the other five candidates. The
presidential debate on 15 January appears to have played a role in this.
On the positive side, a majority of stories across all the media
platforms were in a neutral tone. In addition, most media houses paid
more attention to issues than to personalities even though most of the
reporting followed a conventional approach that tended to focus on
events.
The use of ordinary people as sources also improved, especially in
newspapers and on television. However, there was no improvement in
the use of women as sources across all media platforms. On average only
two out of every 10 sources were women.
On Twitter, Mr Museveni maintained a lead on the number of followers
although Mr Mbabazi did a slightly better job engaging with followers.
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January 2016 Report
INTRODUCTION
This report presents the results of the monitoring of newspaper
coverage of the Ugandan presidential and parliamentary elections in the
month of January 2016. Comprehensive findings on the quantity and the
quality of coverage in nine newspapers, five television stations and 33
radio stations are presented and discussed.
Background
In July 2015, African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME) received

funding from the Democratic Governance Facility (DGF) to monitor
media coverage of the 2016 elections. This specialised effort is part of
the monitoring work of the Citizens Election Observers Network-Uganda
(CEON-U), also funded by DGF. CEON-U comprises 18 civil society
organisations led by the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative. The
overall objective of CEON-U is to enhance the integrity of the election
process through deterring and exposing irregularities. CEON-Us specific
objectives are:
1. To regularly and objectively document and expose issues related
to or affecting the integrity of the electoral process.
2. To raise awareness and engage key stakeholders on electoral
observation findings and recommendations.
3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

women and men in the electoral process.
4. To mitigate the potential for election-related violence.
As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has rightly

noted, given the key role the media play in elections, any observation
effort should pay significant attention to the activities of the media and
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their coverage of elections.1 Media monitoring can document whether

coverage contributed to a free and fair election or subverted the process.
But it can also be a process of constructive intervention whereby gaps
in, and concerns about, coverage are addressed before the elections.
ACME intended this project to do both.
The purpose of ACMEs media monitoring project, therefore, is to assess
the nature of media coverage of the 2016 elections, document whether
it contributes to a free and fair election or subverts the electoral process,
and promote professionalism in media coverage. The goal is to contribute
to accurate, fair, impartial and balanced coverage of the 2016 elections.
The specific objectives are:
1. To monitor, document and share trends in media coverage of the
2016 general elections.
2. To monitor media compliance with election reporting guidelines
and regulations.
3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

information that is more accurate, impartial and fair.
4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

professional standards in media coverage of elections.
Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came after

the elections, the innovation with this project is that ACME will issue
monthly reports that will be discussed with stakeholders ranging from
senior media managers to political party representatives well ahead of
the elections.
1 OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (2012). Handbook on Media Monitoring for Election
Observation Missions. Warsaw, Poland.
January 2016 Report
The media and elections

Fully functioning democracies are associated with periodic free and
fair elections where all contesting political viewpoints are fairly and
equitably communicated through the media so that voters have an
opportunity to make informed choices/decisions as to who their leaders
will be. Media coverage of elections from the process of making
electoral laws, the campaigns, voting, through to the post-polling period
is critical in any democracy. When the media get it right, voters are
able to understand the issues and choices before them by hearing all the
different viewpoints. Voters are also given an opportunity to discuss the
issues and express themselves.
For an electoral process to qualify as free and fair, not only must the
election unfold in adequate political and administrative conditions,
but citizens must also have access to sufficient information about the
parties, candidates and voting procedures to ensure that they will make
an enlightened and valid choice. Elections will only be free if all players
candidates, political parties, citizens, civil society and, of course,
journalists can express themselves on all matters of public concern.
The media play five essential roles in the electoral process:
Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.
Provision of platforms for debate through allowing exchange of

opinions amongst the different contending groups and citizens.
Acting as a watchdog for fairness during election campaigning and
polling.
Educating the public about election processes.
Providing voice to the voters.2
2 Marie-Soleil Frre (2010). The Media and Elections in Post-Conflict Central African Countries. Brussels: University
of Brussels.
Monitoring media coverage

Media monitoring is anchored in the ethical and professional standards
that are expected to help the media perform the essential roles already
identified. The standards include, but are not limited to, the following:
Accuracy in reporting.
Dedication of space and time to elections.
Distinguishing between news and opinion.

Use of, and reliance on, multiple sources.
Corrections and the right of reply.
Focus on a diversity of issues.
Equitable coverage of the candidates.

Balance and fairness in reporting.
A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage.

Interrogation of candidate promises and claims.
Provision of adequate background and context.
Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the

voters.
Rejection of bribery of journalists.
Independence of media houses and journalists.
Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

for Media Coverage of Elections in Uganda against which the media
monitoring was benchmarked. Based on international standards and
best practice but sensitive to the Ugandan context, these guidelines,
which were published by ACME, highlight the responsibilities and
January 2016 Report
obligations of the media regarding election coverage and reporting. They

were developed through a participatory process, and most media houses
signed on to them. In August and September 2015, ACME engaged media
owners and managers to generate consensus on the use of the guidelines
as the yardstick for media coverage and monitoring.
Media coverage of previous elections
Previous media monitoring reports on Ugandan elections indicate that

the media often fall short of the roles and standards already outlined. In
particular, the following gaps have been observed in media coverage of
elections in Uganda.3
Disproportionate coverage of the incumbent (president) and ruling
party on state/public media
Although both the Constitution and electoral laws provide for equal
access to candidates on state or public media, in all previous elections,
the latter have been accused of paying disproportionate attention to
the activities of the incumbent and ruling party at the expense of the
challengers and the opposition. This practice denies the viewing/
listening public access to adequate information against which to judge
all sides in the election.
Denial of access to state/public media by opposition candidates
State/public media have also been accused of denying access to

opposition candidates in complete violation of the Constitution and
electoral laws. This was one of the grounds cited by opposition leader
Kizza Besigye in his unsuccessful petition against the re-election of
President Yoweri Museveni in 2006. During the campaigns ahead of the
2011 elections, Dr Besigye, the main challenger, was again denied access
to public/state broadcaster UBC and the campaign advertisements he
3 See e.g. Memonet (2011). Uganda media coverage of the 2011 elections: final media
monitoring report. Kampala.
had paid for were never featured. Again, this practice denies the viewing
public access to adequate information against which to judge all sides in
an electoral contest.
Predominance of episodic reporting and dearth of issue-based coverage
The media have also been accused of focusing more on the drama and
daily routine of the election campaign at the expense of the issues. They
also tend to report the election as an event rather than a process. This
practice denies the public not only information but also the context
within which to judge candidates, parties, electoral authorities, as well
the process.
No serious interrogation of candidate claims and promises
The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

promises made by candidates similarly denies the public access to
complete information against which to judge those offering themselves
for public office.
Disproportionate attention to candidates and political parties at the
expense of voters
It has been said that voters are the most critical players in elections.
Unfortunately, it has been pointed out that the media coverage in
Uganda, as in many other countries, tends to pay far more attention to
the candidates and their parties than to the voters. Lost in this kind of
reporting, for instance, are the issues that matter most to the voters as
well as their own evolving evaluation of the electoral process.
Attempts by political actors, especially those in government, to influence
visuals in newspapers and on television
The Ugandan meia have also been accused of succumbing to pressure

from political operatives to overplay visuals of certain candidates. In the
last two elections, for instance, the New Vision was accused of overplaying,
January 2016 Report
under pressure, pictures that showed huge crowds at President

Musevenis rallies and downplaying those of his main opponent, even
where Dr Besigye had attracted similar or higher numbers of people.
This practice denies voters the complete picture of the real popularity of
candidates judged by attendance of their rallies.
Lack of fairness and balance
Like any other genre, covering elections requires journalists to report on

all candidates and parties in a fair and balanced manner. For instance,
the media are supposed to give candidates the right to reply to attacks
from their opponents. They are also supposed to give candidates and
parties similar opportunity to respond to issues. This has not always
been the case in the coverage of elections in Uganda.
Other concerns and gaps in media coverage of elections have revolved
around the following:
Bias.
Inaccurate reporting.
Bribery of journalists.
Self-censorship.
Poor portrayal of women candidates.
It is against this background that ACME sought to monitor

comprehensively media coverage of the 2016 elections.
Monitoring / research questions
The following questions will guide the monitoring of media coverage.
1. What is the operating environment for the media ahead of the

elections?
2. What topics do the media focus on in their coverage of the elections?
3. What type of reports do the media produce (news, commentary/

opinion, features/special reports, etc)?
4. What is the nature of the reporting (conventional, interpretative,
investigative)?
5. Who are the sources of information for election stories (ordinary

people, party officials, candidates, regulators, civil society,
diplomats, religious leaders, central government officials, local
leaders, police/security, etc)?
6. What is the number and gender of the sources?
7. Which political parties are focused on in media coverage?
8. Which presidential candidates are focused on in media coverage?

9. How much time or space is dedicated to each party?
10. How much time or space is dedicated to each presidential candidate?

11. What is the tone of coverage?
12. What is the frequency of personal attacks in media coverage?

13. Do media houses offer the right of reply?
14. How often do news stories interrogate candidate or party promises?

15. How often do news stories include background and context?
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January 2016 Report
METHODOLOGY
This section presents the scope of the monitoring exercise, the sample
and sampling methods, methods of data collection as well as the tools
that we used.
Scope of the monitoring
ACME set off to monitor a purposive sample of print, electronic, and

online media, focusing on coverage related to the presidential and
parliamentary elections during the pre- and post-electoral periods from
1 September 2015 to 29 February 2016. The election-related content
being monitored across the media landscape has been defined in terms
of, and broadly classified under three genres: news, current affairs, and
commentary.
Inevitably, however, there will be variations in the emphasis and breadth

of the monitoring exercise because of the differences among, and unique
elements of, the media platforms from which the data were drawn. In
other words, whereas certain variables are applicable to all the content
of interest news, current affairs, and commentary some are
inapplicable to particular media platforms. For the electronic media,
for instance, the primary content of interest comprises news bulletins
and current affairs talk shows that do not, by the nature of TV and radio
content, bear the same characteristics as print media content. Similarly,
the unique features of social media messages necessitate a different
approach that recognises the specific characteristics of this form of
political discourse.
Sample and sampling methods
The sample of channels selected for monitoring represents print,

electronic, and social media platforms and is composed of nine
newspapers, five television channels, 33 radio stations, and Twitter. This
choice of channels constitutes a purposive sample designed to capture
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all facets of the election coverage that the electorate in its diversity is
exposed to.
Print media
All the major national and regional publications (eight newspapers

and one magazine) are included to ensure a balanced representation,
to the extent possible, of every major language group. There are five
English-language publications and one each in key regional languages
and language groupings: Luganda, Ateso, Luo, and Runyakitara. Five of
the newspapers in this sample (New Vision, Bukedde, Etop, Rupiny and
Orumuri) are published by the Vision Group, a listed company whose
ownership is split more or less equally between the government and
private shareholders. The nine titles together account for nearly all
mainstream print media circulation in Uganda. The Vision Group
publications arguably control about three-quarters of the national
readership or market.
The titles that make up the newspaper sample, with their publication
cycles, are:
1. New Vision (daily; national)
2. Daily Monitor (daily; national)

3. The Observer (tri-weekly; national)
4. The Independent (weekly news magazine)
5. Red Pepper (daily; national)
6. Bukedde (daily; central)
7. Etop (weekly; eastern)
8. Rupiny (weekly; northern)
9. Orumuri (weekly; western)
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January 2016 Report
Television
The five TV channels included in the sample collectively cover the whole
country. All but one broadcast primarily in English. Bukedde broadcasts
in Luganda and is one of the platforms owned by the Vision Group.
Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) is the public broadcaster. The
rest of the stations are privately owned. The channels included in the TV
samples are:
1. Bukedde
2. NBS
3. NTV
4. UBC
5. WBS
Radio
The radio stations selected for monitoring collectively cover the entire country and represent Ugandas seven major regions: Kampala,
central, eastern, western, south-western, northern, and North-Western/
West Nile. This sample constitutes about 13% of the 250 or so stations
in operation across the country. The selected radio stations generally
accommodate all audience profiles as defined by social class, language,
religion, ethnicity, and geography/geo-politics. Except UBC, the public
broadcaster, all the other channels are either private, faith-based, or
community radio stations. The stations that make up the radio sample
are presented by region in Table 1.
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Table 1: The radio stations monitored

REGION
MEDIA
FREQUENCY
Kampala (5)
Capital Radio
KFM
Top Radio
Simba FM
UBC Blue Channel
FM 91.3
FM 93.3
FM 89.6
FM 97.3
FM 98
Baba
Open Gate
Rock Mambo
Kioga Veritas
Voice of Teso
Signal FM
FM 87.7
FM 103.2
FM 106.8
FM 91.5
FM 88.4
FM 88.1
Central (5)
Eastern (6)
Western (5)
South-Western (2)
Northern (4)
Radio Sapientia
Voice of Africa
Central Broadcasting Services
Buddu
Spice FM
Kasese Guide
Voice of Toro
Bushenyi
Bunyoro Broadcasting Services
Radio West
Rukungiri FM
Voice of Kigezi
Mighty Fire
Dokolo FM
Mega FM
Rhino
North-Western/West Nile (6) Radio Amani

Nile
Voice of Life
Radio Paidha
Arua One
Radio Pacis
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FM 94.8
FM 92.3
FM 89.2
FM 101.9
FM 89.9
FM 100.5
FM 101
FM 92.2
FM 98.2
FM 100.2
FM 96.7
FM 89.5
FM 91.5
FM 102.4
FM 102.1
FM 96.1
FM 89.1
FM 94.1
FM 100.9
FM 87.8
FM 88.7
FM 90.9
January 2016 Report
Social media
Twitter was selected over other social media platforms on pragmatic
grounds. The objectives are to ascertain the extent to which the main
presidential candidates use Twitter as an alternative media form during
and after the campaign season as well as to assess candidates use of
Twitter to listen to and respond to queries, demands and debates from
the electorate online.
Methods of data collection
The monitoring has relied on quantitative content analysis, although

where appropriate and possible, informant interviews have been
conducted to provide context for the findings.
Content analysis
Content analysis provides a detailed and multi-faceted picture of the

nature and extent of election coverage in the media as measured on
various journalistic and content dimensions of quantity and quality.
The universe of interest consists of election-related articles that fell

under any three of the primary content genres: news, current affairs,
and commentary.
Stories are coded and analysed for the degree to which they reflect
various pre-determined characteristics of election coverage. Specifically,
stories are coded on a number of variables ranging from manifest
characteristics (size, format, prominence, sources, and location) to the
latent features of the reporting (tone, interrogation of candidate claims/
promises and background and context).4
A standard coding scheme is employed. It outlines the categories or

4 The research (monitoring) questions outlined in the Introduction section will be the
foundation of the media content analysis, which will be based on a systematic coding
scheme.
15
aspects on which monitoring information was needed and how that

information was to be captured. Coders are instructed to select an
appropriate digit known as a code that is entered on the coding form,
which is the primary data collection instrument. Coders underwent
training before they embarked on coding. A sample of media content
was coded under a pilot to ensure that the measures and definitions
were reliable before the full-scale coding started. Standard inter-coder
reliability tests were conducted to ensure that the findings were
dependable.
A detailed codebook contains definitions of all the content categories
that were to be monitored.
Coding is done manually and electronically by trained coders and the
data entered directly into an MS Access database where it is stored and
retrieved for statistical analysis.
In short, the coding procedure involves a rigorous and methodical
process of identifying and analysing election-related stories.
Print media content
The census method of sampling was employed in selecting the newspaper

content included in the monitoring of print media coverage of the
presidential and parliamentary elections. This implies that all content
that fell within the universe of interest was tracked and analysed. For
news content, the story was the unit of analysis. Accordingly, each story
was treated as a unique record and the findings will be primarily and
whenever applicable presented in terms of how the stories play out
on the different measures of election coverage or variables of interest.
Similarly, for comment, the opinion article or letter to the editor was the
unit of analysis.
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January 2016 Report
Radio and TV content

For radio news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two most
important daily news bulletins broadcast around the top of the hour
during the morning and evening prime listening times between 7 a.m.
9 a.m. and 7 p.m. 9 p.m.
For TV news/current affairs, the monitoring focuses on the two most

important daily news bulletins broadcast at the top of the hour during
the morning and evening prime viewing times between 7 a.m. 9 a.m.
and 7 p.m. 10 p.m. The scheduling of these programmes generally
varied by TV station within those time segments.
With regard to radio and TV talk shows, a systematic random sampling

approach has been used to select the shows to monitor for those stations
that run daily talk shows.
Twitter
ACME has subscribed to and received comprehensive analytics from the

online monitoring company, Social Bakers as well as internal Twitter
analytics. Areas of interest include number of followers, change in
followers over time, incoming and outgoing interactions, as well as total
and frequency of tweets.
Key Informant Interviews
Key informant interviews provide insight into the environment under

which journalists and media houses are operating as well as the
patterns in coverage that the results of the content analysis reveal. For
the latter aspect, the interviews will continue to be informed by the
issues, observations, and insights generated by the content analysis.
The interviews provide an opportunity to interrogate and illuminate
the pertinent issues with the perspectives of individualsjournalists,
civil society activities, political party workers, and regulators who are
familiar with the election-related issues under investigation.
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THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT

The media landscape in Uganda continues to be characterised by a
liberal regime of investment, and (at least on paper) stringent regulation
across print, radio and television channels. Online and social media
are increasingly becoming a major source of information and debate
for middle class Ugandans, and the government is beginning to closely
watch what is going on in the digital space.
Radio remains the biggest source of information for most Ugandans (55
per cent of households receive information through radio, according
to the 2014 census report)5 although newspapers are influential
agenda-setters for the public, political class, as well as other media.
Although Uganda has some of the most vibrant media in east and
southern Africa, in the last five years, the country has been characterised
by Freedom House as partly free. In one of its more recent reports,
the international press freedom watchdog concluded that although the
countrys constitution provides for freedom of expression and press
freedom, several laws negate these guarantees, and the government
continues to crack down on critical journalists and media houses using
both subtle and blatant methods.6
Legal framework
The Constitution of Uganda provides for the rights to freedom of

expression as well as access to information, although the enabling laws
continue to attract criticism for derogating from these constitutional
guarantees. The media in Uganda are governed mainly by the Press and
Journalist Act (Cap 105), the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Act,
2005, and the Uganda Communications Act, 2013, which merged the
Electronic Media Act (Cap 104) and the Uganda Communications Act,
1997.
5 http://www.ubos.org/onlinefiles/uploads/ubos/NPHC/2014%20National%20Census%20Main%20Report.
pdf
6 Uganda, Freedom of the Press 2012, Freedom House, http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/free-
18
dom-press/2011/uganda
January 2016 Report
These laws provide for statutory regulation and establish the Media
Council as the primary regulator of the print media but also aspects of
broadcast media, and the Uganda Communications Commission as the
regulator of electronic media and telecommunications. All journalists are
supposed to be licensed by the Media Council, which is by law required to
recognise only those enrolled under the National Institute of Journalists
of Uganda (NIJU). Journalists require university degrees to become full
members of NIJU. These regulations have not been followed strictly
in the last 15 years although they continue to attract criticism from
media freedom watchers, who also fault Ugandas regulatory regime for
not having the necessary independence from the government.
The Fourth Schedule of the Press and Journalist Act provides for a
professional code of ethics that lists nine commandments:
1. No journalist shall disseminate information or an allegation without
establishing its correctness or truth.
2. No journalist shall disclose the source of his or her information; he or she

shall only divulge the source in the event of an overriding consideration
of public interest and within the framework of the law of Uganda.
3. No journalist shall solicit or accept bribes in an attempt to publish or
suppress the publication of a story.
4. A journalist shall not plagiarise the professional work of others
or expropriate works or results of research by scholars without
acknowledging their contribution and naming his or her sources of
information.
5. A journalist shall obtain his or her information through the skillful
application of journalistic principles and shall never bribe or offer
inducements to his or her source.
6. No journalist shall deny any person with legitimate claim a right to
reply to a statement. Corrections and rejoinders are to be published in
19
appropriate form without delay and in a way that they will be noticed
by those who have received the original information.
7. A journalist shall at all times strive to separate his or her own opinions
from factual news. Where personal opinions are expressed, the public
shall be made to know.
8. A journalist shall take the necessary steps to correct any damaging report
he or she has made on any individual or organisation.
9. A journalist shall not originate or encourage the dissemination of
information designed to promote or which may have the effect of
promoting tribalism, racism or any other form of discrimination.
Schedule 4 of the Uganda Communications Act on the other hand,
provides for minimum broadcasting standards. It states:
A broadcaster or video operator shall ensure that
(a) any programme which is broadcast
(i) is not contrary to public morality;
(ii) does not promote the culture of violence or ethnical prejudice among
the public, especially the children and the youth;
(iii) in the case of a news broadcast, is free from distortion of facts;
(iv) is not likely to create public insecurity or violence;
(v) is in compliance with the existing law;
(b) programmes that are broadcast are balanced to ensure harmony in
such programmes;
(c) adult-oriented programmes are appropriately scheduled;
(d) where a programme that is broadcast is in respect to a contender for
20
January 2016 Report
a public office, that each contender is given equal opportunity on such a

programme;
(e) where a broadcast relates to national security, the contents of the
broadcast are verified before broadcasting.
Ugandas electoral laws also have some specific provisions relating to
the media. For instance, Article 23 of the Presidential Elections Act,
2005, provides for equal treatment, freedom of expression and access
to information of candidates. Clause 1 of that article enjoins public
authorities and institutions to give equal treatment to all candidates
and their agents. Article 24 provides that All presidential candidates
shall be given equal treatment on the State owned media to present their
programmes to the people.
Media ownership and diversity
Ugandas media industry continues to be dominated by two conglomerates

with interests in radio, television, print and online the majority
state-owned Vision Group and Nation Media Group, a Nairobi-based
privately owned company. In addition to the two market leaders, there
are a number of smaller privately owned entities: Red Pepper, a daily
tabloid whose affiliates include Kamunye, Entatsi and Hello!Uganda
publications, and Juice FM; the tri-weekly The Observer; and weekly
news magazine The Independent.
According to the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC)
third quarter report of 2015,7 there were 292 operational FM radio
stations, a jump from 253 in the second quarter of the same year.
Media experts say that the large and sudden jump was the function
of licence owners who had dormant stations reviving them to target
election money that was bound to come through adverts and paid-for
talk shows and other such programming. The same report says there
were 33 operational TV stations (28 analogue, 3 digital terrestrial,
and 2 digital satellite). The state-run UBC has the widest TV and radio
7
See http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Q3-Market%20Report%20%20for%20Third%20Quarter%20
-%20July-September%202015.pdf.
21
reach, broadcasting in multiple local languages as well as in English

and Kiswahili across the country. Its FM radio affiliates include the
community station Mega FM, based in Gulu, and the Kampala-based
Magic FM, a sports and music outlet. Although UBC was expected to
have transformed into a public broadcaster, it remains very much a state
entity that is largely subservient to President Museveni8 and the ruling
party and rarely provides for views critical of the government.
Concerns remain that many private stations are owned by politicians

in the NRM or business people who were close to the ruling party.
Although the regulator puts radio ownership by politicians at about 15
per cent, some media watchers contend that it could be well over 70
per cent, especially in the countryside.9 Such ownership patterns have
raised concerns about media diversity, especially given that many radio
stations owned by politicians have been known to turn away members
of the opposition and other voices of dissent. For example, on 21 July
2015, Baba FM in Jinja was taken off air after 15 minutes of an hour-long
interview with presidential challenger Kizza Besigye. The station
managers blamed a technical glitch; Dr Besigyes campaign said it was
sabotage. Within days the station, owned by a ruling party MP,10 had
suspended the journalists involved in the talk show. There have been
similar occurrences over the years.11
Threats to diversity do not only emanate from ownership patterns.
In loud and quiet ways, the government uses the regulatory regime
to influence coverage. Broadcast regulator UCCs tactics have drawn
scrutiny.
Similarly, there are also fears that conglomeration could in future
undermine the media pluralism and diversity that democracy demands.
On the new media side, a growing number of Ugandans are turning to

8 The bias shows more during election period. See http://observer.ug/news-headlines/42308-report-ubc-denies-opposition-airtime
9 Report of the International Mission on Freedom of Expression in Uganda, September 2010.
10 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Radio-goes-off-air-15-minutes-into-Dr-Besigyes-talkshow/-/688334/2803274/-/kcvksr/-/index.html
11 https://hrnjuganda.org/?p=1438
22
January 2016 Report
the Internet as a major source of information. By June 2015, according

to UCC, the number of Internet users stood at 13 million, representing
37 per cent penetration. The number of users stood at 8.5 million a year
before.12 Freedom House has reported that this growth is partly due to
the proliferation of smart phones, especially as Ugandas mobile phone
usage has spiked dramatically from less than one million users in 2001
to 19 million13 by June 2014 and further up, to 22 million as at June 2015.
This has been accompanied by lower mobile phone tariffs and cheaper
bandwidth costs.
Social media platforms such as Facebook, Google+, Twitter, Instagram,
LinkedIn, WhatsApp are among the 15 most popular sites in Uganda.14
Journalists are one section of Ugandans increasingly embracing social
media to enhance their reporting, and this has come to the fore in this
electioneering season. But government actions continue to affect how
much freedom Ugandans have in using social media. It announced in
2013 that it was setting up a social-media monitoring centre to track the
spread of content that potentially harms national security. In June 2015,
the police arrested and put on trial Mr Robert Shaka15, a USAID employee
it suspected to be Tom Voltaire Okwalinga16 or TVO17, an indefatigable
yet anonymous Facebook critic of President Museveni, his key political
and family figures, and his government. His offences are promotion
of sectarianism under Section 41 of the Penal Code Act, and misuse
of computers in contravention of Section 25 of the Computer Misuse
Act.18 However, while Mr Shaka (Maverick Blutaski on Facebook) was
being held, the Tom Voltaire Okwalinga Facebook page stayed active,
12 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%202014-15-%20October%2019-2015.pdf
13 http://www.ucc.co.ug/files/downloads/Annual%20Market%20Industry%20Report%202014-15-%20October%2019-2015.pdf.
14 http://www.contadorharrison.com/social-media-use-in-uganda/
15 http://www.observer.ug/news-headlines/38278-who-s-tom-voltaire-okwalinga-tvo
16 https://www.facebook.com/tom.okwalinga?fref=ts
17 https://www.facebook.com/Tvo-Uganda-654610647943658/?fref=ts
18 http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Lawyers-demand-release-of-social-media-critic-/-/688334/2747382/-/r3f7qaz/-/index.html
23
carrying posts that mocked the government for holding the wrong
person. Although journalists have increasingly embraced social media
to enhance their reporting, the opportunities offered by the Internet and
new media are yet to be exploited fully. In particular, the many initiatives
to harness the public voice and hold the government accountable through
social media and digital platforms are often not amplified through the
mainstream media, especially radio, which remains the major source of
information for a majority of Ugandans.
Standards and quality of reporting
The major media houses in Uganda show some degree of professionalism

through the kind of content they produce. They are often comprehensive,
bold and independent in their reporting. This is especially true for
newspapers and some television stations.
Broadly, however, the quality of Ugandan journalism could improve.
Concerns persist over professionalism and ethical standards. Most
stories still contain little enterprise, depth, analysis and investigation.
Elementary mistakes, single-source stories, poor news judgement, and
glaring inaccuracies in the news coverage of many media outlets as well
as cases of brown envelope journalism undermine the credibility of
media institutions.
24
In-depth reporting and investigation of public affairs such as

health care delivery, education, energy, human rights, land use,
environment, infrastructural development, corruption, and local
governance is rare or inconsistent. Perhaps with the exception of the
output of the Uganda Radio Network programmes, radio news is very
often full of episodic event-based reporting that does not interrogate
issues. Radio stations continue to pay disproportionate attention to
music and entertainment-based programming over public affairs
programming. The quality of television news has improved with
the growing competition engendered more recently by the massive
rebranding of NBS Television, but in-depth reporting and investigation
are still not common.
January 2016 Report
The Ugandan media also rely too much on politicians, government

officials and business executives in their reporting. The voices of civil
society and ordinary people are not often dominant in media coverage.19
Ugandan journalists cite poor pay, lack of knowledge/skills and pressure

not to publish as the biggest obstacles to their work.20 Pressure not to
publish comes from both the government and major advertisers. Lack
of resources and limited access to information are also cited as major
hindrances to investigative journalism and public affairs reporting. The
glorification of private profit at the expense of the public interest has
also been blamed for the average quality of Ugandan journalism.
Experience
The rate of occupational mobility in political reporting, and

Ugandan journalism generally, remains high. Many experienced
journalists have moved on to other fields such as marketing and
public relations. Commentators note that such haemorrhage weakens
institutional memory and diminishes the intellectual capital and
credibility of news organisations.21
Freedom to report
Although a majority of journalists that ACME interviewed reported that

they were free to cover the electoral process, a significant number did
not feel free because of threats and intimidation. The major threats to
independent political reporting, according to the informants, come from
media owners, ruling party and government officials, candidates or their
19Mwesige, P.G. (2006). The Media and Civil Society in Uganda: Exploring Relations and Possibilities. Paper
Presented at Breakfast Meeting for Media Owners Hosted by the Civil Society Capacity Building Programme.
Kampala, November 15, 2006
20Colmery, B. et al. (2009). There Will be Ink.

21Mwesige, P.G & D.K. Kalinaki (2007). East Africa: 50 years of media, in E. Barratt & G. Berger (Eds.). 50
Years of Journalism: African media since Ghanas independence. (pp. 97-109). Johannesburg: African Editors Forum,
Highway Africa, and Media Foundation for West Africa.
25
agents, as well as police officers.
The other threat to independent journalism during the electioneering

period includes bribery of journalists by candidates or political parties.
Although most journalists do not support the practice, many openly
admit to receiving money from political parties, candidates or their
agents during the election season. In most cases, the money is described
as transport refund or facilitation.
The media dedicated a huge amount of space and airtime to election reporting, by introducing
special election pullouts and talks shows to discuss emerging issues. Courtsesy Photo
26
January 2016 Report
FINDINGS
Volume of Stories
A total of 877 newspaper articles, 517 TV and 827 radio stories and shows were
analysed in January. Among the newspapers, Daily Monitor had the highest number of
election stories (25.3%), followed by Red Pepper (24.3%). The regional weekly Rupiny
had the least number of stories.
Figure 1: Number of election stories newspaper
27
Among the television stations monitored, NTV Uganda had the biggest
number of election stories (25.7%) followed by Bukedde TV (23%). The
national broadcaster, UBC, and NBS had the least number of election
stories (16.4% each).
Figure 1-1: Number of election stories - TV
On radio, KFM had the highest number of election stories among the 33
stations monitored in January.
28
January 2016 Report
Type of election covered

Most election-related reporting in January focused on the presidential
election. Television carried the highest proportion of stories on the
presidential election (79.3%) while radio carried least (66%).
Figure 2: Type of election covered by media type
29
Space and time allocation to elections

Overall, newspapers dedicated 585,579.36 CM2 to election coverage,
while TV allocated 2,409.13 minutes (40 hours) and radio 3,770.60
minutes (62 hours) in January. A breakdown of the findings by
publication shows Daily Monitor provided the most space to election
coverage (26.7%) in January, followed by New Vision (21.5%). Rupiny
provided the least space to election stories (0.9%).
Figure 3: Space allocation to elections by newspapers (%)
30
January 2016 Report
Among the television stations, NTV Uganda provided most time to

election coverage (30.7%), followed by NBS (22%). UBC allocated the
least amount of time to the elections (13.8%).
Figure 3-1: Space allocation to elections by TV
31
Most covered presidential candidate

Incumbent Yoweri Museveni was once again the most covered candidate
in the newspapers (39.7%), followed by former prime minister Amama
Mbabazi (22.5%) and Forum for Democratic Change candidate Kizza
Besigye (16.4%).
Figure 4: Most covered presidential candidate -newspaper
32
January 2016 Report
Vision Group publications Orumuri (77.1%), Bukedde (66.7%) and

New Vision (63.9%) gave Museveni the highest proportion of coverage.
Although they also gave the incumbent more coverage, The Observer,
Daily Monitor and The Independent were more balanced in terms of the
space given to the major candidates.
Figure 4-1: Most covered candidate by publication
33
Museveni also received by far more time on television. Stories on

Museveni took up 45.2% of TVs presidential election coverage, while
those on Mbabazi made up 18.4% and Besigyes 14.8%.
Figure 4-2: Most covered presidential candidate TV
34
January 2016 Report
Once again, UBC TV gave Museveni the most disproportionate attention.

He took up 81.1% of the national broadcasters time while Mbabazi
received 6.2% and Besigye 5.2%. WBS, NBS and Bukedde TV also gave
Museveni far more coverage than what they gave Besigye and Mbabazi.
NTV Uganda was more balanced in terms of time allocated to the major
candidates.
Figure 4-3: Most covered presidential candidate by TV station
35
Museveni was also given more time on radio January (37.3%), with
Besigye and Mbabazi trying at 24.4%, a double-digit difference.
Figure 4-4: Most covered presidential candidate radio
36
January 2016 Report
Most pictured candidate

Museveni took up 37.6% of all the candidate newspaper pictures in
January. Mbabazi (21.8%) came in second followed closely by Besigye
(20.3%).
Figure 5: Most pictured candidate newspaper
37
Front page coverage

Museveni also came out on top in terms of front page coverage in
January. He took up 30.2% of election stories related to the presidential
candidates on newspaper front pages, with Mbabazi taking 27.8% and
Besigye 20.8%.
Figure 5: Front page coverage of presidential candidates
38
January 2016 Report
Museveni dominated the New Vision front page, taking up 51.5% of the
election stories in January. The paper led with Mr Museveni on the front
page on 15 out of the 31 days in January. On most of the remaining days,
the newspaper carried front page stories in which government officials
provided upbeat updates on the status of sectors such as health, tourism,
railways and roads.
The Observer gave slightly more attention to Besigye while Mbabazi
edged out Museveni on the Daily Monitors front page.
Figure 5-1: Front page coverage of presidential candidates by publication
39
Most covered topic

Politics and power play continued to be the most covered topic in election
coverage in newspapers (30.5%), television (28%), and radio (40.4).
For purposes of this study, an election-related story was coded as politics

if it focused on electoral competition, power play, the gamesmanship of
political contest (e.g. campaign strategies of the different candidates
or parties), and/or the contention between candidates or parties,
without being specific to a sector or particular public policy/public
affairs issue. Stories on (the demand for) electoral reform and relevant
election administration actions/issues by regulators such as the
Electoral Commission and Parliament would also fall under politics.
Among the newspapers, the top five topics in January were politics,
economy, infrastructure, security and health.
Figure 6: Most covered topic - newspapers
40
January 2016 Report
The same five topics politics, economy, security, health and infrastructure
were top on television.
Figure 6-1: Most covered topic TV
41
Compared to newspapers and television, radio paid far more attention

to politics. The other most frequent topics remained largely the same,
with the major exception being the salience of human rights in radio
coverage.
Figure 6-2: Most covered topic radio
42
January 2016 Report
Tone
This is the general character portrayed by the story. For purposes of
this study, it applies only to stories that focus on presidential candidates
and parties. The tone is negative when the article in general paints the
candidate or party in bad light, or is critical of or questions the candidate,
party or a particular issue raised by these actors.
The tone is positive when the article expresses promise about or
celebrates a particular candidate or party or in general, paints the
candidate or party in good light.
The tone is neutral when the article is neither negative nor positive.
The findings show that the tone of coverage in January was mainly
neutral across all three media platforms. Radio returned the highest
proportion of stories with a neutral tone (71.3%), followed by television
(64.1%) and newspapers (63.3%). Newspapers had a higher proportion
of stories with a negative tone.
Figure 7: Tone of coverage by media type
43
Among the newspapers, Red Pepper (29.1%) and The Independent

(27.3%) had the highest proportion of stories with a negative tone, while
Bukedde carried a higher percentage of positive stories. Vision Groups
Rupiny, Etop, Orumuri and New Vision had the highest proportion of
neutral stories.
Figure 7-1: Tone of coverage by publication
44
January 2016 Report
Among the television stations, UBC had the highest proportion of stories
with a neutral tone (76.9%) and also the lowest frequency of stories with
a negative tone. This is perhaps to be expected considering that UBC
focused disproportionately on incumbent Museveni and his ruling NRM,
who did not attract much critical reporting. NTV Uganda had highest
proportion of stories with both a positive tone (34.9%) and negative
tone (14.7%).
Figure 7-2: Tone of coverage by TV station
45
Mbabazi received the highest proportion of newspaper coverage with a

negative tone (19.5%), although Besigye (18%) and Museveni (17.2%)
were not far behind.
Figure 7-3: Tone by presidential candidate newspaper
46
January 2016 Report
Mbabazi also attracted the highest proportion of television stories

with a negative tone (16.7%) while Benon Biraro received the highest
frequency of stories with a positive note (50%).
Figure 7-4: Tone by presidential candidate - television
47
Reporting approach
The reporting approach is the style in which the election stories are
reported. Conventional reporting tends to focus on events (hard news)
with fact-reporting as the dominant posture. In interpretive reporting,
explanation is the dominant posture.
Under the enterprise reporting approach, the journalists own initiative

and effort are critical in originating the story, whereas in investigative
reporting, exposition is the dominant posture (i.e. the reporting uncovers
information that an individual or entity may have tried to conceal from
public scrutiny, or information that an individual or entity may have had
an interest in keeping out of the public domain).
The findings show that conventional reporting style remained dominant
across all three mainstream media platforms. Radio performed the
poorest in terms of employing investigation in its election reporting.
Figure 8: Reporting approach by media type
48
January 2016 Report
Among the newspapers, The Independent had the highest proportion of

investigative (21.7%) and interpretive stories (30.4%) in January. Vision
Groups Bukedde, New Vision and Orumuri had the highest frequency of
stories based on the conventional approach.
Figure 8-1: Reporting approach by publication
49
Among television stations, NBS TV had the highest frequency

of enterprise, interpretive and investigative stories. The national
broadcaster, UBC TV, did not employ any enterprise and investigation
in its January election overage.
Figure 8-2: Reporting approach by TV station
50
January 2016 Report
Issues vs. personalities

The findings show that most election stories in January were issue-based,
with radio returning the highest proportion (77.6%) followed by TV
(71.8%) and newspapers (63.1%).
Figure 9: Issues vs. personalities by media by media type
51
Orumuri (100%), New Vision (86.2%) and The Observer (66.7%) had
the highest proportion of issue-based coverage while Rupiny, The
Independent and Etop had the highest frequency of personality-based
election stories.
Figure 9-1: Issues vs. personalities by publication
52
January 2016 Report
Among the television stations, Bukedde had the highest proportion of

issue-based stories (82.4%) while national broadcaster UBC returned
the highest frequency of personality-based election coverage (35.4%).
Figure 9-2: Issues vs. personalities by TV station
53
Background and context

The use of background and context provides readers with information
that puts new developments or issues into perspective. It allows the
audience to gain a holistic appreciation of what is going on. The absence
of background and context, on the other hand, can mislead audiences
(voters).
In January, the percentage of stories that did not contain background
and context increased across all three mainstream media platforms
monitored. In fact, on radio, the majority of election stories aired did not
contain background and context.
Figure 10: Background and context in reporting by media type
54
January 2016 Report
Among the newspapers, absence of background and context was once

again most pronounced in Vision Groups Orumuri (81.8%) and New
Vision (61.8%). But the groups Rupiny, Bukedde and Etop did better than
other publications.
Figure 10-1: Background and context by publication
55
For television, the absence of background and context was most

pronounced on Bukedde TV (62%). UBC also did poorlya majority of
its election stories in January (52.5%) did not contain background and
context.
Figure 10-2: Background and context by TV station
56
January 2016 Report
Interrogation of candidates claims and promises

By interrogating claims and promises made by candidates or parties,
the media act as watchdogs for voters, verifying the accuracy of what
politicians say and also holding them to account.
In January, as in previous months, most election reporting did not

question candidate claims and promises. Once again, television did the
worst job, not questioning candidate claims and promises in 76.2% of
cases where this was required.
Figure 11: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by media type
57
Among the newspapers, Rupiny, Orumuri and Etop did the worst job,
while Bukedde and The Independent performed best in interrogating
claims and promises.
Figure 11-1: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by publication
58
January 2016 Report
On television, NBS did the best job, while Bukedde was the worst
performer, followed closely by UBC TV.
Figure 11-2: Interrogation of candidates claims & promises by TV station
59
Sources of information in election reporting

Presidential candidates remained the most cited sources in coverage
across the three media platforms.
In the newspapers, the top categories of sources were presidential

candidates, ordinary people, parliamentary candidates, and party
officials. Once again, the frequency of use of ordinary people as sources
was impressive.
Figure 12: Sources of election stories newspaper
60
January 2016 Report
On television, the same pattern of sourcing emerged, except that

presidential candidates were relied upon far more than other sources.
Figure 12-1: Sources of election stories TV
61
Radio coverage followed a slightly different sourcing pattern. Although

presidential candidates were the most frequently cited sources (31.8%),
ordinary people were not among the top categories. Instead, NGOs/civil
society voices and Electoral Commission officials joined parliamentary
candidates and party officials as the most cited sources.
Figure 12-2: Source of election stories radio
62
January 2016 Report
Gender of sources
In January, as in all the previous months, women continued to be
marginalised as sources. In the newspapers, where they were used more
frequently than on other platforms, women constituted only 14.7% of
sources.
Figure 13: Gender of sources by media type
63
A breakdown of the findings by publication shows that Vision Groups

Rupiny (35.5%) and Etop (35.9%) did the best job of using women as
sources.
Figure 13-1: Gender of sources by publication
64
January 2016 Report
On television, Bukedde topped in the use of women as sources (20%)

for its election stories. NBS TV had the lowest proportion of women as
sources.
Figure 13-2: Gender of source by TV station
65
Number of sources
Single-sourced stories were the most frequent in January across all media
platforms. The problem was once again most pronounced on radio where
78.4% of the stories aired had only one source. In the newspapers, which
performed better than the other platforms, the percentage of stories that
relied on three or more sources was only 24.1%.
Figure 14: Number of sources by media type
66
January 2016 Report
Among the newspapers, Bukedde had the highest frequency of single

sources (72%), while The Independent did the best job in using three or
more sources.
Figure 14-1: Number of sources by publication
67
On television, WBS had the highest proportion of stories with single

sources (88.2%) followed by UBC. NTV Uganda had the highest frequency
of stories with three or more sources.
Figure 14-2: Number of sources by TV station
68
January 2016 Report
USE OF TWITTER BY MAJOR CANDIDATES

We monitored the use of Twitter by the three major candidates: Amama
Mbabazi, Kizza Besigye and Yoweri Museveni. The candidates were
chosen on the basis of the frequency of their use of the platform and the
level of influence of their tweets.
The following official handles were profiled and monitored:
@AmamaMbabazi
@KizzaBesigye1
@KagutaMuseveni
Followers
Each of the three accounts experienced a rise in the number of

followers in January 2016. @KagutaMuseveni followers grew by 10.6%
from December to 199,247 followers, @AmamaMbabazi registered a
growth of 7% to 132,950 while @KizzaBesigye1 had 22,115 followers in
January, a growth of 20% from December.
Figure 15: Total number of followers of candidates Twitter handles
69
Following
This refers to the number of users a profile is following during a selected
time range. It is not unusual that there is a large difference between the
number of followers that a Twitter profile has and the number of profiles
that it follows.
The findings show that Museveni continued to follow the least number
of profiles on Twitter in January. He followed only 16 accounts, up from
14 in December. Besigye followed 323, up from 319 in December, while
Mbabazi, who followed the highest number of accounts, also added the
most to move up to 6,326 from 6,241 in December.
Tweets
All three candidate accounts sent more tweets in January than in

December, with @AmamaMbabazi sending the highest number (268),
followed by @KagutaMuseveni (170). @KizzaBesigye1 was a distant
third with 59 tweets only.
Figure 16: Total number of tweets
70
January 2016 Report
Interactions
Interactions denote both outgoing and incoming communication on
Twitter. Outgoing interactions are replies, retweets or mentions of
another user by the profile monitored. Incoming interactions are replies,
retweets or mentions of the profile by other users. The retweet count is
the number of times the profile has been retweeted in a selected time
range.
The findings show that overall, Mbabazi led the other candidates in both
incoming and outgoing interactions. His total number of interactions
rose to 33,930 from 12,452 in December.
Musevenis total interactions on the other hand dropped to 31,140 from

32,960 in December, while Besigyes increased to 15,528 from 4,850 the
previous month.
Figure 17: Total number of interactions of each candidate on Twitter
71
The findings show that in January, as in the previous month, each of

the candidates was more likely to disseminate their own information
than to engage with content provided by their followers, evident in the
stark difference between outgoing and incoming interactions from their
handles.
Table 2: Total number of interactions for January 2016
Twitter handles
Total outgoing interactions Total incoming interactions

(Mentions, retweets &
(Mentions, retweets &
replies)
replies)
@KagutaMuseveni 0
@AmamaMbabazi
@KizzaBesigye1
416
29
31,140
33,514
15,499
@AmamaMbabazi had, by far, the highest number of retweets of his

posts. His posts were retweeted 6,261 times in January compared to
Musevenis 3,344 times. Retweets of @KizzaBesigye1 posts increased to
1,183 from 561 in December. Only Museveni registered a decline.
Figure 18: Total number of retweets of candidates posts
72
January 2016 Report
Museveni maintained a small lead in the total number of mentions of

his Twitter handle in January. He attracted 25,520 mentions against
Mbabazis 24,771 and Besigyes 12,981. Mbabazi and Besigye registered
a significant growth in mentions (132% and 232% respectively)
whereas Museveni experienced a decline of 5%.
Figure 19: Total number of mentions of candidates Twitter handles
73
Mbabazi attracted the highest number of replies in January. Tweets

from @AmamaMbabazi had 2,482 replies, while @KagutaMuseveni had
2,276 and @KizzaBesigye1 1,285. Both Mbabazi and Besigye registered
increases from December whereas Museveni registered a decline.
Figure 20: Total number of replies to candidates tweets
74
January 2016 Report
Response to questions
Once again, Museveni and Besigye responded to none of the questions
directly addressed to their handles, while Mbabazi responded to only
four of the 991 questions posed to him on Twitter.
Of the 1,022 questions directed to @KagutaMuseveni and the 490

sent to @KizzaBesigye1, none were answered. Only @AmamaMbabazi
responded, answering four of the 991 questions posed to him on Twitter.
Table 3: Number of questions and responses to Twitter handles
Twitter handle
Total questions
to handle
Responses to
questions
Response time
@KagutaMuseveni
1,022
N/A
@AmamaMbabazi
@KizzaBesigye1
991
490
4
0
23h 55min
N/A
For the most part, candidate communication via Twitter remained

top-down, although Mbabazi engaged a little more with content from
his followers.
75
CONCLUSION
January brings yet another mixed bucket of results. The positives include
more issue-based reportage, increased use of ordinary persons as sources,
and the predominance of a neutral tone of coverage. Perennial problems
remain, however: fewer women as sources, use of single sources, not
much background and context, excessive use of conventional reporting
approach, and little interrogation of candidate claims and promises. And
incumbency proves more potent in that President Yoweri Museveni hogs
the media limelight, fairly or otherwise.
In January, incumbent Museveni had the most front-page coverage

(30.2%), followed by Mr Amama Mbabazi (27.8%) and Dr Kizza Besigye
(20.8%). He was also the most pictured presidential candidate (37.6%),
followed by Mr Mbabazi (21.8%) and Dr Besigye (20.3%). Continuing
the pattern in the previous two months, all media platforms covered
Mr Museveni the most in terms of space and airtime. Newspapers
accorded him 39.7% space, TV allotted him 45.2% of airtime, and radio
accorded him 37.3% of airtime. In short, the media gave Mr Museveni
an advantage. This is an advantage that largely came to him because of
incumbency but also media strategy. Unlike in previous elections, Mr
Museveni held long news conferences after concluding campaigns in
each sub-region of the country. This not only allowed him to emphasise
his campaign message but also gave him the chance to rebut what his
opponents had been saying on the stump. As the Americans say, he used
his bully pulpit to the maximum. That said, it could very well be that
Mr Musevenis campaign team was more aggressive and pushed his
message hard. Moreover, in some cases, journalists reported coming
under pressure from ruling party officials over coverage of the president.
76
Ordinary persons were among the top five most quoted sources in
newspaper and TV stories in January. Presidential candidates were on
the top. This is commendable. However, radio, considered the true mass
media in the country, did not adequately source ordinary persons in its
January 2016 Report
election stories. Election time is important decision time in any countrys

democratic life and the people are at the centre of it. Whereas it is
important to hear what candidates have to say, it is even more important
to hear what the people, the voters, have to say. The people need to be
heard, their voices need to be at the centre of debate and it is incumbent
upon media outlets to facilitate that debate. Radios failure in this regard
is noteworthy failing.
The media focused more on issue-based, rather than personality or
event-based, reporting as the country inches closer to polling day. This
trend had held in the previous months. It may have been cemented in
January because of the presidential debate that took place on the 15th.
Messengers are important, but the message more so. It is the message
that the people need to hear more of to make an informed choice on
voting day. That the media continued to grasp this basic yet important
point is something to cheer about.
All three media platforms increased their level of coverage in space and
time of the second-tier presidential candidates: Benon Biraaro, Elton
Mabirizi, Maureen Kyalya, Abed Bwanika and Venansius Baryamureeba.
The presidential debate held on 15 January in which these candidates
participated attracted sustained media coverage for days, focusing on
each candidates position on the issues. And from then on there was
more than passing media interest in their candidacies.
Male sources were the majority at more than 80% across all media in
January. This has been the case since September 2015. The striking thing
about the current period is that the number of female sources declined
between December and January. Ugandan media have a lot of work to
do to ensure half of the countrys population is heard on all issues, but
especially on matters as critical as electoral politics because elections
determine a countrys direction in a very significant way.
The parliamentary election was not prominently and adequately
77
covered by the media in January, just like it was the case in previous
months. However, perhaps because of the more localised nature of the
parliamentary politics, radio, dwelt more on covering MP contests.
Otherwise, it is unlikely that the media will focus much attention on
parliamentary campaigns when there is a high-stakes presidential
contest going on at the same time. There is probably only so much the
media can do.
Whereas media dwelt more on issue-coverage than personality, as
already noted, they also did not provide as much background and
context in January compared to December. This means the issues were
left hanging, as it were, without the audiences being told where those
issues media covered fit in the broader scheme of improving the lives of
Ugandans.
Once again, politics and power play was the most covered topic across
all media platforms while issues ranked highly on the publics agenda
played second fiddle.
78
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Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections/January Report

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Monitoring Media Coverage of The 2016 Elections/January Report

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MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

OF THE 2016 ELECTIONS

MONITORING MEDIA COVERAGE

January 2016 Report

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Monitoring Media Coverage.....................................................................................6

Media Coverage of Previous Elections..................................................................7

THE MEDIA ENVIRONMENT..................................................................................18

Media Ownership and Diversity...........................................................................21

Standards and Quality of Reporting......................................................................24

Volume of Election Stories.....................................................................................27

Space and Time Allocation to Elections..............................................................30

January 2016 Report

Most Pictured Candidate........................................................................................37

Issues Vs. Personalities...........................................................................................51

Background and Context in Reporting............................................................54

Interrogation of Candidate Claims and Promises.........................................57

USE OF TWITTER BY MAJOR CANDIDATES.........................................69

Response to Twitter Questions............................................................................75

January 2016 Report

In terms of volume of stories, upcountry radio stations, which serve most

In addition, most of the election coverage on radio fell below the

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

which supplies many of the presidents campaign-related stories. They

Mr Museveni generally dominated coverage across all media

January 2016 Report

In July 2015, African Centre for Media Excellence (ACME) received

3. To enhance public confidence and promote the participation of

As the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe has rightly

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

their coverage of elections.1 Media monitoring can document whether

3. To influence journalists, editors and media owners to provide

4. To empower civil society and the public to demand adherence to

Unlike in previous instances where media monitoring reports came after

January 2016 Report

The media and elections

Provision of information to enable voters make informed decisions.

Provision of platforms for debate through allowing exchange of

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

Monitoring media coverage

Dedication of space and time to elections.

Distinguishing between news and opinion.

Equitable coverage of the candidates.

A good mix of both episodic and issue-based coverage.

Balance of attention paid to candidates/political parties and the

Independence of media houses and journalists.

Most of these standards were captured in a publication titled Guidelines

January 2016 Report

obligations of the media regarding election coverage and reporting. They

Previous media monitoring reports on Ugandan elections indicate that

State/public media have also been accused of denying access to

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

The lack of rigorous verification and interrogation of the claims and

The Ugandan meia have also been accused of succumbing to pressure

January 2016 Report

under pressure, pictures that showed huge crowds at President

Like any other genre, covering elections requires journalists to report on

Poor portrayal of women candidates.

It is against this background that ACME sought to monitor

The following questions will guide the monitoring of media coverage.

1. What is the operating environment for the media ahead of the

ACME Monitoring Media Coverage of the 2016 Elections

2. What topics do the media focus on in their coverage of the elections?