Change and Continuity in the Traditions of Veerabhadra

1. Introduction
This work is an understanding of preliminary results of fieldwork conducted to study history
of the deity Veerabhadra. It will be interesting to study certain categories that are generally
used in studying Hindu religion, through examining the traditions of the deity Veerabhadra.
This will further enquire into the academic understandings of Hinduism implicitly if not
exclusively. The sources include written sources such as Puranas, primary accounts in Telugu
and chapbooks; oral sources obtained through field work which include oral narratives and
interviews. Sacred spaces, living and performative traditions of Veerabhadra are the other
aspects which were studied for this research. The idea was to examine the history of the deity
Veerabhadra and the nature of the culture in his traditions. Guenther Sontheimer did a similar
study on the folk deity Khandoba in his work, King of Hunters, Warriors and Shepherds. His
works on Khandoba are significantly used to understand Hindu religion. In his study on
Khandoba, he categorizes various aspects of Hinduism and proposes various markers that are
inherent in these religions of Hinduism including folk religion, Brahmanical religion, Bhakti,
etc. and their interactions.1
Sontheimer adopts the methodology to understand the traditions of Khandoba and thereby
some facets of folk Hinduism, through the cults or communities of Khandoba. In the current
research on Veerabhadra, the traditions are followed by a variety of people. there are no fixed
rules as to who should follow these or, a rigid criterion through which these groups can be
classified. The reasons for worshipping Veerabhadra can be similar or can vary from case to
case. However, there are certain groups and communities that connect themselves to
Veerabhadra through various oral narratives and by following certain performative traditions.
Studying these groups and the lived, performative traditions will help one to understand the
nature of culture in the traditions of Veerabhadra, which is the main subject of study in this
work.
Continuity of traditions is one of the main themes that he identifies throughout his work. He
looks at the cults of Mallanna, Mailar the deities belonging to the traditions in adjacent

Guenther Sontheimer, "Rudra and Khandoba: Continuity in folk religion." in King of Hunters, Warriors and
Shepherds, ed. Aditya Malik, Heidrun Bruckner and Anne Feldhauss. (New Delhi: IGNCA, 1997), 87- 113.

geographical regions to show the continuity which is present across these cults. The various
types of continuity include: temporal continuity of the traditions where he discusses previous
traditions in relation to the current religion (Rudra Shiva and Khandoba) and continuity across
regions and cults. This study on Veerabhadra will look at such continuities across geographical
and temporal spaces and will be examined in the following sections by looking at the work of
Elizabeth Schoembucher on the cult of Veerulu2among Vaddibalijas a fishermen community
in Orissa to the cult of Veerabhadra in the Godavari districts of Andhra Pradesh
I will enquire into the extent to which the identity of the communities is defined by the
traditions that they live. The community of Veeramushtis who play a central role in the jataras
or ritual processions of Veerabhadra will be examined closely. Insights into the tradition were
gathered from the interviews of other groups of people such as the musicians who perform in
jataras and the families who conduct these ritual processions. During these jataras, individuals
are possessed or embodied by the deity. The continuity of existence of a being that these rituals
and beliefs imply tells us about the understanding of life and death among the followers. The
conventional academic categorization of embodiment processes into the binaries of divine
embodiment and/or spirit possession will be reviewed by looking at case studies which point
to a new way of understanding and categorizing altered embodied states. While trying to
comprehend the answers to these questions, an attempt will be made to understand the situation
of these communities in the current socio-economic contexts.
In order to ensure that these states are understood as close to the lived states as possible, the
words divine or ritual embodiment will be used instead of possession to denote these processes
in concurrence with what Prof. Aditya Malik suggests in his work, "Is possession really
possible? Towards a hermeneutics of transformative embodiment in South Asia". His argument
questions the usage of the word possession and suggests moving towards a more appropriate
terminology transformative embodiment. Dealing with a subject like embodiment, places one
on a ground where the transforming nature of the self becomes more evident. He states that
embodiment emphasizes subjectivity as a self-world relation rather than as consciousness
apart from the world and the process of the so-called possession, which subjectifies and
adds a static materiality to the body, in parallel making it distinct from the self can be replaced
by the use of the term transformative embodiment. Malik notes the permeability of the human
and divine states during these transformative embodiments, and the impossibility of dividing
2

Veerulu means heroes

these states ontologically.3

Previous work on the traditions of Veerabhadra was done by David M. Knipe. He analyzed
certain aspects of the folk culture of Veerabhadra in phases from 1980 to 1988. He discussed
the belief system local people have about the existence of Veerabhadra as a continued presence
during certain trances and how dead children are believed to become the son of SivaVeerabhadra. He analyzed all elements of jatara (festival) very closely and relates this to Vedic
and Sanskritic traditions of the region. He studied ideas of life, death and afterlife of the region
through their belief system and ritual practices.4
Knipe writes:
When individuals die before they have attained the householder stage, that is, married and
raising children who can attend to them ritually after death, they are cosmically stranded from
the point of view of transmigration. Their persons excluded from ritual progressions and their
lineages devastated, their dilemmas may leave no recourse but rage and malevolent behaviour5.

Knipe understands the process of a dead child becoming Veerabhadra (which will be discussed
in detail in later sections) from a Vedic perspective where premature death is unfortunate as
Vedic death rituals cannot be fulfilled in these cases as he mentions. In the above propositions
he describes Veerabhadra as a result of a process that is not positive. But among followers of
the tradition, Veerabhadras are considered to be deities with protective qualities, who become
devastating only when displeased showing a clear inconsistency between their understanding
and Knipes interpretation of the tradition. Often, the opinions and subjectivities of
academicians overwrite emic understandings.
This work will try to understand the emic understanding of the followers traditions by listening
to their experiences of the tradition. Research is done using literary analysis and conducting
ethnographic fieldwork. A methodology of participative knowledge sharing was employed in
this ethnographic research, through which the perspective of the followers was given due
significance. This is a better methodology as compared to a questionnaire based ethnographic

Aditya Malik, "Is possession really possible? Towards a hermeneutics of transformative embodiment in South
Asia." in Health and Religious rituals in South Asia: Disease, Possession and Healing, edited by Fabrizio M.
Ferrari (New York: Routledge, 2011), 17- 32.
4
David Knipe, "Night of the Growing Dead: A Cult of Virabhadra in Coastal Andhra." in Criminal Gods and
Demon Devotees, edited by Alf Hiltebeitel. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 134- 136.
5
Knipe, Night of the Growing Dead, 124.

research where the sort of knowledge that can be available from the research is predetermined
by the researcher, crippling the hope to let the research guide, and unfold the mysteries of the
subject. It also displays intellectual arrogance on the part of the researcher to think that they
know in advance, what can only be known during the research. A dialogue is participatory in
nature, hence the interviewees become a significant part of the research when the methodology
of participative sharing is followed. It also enables the researcher to implicitly acknowledge
the authority of emic understanding over the subject of enquiry. It helps to check the
researchers subjectivities and judgements which can creep in, not only through the way in
which the research is written; but also, in the way in which the research is done.
Knipe, in his work, introduces the fascinating concept of many Veerabhadras within the
context of jatara where Veerabhadra is understood as the Veerabhadra of Puranas, or as the
linga of Shiva or as the dead child of its parents.6 This idea of many Veerabhadras forces one
to look beyond singular understandings and definitions of this deity. This work will take
forward this idea to look at the multiple understandings of Veerabhadra by looking at them in
different kinds of sacred spaces. It will help one to enquire the validity of categories of
Hinduism like folk and Brahmanical religions.
2. Written sources
In the following section, written sources such as the puranic sources, Telugu primary texts and
chapbooks will be looked at.
2.1 The Puranic story
The story of the creation of Veerabhadra is mentioned after the story of Satis self-immolation
in the Puranas. The story has several renditions some of which will be covered in the latter
parts in various oral and written sources, reflecting the richness of the cultural milieu in which
they propagate. But the most common storyline is shared by almost all sources, some of which
are mentioned later on in this work. The following story is extracted from the second Samhita
of Siva Purana the Rudra Samhita7.

Knipe, Night of the Growing Dead, 139- 151.

Arnold Kunst and J.L Shastri, ed., "Volume 1." in The Siva Purana (Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas, 1970), xi- xii.

Once, a great Yajna was started by Daksha, the son of Brahma and the Prajapathi8. He did not
invite Siva for that Yajna, deciding that he was not worthy of the Yajna, as he was a Kapalin9.
Dakshas beloved daughter who was the wife of Siva- Sati, was also not invited.10 Sati came to
know about the Yajna being performed by her father and insisted on the visit despite Shivas
unwillingness. The goddess Sati, permitted by Lord Siva, mounted Nandi and went towards her
fathers abode where the Yajna was set to be performed, accompanied by sixty thousand
ganas.
There, she was not greeted by Daksha or others out of their fear for him. She saw the shares of
offerings allotted to gods like Vishnu, Brahma and others but not to Siva. This made her furious
and she verbally confronted everyone who were present there, including her father for
participating in a Yajna where Siva is purposefully neglected. Hearing insults hurled on Siva
by Daksha, she decides to cast off the body given to her by her father11.
Then, observing silence, Sati entered a yogic trance and made her body fall into the yogic fire.
Seeing the self- immolation of Sati, the sixty thousand ganas who were waiting at the gate rose
up in anger with their weapons. Some of them cut themselves with their weapons and courted
death along with Sati. The Skanda Purana mentions that some of these ganas also cut their head
off and performed Nirajana12 with them. Twenty thousand ganas perished there along with
Sati.13
Being informed by ganas and by the celestial sage Narada about the events Siva became very
furious. Dancing his tandava14, he plucked out his jatajoota15and smashed it on the ground. Out
of the power of Siva, Veerabhadra is created through a half of that jatajoota and Mahakali is
created through the other half.16
Siva then instructs him saying:
O best of Ganas, destroy the sacrifice with all the ancillary adjuncts and then return to my
abode quickly17

Prajapathi literally means the husband or lord of people / the ruler.

Kapalin means the one who carries a skull.
10
Kunst and Shastri, Volume 1, 402- 405.
11
Kunst and Shastri, Volume 1, 405- 414.
12
Nirajana is a ritual in which light is waved in front of the deities.
13
G.V Tagare, trans., The Skanda Purana: Part 1 (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 2007), 15.
14
Tandava is a dance of Siva, which he dances when he is furious or while bringing about destruction.
15
Jatajoota means locks of hair.
16
Kunst and Shastri, Volume 1, 416- 422.
17
Kunst and Shastri, Volume 1, 424.
9

Taking this command, Veerabhadra sets off immediately to the site of Dakshas sacrifice
accompanied by an entourage consisting of Mahakali, the nine Durgas, Yoginis, goblins and
the ganas sent by Siva. All these ganas, including Veerabhadra, resembled Siva in their
adornments and attire. This march is described as a festivity, during which the Ganas eulogized
Veerabhadra, playing various kinds of musical instruments like trumpets and drums which were
sounded loudly, conchs were blown in diverse ways. Seeing Vishnu fighting from the opposite
side of the war, Veerabhadra overpowers him. Vishnu leaves the battle field, having completed
his obligation towards Daksha, followed by other gods like Indra. The ganas then punished
everyone, including the sages who remained at the site of the sacrifice and started destroying
the sacrifice in various ways.18
Then, Veerabhadra found Daksha and tried to behead him with his sword. But due to the Yogic
power of Daksha, the head could not be split. So Veerabhadra used his hands and pulled the
head out of Dakshas body and threw it into the sacrificial fire. After the killings, Veerabhadra
explains the completed task to Siva. Siva, being impressed by Veerabhadras valor, makes him
the head of his army.19
Then, all the gods approached Siva, asked him to reduce his anger and propitiated him to enable
the completion of the sacrifice as the destruction of it is harmful to all life. Hence, Siva reaches
the site of sacrifice. Seeing the extent of destruction, he calls the commander of the ganas
Veerabhadra and asks him to bring Daksha to him and tells him that in anger and hurry, he
inflicted severe punishment on the celestial sages and others. Then after observing that
Dakshas head is no longer present, Siva joins the head of the sacrificial goat to Dakshas body
and revives him back to life.20

2.2 Written Telugu sources

According to the puranic story, Veerabhadra is a god whose creation is mainly done for the
purpose of destruction. But the oral narratives like those related to the cults of Veerabhadra
and the spaces of significance for Veerabhadra clue us towards multiple understandings of him,
rather than a singular image of being a fierce destroyer of a sacrifice. Written Telugu sources
will be seen to observe how Veerabhadra was depicted in these sources.

18

Kunst and Shastri, Volume 1, 424- 443.

Kunst and Shastri, Volume 1, 443- 464.
20
Kunst and Shastri, Volume 1, 465- 467.
19

A fifteenth-century reworking of a Saiva myth, Veerabhadra Vijayamu, is attributed to

Bammera Potana, who is well known for his Vaishnava work, Bhagavathamu.
|| ,

The above verse is taken from a chapbook titled, Veerabhadra Vijayamu in which the ritual
procedure to perform Veerabhadras worship is prescribed. It is like a ritual guide.
Interestingly, Potana wrote a poetical account of Veerabhadra titled, Veerabhadra Vijayamu.
The chapbook contains some verses that appear to be extracted from the Veerabhadra
Vijayamuwritten by Potana. The front page, which would contain the name of the publisher
and the cover page of the book are not uploaded online in the pdf. The verses are given under
the heading khadgamulu21. There are some reasons why this could be extracted from Potanas
work. He is believed to be a devotee of Rama the avatara of Lord Vishnu. If we translate the
above verse, it describes various ways in which the punishments were levied to those present
at the sacrificial site. But, the devotion towards Rama is clearly visible in the mentioning of the
city of Ayodhya the city where the capital of Lord Rama is believed to be present and in
the mention of Rama through the usage of Raghunayakulu. The mention of Rama and his valor
when he has to discuss Veerabhadra is an insufficient reason to prove the proposition that the
above verse could be from the Veerabhadra Vijayamu of Potana.
|| || ,
, .
This verse, again taken from the same source, praises Veerabhadra. It can be roughly translated
as:
Oh, Veerabhadra of Kuravi! Who has the ability to describe your mahima? You are the one
who possesses a defined form. You are the boon-son of Siva. During the time of the ultimate
destruction (pralaya) you are like Rudra. You are an ocean of extreme compassion. You are
the one who is praised through Satharoudra (or, the one who praises Satharoudra.)
The writer addresses the deity as Kuravi Veerabhadra; Kuravi is the name of the place where
a prominent Veerabhadra temple is located. A village by the name of Kuravi with a popular
Bhadrakali-Veerabhadra temple is located in the current Warangal district. Potana stayed in
21

Khadgam literally means a sword.

what we call the present day Warangal district. Thereby connecting these three pieces of
evidence, it is assumed that these verses could be Potanas work.
The description of Veerabhadra as the one who brings about the ultimate destruction while
being an ocean of extreme compassion, voices the contradictory understanding of Veerabhadra
by the author, if not by the entire community. It is important to pay attention to the fact that the
deity is naturally understood in such seemingly paradoxical ways.
The part of the verse: Sambuni varakumaara pralayathala roudra parama krupaasamudra,
vinutasataroudra kuravi Veerabhadra is repeated at regular intervals. This repetition could
indicate the influence of oral culture. It could also mean that the text was intended to be orally
recited. This goes in line with what David Shulman argues for. He notes that the official
scholarship on Potana identifies the occasional deviation of Potanas work from the
conventional norms of Telugu prosody. He explains that the deviation could be a result of
Potanas close interaction with the oral narratives and folk poetry. These impacts, Shulman
says, can be observed in the diction and syntax of his poetry.22
||

,
,
,
,

The above verse, also taken from the aforementioned ritual guide describes the Veduka. Veduka
can be translated as a festival or celebration. It is mentioned that the jangamas, lingangas and
veerangas, are participating in the festival. These are some communities that belong to the
Saiva tradition. The verse describes musical instruments and lights as a part of the celebration.
Towards the end of the verse, an offering of a plate filled with delicacies of various kinds to
Veerabhadra is made, asking him to be satisfied with them. The icons of Veerabhadra along
with other ritual items are placed in large plates and taken out in procession during festivals in
the lived tradition of Veerabhadra in the present day. Whether this is the work of Potana or not

22

David Dean Shulman, "Remaking a Purana: The Rescue of Gajendra in Potana's Telugu Mahabhagavatamu."
in Purana Perennis: Reciprocity and Transformations in Hindu and Jaina Texts, edited by Wendy Doniger.
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993), 121- 123.

is yet to be verified. However, if this work is by him, it gives us a glimpse of some festivetradition associated with the deity Veerabhadra in the fifteenth century.
Srinatha is a fifteenth-century poet and a contemporary of Potana. An examination of an
abridged prose translation of his Bhimakhandam was done to find out if there was any
mention of Veerabhadras temple in Muramulla due to the geographical vicinity of the space
that was written about in Bhimakhandam; Draksharama to Muramulla is approximately 30
kilometers. The work mentions prominent religious places and temples.
The work mentions Veerabhadra, his fury and his role in the destruction of Dakshas sacrifice.
The temple at Muramulla which is more proximate to Draksharama than Pattiseema does not
find any mention in this work, at least in the abridged prose version of the text. The actual
poetical work by Srinatha can be studied further to look into this. The absence of Muramullas
mention in the work leads one towards a series of inconclusive questions about the possible
reasons. The temple of Veerabhadra in Pattasa, currently referred to as Pattiseema or Pattasam,
is mentioned: There it is! It is Pattasa. There, the half-moon bearing lord Veerabhadreswara
is present.23 This indicates that the temple at Pattiseema was built at least before the fifteenth
century. The temples of Veerabhadra which were considered to be prominent places of worship
(the temple at Pattiseema) in the fifteenth century, continue to be prominent to the present day.
3. Oral narratives
Jan vansina in his book, Oral Tradition as History, describes various types of oral sources.
Distinguishing various kinds of oral sources, he defines oral traditions as verbal messages
which are reported statements from the past beyond the present generation. He advices the
historians to be cautious while using oral traditions as sources of history as they can be
indicators of common historical consciousness and not necessarily sources of history. 24 In the
following sections there are recorded oral traditions which are transmitted through generations
and certain oral narratives that are obtained from interviews. They are associated with certain
sacred spaces (temples) and experiences of people and communities related to Veerabhadra.
While judging the Historical validity of these oral sources is futile and not the aim of this work,
it tries to be aware of the nature of historical consciousness reflected in these oral narratives.
23

Chinnikrishnasarma Devarakonda, Srinathakavi: Bhimakhandam (Vijayawada: Jayanthi Publications, 2014),

37.
24
Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as Process, in Oral Tradition as History (Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin
Press, 1985), 27- 28.

3.1 Pattiseema
Pattiseema is in the west Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh. The temple, believed to be built
by the Cholas, is on an elevation on a small island (referred as dveepam in the local language)
surrounded by the river Godavari on four sides. The banner placed outside the temple says that
the temple was renovated by Pratapa Rudra. It also mentions that a Nissmansaka kavi who was
in the court of Annadeva choda was the sthanadhipathi from 1408 to 1415.
The name of the place Pattiseema, has a connection to the oral narratives about Veerabhadra.
The following oral narrative was shared by the Keeper of the temple cluster in Pattiseema.
Veerabhadra was given a weapon to slay the head of Daksha and the name of the weapon is
called Pattasam. His weapon was lost because of the momentum with which he beheaded
Daksha. The place where the divine weapon fell and submerged into the ground came to be
called Pattiseema.
Veerabhadra started searching for the divine weapon given to him by Siva. While he moved
throughout the world searching for it with his hair wide open, performing his Veeranam, many
beings suffered. So they approached Maharshi Agasthya who was performing his austerities in
the same place Pattiseema. Agasthya, being engrossed in his tapas did not react to these pleas
in any way.
Later, Veerabhadra himself comes to that place in search of his weapon making an unbearable
sound, performing his Veeranam25 thereby destroying the world under him. Agasthya being
disturbed by this activity opened his eyes and contained Veerabhadra, making him immobile
by catching hold of him in his tight embrace. Due to a large amount of force involved in the
effort and due to Agasthyas power, Veerabhadra sets into the ground taking the form of a
swayambhoo26 linga. The priest shows the little bulge on the top of the linga and states that it
is the hair knot or jatajoota made by Agasthya to get a hold of Veerabhadra. The marks which
are visible on the linga are believed to be the fingerprints of Agasthya.

The temple has a main shrine dedicated to Veerabhadra who is referred as Veerabhadreswara
Swamy and another smaller temple containing the statue of a tandava Veerabhadra present in
the outer ring where small spaces for other deities are present. This outer ring, on four sides,
has other temples, including the temple of Bhadrakali. Bhadrakali is believed to be the wife of

25

Veeranam is the dance performed by Veerabhadra. It is performed when he is furious.

Swayambhoo means coming into existence through self.

26

10

Veerabhadra. Despite being a furious goddess herself, she is believed to be pacifying

Veerabhadra in this place. On the floor of the temple outside the inner sanctum is a human
figure in a prostrating pose with hands above its head, probably showing the reverence of the
temples visitors. The temple has inscriptions written on its pillars in a script which could be a
prototype of Telugu. Deciphering this script would provide much information about the temple
and its patrons.
The locals identify another temple that is on a nearby island27 called Mahanandeeswara
Temple. Mahanandeeswara is considered to be the brother of Veerabhadra. The local oral
narratives state that Mahanandeeswara sang Mangalam28 here and turned himself into stone,
thus expressing his inability to pacify his younger brother Veerabhadra. Questioning if this
sense of history that people share in this cultural milieu is true, is futile. It is more relevant to
pay attention to the way in which the oral narratives form the context in which the beliefs and
rituals are formed.
3.2 Muramalla:
This temple, known as Veereswara Swamy temple, is located in the East Godavari district of
Andhra Pradesh. The former priest whose son works as the current priest of this temple shared
his experience about Veerabhadra:
My father adopted me as he was childless and brought me to this place. Years passed and I got
married and the first child was a girl. When people are born in certain nakshatras some
compensatory rituals need to be done. We were planning to perform these rituals on the 16th
day of her birth, the child met with an untimely death on her 13th day. I was the priest in
Veereswara Swamy temple at that time. I prayed to the lord expressing my sorrow for losing
my child. I questioned him why it happened and how he could let this happen.
That night in my dream I heard the voice of Veerabhadra saying: If a mango tree has too many
fruits, can it withstand the weight? Later, I had twelve children, eight girls and four boys. Two
of the boys passed away and two remained. As I had many daughters, I handed over the
responsibility of their marriage to Veerabhadra and asked him to take care of their marriage
before they turned eighteen. All of my daughters were married before they turned eighteen. I

27

These islands are vast sand dunes located in the middle of the Godavari River.
Mangalam (in this context) is a song that is sung for Veerabhadra.

28

11

now have grandsons and granddaughters. Everything turned out to be fine because of
Veerabhadras grace.

In the dream, Veerabhadra metaphorically foretells that the priest would have enough children
by using the analogy of a tree bearing fruit. The priest attributes the credit of the events that
unfolded to the grace and protection of Veerabhadra. His story portrays that the deity is
dutifully obligated to protect his devotees. Questioning Veerabhadra about the turn of events
shows that the deity is understood as omniscient and omnipotent. Even though there is a
common awareness of Veerabhadra being Sivas creation, nowhere does the devotee think of
Veerabhadras power as limited or subservient to Siva.
In the temple, Veerabhadra and his power are seen as inter-changeable with Siva and his power.
This can be observed in the iconography of Siva the linga, used in certain temples (Muramulla
and Pattiseema) to worship Veerabhadra. The chants recited to Veerabhadra at these two
temples, such as Sri Rudram, are chants dedicated to Siva, commonly used in Sivas temples
for similar ritual purposes. When priests were questioned about chanting Sivas recitations
instead of Veerabhadras, they replied Veerabhadra is the son of Siva or Veerabhadra is the
Avatar of Siva; as if these arguments establish the two deities synonymy. This is not an
attempt to show that Veerabhadra loses his personality in these spaces. Rather, it is an attempt
to read one of the multiple understandings of Veerabhadra. More can be understood by studying
the ritual practices in those temples of Veerabhadra where an anthropomorphic image is present
instead of a linga.
After sharing his experience, the priest told the story of the temple at Muramulla:
In the past, Vyasa started living in Draksharama, also known as Vyasakasi or Dakshinakasi. At
that time sage Bharadvaja lived in Munimandali (which literally means the congregation of
sages), near Draksharama. When the students of Bharadvaja ask Vyasa if they could come to
Draksharama once in a while to learn some Dharmas from him, he volunteers to go to
Munimandali himself from Draksharama to teach them. After a while, Bharadvaja wonders
why Vyasa chose that place to teach. When asked, Vyasa answers saying that that place was by
no means ordinary. He states that Veerabhadra and Bhadrakali live in those forests in the
disguise of snakes.
Vyasa says: After Dakshas beheading, Veerabhadra roamed all three worlds saying,
Assarabha sarabha performing his Veeranam as he is not yet pacified after the destruction of
the sacrifice. All beings including the gods and goddesses trembled out of fear and approached
12

Siva to pacify him, who in turn approached Lord Vishnu for help. Lord Vishnu taking the
terrible Narasimhavatar tries to calm down Veerabhadra. When Narasimhas hand touches
Veerabhadra, he takes the power of Narasimha onto him making the latter powerless. The
temple complex opens up into a temple of Lakshmi Narayana where this event is still
commemorated.
As the trinity fail to pacify Veerabhadra, they approach the primal goddess Adiparashakti. She
takes one kala from her sixteen Kalas and produces Bhadrakali out of it and assigns her the task
to pacify Veerabhadra. Bhadrakali follows Veerabhadra from one place to another. Failing in
her efforts to pacify Veerabhadra she utters Assarabha sarabha29 and jumps into a nearby
river which is a distributary of the Godavari River. She emerges from it taking the form of a
beautiful girl when Veerabhadra sees her he reaches a state of yoga. Seeing an immovable
Veerabhadra standing there looking at the goddess, Vishnu immediately gets two garlands and
performs the marriage right there in Gandharva vidhi. Vishnu asks her to never leave him alone
as she is the only one who can keep him calm.
Thus, Vyasa explains the mahatmya of the place. In later ages, a temple was constructed to
commemorate the marriage of Veerabhadra and Bhadrakali at this place. As time passed, the
temple submerged in the Godavari River. Later, Veerabhadra appeared in the dream of a
Sarabharaju and told him to get the linga out of the river. The linga was found and as they
carried the linga as per the instructions given to Sarabharaju, it became unbearably heavy when
it reached Muramulla. So the linga was placed there and a temple was constructed around it.
The tradition of nityakalyana30was started to ensure that Veerabhadra remains pacified.

During the nityakalyanam the priests sing songs describing the rituals of the marriage in
Telugu, which they call Yakshagana, and are sung with the help of thaalalu31.The thaalalu are
played by a Brahmin priest. This rendition of the Yakshagana is different from the Yakshagana
performances seen in Karnataka. A critical study can be carried out on the two traditions to see
if there is any significance to the homonymy. The Brahmans recite mantras32 and Yakshaganas
sitting on a raised platform.
The participants also sit on the same platform while the musicians who play the musical
instruments such as Tashalu, Ramudolu, Sannaiand Veeranam sit on the ground beside the

29

Sarabha has two meanings. : one of the forms of Veerabhadra is named sarabha; Sarabha is also the name of
the minister of Veerabhadra, whom the latter slays. In this context, sarabha would mean the first definition.
30
Nitya: daily, kalyana: marriage
31
Thaalalu are two metal discs that are stroked against each other to produce rhythmic sounds.
32
Mantras are sacred formulas dedicated to deities.

13

raised platform and play the instruments during particular parts of the ritual. These musicians
belong to a lowerkulam33. This would probably explain their position on a relatively lower
platform as it reflects a hierarchical distinction while simultaneously signifying the
indispensability of their presence and of those musical instruments in the traditions of
Veerabhadra. This kind of hierarchical discrimination is observed in the temple but not seen
during the ritual processions of Veerabhadra called Veerabhadra Sambaralu. This indicates
that social privileges and positions that are based on social identities are subject to change
depending on the cultural space. Which furthermore indicates that these social identities, while
having a defining quality, are not absolute.
Veerabhadra is believed to have a shanta34form in Muramulla. However, his subterranean fury
is still reflected in the calming rituals. These imply that he is a furious lord who needs to be
pacified through ritualistic compensations like the Nityakalyanam. Another popular belief
related to nityakalyanam is that those who participate in it or sponsor it would enjoy general
wellbeing and in some cases would get married quickly with a good partner.
The priest shared that in the past, kalyanam35 was not performed daily. The practice of
kalyanam later became nityakalyanam as more believers started sponsoring and participating
in it. Now, seventy-two kalyanams are done after sunset every day. This serves as an example
of how deities are imagined and re-imagined in multiple ways. It is interesting to see that, in
the case of Veerabhadra, the multiple imaginations seem to contradict each other indicating
that in this milieu there is space for the co-existence of seemingly opposite imaginations and
beliefs. These changes that are later introduced into the culture serve to understand cultural
processes. These additions and adaptations to culture and its continuity make it an ongoing
process which is not static. This fluid dynamic quality makes it hard to be defined and nonsingular.
3.3 Recurring themes in the narratives
The stories about Muramulla and Pattiseema have some themes that are recurrent in oral
narratives, much like the story about swayambhu linga. The two stories connect themselves to

33

Kulam is the Telugu word used to refer to a section of the society. It can be understood as a more classified
and localized concept of the Caste system. It is a major marker in the determination of social identities in
Andhra Pradesh.
34
Shanta means peaceful.
35
Kalyanam means marriage.

14

events and spaces in narratives. The identity and exclusiveness of these spaces is derived from
the narratives. This is reflected in beliefs in the popular understandings, rituals of the space,
etc. The importance of location of the temple at Muramulla is established in two ways. The
first way is through the story where deity chooses the spot by becoming heavy, thus marking
the geographical space sacred, with an importance of its own. This is another common motif
that occurs in the sthalapuranas. Through this, the deity displays his agency by choosing the
space where temple will be built and the space displays its sacredness by attracting the deity to
it.
The second way in which the sacredness of this space is established is through the mention of
a sacred past. The story mentions the past where Vyasa refers to the sacred past of the space
Munimandali, which was a place where all sages congregated. He mentions that Veerabhadra
and Bhadrakali still reside in the same place in the form of two snakes and the place came to
be called as Muramulla. The story of Vyasa helps in establishing a continuity of sacredness to
the place from past to present. The continuity he establishes implies that the place remains
sacred for the future too, displaying a continuous sacredness to the space. Most of the
sthalapuranas play an agentive role in establishing such continuous sacredness beyond
temporality.
In popular belief, Veerabhadra is connected to a cobra. Vyasas story mentions Veerabhadra
and Bhadrakali as taking the form of snakes. A vision of a snake in a dream, according to this
tradition, can be interpreted as an appearance of Veerabhadra through the dream. Anthills are
very significant in South India, as is the worship of Nagdevta (snake god). One can find the
carved images in stone of Nagdevta two snakes coiling each other in most of the temples
of other deities. This could be an example of multiple traditions getting synthesized in the
cultural milieu of the sacred space with the passage of time. This clues one to see the way in
which sacredness is perceived in the imaginations of the people, where there is an absence of
rigid boundary-like divisions between various deities and their sacredness.
This is reflected in many temples where the same geographical space is occupied by several
deities and cultures side by side. Knipe, in his work Night of the Growing Dead: A Cult of
Virabhadra in Coastal Andhra, writes about the anthill on and near which all Vibudhi pandlu
are placed at a temple in Rajahmundry. These are not the only spaces where Vibudhi pandlu
can be placed. They are placed in the places which are sacred in people`s understanding like
Veerabhadra gadhelu, temples, homes and even under holy trees such as the Raavi tree
15

(aswatha vriksha or bodhi tree). Knipe states that the temple has two rooms. In one of those
rooms, the anthill and Veerabhadra pandlu are present. And in the second room, Lord
Venkateswara is worshiped which he rightly identifies as a sign of synthesis of traditions.
Knipe observes parallel traditions occurring and growing in the same space, getting synthesized
as a result.36
3.4 Creation myths in Veerabhadras narratives
A similar pattern relating to communities of a deity can be observed in the tradition of
Veerabhadra. The puranas describe Veerabhadra as the leader of Ganas. There are oral
narratives connected to the creation of Veeramushtis. They trace their origins from
Veerabhadra. According to these narratives 32,000 Veeramushtis were formed from the sweat
of Veerabhadra while he was on the way to destroy Daksha Yajna. They formed a part of the
ganas and helped in the destruction of the Yajna. Veerabhadra is the leader of Veeramushtis
and also the creator father figure to the community.
The following is an oral narrative about Veerabhadra, shared by Komarapati Verriyya a
Tasha player. It discusses various myths related to the origination of jataras, a Kulam and of a
musical instrument called Veeranam.
After the destruction of Dakshas sacrifice and Dakshas beheading; Asakini, the wife of
Daksha, lamented thinking, What sin was done by me? Why should I become a widow?
Thinking thus, with the power of her merit accumulated by observing pathivrathya,37made all
the worlds stop. Then all the gods headed by Brahma and Vishnu went to Siva and pleaded with
him to restore Daksha back to life. Siva restores the life of Daksha by attaching a goats head
to his body. While everything else was restored including the sacrifice, Veerabhadra remained
in his furious state.
Then Veerabhadra was asked about what must be done to pacify him. He demanded
Omkaranatham- the sound of Om. Then the two celestial sages, Narada and Tumbura, who
are well-versed in music, created a human called Veerangeya38. Veerangeya used his creative
energies and created an instrument called veeranam. He took the body of the goat whose head
was fixed to Daksha. He then took the skin and created the membrane and used the intestines

36

Knipe, Night of the Growing Dead, 134- 136.

Pathivratyam means steadfastness, chastity and fidelity of a wife towards her husband.
38
Veerangeyudu either means the one who is born out of Veeranga, the fidgety dance of Veerabhadra, or the
one who has the anga- organs are born for Veera (Veerabhadra?).
37

16

as the rope to tie the instrument. He played the instrument. After listening to its music,
Veerabhadra was pacified.
Boons were then given to a pacified Veerabhadra: Those who worship him will experience
well-being and their wishes will be fulfilled. Festivals will be celebrated to honor him. The
gods gave boons to Veerangeya for pacifying Veerabhadra. Brahma gave him the power to be
a creator, Vishnu gave his Chakram a wheel and Siva gave his Soolam39. Veerangeya
received all these boons and became a Kummari40. Then Veerabhadra granted a boon to
Veerangeya and all his descendants, giving them the sole privilege to play the instrument,
veeranam, in his ritual processions.

This is the origin myth of the community of kummaris or potters in Andhra. Though this
collective identity that the community has is one among many other identities (like the division
into castes according to the constitution), this identity continues with changing degrees of
awareness through time. The instrument veeranam and the communities have an indispensable
role to play in jataras of Veerabhadra.
4. Ritual processions
The oral narrative regarding the ritual procedure to be followed during Veerabhadras jataras
is shared by Subbarao, a Veeramushti. According to the narrative, Veerabhadra feeds the head
of Daksha to Betal41on a Jammi tree. Betal asks him how he will be fed in the future,
Veerabhadra answers that in the future he will manifest in all households and when his jatharas
are performed the first offering (usually a pumpkin) will be made to him at a jammi tree. This
is different from the puranic story which reads that Dakshas head is tossed into the sacrificial
fire. The oral narrative includes Betal, a ghostly creature, who is fed the head of a human. These
differences might indicate that the oral narrative is formed in a cultural milieu with sacrificial
rituals.
On the day of the jatara, Veerabhadra pandlu42are bathed in a water source and bali,43 is
offered in front of a Jammi tree to Betal. Jatharalu are celebrated to honour Veerabhadra before
important life cycle rituals, like birth, marriage etc., by the families who believe in
39

Soolam literally means a sharp pointed weapon. When used in the context of Siva, it could mean his trident.
A trident is a three-pronged spear.
40
Kummari means a potter.
41
Betal is the name of a ghost. He usually resides in trees.
42
Pandlu means fruit. Veerabhadra pandlu are the icons used to represent Veerabhadra.
43
Bali means sacrifice.

17

Veerabhadra. He is considered the ilavelpu or intidevudu44by some families in Andhra Pradesh.

The following is a case study of a family in Mathurapudi, near Rajahmundry, with the surname
Akula. They have Veerabhadra pandlu in the Puja45 room at their home. They discovered that
there was a Veerabhadra within the family five years prior. This was revealed when they visited
a gadde.46The family members shared that they were facing several problems in the household
for a long period of time before they suspected that something is wrong.
According to the puranic story, while Veerabhadra was approaching the site of sacrifice,
several bad omens were seen by Daksha and others, almost announcing the unknown arrival of
Veerabhadra into the site of sacrifice. Bad occurrences are indicative of the presence of a
dissatisfied or unidentified Veerabhadra in a family. The bad occurrences can range from a
health crisis with a member of the family, financial problems or any adverse occurrences that
are perceived as bad in the everyday life of a person or a family. These are believed to be a
result of a lack of proper propitiation to the deity.
Clearly these two the story of Veerabhadras creation and the markers that help to identify
Veerabhadra have similar identifiers. Whether these inspire or inform each other is a difficult
question to answer, but it is important to pay attention to the presence of similar markers among
the oral, written and lived traditions. When one or a series of such bad occurrences happen, the
family suspects some cause and might go to a ritual space like the Veerabhadra Gaddelu or to
any other space where deities are ritually embodied in order to find out the causes. Some
unmarried children who suddenly pass away are believed to become Veerabhadra. So far,
Veerabhadra is understood in multiple ways; but this belief shows that there are many
Veerabhadras too who are ultimately identified as The Veerabhadra.
5. Veerabhadra gaddelu the spaces of ritual embodiment
Veerabhadra and his power are manifested in various sacred spaces. It is believed that he
converses with human beings in a human body through divine embodiment. The deity is
embodied through a ritual process at Veerabhadra gaddelu. Gaddelu are the spaces where
people go for communication with Veerabhadras. Many icons of Veerabhadras, Veerakanyakas
and Veerabhadra pandlu are usually placed in the room where a gadde is present. The instances

44

The two words ilavelpu and intidevudu have a similar meaning: the deity of the house (or the family)).
Puja means worship.
46
Gadde literally means a seat. Gaddelu is the plural of Gadde.
45

18

of divine embodiment are catalyzed by certain conditions or a particular type of environment

which allows a human to transcend into a state of divine embodiment. The type of environment
and the conditions in which transcendence occurs must be studied closely by doing multiple
case studies. Usually, one person is in charge of a gadde. This person is chosen by Veerabhadra
and is not a volunteer.
The gadde has the deity on a platform. The rooms have many Vibhudhi pandlu. Families can
choose to worship icons of their Veerabhadras or Veerakanyakas, the statue along with the two
Vibhudhipandlu at home or they can place them in the Veerabhadra gaddelu. In gaddelu,
regular rituals are performed which might not be possible at home. Visits to two Veerabhadra
gaddelu at Ramachandrapuram in East Godavari district were made to observe and understand
the practices in these spaces. In one gadde, a woman is the medium and in the other, her nephew
is. His gadde was started by taking blessings from his aunts gadde. The womans mother in
law was the head of the gadde before her. She said that she was not a strong believer in the
deity though she was not an atheist. She explained that the power to converse with Veerabhadra
was given to her without her trying to get it.
The person who acts as a medium communicates with Veerabhadra. They sit on gadde the
seat. It can be understood that the person himself becomes the seat upon whom Veerabhadra
sits. When a person enters the room, they either state their concern or calmly sit in front of the
medium. Then the medium recites a unique formulaic utterance (this was different in the two
gaddelu, could be unique for every medium). After the utterances, Veerabhadra is embodied
and the communication begins. This divine embodiment is induced voluntarily through this
process which is repeated like a ritual. Hence the divine embodiments can be appropriately
called as ritual embodiments. Questions can be asked by the visitors of the gadde. The words
communicated by the deity are in a rhythmic style. After a while the deity leaves and is ritually
embodied again in the same way when next visitor enters. More visits to different gaddelu
spread across a wide geographical area will give a better sense of the activities and rituals in
these spaces.
A visit to the gadde of Nethikunda Veeranna in Yanam, Pondicherry showed that the above
process is not same in all gaddelu. In this gadde, the medium is a woman by name Nagamani.
She used to frequent another gadde and believes that the service she provided there is the reason
for her being chosen by the deity as a medium. She ritually embodies the deity as soon as she
enters the room of the gadde and stays in that state for hours at a stretch. She stands and
19

addresses the queries of the visitors. She is referred as anna or brother. This illustrates that a
medium is not perceived as the individual but as the deity while in embodied state. Here, the
Veerabhadra answers questions in various ways. One remarkable practice is followed to
diagnose problems that visitors have. A cuboid of camphor that is lighted by visitors is held by
the Veerabhadra. The camphor is put out with the mediums hand. The hand and the camphors
color are observed; this, they say, can be one of five colors: white, black, blue, green and golden
yellow. The foretelling depends on the analysis of these colors.
6. Continued existences dead children become the deity
In Yanam, visitors are free to offer what they want. But usually in other gaddelu the amount of
money that a visitor must pay is fixed. A group of people frequent and live in Yanam gadde to
do seva or service. One of them is the family of a Nagamani. She lost her son when he was two
and a half years old. He drowned in a fish pond in her village T.Kothapalli. The sudden and
violent nature of his death left her family devastated. She shared that she started frequenting
the gadde after her son became a Veerabhadra. These frequent visits inspired her to do service
at the gadde.
When the boy died, the servants who took care of him saw a cobra pass by in the field they
were working in. This was one of the markers that he could have become a Veerabhadra. Later,
the announcement about him becoming Veerabhadra was communicated through dreams and
by enquiring in a gadde. She says that since the deity is her son, she feels strongly protected.
He is like a familial god who performs his duties as a deity to all of those who seek; but this
process of a family member becoming Veerabhadra makes him more responsible for those
relations he had during his lifetime as a human. The Being transcends the binaries of birth and
death entering a state where Beings continue to exist beyond death.
Once, while Nagamani was sharing the story of her son to a woman in a bus, that stranger got
embodied by her son (the Veerabhadra). He communicated that his mother left him at a gadde
and asked her to worship him at home. Nagamani hesitated to take her son home as she feared
that the Veerabhadra might get enraged if any irregularities and mistakes happen in his daily
rituals. The Veerabhadra promised that he will be satisfied with her rituals and ensured that he
will overlook those mistakes. While Nagamanis son became Veerabhadra, he still retains some
part of the boy who died. This makes him distinct from other Veerabhadras while being the

20

same as every other Veerabhadra. This rightly directs one to say that, while being understood
as the Veerabhadra, there are many Veerabhadras.
Nagamani explained that from then onward, she worships the Vibhudhi pandlu of her son at
home and offers the food that is cooked on a daily basis as the offering. The Veerabhadra in
aforementioned story asked his mother to take him home, but what he actually meant was that
he wanted his mother to take his Vibhudhi pandlu back home. The icons of Veerabhadra are
not seen as mere representations of the deity; the deity continues to exist in those icons or
rather, is the icons. The above negotiation of Nagamani with the deity enabled the continuity
of the culture at Nagamanis home. It serves as the best example showing why changes happen
in this milieu. Changes are allowed because the rules that must be followed for the deity are
not absolute but are negotiable. The deity itself is understood as one with whom negotiations
can be made. This characteristic of negotiability ensures continuity and explains changes within
the culture.
Schoembucher in her article, Death as the Beginning of a New Life: Hero Worship among
a South Indian Fishing Caste in the book Ways of Dying: Death and its Meaning in South Asia,
also talks about a similar tradition of hero worship among Vadabalijas, a caste of fisher men,
migrating into Orissa from the coastal region of Vishakapatnam of Andhra pradesh. She talks
about deification of some children who undergo sudden death. The dead children become
virulu (heroes). Schoembucher explains how virulu are ritually embodied in sacred spaces and
how they extend their protection. The understanding of virulu among Vaddibalijas, children
becoming Veerabhadras, the beliefs and practices around these traditions are similar. However,
the belief about dead children in Andhra is connected to the story of a manifestation of Siva.47
Among Akula family, there is a Veerabhadra and a Veerakanyaka for whom jatara or
sambaram48was being performed. When a girl child dies and becomes the goddess, she is
referred to as Veerakanyaka. During sambaram, there were two plates one for Veerabhadra
and the other for Veerakanyaka. Usually when a sambaram is performed for one Veerabhadra,
there will be one plate. A statue that shows Veerabhadra and Veerakanyaka on horses is placed
in both plates. These are the anthropomorphic icons placed in the plate. Each plate also contains

47

Elisabeth Schoembucher, "Death as the Beginning of a New Life: Hero- Worship among a South Indian Fishing
Caste." in Ways of Dying: Death and its Meaning in South Asia, edited by Elisabeth Schombucher and Claus
Peter Zoller. (Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1999), 163- 165.
48
Sambaram means a festive celebration. It is used synonymous with jatara.

21

two aniconic icons the Veerabhadra pandlu that represent the god or goddess. They use two
aniconic icons instead of one, as the concept of todu49is applied. Two Veeramushtis took charge
of the recitations during worship before the plates were taken out in procession. The
Veeramushti held a sword in his hands and recited khadgams that explain the story of
Veerabhadra. Each line that was recited is affirmed by Veeramushtis and others present in the
crowd by uttering Assarabha or Mahaveera. In this context, the identity of Veeramushtis
and their ritual role is derived from the oral narrative of their creation.
7. The night of ritual procession
The rituals, procession and performances of the jatara that are conducted at night are called
bonam50. The first ritual is to get the prabhalu51. During bonam at Madhurapudi, they are
prepared and installed at a temple of Vinayaka. All musical instruments were played,
procession started. There are some necessary instruments which are played in Veerabhadra
jataras. The mandatory instrument is Veeranam. Other instruments include Thashalu,
Veeranam, Paka, Ramudolu, Sannayi, etc. In the puranic story also, different musical
instruments are played during Veerabhadras march to the sacrificial ritual and during the war.
In the lived tradition, musical instruments are played during the procession. This is similar to
the description of the march in puranas. The Veeramushtis recite khadgams of Veerabhadra
with big swords in their hands, like the entourage of Veerabhadra, showing a similarity in
performative traditions and, oral and written myths.
After performing necessary worshipping rituals at home, the Vibhudhi pandlu which are a
symbolic representation of Veerabhadra, are taken in a procession on a palanquin. The jatara
continued until 3.30 AM the next morning. Acts of self-mortification were performed by
Veeramushtis to please Veerabhadra during jataras. The oral narratives state that this
community was given a privilege of being the conductors of Veerabhadras jataras, after
Veerabhadra was pleased with the Veerya heroism of Veeramushtis. The fearlessness they
exhibited in the war and the willingness to sacrifice themselves is understood as an expression
of intense devotion that impressed Veerabhadra. The self-mortifying acts performed during
jataras can be understood as a way in which these qualities exhibited by Veeramushtis in the
49

Todu in this context means companionship. This is also applied during marriages where it is mandatory to
have todupellikodukutodupellikoduku (Bride groom) and todupellikoothurutodupellikoothuru(bride), who sit
beside the groom and the bride throughout all ritual ceremonies before the marriage.
50
Bonam literally means food. Here it is used to refer to the festival celebration.
51
Prabha in this context is a part of the vehicle on which Veerabhadra is placed during the procession.

22

narrative are recreated and re-lived. Their name is attached to another popular belief: mushti in
Telugu means a closed fist. Veeramushtis were believed to possess enough power that can
bring anyone down with one blow of their mushti. They were Veerulu which means heroes or
warriors and they came to be called Veeramushtis. They report that these acts do not cause
severe pain or injuries to those who follow all rules appropriately with belief.
8. Divine embodiment
During ritual processions, Veerabhadra embodies any person. Sontheimer engages with the
theme of nearness to god experienced in folk religion as one of the markers to identify folk
religion and to understand possession. The idea of divine embodiment reflects the
communitys belief in the deity being available to them in their immediate environment and
current conditions on earth while they are living.
Sontheimer defines possession as the greatest kind of worship:
Imitation, nearness, possession, and identity mark the mutual relationship between the god,
whether Rudra or Khandoba and his followers
The possessed dancer does not simply worship or adore the god; he invokes the god by
representing him. He dances the gods dance, he wears the Red Ones robe and insignia,
carries his spear and lance imitating the god till he becomes Him, simulating Him until he is
assimilated52 (Sontheimer, Bhakti in the Khandoba Cult 1997).

He explains that the devotees desire to gain unity with god is achieved in the short-lived trance
states experienced by participants in these enactments and rituals. Divine embodiment reflects
closeness that a follower feels with his deity, as one can occupy the same bodily space as the
deity.
In Madhurapudi, during ritual procession a lady who is a part of the procession got embodied
by Veerabhadra as the instruments started playing. She started moving in quick motion; this
was understood as the dance of Veerabhadra. During divine embodiment, the dancers just dont
imitate the deity. The deity shows his agency and power through divine embodiment, while the
dancer invokes the deity in their body and enables the deity to display his agency. No verbal
communication took place. It was understood by members of the procession that she
52

Guenther Sontheimer, "Bhakti in the Khandoba Cult." in King of Hunters, Warriors and Shepherds, ed. Aditya
Malik, Heidrun Bruckner and Anne Feldhauss. (New Delhi: IGNCA, 1997), 236- 259.

23

experienced divine embodiment. In less than a minute, she stopped the movement and the
musical instruments slowed down and stopped. Turmeric water was given to her to drink and
was sprinkled on her face. After a few minutes, the procession started moving and the
instruments started playing again.
That night, the same lady got embodied by Veerabhadra twice in the same way. She returned
home after the second time. Another lady, the mother of the deceased boy who became
Veerabhadra, was also embodied by Veerabhadra towards the end of the procession. In
gaddelu, Veerabhadra is ritually embodied for the purpose of communicating problems to him,
to which he responds through verbal communication. In voluntary ritual embodiment,
communicating specifically verbal communication is most important. However, during
divine embodiment that took place in jatara, no communication which is verbal in nature was
conversed. What was being communicated to the devotees instead, is the presence of
Veerabhadra. This presence was observed not through audition which is a sensory input, but as
an experience by the dancer and as the process of divine embodiment by the rest.
Divine embodiment becomes the process through which Veerabhadras agency to manifest
himself in the realm of humans is pronounced. At the same time, the importance of the body in
the process of Veerabhadras embodiment is highlighted. This shows that no matter how
powerful the deity is; its power needs a human- material medium to manifest itself. These
manifestations seem to indicate that the boundaries that separate the realm of human and the
realm of deities are interspersed, merge and flow into each other. Therefore, this fragmentation
into different realms, at least in the culture of Veerabhadra is not absolute.
9. Categorizing Veerabhadra
Sontheimer, in his essay, Rudra and Khandoba: Continuity in Folk Religion draws a
distinction between puranic gods and folk deities. The Puranic gods, according to him live in a
distant heaven, like Siva lives in Kailasa, whereas folk deities live amongst human beings and
can be ritually embodied on this earth here and now. Hence, most of the folk deities have
communities that are associated with them. The deities are compared to a king or the head of a
community as their lives are imagined to be similar to lives within the communities that hold
these beliefs. Sontheimer suggests that this is an indication that the followers identify
themselves with the deity. The identification with the deity is also reflected in the attire of the

24

followers, as seen in the emulation of Rudras attire by the Vratyas.53 Veerabhadra is also
understood as a deity who is in the here and now, who can be ritually embodied and has
communities that consider him as their leader and father figure. So, he might fit into the
definition of a folk deity according to Sontheimers definition; but, further enquiry must be
done to see if the definition holds true to Veerabhadra or if the definition needs to be re-thought.
The mention of the story of Veerabhadra in several puranas makes him a puranic deity by
definition. But, the oral narratives, communities, festivals and rituals that form the tradition of
Veerabhadra can be understood as folk traditions, making him a folk deity. While talking
about the traditions of ritual procession in the temple at Muramulla, the former priest at
Muramulla said that Sambaralu are not currently celebrated by the temple authorities. But he
heard that during his fathers time, a family with the surname Dhonthapathulavaallu celebrated
Sambaralu every year at the temple. This is interesting information for scholars who study
culture and religions of South Asia. Sambaralu, jataras, etc., are understood as folk festivals.
The folk and puranic/Sanskritic/Brahmanic traditions are understood as two different
categories. In the above case they clearly overlap, as folk festivals were carried out in a
Brahmanic temple which is a space for puranic deities.
Veerabhadra and his traditions show that these categories need to be rethought. The volatility
of traditions which are continuously changing and evolving lead to a merger of folk and
Brahmanic traditions of Veerabhadra. just as the deity and his narratives shape the culture and
traditions that surround him; the traditions and culture that surround a deity become major
markers in determining the characteristics of a deity.
As the traditions surrounding Veerabhadra change, they in turn change the understandings of
the deity. So, it will be inappropriate to categorize him either as a folk or puranic deity, as he
displays both characteristics being a hybrid deity. This leads one to think whether
Veerabhadra can be called a folk-puranic deity or a puranic-folk deity.
10. Social change
Veeramushtis have another oral narrative that emphasizes their valour and adds another
dimension to their identity:

53

Sontheimer, "Rudra and Khandoba," 87- 113.

25

The princess Vasavi tried to protect herself from a king who was pursuing her. The
Veeramushtis who were warriors in army of the king protected her to reach the site of sacrifice.
She decides to enter the sacrificial fire. The Veeramushtis who accompanied her also jumped
into the sacrificial fire. The princess was an incarnation of Adiparashakti54. Pleased with the
sacrifice of the Veeramushtis, she gave a boon to them. According to it, they must be fed when
they ask to be fed in any village.

This story of the self-mortification of these Veeramushtis is very similar to the story of selfmortification of the ganas in puranas. Self-mortification is a key motif that appears in puranas,
the oral narratives and in the lived traditions. The Veeramushtis of Tapesvaram said that the
practice of visiting villages to eat according to the boon was discontinued as there is limited/no
awareness or keen interest among the general population about this cultural practice. This is an
example of a culture that became more or less extinct where one can clearly observe changing
levels of cultural awareness.
Some Veeramushtis are leaving their kulavrithi55 while some of them are doing other
professions simultaneously in order to have their ends meet. The alternate professions include
performing jatharas of ammavaru56 arranging instruments in ceremonies, dancing in
processions and stage programs, etc. The ministry of culture gives stage performance and street
performance opportunities to perform veeranatya to celebrate the folk dances. The audience
and purpose of these performances is very different from the performance of veeranatya during
jataras. Folk dance is just one element of jatara in which Veeramushtis participate, it is not
the only element. The identity of Veeramushtis shifted from the ones who conduct jataras to
the ones who perform folk dances due to changing cultural contexts.
Their outfit was once a short skirt resembling the attire of Veerabhadra and the ganas. The
attire is one of the ways in which the Veeramushtis imitate and connect to Veerabhadra. It is
now a colourful costume which has a shirt and trousers made of a shiny silk material. This
shows that the factors that determined the aspects of a performance shifted away from being
culture centric. They now thrive on the acceptability to audience. The changes reflect the effort
on the part of Veeramushtis to cope with these changes. These adaptations show that the culture

54

The mother goddess.

Profession as decided by the caste of a community.
56
The goddess.
55

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is re-invented to match its contemporary contexts. So the changes in the cultures are a result of
changes in the contexts in which the culture is present.
One of the major changes that the community underwent is a change of the communitys name
from Veeramushtis to Veerabhadriyas. A government order is also issued to this effect to refer
to the communities as Veerabhadriyas instead of Veeramushtis in all official documents. The
old name Veeramushtis has several oral traditions connected to it and it has a cultural
context attached to it. Despite its cultural context, it was changed as the name mushti also
means begging in Telugu. This resulted in a general sense of shame to Veeramushtis. In the
current space and time, the cultural context and meaning of mushti seems to fade away in
comparison with the general meaning of mushti begging.
Verriyya, a tasha player, who is seventy-seven years old shared his long struggle of resisting
certain changes:
In the past I used a tasha that I prepared myself using the skin of a dead goat. Nowadays
they use plastic tashas. To prepare the tasha we went to a butchers shop and got the
skin of a dead goat. After cleaning it thoroughly by removing the hair, soaking in water,
cleaning it again and drying it in the sun, the skin is taken and fixed to a frame using
natural gum and rope. The frame is made of clay, iron or wood. The instrument made
of dead animal skin gives a different life to the instrument and a sound that is more loud
and lively. The plastic tashas are more durable but its sound is not so rich. A jatara
involves more than one tasha player. The sounds of the plastic and the goat skinned
ones are very different. As the others use plastic tashas, even I am forced to use them.
I asked the directors of cultural ministries to take necessary steps to allow only goat
skinned tashas but they did not pay much attention. Tasha chachipoyindhi (tasha is
dead).
Verriyyas moving interview reflects how certain members resist accepting the changes to the
culture, which are made disregarding the cultural contexts. It also shows that, in this case, a
majority does not seem to have much hesitation to adopt the changes which seem practically
and financially better.

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11. Conclusion
The culture and traditions of Veerabhadra undergo changes as any other social process does.
The nature of these changes reveal the changes in social contexts in which these traditions are
placed. The ever changing, evolving characteristic of culture does not allow defining and
fixating the characteristics of culture, as they operate in a context where several spheres
(cultural, social, economic, etc.,) continuously mingle and influence each other. It will be
appropriate to call this work an analysis and documentation of a historical process.
Though categorizing this under the tag of cultural history will not be inappropriate, it is
important to notice that it studies the social and economic dimensions too. Owing to the
interconnectedness of the world, it will not be possible to separate and study just one aspect of
the process. Veeramushti caste formation is informed by mythological stories and the common
historical consciousness within the tradition. Thus mythology, which is usually understood as
a bad source of history, played a major role in understanding the social identity of Veeramushtis
in specific contexts. The shift of the communitys name from Veeramushtis to Veerabhadriyas
is a marker of continuities and changes in the cultural contexts.
The work highlights the importance of employing the right kind of methodology to study a
culture that is so fluid. Participative knowledge sharing enables one to work with a subject of
such evanescent nature, while implicitly acknowledging the intellectual authority of people of
the tradition. Given the ever evolving and dynamic nature of the subject under study, it becomes
necessary on the part of the researcher to approach the subject without preoccupied notions
about it. It is imperative for researchers who work on the domains of tradition, culture and
orality, to identify suitable theoretical and methodological tools to work with.
The written sources used to understand Veerabhadra and his traditions include puranic texts,
Telugu literary sources and chap books. These texts, which are not necessarily historical
sources, were taken to analyze how the written tradition portrays Veerabhadra. The story of
Veerabhadras creation is taken from the puranic sources. This will help the reader to know at
least one version of the story which is told in multiple ways with no major changes in the plot
and characters. The other two stories, which are not written to faithfully represent history have
content that unintentionally gives away clues to understand either history or the historical
consciousness about the tradition. The unintentionality might make the information taken from
these sources that much authentic, as is evident from examples that were extracted from them.
28

The performative and living traditions are important sources to understand the traditions of
Veerabhadra and their philosophical underpinnings. The belief in some dead children
becoming Veerabhadra shows that there is an acceptance in continued existences of beings.
Divine embodiment of various kinds are observed within the tradition. The kind of
communication in these states can be either verbal or non-verbal. This makes one think if the
main theme being communicated through these divine embodiments is the presence of the
deity.
The first kind of divine embodiment is ritual embodiment, where a medium ritually and
voluntarily embodies Veerabhadra in Veerabhadra gaddelu. The other kind of divine
embodiment is more unpredictable and occurs during ritual processions or jataras of
Veerabhadra. According to the case study of Nagamani where her son embodied a woman in a
bus, it can be seen that embodiment can also happen out of a ritual or sacred space being entirely
random. Usually there is a divide between divine embodiment and spirit embodiment. But in
the traditions of Veerabhadra all these divisions vanish as the spirit becomes the deity and
attains divinity.
The multitude of understandings of the culture imparts multiple understandings to the deity
surrounding which the cultures exist. The people of the culture dont even find the need to
negotiate this multiplicity, as it is commonplace and naturally accepted within this cultural
milieu. These ever changing multiple understandings make it difficult to decide if the deity, in
this case Veerabhadra, is folk or Brahmanic. So this convention of placing the culture and
deities into the aforementioned categories is not entirely verifiable, at least in the case of
Veerabhadra, before redefining these categories to the ever changing processes. Veerabhadra
is a deity who cannot be strictly categorized. He can be called a folk-puranic deity or a puranicfolk deity depending upon the context.
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