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Early Childhood Research Quarterly 31 (2015) 89100
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Early Childhood Research Quarterly
Preschool teachers classroom behavioral socialization practices and

low-income childrens self-regulation skills
Jessica L. Degol , Heather J. Bachman
University of Pittsburgh, United States
a r t i c l e
i n f o
Article history:
Received 10 December 2011
Received in revised form
22 December 2014
Accepted 5 January 2015
Available online 15 January 2015
Keywords:
Self-regulation
Low-income
Socialization
Preschool
Teacher practices
a b s t r a c t
The present study examined associations between teachers classroom behavioral socialization practices
and the development of preschoolers self-regulation skills throughout the year, as well as the moderating
roles of child gender and initial self-regulation skills. The predominantly low-income sample consisted
of 216 children from 68 preschool classrooms within 29 private child care centers. Findings suggest that
teachers devoted very little time to whole-group classroom behavioral socialization practices. Hierarchical linear models revealed that classroom behavioral socialization time negatively predicted both spring
self-regulation scores (lagged dependent variable models) and change in childrens self-regulation scores
from fall to spring (change score models). These patterns remained even after controlling for a variety of
child, family, teacher, and classroom characteristics. Cross-level interactions indicated that the negative
association between behavioral socialization time and change in self-regulation was stronger for girls
than for boys. Preschoolers initial self-regulation in the fall did not moderate the association between
behavioral socialization time and self-regulation in either model. Implications for practice are discussed.
2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Introduction
Accumulating research has demonstrated that self-regulation,
or the ability to regulate emotions and behaviors, is critical to
understanding individual differences in childrens school readiness skills (Blair, 2002). Difculties with self-regulation place many
children at a disadvantage early in life. Children in preschool
and elementary school who have more difculty regulating their
emotions and behaviors are more likely to display lower academic achievement (Blair & Razza, 2007; Dobbs, Doctoroff, Fisher,
& Arnold, 2006; McClelland et al., 2007; Miles & Stipek, 2006;
Normandeau & Guay, 1998; Ponitz, McClelland, Matthews, &
Morrison, 2009) and lower social functioning (Olson, Sameroff,
Kerr, Lopez, & Wellman, 2005; Posner & Rothbart, 2000; Valiente
et al., 2004). The preschool years are a crucial time period for
the development of self-regulation (Kochanska, Murray, & Harlan,
2000; Murphy, Eisenberg, Fabes, Shepard, & Guthrie, 1999), and
increasingly, researchers have stressed the importance of teachers
promoting or socializing the self-regulatory skills that preschoolers
Corresponding author at: University of Pittsburgh, School of Education, Department of Psychology in Education, 5931 Posvar Hall, Pittsburgh, PA 15260, United
States. Tel.: +1 412 648 6308; fax: +1 412 624 7231.
E-mail address: jld91@pitt.edu (J.L. Degol).
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecresq.2015.01.002
0885-2006/ 2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
will need to successfully transition into school (Denham, Bassett,

& Wyatt, 2007; McClelland & Morrison, 2003). These socialization
practices are particularly relevant in the preschool years, during which major advances in the development of areas of the
brain responsible for self-regulation occur (Blair, 2002). Unfortunately, research on teachers naturalistic behavioral socialization
attempts to improve childrens self-regulation skills, delivered at
the classroom-level within formal preschool settings, is currently
lacking from the developmental literature. There is little known
about how often they employ these large-group socialization
practices, and how these practices are related to childrens development in self-regulation. In addition, there is little information
regarding the importance of child characteristics in moderating the
association between classroom behavioral socialization time and
self-regulation.
The current study focuses on teachers classroom behavioral
socialization practices, which involve discussions, activities, or
lessons about behavioral knowledge and regulation that are disseminated on a class-wide or universal scale, rather than dyadic
interactions between teachers and individual students. Behavioral
socialization, therefore, includes attempts to prevent and redirect misbehavior, such as going over classroom rules, reading
stories about appropriate social behavior, or reminding children
of the consequences for misbehaving. In recent years, there has
been increased attention on how the types and frequencies of
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J.L. Degol, H.J. Bachman / Early Childhood Research Quarterly 31 (2015) 89100
instructional exposure are related to childrens literacy and math

achievement in preschool and early elementary school (Bachman,
Degol, Scharphorn, El Nokali, & Palmer, 2013; Connor, Morrison, &
Katch, 2004; Connor, Morrison, & Petrella, 2004; Connor, Morrison,
& Slominski, 2006; Klibanoff, Levine, Huttenlocher, Vasilyeva, &
Hedges, 2006). Cognitive theory and empirical evidence suggest
that greater time devoted to activities that explicitly target a given
skill (e.g., emergent literacy) is benecial, particularly for at-risk
students (Foorman, Francis, Fletcher, Schatschneider, & Mehta,
1998; Morrison, Bachman, & Connor, 2005). The current study
extended this line of inquiry to behavioral socialization practices
by examining the amount of time preschool teachers devoted
to behavioral socialization strategies targeting the improvement
or management of childrens self-regulation. More specically,
the present study conducted a naturalistic examination of the
amount of time teachers allocated to socializing efforts within lowincome preschool classrooms. We sought to identify how time
spent in these behavioral socializing practices were associated with
childrens development in self-regulation skills, and whether the
association was moderated by important child characteristics, such
as child gender and initial self-regulation skill level.
The importance of self-regulation skills

In the wake of No Child Left Behind (NCLB), accountability
mandates and high-stakes standardized testing have contributed
to the increasingly academically-oriented focus of kindergarten
and preschool classrooms throughout the United States (Kagan &
Kauerz, 2007; Scott-Little, Kagan, & Frelow, 2005). The increased
emphasis on academics in early childhood education (ECE) programs may place greater demands on young children to regulate
their behaviors, emotions, and impulses. Without these selfregulation skills, preschoolers have an increased likelihood of
experiencing difculty adapting to the rules and routines of a
typical kindergarten classroom (Rimm-Kaufman, Curby, Grimm,
Nathanson, & Brock, 2009). Moreover, poor emotion regulation and
high impulsivity in early childhood have predicted later antisocial and criminal behaviors (Caspi, 2000; Farrington, 2005; Frick
& Morris, 2004; Tremblay, Pihl, Vitaro, & Dobkin, 1994), as well as
unemployment, interpersonal relationship quality, and substance
abuse in middle childhood, adolescence, or young adulthood (Caspi,
2000; Tarter et al., 1999). Although concerns have been raised about
possible neglect of social or emotional functioning in ECE programs in this climate of growing academic accountability (Neuman
& Roskos, 2005; Scott-Little, Kagan, & Frelow, 2003), it remains
unclear how frequently teachers are explicitly targeting these skills
at the classroom-level in preschool settings.
The importance of cultivating self-regulation skills early
in a childs life is best articulated through bioecological
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) and sociocultural theories
(John-Steiner & Mahn, 1996; Vygotsky, 1978) of development.
Bioecological theory posits that children are embedded within
multiple contexts that interact to shape development over time.
Some of these systems are more proximal (microsystems), including the experiences that children have within their homes and
classrooms, while others are more distal (macrosystems), such
as the larger cultural context, social norms and policies. The
most powerful developmental inuences are the proximal processes located within the microsystems, which consist of the daily
interactions that children encounter with important individuals
(e.g., teachers, parents, siblings, and peers). Therefore, classroom
behavioral socialization practices that target the improvement of
childrens behaviors should inuence childrens social development. Similarly, sociocultural theory points to the importance of
social interactions embedded within cultural contexts that shape
childrens developmental skills and competencies. The kindergarten classroom is a relatively novel context for many children,
and some enter school with fewer behavioral tools to rely upon
when adjusting to this new environment. Children with poor selfregulatory skills will need greater assistance from their teachers
before they can move into a higher level of mastery and effectively regulate on their own. Without the opportunity to experience
a preschool classroom environment in which the teacher spends
time acclimating children to the rules, routines, and behavioral
expectations of the classroom (e.g., waiting your turn, raising your
hand, participating in structured activities, etc.), many children will
experience difculty regulating their behaviors both throughout
preschool and at the transition to kindergarten. Group behavioral
socialization within the classroom environment is, therefore, central to the successful development of self-regulation among young
children.
Teachers intentional provision of classroom behavioral socialization activities or discussions is especially relevant for preschoolers from socioeconomically disadvantaged households. Children
from low-income families tend to score lower on observational
assessments and adult reports of self-regulation (Raver, 2004), have
higher rates of behavioral problems (Qi & Kaiser, 2003), lower
overall socioemotional functioning (McLoyd, 1998), and greater difculty adjusting to school (Rimm-Kaufman, Pianta, & Cox, 2000).
Growing neurocognitive and biophysiological research has demonstrated that low-income childrens exposure to chronic ecological
stressors (e.g., trauma, familial separation, parental depression,
harsh or punitive parenting) activates stress hormones which affect
neural activity in childrens developing brains, particularly the prefrontal cortex (Blair & Raver, 2012; Noble, Norman, & Farah, 2005;
Yoshikawa, Aber, & Beardslee, 2012). The elevated cortisol levels
(Blair et al., 2011) and allostatic load (Evans & Schamberg, 2009)
associated with chronic stress are detrimental for working memory (Evans & Schamberg, 2009) executive functioning, and emotion
regulation (Blair et al., 2011; Blair & Raver, 2012).
In addition, signicant numbers of low-income children attend
preschool programs prior to kindergarten entry. According to the
U.S. Department of Education & National Center for Education
Statistics (2011), in 2007 approximately 60% of children aged
36, not yet enrolled in kindergarten, attended some type of
center-based child care arrangement (e.g., day care, Head Start,
prekindergarten, nursery school), with over 40% of children from
low-income households attending some center-based care. Thus,
early childhood educators are in a prime position to prepare lowincome children for the transition to kindergarten and the social
demands of elementary school. To date, however, little empirical
data are available to elucidate how often teachers employ these
group behavioral socialization strategies, and how the frequency
of these practices are linked to childrens self-regulation skills.
Classroom behavioral socialization

Historically, past socialization research focused heavily on
parentchild socialization practices (Maccoby, 1992). However, a
growing body of research has emerged emphasizing the importance of dyadic teacherstudent interactive processes, such as
emotional support or relationship quality, on childrens social
and behavioral skills (Birch & Ladd, 1997; Hamre & Pianta, 2001;
Howes, Hamilton, & Matheson, 1994; Howes, 2000; Pianta, La
Paro, Payne, Cox, & Bradley, 2002; Pianta & Stuhlman, 2004).
Much of the research linking teacher socialization practices to
social skills and behavior problems has focused on the effectiveness of classroom socioemotional curricula or interventions
(Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 1999; Domitrovich,
Cortes, & Greenberg, 2007; Kam, Greenberg, & Walls, 2003;
Webster-Stratton & Reid, 2004; Webster-Stratton, Reid, &

Stoolmiller, 2008) and teacherstudent relationship quality
(Hamre & Pianta, 2001; Pianta & Stuhlman, 2004). Intervention research has demonstrated that programs using universal
classroom-level approaches to target childrens behaviors generate a wide range of positive outcomes for children, including
improvements in socio-emotional development (Borman, Hewes,
Overman, & Brown, 2003; Durlak, Weissberg, Dymnicki, Taylor,
& Schellinger, 2011). Although classroom- or school-level interventions and dyadic interactions between teachers and students
have been strongly linked to behavioral development, much less
work has examined naturalistic classroom-level processes, such as
the quantity or dosage of behavioral socialization in low-income
preschool classrooms.
Although providing children opportunities to learn and practice
skills is vital to skill acquisition, it is plausible that opportunities for discussing behavioral regulation skills at a classroom-level
could operate in several ways. The consistency and repetition
with which teachers discuss and reinforce classroom rules (Arnold,
McWilliams, & Arnold, 1998), reinforce desired behaviors, and redirect misbehavior (Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2009), should promote
childrens internalization of these classroom expectations, and
gradual improvements in behavioral regulation with less need for
teacher intervention over time (Lepper, 1983). In addition, research
on classroom management practices has stressed the importance of
using preventative or proactive strategies for reducing undesirable
student behaviors over time (Emmer & Stough, 2001). Successful
behavioral socialization strategies (such as effective management
of classroom activities and effective prevention and redirection of
misbehavior) have been associated with greater behavioral regulation within kindergarten classrooms (Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2009).
However, it is worth noting that despite the intention to improve
childrens behaviors, teachers behavioral socialization strategies
may not always provide positive experiences for children. Although
relatively under-researched in comparison to positive teacher
socialization, greater exposure to negative behavioral socialization strategies may lead to poorer self-regulation skills. Preschool
programs vary in educational requirements for their teachers, and
many may lack the tools or training to effectively address behavior problems within their classrooms (Barnett, 2003a). The current
study observed classroom processes within privately owned child
care centers, which is the most common preschool setting for
low-income children (Dowsett, Huston, Imes, & Gennetian, 2008;
Li-Grining & Coley, 2006; Magnuson & Shager, 2010; Zhai, BrooksGunn, & Waldfogel, 2011). Teachers in these private settings are
often confronted with little training, sizable numbers of children with behavioral problems, and low pay (Barnett, Carolan,
Fitzgerald, & Squires, 2012). These stressful work experiences are
associated with high teacher turnover (Barnett et al., 2012), and
may also relate to teacher burnout and less effective methods
of addressing childrens misbehavior (e.g., negative, reactive, or
coercive) (Barnett, 2003b; Brouwers & Tomic, 2000; Evers, Tomic,
& Brouwers, 2004). Therefore, there is a strong possibility that
classroom behavioral socialization time in these private preschool
settings might be negative and associated with declines in selfregulation (Raver et al., 2008). The current study extends past
research by examining the time that teachers devote to explicitly
target self-regulation skills within their classrooms, and whether
behavioral socialization time is positively or negatively related to
childrens self-regulation development.
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Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegen, 1984; Ladd, 2003), and recognizing

that environmental inuences on development may not be uniformly experienced across individuals. Thus, the current study
also considers important child characteristics that may moderate the association between classroom behavioral socialization
time and preschoolers self-regulation: initial self-regulation skills
and gender. Studies examining interactions between childrens
initial skill levels and the frequency of teacher practices are common in early math and reading studies (Bachman et al., 2013;
Cameron, Connor, & Morrison, 2005; Connor, Morrison, & Katch,
2004; Connor, Morrison, & Petrella, 2004), but less explored among
studies of preschoolers self-regulation and teachers behavioral
socialization practices. Classroom-level exposure to behavioral
socialization may matter more for children who have greater difculty regulating behaviors and emotions. Young children with poor
self-regulation, for example, will have more difculty adapting to
the classroom (Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2009) and cultivating positive
relationships with teachers (Rudasill & Rimm-Kaufman, 2009) and
peers (Eisenberg, Vaughan, & Hofer, 2009). Frequent reminders of
behavioral expectations, classroom rules, and routines, delivered
in a positive and proactive manner, should aid poorly regulated
children in their adjustment to the classroom and promote greater
improvement in behaviors over time. If these socialization practices are negative and reactive, however, we may observe greater
declines in self-regulation over time, which may be more pronounced for preschoolers with lower self-regulation at the start
of the year.
In past studies on classroom climate or quality, child gender has
often moderated the associations between classroom processes and
child outcomes. Some research shows that boys behavior problems
and achievement were more strongly linked to variations in classroom quality, with boys more often experiencing more adverse
outcomes than girls when quality was low (Crockenberg, 2003;
Ponitz, Rimm-Kaufman, Brock, & Nathanson, 2009; Votruba-Drzal,
Coley, & Chase-Lansdale, 2004). Bioecological and sociocultural
theories (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; John-Steiner & Mahn,
1996; Vygotsky, 1978) would suggest that males are more susceptible to variations in classroom quality given that, beginning
in early childhood, boys display markedly higher amounts of problem behaviors than girls (Keenan & Shaw, 1997, 2003). Additionally,
teachers often give more attention to boys than to girls, which
is often negative attention in response to behavioral disruptions
in the classroom (Beaman, Wheldall, & Kemp, 2006; Swinson &
Harrop, 2009).
Research questions
The goals of the study were to examine the association
between the quantity of classroom behavioral socialization in
child care centers and preschoolers self-regulation. Based on
past literature, greater frequencies in behavioral classroom socialization could either be positively or negatively associated with
childrens self-regulation. The association between classroom
behavioral socialization time and self-regulation was also expected
to depend upon child characteristics, particularly initial levels of
self-regulation in the fall and child gender. We anticipated that
the association would be stronger for children with lower initial
self-regulation and for boys.
Method
Examining child environment interactions
Participants
There is a long history in developmental psychology of investigating person x environment interactions (Coie et al., 1993;
Child care centers were recruited from low-income neighborhoods within a mid-Atlantic U.S. city. Neighborhoods with higher
92
poverty rates, according to Census 2000 data, were oversampled to

guarantee a larger proportion of low-income children in the study
sample. Child care centers were recruited if they contained at least
one preschool classroom with four year-old children. The original
sample consisted of 30 private child care centers from which child
and parent participants, preschool teachers, and center directors
were recruited. A total of three cohorts of 45 year-old children
were recruited for the study from fall 2007 to spring 2010. The combined sample consisted of 289 children nested within 74 preschool
classrooms from within the 30 child care centers. The aggregated
sample also consisted of 52 preschool teachers, with 35% of teachers
participating in the study for more than one year. The centers represent the range of private options available to low-income families,
including programs provided in church basements, store fronts in
strip malls, and oors of high-rise ofce buildings. Some classrooms
were self-contained, but many programs often used bookshelves
and rugs to create areas for different age groups in the absence
of enclosed or walled-off classrooms. These open oor plans prohibited our videotaping of these uid classroom areas, where
adults and children from other areas would traverse throughout
the morning, and the combined noise level across these areas could
get high.
Measures and procedures

Behavioral socialization
Classroom observations were conducted for 2.5 h (150 min) during the fall, winter, and spring of the preschool year using a modied
version of the frequency checklist in the Observational Record of the
Caregiving Environment (ORCE) developed for the NICHD Study of
Early Child Care and Youth Development (NICHD Early Child Care
Research Network, 1998, 2000). In the ORCE list of activities, coders
were only able to note if the teacher had taught a social rule,
which included a broad range of socioemotional content (e.g., sharing, not hitting, using your words, showing sympathy or empathy,
using manners, taking turns, etc.). After conducting pilot observations, the general social rule category was separated into four
categories, interpersonal, behavioral, emotional, and discipline, in
order to capture the variety of classroom socialization practices that
teachers were demonstrating during these observations. However,
for the purposes of this study, only the behavioral socialization
dimension was examined because it was more strongly theoretically linked to self-regulation, and because frequencies were
considerably lower on the other three dimensions. In addition, in
the NICHD SECCYD, there was typically only one study child per
classroom, which enabled observers to code both teacherchild
dyads and child-level behaviors. In contrast, the current study
had signicant classroom nesting, resulting in a focus on teacher
interactions with large groups of children during live classroom
observations.
Behavioral socialization was coded when the teacher corrected,
commented on, or discussed childrens behavior during largeor whole-group activities, such as addressing poor attention or
behavior during a task, reminding children of classroom rules, or
threatening children with a punishment if they continued to misbehave. The behavioral socialization code includes both positive
and negative behaviors. Examples of positive or proactive socialization are providing daily reminders of classroom rules or reading
a story during circle time about how to manage behaviors during
frustrating social interactions. An example of a negative or reactive
socialization is threatening to take away recess if the class continues to disobey the rules. Reliably capturing both the type and
frequency of activities, including multiple dimensions of socialization (interpersonal, behavioral, emotional, and discipline), during
the live observations was the main purpose of the coding scheme.
Therefore, qualitative ratings of the valence of teacher behaviors

are not available.
Observations were conducted on a different day of the week
to allow for changes in daily routines, and all observations were
conducted in the morning (911:30 am) since signicant amounts
of the afternoon were devoted to naptime and free play. Using
a time-sampling method, trained observers coded classroom
practices using 30-second observe, 30-second record cycles.
Approximately 1720% of classroom observations were doublecoded each year in order to calculate inter-rater reliability.
Inter-rater agreement was over 90% and the median kappa score
for the four socialization codes across three time points and three
years was 0.87 (values ranged from 0.60 to 1.0). Behavioral socialization minutes were totaled and averaged across fall and winter
observations with a higher composite reecting greater frequency
of classroom behavioral socialization time.
Self-regulation skills
Childrens self-regulation was assessed in the fall and spring
using an adapted version of a snack delay task (Kochanska, Murray,
Jacques, Koenig, & Vandegeest, 1996), which has been used in other
studies of low-income, preschool-aged children (Li-Grining, 2007).
Children were videotaped completing the self-regulation tasks in a
quiet area at the child care centers. The snack delay task consisted
of six trials (10 s, 10 s, 40 s, 20 s, 90 s, and 30 s) during which children were required to wait to eat a snack until the examiner rang
a bell. Children were asked to keep their hands at on the table
until the examiner rang the bell, after which they could then eat
the snack. Timing began immediately after the snack was placed
on the table in front of the childrens hands. Halfway through each
trial the examiner lifted the bell from the table. The trial ended as
soon as the examiner rang the bell, or if the child ate the snack
before the designated time.
For each trial, children received a behavior score adapted from
procedures created and used by Li-Grining (2007) with low-income
children in the Three-City Study. The behavior codes ranged from
zero to eight, with higher scores reecting greater self-regulation
during each trial. Children received the lowest scores if they ate the
snack before the trial ended and received the highest score if they
waited to eat the snack until after the tester rang the bell. Children
who waited the full length of the trial to eat the snack received
lower scores if they demonstrated any of the following behaviors
throughout the trial: touched the snack, bell, or examiner; tried
to coax the examiner to ring the bell; and/or moved their hands.
Trained coders reviewed the videotapes, with 1730% of the videos
being coded by two to four coders in order to calculate inter-rater
reliability. Intra-class correlations calculated for the fall and spring
self-regulation trials were relatively high across the three years,
ranging from 0.78 to 0.99. A self-regulation composite was created for the fall and spring assessments by calculating the average
behavior score across all six trials.
Covariates
It is important to note the threats posed by omitted variable
and selection biases in correlational research on preschool practices since parents select these child care environments for their
children (Duncan, Magnuson, & Ludwig, 2004; NICHD Early Child
Care Research Network & Duncan, 2003). These concerns were
addressed by controlling for a range of child, family, teacher, and
classroom characteristics which have been shown to relate to
teacher practices or young childrens social development (Moller,
Forbes-Jones, & Hightower, 2008; Pianta, Barnett, Burchinal, &
Thornburg, 2009).
Teacher and classroom characteristics

In the fall, teachers were asked to complete questionnaires containing relevant demographic and background information about
themselves and their classrooms. Teachers reported on their years
of work experience in child care settings (converted into months).
Teachers also reported on the distribution of ages (in years) within
their classrooms. From these data, the proportion of children in
the class four years of age or older was calculated by dividing the
number of four or ve year-old children by the total number of
children in the classroom. Higher values on this variable indicate a
larger proportion of four year-old children in the classroom. Teachers also reported on the average number of adults and children
present within their classrooms, which was used to calculate the
average child/adult ratio for each classroom. Higher values indicate
larger numbers of children relative to the number of adults in the
classroom.
Child and family characteristics
Parents completed questionnaires in the fall, and the majority
of interviews (87%) were completed by telephone, with approximately 13% of parents completing the questionnaires at home
and returning them to the center. Parents reported on child gender (0 = female, 1 = male) and child race/ethnicity (0 = White/other,
1 = African American). Child age (in months) at the fall assessment was also calculated from birthdates provided by parents.
Parents reported on their partnership status (0 = cohabiting, dating/relationship, or married; 1 = single), and educational attainment
(0 = no degree, high school diploma/GED, or some post-secondary education and 1 = bachelors degree or higher). Parents also reported the
number of children currently living in their household, the number
of hours/week that they worked outside of the home, the number of
hours/week that children attended the center, and childrens birth
weight (0 = Normal birth weight, 1 = low birth weight, less than 88
oz.). Income-to-needs ratios were calculated from parent reports of
household income from a variety of sources, using federal poverty
designations based on household size.
Teachers also lled out inventories in the fall to indicate whether
children had been referred to intervention services to address any
cognitive delays, health/physical problems, and/or emotional and
behavioral problems which may affect their self-regulation development (0 = no referral, 1 = referred for at least one service).
Attrition and missing data
Missing data analyses indicated that out of the original sample
of 289 child participants, 263 participants, or 91%, had complete
parent questionnaire data, and 96% of the preschool teachers completed the teacher questionnaires. In the fall, self-regulation data
were successfully obtained for 92.7% of the sample. For the spring
data, attrition analyses showed that 80.3% of child participants had
completed the self-regulation task. In order to address the issue
of attrition bias for missing data and avoid using statistically inappropriate methods of dealing with missing data, such as pairwise
Phelps, & Lerner, 2009), multiple data
or listwise deletion (Jelicic,
imputation was conducted using IBM SPSS Statistics 19. Data imputation is typically used when data are not missing completely at
random (MCAR), but the assumption that data are missing at random (MAR) is still satised (Acock, 2005; Little & Rubin, 2002).
In order to test these assumptions Littles MCAR test was performed. The analysis showed that data were not missing completely
at random (2 = 1198.58, df = 931, p < 0.001). Since there is no formal test of MAR, specically one that works well with longitudinal
datasets (Potthoff, Tudor, Pieper, & Hasselblad, 2006), correlations
were run on all variables in the imputation dataset to determine if
missingness on any variables was related to the values of additional
variables in the dataset. Analyses revealed that correlations were
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low to moderate in magnitude, demonstrating consistency with

MAR data patterns over MCAR (IDRE Research Technology Group,
2013). As a result, multiple data imputation was adopted. Missing values on independent variables were imputed and analyzed
for the present sample, but imputed values on dependent variables
were deleted postimputation based on the recommendation of von
Hippel (2007), resulting in a nal sample of 216 children nested
within 68 preschool classrooms.
Independent samples t-tests and chi-square likelihood ratio
tests were conducted on the original unimputed dataset to determine if preschoolers with missing self-regulation data differed
on important demographic and family background variables from
those with full self-regulation data. Groups did not differ on child
age, child gender, fall self-regulation score, low birth weight,
time spent in child care centers, number of children in the
household, and parent education. However, children with missing self-regulation data had mothers who worked fewer hours
per week (t = 2.41, df = 231, p < 0.05) and had lower income-toneeds ratios (t = 2.61, df = 255, p < 0.05). Children with missing
self-regulation data were also more likely to be raised in singleparent households (2 = 8.04, p < 0.01). A total of ve imputations
were computed based on Rubins (1987) relative efciency calculation. The ve imputed datasets were imported into HLM 7, which
computed averaged xed parameter estimates and variance components across all ve datasets.
Analytic plan
In order to examine the association between teachers
behavioral socialization practices and childrens self-regulation,
hierarchical linear models were conducted in HLM 7 to account
for nesting within classrooms (Raudenbush & Bryk, 2002). Two
regression models were performed to examine relations among the
independent and dependent variables: lagged dependent variable
models and simple change score models. The lagged dependent
variable models examine level differences in the spring selfregulation assessment controlling for fall self-regulation, while the
simple change score models examine growth in self-regulation
from fall to spring while also controlling for the earlier fall assessment. Lagged dependent variable models and simple change score
models each have their own unique strengths and weaknesses. In
the lagged dependent variable models, controlling for initial selfregulation skills provides an important endogeneity control, such
that the fall assessment serves as a proxy for unmeasured aspects
of childrens environments or individual characteristics that are
correlated with childrens initial skills (Cain, 1975; Chase-Lansdale
et al., 2003). In addition, if childrens assessments are highly correlated over time, than the lagged dependent variable model provides
more statistical power than a simple change score model. However, if unobserved variables are differentially associated with the
fall and spring self-regulation assessments, then the initial lag can
introduce bias into the equation (Johnson, 2005; NICHD Early Child
Care Research Network & Duncan, 2003). The simple change score
models assume that unobserved variables are similarly related to
early and later assessments of the dependent variable, and thus
unobserved time-invariant variables are controlled by differencing them out of the equation (Johnson, 2005; NICHD Early Child
Care Research Network & Duncan, 2003). However, change scores
also tend to have lower reliability than level scores (Cronbach &
Furby, 1970; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network & Duncan,
2003). Thus, considering each models strengths and weaknesses,
results from both models will be contrasted to bolster support for
the robustness of the ndings.
A series of ve models was built to test the research questions. In model one, initial self-regulation skills in the fall was
included as a predictor at level one, and average minutes spent
94
on behavioral socialization were entered at level two as a predictor

of the intercept. The second model adds child gender and the additional child and family covariates as predictors of self-regulation
at level one. The third model adds additional covariates at level
two to determine if the association between behavioral socialization time and self-regulation remained robust to the inclusion of
teacher and classroom characteristics (proportion of children ages
four years and older, child/adult ratio, and teacher child care experience). These classroom and teacher characteristics were entered
as predictors of the level one intercept. The nal models included
cross-level interactions between behavioral socialization at level
two and child characteristics at level one. More specically, model
four examined cross-level interactions between fall self-regulation
(level one) and behavioral socialization time (level two) and model
ve examined cross-level interactions between child gender (level
one) and behavioral socialization time (level two). These models
are listed in equations one through ten below using the lagged
dependent variable analyses as examples:
Results
Spring Self-Regulationij = 0j + 1j Fall Self-Regulationij

+ 2j Genderij + 3j Child/Familyij + rij
11 and 21 denote the interaction terms for behavioral socialization fall self-regulation and behavioral socialization child
gender, respectively. u0j is a classroom-specic residual which was
included in the models as a random effect.
Simple change score models were also performed using models one through ve in order to maintain consistency. The only
alteration was in the dependent variable. The simple change score
models examined the difference in self-regulation from fall to
spring (Self-Regulation), whereas the lagged dependent variable
models examined spring self-regulation. Across all models, centering recommendations from Raudenbush and Bryk (2002) were
implemented. Namely, continuous variables entered as predictors
at level one were centered around the means for their respective classrooms (group-mean centered), and continuous variables
entered as predictors at level two were centered around the grand
mean across all classrooms. Categorical variables were entered in
their raw form.
(1)
Descriptive statistics for child, family, teacher, and classroom

characteristics
0j = 00 + 01 Socializationj + 02 Classroom/Teacherj + u0j
(2)
1j = 10 + 11 Socializationj
(3)
2j = 20
(4)
3j = 30
(5)
Descriptive statistics for the nal imputed samples are presented in Table 1. Approximately 45% of the preschoolers were
female and 57% were African American. Only 24% of parents had
education levels of a bachelors degree or higher, and 40% of
the preschoolers resided in single-parent households. The average income-to-needs ratio across families was approximately 1.88,
indicating a predominantly low-income sample (Boushey, Brocht,
Gundersen, & Bernstein, 2001), and mothers reported working an
average of 36 h per week. In addition, descriptive statistics for
classroom characteristics revealed that, on average, teachers had
approximately 9.5 years of child care experience, and 72% of the
total classroom population consisted of children four years-old and
older. Preschoolers average self-regulation scores were 5.11 in the
fall and 5.55 in the spring (values ranged from zero to eight). The
average amount of time teachers spent in behavioral socialization
Spring Self-Regulationij = 0j + 1j Fall Self-Regulationij

+ 2j Genderij + 3j Child/Familyij + rij
(6)
0j = 00 + 01 Socializationj + 02 Classroom/Teacherj + u0j
(7)
ij = 10
(8)
2j = 20 + 21 Socializationj
(9)
3j = 30
(10)
Spring Self-Regulationij represents the spring self-regulation

score for the ith preschooler in the jth classroom. At level one, 0j
denotes the average spring self-regulation score for the jth classroom. 1j represents the rate of change in spring self-regulation
per one-unit increase in fall self-regulation for the ith preschooler
in the jth classroom. 2j represents the rate of change in selfregulation for child gender, and 3j represents the rates of change in
self-regulation for the remaining child and family covariates (child
race/ethnicity, hours in child care, birth weight, health service
referral, number of children in the household, maternal marital
status, maternal educational level, maternal hours of employment,
and household income-to-needs). rij is the person-specic residual.
At level two, 00 represents the average spring self-regulation
score across all classrooms. 01 is the rate of change in spring selfregulation per one-unit increase in behavioral socialization time
for the jth classroom, while 02 denotes the rates of change in selfregulation for the classroom and teacher covariates. 10 , 20 , and
30 represent the average rates of change in spring self-regulation
per one-unit increase in fall self-regulation, child gender, and child
and family characteristics across all classrooms. In order to examine the cross-level interactions, behavioral socialization was added
as a predictor of the slope terms for fall self-regulation (1j ) in
model four (denoted in Eq. (3)), and child gender (2j ) in model
ve (denoted in Eq. (9)) to determine if the associations between
behavioral socialization time and spring self-regulation depended
upon fall self-regulation and child gender. For these nal equations,
Table 1
Descriptive statistics on child, family, teacher, and classroom characteristics
(N = 216).
Mean/%
Child outcome
Fall self-regulation score
Spring self-regulation score
Self-regulation change score
5.11
5.55
0.44
SD
Min
Max
1.60
1.47
1.48
0.00
0.00
4.08
8.00
7.83
5.83
4.26
43.00
64.00
12.25
2.00
55.00
Child characteristics
Male
Age in months
African American
Hours of childcare
Low birth weight
Fall health services referral
Year 1 cohort
Year 2 cohort
Year 3 cohort
0.55
53.11
0.57
34.36
0.13
0.24
0.15
0.38
0.47
Family characteristics
Children in household
Maternal single parent
Maternal bachelors degree or higher
Hours of maternal employment
Income-to-needs ratio
2.25
0.40
0.24
35.82
1.88
1.04
1.00
6.00
11.69
1.55
0.00
0.00
80.00
9.06
Teacher and classroom characteristics

1.60
Teacher child care experience
113.55
6.25
Child/adult ratio
0.72
Proportion of children four years old
2.16
64.59
3.03
0.26
0.00
12.00
1.17
0.09
13.00
288.00
24.00
1.00
95
Table 2
HLM models examining classroom behavioral socialization time and self-regulation.
Lagged dependent variable models
Self-regulation score (intercept)

Child characteristics
Fall self-regulation score
Model 2
B (SE)
Model 3
B (SE)
Model 4
B (SE)
Model 5
B (SE)
Model 1
B (SE)
Model 2
B (SE)
Model 3
B (SE)
Model 4
B (SE)
Model 5
B (SE)
5.57***
(0.11)
5.79***
(0.22)
5.78***
(0.21)
5.78***
(0.22)
5.81***
(0.21)
0.51***
(0.10)
0.50*
(0.21)
0.53*
(0.21)
0.53*
(0.21)
0.56**
(0.21)
0.49***
(0.07)
0.49***
(0.07)
0.18
(0.19)
0.49***
(0.07)
0.18
(0.19)
0.47***
(0.07)
0.19
(0.19)
0.49***
(0.07)
0.21
(0.18)
0.51***
(0.07)
0.48***
(0.07)
0.06
(0.19)
0.48***
(0.07)
0.08
(0.18)
0.51***
(0.07)
0.07
(0.18)
0.49***
(0.07)
0.04
(0.17)
0.09**
(0.03)
0.07*
(0.03)
0.07
(0.04)
0.07
(0.04)
0.11*
(0.05)
0.10**
(0.03)
0.08*
(0.04)
0.08*
(0.04)
0.08*
(0.04)
0.12**
(0.04)
Child male
Classroom socialization
Simple change score models
Model 1
B (SE)
Interaction
Fall self-regulation
Child gender
0.02
(0.01)
0.02
(0.01)
0.07*
(0.03)
0.07
(0.05)
Note. Unstandardized coefcients are presented with standard errors in parentheses. Child male, child age, child African American, hours in childcare, low birth weight, fall
health services referral, cohort year, children in household, maternal single parent, maternal bachelors degree or higher, hours of maternal employment, and income-toneeds ratio were included as covariates at level 1 for Models 2 through 5. Child/adult ratio, teacher child care experience, and proportion of four-year-olds in classroom were
included as covariates at level 2 for Models 3 through 5.
p < 0.10; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.
Association between classroom behavioral socialization time and

self-regulation for lagged dependent variable models
Table 2 shows estimates for the unstandardized regression
coefcients, using robust standard error adjustments, for the
ve sets of hierarchical linear models examining the association
between behavioral socialization and preschoolers self-regulation
scores for both the lagged dependent variable and change score
models. Lagged dependent variable models are presented on the
left-hand side of Table 2. Model one includes only behavioral
socialization time at level two and fall self-regulation at level one.
Examination of variance components revealed signicant variability between classrooms. Intra-class correlations (ICCs) indicated
that 18% of the variance in spring self-regulation scores was
explained by between-classroom differences. Behavioral socialization time was signicantly and negatively associated with
spring self-regulation scores while controlling for initial fall selfregulation scores. More specically, a 1 SD increase in behavioral
socialization was associated with a 0.13 SD decrease in spring selfregulation scores. In model two, child and family covariates were
added to the model at level one. Behavioral socialization continued
to be signicantly negatively associated with self-regulation, with
a slight reduction in the effect size (0.10 SD).
In model three, classroom and teacher covariates were added to
level two as predictors of the level one intercept. The association
between behavioral socialization time and self-regulation was
reduced to trend level signicance, but the effect size remained
unchanged (0.10 SD). In the nal series of models involving
cross-level interaction analyses, behavioral socialization time
was added at level two as a predictor of the slope terms for
initial fall self-regulation score (model four) and child gender
(model ve). The nal interaction models continued to reveal
signicant between-class variability (ICCs = 0.13), although neither
interaction term was signicant.
Association between classroom behavioral socialization time and
self-regulation for simple change score models
Analyses for the simple change score models are presented on
the right-hand side of Table 2. Similar to the lagged dependent
1
Self-regulaon Change Score
was approximately two minutes, with dosage ranging from zero to

13 min across classrooms.
0.8
Female
0.6
Male
0.4
0.2
Low Behavioral
High Behavioral
Fig. 1. Cross-level interaction plots for behavioral socialization child gender on

change in self-regulation.
variable model ndings, examination of variance components

revealed signicant variability between classrooms. Intra-class correlations (ICCs) indicated that 14% of the variance in self-regulation
change scores was explained by between-classroom differences.
For model one, behavioral socialization time was signicantly, negatively associated with change in self-regulation from fall to spring,
while controlling for initial fall self-regulation scores. For this
model, a 1 SD increase in behavioral socialization was associated
with a 0.15 SD decrease in change in self-regulation. After controlling for child and family characteristics in model two, behavioral
socialization continued to be negatively associated with changes
in self-regulation, with a slight reduction in effect size (0.12 SD).
Likewise, behavioral socialization time continued to be signicantly and negatively associated with changes in self-regulation
after controlling for teacher and classroom characteristics in model
three, with no reduction in effect size (0.12 SD).
Once again, models four and ve designate the cross-level
interactions for fall self-regulation and child gender by behavioral
socialization time, respectively. For model four, fall self-regulation
did not moderate the association between behavioral socialization
time and change in self-regulation. However, in model ve, the
interaction between behavioral socialization time and child gender
was statistically signicant. The interaction is plotted in Fig. 1
courtesy of a statistical online calculator (Preacher, Curran, &
96
Bauer, 20102013) using procedures outlined by Bauer and Curran

(2005).
Girls who experienced high amounts of behavioral socialization time had signicantly less growth in self-regulation than
girls who experienced low frequencies of behavioral socialization
(slope = 0.12, z = 2.94, p < 0.01). In contrast, boys self-regulation
growth from fall to spring was unrelated to behavioral socialization exposure (slope = 0.05, z = 1.10, p = 0.27). Although girls
outscored boys on average in self-regulation skills for both the fall
(girls: M = 5.3; boys: M = 4.8) and spring assessments (girls: M = 5.7;
boys: M = 5.4), boys, on average, saw greater improvement in their
skills (40% of a SD increase versus 27% for girls). Girls higher selfregulation performance relative to boys was signicant in the fall
(t = 2.79, df = 266, p 0.01) but was reduced to trend levels by spring
(t = 1.89, df = 230, p 0.10). Therefore, post hoc attrition analyses
were conducted to determine if the interaction ndings resulted
from a disproportionate number of poorly regulated boys relative
to girls vacating the study. However, ndings revealed that among
the children who left the study by spring, boys did not differ signicantly from girls in their initial self-regulation skills in the fall
(M = 4.8 for both girls and boys; t = 0.18, df = 50, p = 0.86). Therefore,
the signicant gender interaction was not a result of disproportionate attrition among poorly regulated boys. Similar to the lagged
dependent variable ndings, the nal simple change score interaction models also continued to reveal signicant between-class
variability (ICCs = 0.09).
Discussion
The present study examined the naturally occurring classroom
behavioral socialization practices of preschool teachers within private child care centers serving low-income children, and examined
how these practices are associated with preschoolers development in self-regulation. The results demonstrated that, on average,
teachers devoted few minutes of time to socializing childrens
behaviors on a classroom-wide basis. Research has compared lowincome childrens daily activities and routines in public and private
center-based care (Fuligni, Howes, Huang, Hong, & Lara-Cinisomo,
2012), revealing that private centers disproportionately devoted
substantial time to child-directed, free choice activities (e.g., gross
motor and fantasy play). Thus, converging evidence from the current study and other large regional samples (Fuligni et al., 2012)
indicates that low-income children in private center-based care
tend to receive little exposure to teacher-directed group activities
in their daily routines.
Negative associations between classroom behavioral socialization
and self-regulation
In the present study, negative associations between classroom
behavioral socialization time and preschoolers self-regulation
were repeatedly detected across multiple model specications.
This nding was robust across both the simple change score and
lagged dependent variable models despite the inclusion of childrens initial self-regulation skills and numerous child, family, and
teacher selection characteristics. In addition, although the effect
sizes we reported are modest in magnitude, the present ndings
do not differ markedly from effect sizes that are typically reported
in observational studies conducted within child care settings. For
example, the NICHD Early Child Care Research Network (2006)
reported child care quality and quantity effect sizes that were modest to moderate in magnitude for behavioral and social outcomes.
In past teacher training studies, positive associations between
teachers classroom practices and childrens self-regulation are
commonly detected. Intervention research strongly suggests that
there are considerable social and emotional benets for children when teachers intentionally allocate time to positively and
proactively socializing self-regulatory behaviors (Domitrovich
et al., 2007; Webster-Stratton et al., 2008). In addition, these
teacher-directed socialization activities can be readily embedded
within developmentally appropriate methods (e.g., games, activities, or lessons) to help young children develop and enhance
their social and self-regulation skills (Conduct Problems Prevention
Research Group, 1999; Pears, Fisher, & Bronz, 2007; Tominey &
McClelland, 2011; Webster-Stratton & Reid, 2004). Past intervention research has also demonstrated that children benet when
adults structure, scaffold, and guide them during play (Weisberg,
Hirsh-Pasek, & Golinkoff, 2013). Indeed, intervention programs
have successfully trained teachers to guide and facilitate childrens
pretend play in an effort to strengthen childrens self-regulation
skills (Bodrova & Leong, 1996; Leong, 2005).
However, in the absence of any intervention supports in the
present study, higher amounts of classroom behavioral socialization time were negatively associated with changes in low-income
childrens self-regulation skills. Detecting a negative association
that is robust to different model specications and a host of covariates strongly suggests that the majority of the observed behaviors
were negative or reactive, emphasizing childrens misbehavior.
There are several possible explanations for this robust nding. As
described by Raver and colleagues (2008), childrens disruptive and
negative classroom behaviors may increase teachers frustration
and negativity, resulting in a cycle of increasingly coercive or
reactive teacher practices (Arnold et al., 1998; Brouwers & Tomic,
2000; Ritchie & Howes, 2003). Indeed, preschoolers show less
compliance in classrooms when caregivers use more commands
and threats of punishment (Wachs, Gurkas, & Kontos, 2004). Corroborating evidence from socioemotional interventions in similar
preschool contexts (e.g., Head Start) demonstrates that improvements in childrens behaviors were attributable to enhancements
in teachers emotionally supportive classroom practices, especially
through observed reductions in negative classroom climate and
increases in positive classroom climate (Raver et al., 2008, 2009,
2011). In other words, before implementing these programs, the
naturally occurring behavioral socialization processes observed
by researchers were less positive, proactive, or supportive. Even
in public pre-K classrooms, past national studies have identied
classrooms rated very low in both emotional and instructional support, and these classrooms disproportionately served children in
poverty (LoCasale-Crouch et al., 2007). Thus, accumulating ndings from the current study and extant literature indicate that in
preschool classrooms serving low-income children, the classroomlevel behavioral socialization practices may be negative or reactive,
and generally unsupportive of positive social development.
Rather than concluding that time devoted to classroom behavioral socialization practices within these child care settings are
detrimental for low-income children, however, we argue that the
current ndings add to a growing body of evidence that preschool
teachers are in need of better support systems and training to
develop successful preventative strategies for reducing problem
behaviors. Many low-income preschoolers are likely to be enrolled
in private community-based centers as an alternative to publicly funded programs such as Head Start and pre-K (Dowsett
et al., 2008; Li-Grining & Coley, 2006; Magnuson & Shager, 2010).
Unlike publicly funded programs, teachers in privately run centers may be less equipped to support the self-regulation skills of
economically disadvantaged children due to the increased stress
associated with limited training and experience, greater instability in teaching staff, lower pay, and fewer benets (Barnett et al.,
2012). In fact, increasing teachers access to coaches or behavioral
specialists is a common feature of many successful Head Start and
pre-K socio-emotional interventions (Morris et al., 2014). Given
that valence of behavioral socialization and teacher training were

not assessed in the current study, additional research is needed
to discern how teacher training, support, and stress are associated
with the quantity of reactive versus proactive behavioral socialization practices.
Moderating child characteristics
The present study also examined whether initial self-regulation
skills and child gender moderated the associations between classroom behavioral socialization time and changes in self-regulation.
Contrary to our initial hypotheses, initial levels of self-regulation
in the fall did not signicantly moderate the association between
behavioral socialization and self-regulation in either the lagged
dependent variable or simple change score models. In other words,
relations between behavioral socialization time on growth or
spring levels of self-regulation were comparable for all preschoolers regardless of their initial regulatory abilities. Therefore, children
with lower self-regulation at the beginning of the year were not
more susceptible or vulnerable to these classroom practices than
better regulated children. It is possible that large-group behavioral socialization practices, which are delivered to all children
in the classroom, may have fewer differential effects than dyadic
student-teacher interactions, which can differ for each child and are
typically inuenced by child characteristics. Future research would
benet from distinguishing the effects of whole-class behavioral
socialization and dyadic student-teacher interactions on childrens
socioemotional development, as well as the potential moderating
role of childrens initial self-regulation skills.
Although initial self-regulation skills did not moderate the negative association between behavioral socialization time and changes
in self-regulation, a signicant interaction did emerge for child gender. Specically, child gender signicantly moderated the negative
association between behavioral socialization time and changes in
self-regulation from fall to spring. Although this nding emerged
for the simple change score model only, the size of the interaction
coefcients was identical across both models, indicating a common pattern. However, contrary to expectations, girls appeared
to be driving the negative association, with boys changes in
self-regulation unrelated to variations in behavioral socialization
exposure. Since the present study examines classroom behavioral
socialization time, as opposed to teachers dyadic interactions with
individual students, girls may be more susceptible to higher quantities of group socialization time, especially if these experiences
are negative or coercive (Raver et al., 2008). Girls are less commonly targeted with negative attention from teachers than boys
(Beaman et al., 2006; Swinson & Harrop, 2009) and are socialized
to be more compliant and less assertive (Chaplin, Cole, & ZahnWaxler, 2005; Leaper & Smith, 2004). Therefore, greater amounts
of behavioral classroom socialization time, particularly if punitive
or reactive, may be more disconcerting for girls. Boys, on the other
hand, may be less affected if they have grown accustomed to dyadic
interactions with teachers that are frequently more negative. Alternatively, threshold effects may also be operating. Since girls had
signicantly higher self-regulation scores than boys in the fall, there
may have been less room for improvement during the course of
the year. However, since the boys and girls who left the study
did not differ in initial skill levels, the current ndings are not an
artifact of disproportionate attrition among boys with poor selfregulation skills. Future research on the associations among child
gender, proactive vs. reactive classroom behavioral socialization,
and child self-regulation is warranted.
Limitations and conclusions
Studying low-income childrens experiences in private centerbased care presents unique methodological challenges. Unlike past
97
public pre-K or Head Start studies that could videotape teacher

and child interactions in self-contained classrooms, the private
preschool programs in this study often created classroom areas
within open oor-plans that impeded our ability to videotape
classroom processes. Thus, the focus of our investigation was to
document the duration of group behavioral socialization practices with our live time-sampling protocol. Unfortunately, our
ndings are limited by the inability to separate out positive and
negative valence (e.g., proactive versus reactive behaviors) from
the type and frequency codes. Future work in these settings
is needed to reliably conduct simultaneous live-coding of type,
duration, and quality, in order to disentangle the quantity of behavioral socialization exposure from the emotional valence of the
interactions.
Additionally, as is the case in nonexperimental research, bidirectional associations cannot be denitively ruled out. In the
present study, the negative associations detected between behavioral socialization time and self-regulation may also be attributed
to the inuence of childrens misbehaviors on teacher practices.
We adopted a number of methods to address directionality,
such as controlling for initial self-regulation skills across models, and testing whether initial self-regulation skills operated as
a moderator of these pathways. However, testing bidirectionality more typically occurs with repeated measures on adult-child
dyads rather than teachers and classrooms of children. In our
project data, study children in the classroom may be exposed
to teachers negative socialization behaviors, which stemmed
from misbehaviors of classroom peers rather than the study
childrens behaviors. Therefore, testing bidirectional relations
with our nested model may not be as productive as with
adult-child dyads. Regardless, without experimental manipulation of classroom-level processes, issues of directionality remain a
concern.
The generalizability of the results presents an additional caveat
to the interpretation of the ndings. Although the snack delay task
has been widely administered to assess self-regulation (Kochanska
et al., 2000; Murray & Kochanska, 2002; Spinrad, Eisenberg, &
Gaertner, 2007) and has demonstrated reliability and predictive
validity with low-income preschoolers (Li-Grining, 2007; Raver
et al., 2011), additional behavioral regulation tasks or data sources
would have been useful to strengthen the generalizability of this
nding. Furthermore, it is also important to note that while the
demographic composition of the study children is comparable to
other Head Start and public pre-K studies, it remains unclear how
well the current pattern of ndings generalizes to other ECE settings.
In conclusion, the extant research clearly indicates that time
devoted to group behavioral socialization practices is related to
young childrens development. However, much of the past work on
these classroom processes involved intervention projects, in which
teachers received ongoing training from specialists or coaches on
a regular basis (Morris et al., 2014; Raver et al., 2008; WebsterStratton & Reid, 2004). Therefore, the present nding of negative
associations between classroom behavioral socialization time and
preschoolers changes in self-regulation could reect a lack of
teacher training or support for managing disruptive behaviors.
It is well documented that low-income children tend to be less
socially and behaviorally prepared for kindergarten than their
higher income peers (Raver, 2004; Rimm-Kaufman et al., 2000),
and that low-income children are more likely to experience private center-based care than publicly funded preschool programs
(Dowsett et al., 2008; Li-Grining & Coley, 2006; Magnuson & Shager,
2010). Thus, increased representation of private child care settings in the ECE literature is needed, as well as an increased focus
on how teacher practices may either promote or stie growth in
low-income preschoolers self-regulation.
98
Acknowledgements
This research was supported by grants to Dr. Bachman from The
Spencer Foundation (#200800190), as well as the Ofce of Research
and the School of Education at the University of Pittsburgh. The
content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily reect the views of the funders. We thank Kevin Kim and
Feifei Ye for their statistical consultation, the project team for their
hard work and diligence, and a special thank you is also extended
to the children, families, and center staff who participated in the
Pitt School Readiness Study.
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Early Childhood Research Quarterly 31 (2015) 89100

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Early Childhood Research Quarterly

Preschool teachers classroom behavioral socialization practices and

will need to successfully transition into school (Denham, Bassett,

instructional exposure are related to childrens literacy and math

The importance of self-regulation skills

Classroom behavioral socialization

Webster-Stratton & Reid, 2004; Webster-Stratton, Reid, &

Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegen, 1984; Ladd, 2003), and recognizing

Examining child environment interactions

poverty rates, according to Census 2000 data, were oversampled to

Measures and procedures

Therefore, qualitative ratings of the valence of teacher behaviors

Teacher and classroom characteristics

low to moderate in magnitude, demonstrating consistency with

on behavioral socialization were entered at level two as a predictor

Spring Self-Regulationij = 0j + 1j Fall Self-Regulationij

Descriptive statistics for child, family, teacher, and classroom

0j = 00 + 01 Socializationj + 02 Classroom/Teacherj + u0j

1j = 10 + 11 Socializationj

Spring Self-Regulationij = 0j + 1j Fall Self-Regulationij

0j = 00 + 01 Socializationj + 02 Classroom/Teacherj + u0j

2j = 20 + 21 Socializationj

Spring Self-Regulationij represents the spring self-regulation

Teacher and classroom characteristics

Self-regulation score (intercept)

Simple change score models

p < 0.10; * p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.

Association between classroom behavioral socialization time and

was approximately two minutes, with dosage ranging from zero to

Fig. 1. Cross-level interaction plots for behavioral socialization child gender on

variable model ndings, examination of variance components

Bauer, 20102013) using procedures outlined by Bauer and Curran

that valence of behavioral socialization and teacher training were

public pre-K or Head Start studies that could videotape teacher

low-income elementary school children. Child Development, 77, 103117.

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p < 0.10; * p < 0.05; p < 0.01; * p < 0.001.