Respublica
Atheniensium
The Old Oligarch; being the
Gonstitution of the Athenians
'^"^^*^
JmB*7^?
1
i
i-rjiiif.
OLD OLIGARCH
the constitution of the
;nians ascribed to xenophon
j
JAMES
Basil
One
A.
fetch,
M.A.
blackwelL
oxford
Shilling
fM
THE
OLD OLIGARCH
JAMES
A.
FETCH, M.A.
BASIL BLACKWELL
OXFORD
http://www.archive.org/details/oldoligarchbeingOOxeno
INTRODUCTION
The Constitntion
in
Xenophon
held that
II, 5)
also suggests
Demosthenes
in
'
their
own
country,' the
there
is
period 426-4.
The
problem
of
authorship
is
even
more
obscure.
document were,
Xenophon, he must have written it before he was
eighteen years of age at the most, for he was born in 430
B.C.
but the style, the language and the political expeIf
as tradition asserts,
this
a composi-
tion of
and Critias.
According to
Xenophon Critias was most deeply imbued with hatred
of the commons '.^
The moderate attitude taken up in
the first paragraph of the Constitution suggests that it
might well be a criticism of Critias' strictures. As for
Alcibiades, would he even in 426-4 have written c. II, 20?
Attempts to fasten the work upon some name or other are
perhaps
being
Alcibiades
his
Although Thucydides
(iv,
INtRODUCTION
gathered.
It is clear
one who is
adherence to the anti-democratic cause is repeatedly reinforced by the nature of his references to his political opponents and friends {e.g., c. I, 5). Hence the name of The
Old Oligarch,' with which title our ignorance of the identity
That the Did Oligarch
of the author has to be content.
*
was an Athenian
use of
on
c.
we
this
1,
II,
'
in c.
citizen
I,
12,
nian constitution
may
C. II, 7-8
and 11-12 have been taken as proof that the Old Oligarch
was a merchant, and while once again it is doubtful if much
stress can be laid upon
my (c. II, 11), which may be
merely rhetorical, the inference may gain support from the
mercantile and geographical knowledge displayed in these
passages, though it is difficult to point out anything in them
which an ordinarily intelligent Athenian might not have
thought out for himself. That he was absent from Athens
when he wrote has been inferred from his frequent use
of
there,' and from his references to the Athenians
and to the oligarchs in the third person, but here again it
has been suggested that these latter uses would be explained if this is an oration delivered to a political club in
session at Athens, under which circumstances such an
orientation would not be irrational.
The style of the Old Oligarch is uneven, frequently
involved and obscure, more rarely forceful, incisive and
*
'
sarcastic.
in so far as
word
seem
of
warning
that,
is
At
imperative.
relief
it
it
Here a
might
Old Oligarch
the shortcomings and
praise, the
all
first
sight
The City
Beautiful
after providing
'
an
Thus
men
with muck-rakes.
The
here
of
abstract
Justice,
Truth
ill,
and
Equity;
Equality the
'
The answer
of the democrats
must be looked
for else-
V, 90
^ III,
(trs.
80-2.
Crawley).
INTRODUCTION
even
if
thus there
is
the justi-
fication
justification of the
number of
Such complementary passages however are not numerous or individual enough to prove that
the Old Oligarch and Thucydides were acquainted either
personally or through their respective writings, and that
in such passages there is a conscious reference by one
writer to the other. In modern times Grote, among many
others, has openly contested the verdicts of the Old
view of democracy.
Oligarch
it is customary to
pronounce upon jury-trial, will be found predicable of the
Athenian dikasteries in a still greater degree all the reproaches, which can be addressed on good ground to the
:
modern
juries also,
though
in
"*
n.
i-S
II,
38.
' II,
35-46.
History of Greece, V, pp. 517-8; cf. VI, 51 seq. For his criticism
of the charge of judicial corruption, vide V, 510, note.
8
12
fifth
is
is
it
in
This
Athens.
suggested, to a previous
He
who made the answer took as his objective the demonstration that after all, however hateful democracy might be
to the oligarchs, in its
certain ends.
Athenian form
it
was
efficient for
in
some
thought
in
What
is
sought
is
a means to
enflame for the moment, not a work of reference for perIn spite therefore of these
petuity.
common
criticisms
having
led to the
little
Aristotle.
Further at no place
complete break
in
thought.
It is
is
easy to err
in
considering
is
Who-
INTRODUCTION
13
whether
such
little
is
it
expected
is
apparent, for
of the
As
it
it
'
real
its
much from
and
worth
it.
Once but
interest
be
will
life
Indeed
Murray
de
'
>
'
might be the
'
the
title
of our
own
lator
9
Die
would
best edition
is
of
Out
history.
political epithets
The
'
is
modern
controversial as
Liberals.
It is
hardly
arise
hopeless misunderstanding.
deeply indebted.
The more
pseiidoxcnophontischeAQHN
was as
best element,'
liberality
'
'
recent
monograph
Kalinka
of
Teub-
14
general discussion
StaiU**
Histoire de la Lit-
Murray
History of
Greece
Trs.,
(p.
427)
1894).
Holm History
The
text
Stall,
^^
ford.
torn.
V, Opnscula
Marchant
Ox-
As
in
choos-
ing thus they chose that rascals should fare better than
good
citizens.
This then
is
why
do not approve.
shall
how
show how
How-
well they
are acting where the rest of Greece thinks that they are
going wrong.
Athens the poor
and the commons seem justly to have the advantage
over the well-born and the wealthy for it is the commons
which mans the fleet and has brought the state her
power, and the steersmen and the boatswains and the shipmasters and the lookout-men and the ship-builders these
have brought the state her power much rather than the
infantry and the well-born and the good citizens.
This
it
seems
just
that
all
being so
should have a share in
offices filled by lot or by election, and that any citizen who
wishes should be allowed to speak.
Then in those
(3)
offices which bring security to the whole commons if they
are in the hands of good citizens, but if not ruin, the
commons desires to have no share. They do not think
that they ought to have a share through the lot in the
supreme commands or in the cavalry commands, for the
(2)
First of
all
then
i6
commons
ing
realises that
these offices in
its
it
own
end
is
hold.
of
however whose
benefits the
men
commons does
seek to
Among
to democracy.
little
license
what
is
and
injustice,
worthy, while
among
the
commons
is
there
;
ought
not
speeches or
to
sit
means.
very
is
for poverty
very
is
It
(6)
may
men
as a
turn to
make
But
in
For
good
citizens made speeches and joined in deliberations, good
would result to those like themselves and ill to the democrats.
As it is anyone who wants, a rascally fellow maybe, gets up and makes a speech, and devises what is to
the advantage of himself and those like him.
(7) Someone may ask how such a fellow would know what is tc
the advantage of himself or the commons.
They know
if
the
17
jection.
(10)
is
The
make way
is
of the country.
If
shall tell
it
the
commons
and the
aliens,
superior.
(11)
is
some
and
we may
we must
i8
let
them go
Where
free.^-
me
my
slave
is
my
is
it
no
afraid of you.
If
your slave
is
afraid
own
why
footing of equality.
(13)
tice of athletics
realising that
the other
hand
and music
it
It
is
in
there.
prac-
On
command of ships of
rich who provide choruses
with men to provide the
while the
choruses,
less rich.
as
it
is
citizens
As
own
more
gain.
home
and,
they
know
men must
Jet
them
(^n
if
good
of the
then
them
protect the
is
good
elements
The good
in the
various
cities.
of Athens.
them
them
to death,
citizens of
Athens
to their
citizens, rob
it
19
(15)
It
might be suggested
pay tribute
it
is
the strength
more advantageous
enough to live on, and continue working without having the power to conspire.
(16) The commons of Athens is also thought to be illadvised in compelling the allies to travel to Athens to have
their law-suits tried.
They meet this criticism by reckoning up all the benefits to the Athenian commons that this
involves
first of all the receipt of pay out of the court
the allies and the allies only
home
cities,
round
and protect the party of the commons while they ruin their
opponents in the courts. If each of the allies tried their
law-suits at home, out of hatred for Athenians they would
have destroyed those of their own people most friendly to
the Athenian commons.
(17) In addition the commons of
Athens gains the following advantages from having the
allied law-suits tried at
Athens.
perous, and so
is
the
a couple of hacks or a
20
come
of the alHes.
Above
all
this
if
the
not
to
commons.
(19) Moreover owing
and
appointments they have unconsciously learned to row,
For on a voyage master and man
their attendants too.
must often take an oar and learn the nautical terms.
(20) They become good steersmen by experience of boats
Some get practise by steering a
and by practise.
boat, others by steering a merchant-man, and some go on
The mob however can
to command ships of the line.
go on board and
spent
all
at once set
CHAPTER
11
there
is
will not
tactics
marches up a force on
can
13
sail
Lange
away
inserts
foot.
(5)
always
'
man who
as seems to be required.
own
land,
22
there
result of the
is
command
of the sea.
(8)
their
the
commons
man
is
not able
and
live in
devised a
a city which
way
is
of attaining this.
The
state sacrifices
it
has
many
tlie
it is
the
23
commons which
(10)
So
men have
of the sea
cloth?
their
What
Where
if
will
some
it
dispose of
it
unless
bronze or
it
win the
try)
pass
my
time
in
idle-
city,
coastline there
is
either a
or
other.
lie
mainland.
Athenians lived
some
Thus
off there
of
on
the
the
24
(15)
In
addition there
is
second ground for fear from which they would have been
free
wealth
in
if
they take pity on her they will lose other greater advantages.
25
and working
its
whereas
ruin,
if
any good
is
caricatured
is
not of the
commons
commons
men who
in
useful
rather
worth
Con-
commons
commons
pardon the
itself its democracy, for it is pardonable that everyone
should seek his own interest.
But the man who is not
of the commons yet chose to live in a democratic rather
than in an oligarchical state sought opportunity for wrongdoing, and realized that it was more possible for his
wickness to go unnoticed in a democratic state than in an
are not democratic by nature.
oligarchical.
(20)
CHAPTER
The type
(i)
III
to be a
fit
democracy
in
do
my
means
the
Further
commons
can-
owing
dismiss everybody.
first
of
Greek
How
and
all
state,
and
possible to get
in
state business
through
it
is
less
Secondly they
much
am
hov^'ever
even
if
iuiy
is
27
Furthermore judgments must be given if anyone does not equip his ship, or if someone builds upon
public land
there must be judgments upon appeals by
silver.
(4)
the
to
Well then, you will argue, they ought to give judgment but employ smaller juries. They must surely, unless
they have few courts, have small juries in each.
As a
result it will be easy to trick the small jury and bribe them
to give much less just decisions.
(8) Moreover you must
remember that the Athenians have to hold festivals also,
in the course of which the courts cannot sit.
They hold
(7)
twice as
many
but
28
how
away
this
state of things at
present, unless
matters stand,
is
it
and add
possible in
that.
It is
not possible to
it is
at
to take
make many
democracy of power.
(9) It is possible to devise many ways of improving the
constitution, but to leave the denfiocracy in existence and
yet devise adequate ways of introducing better government
is not easy, unless, as I said just now, it is by way of
robbing
without
alterations
the
to be
ill
They do
this
advised
in cities
If
they
sided with the better elements they would not side with
who
those
city
but
is
in
mons
hold the
same opinions
as themselves, for in no
like
is
well inclined
This then
like.
is
why
no
commons,
to the com-
profit
it
the Athenians
(11)
As often
commons was
slavery,
The MSS.
Athenian'! are
are
ill
obviously
advi^'sed
wrong
etc,'
in
giving
'
think
that
the
ig
It
administration,
unjust
is
are
the
Considering this
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Xenophon Respublica
Atheniensium
The Old Oligarch; being the
Constitution of the Athenians;
tr. with an introduction byJames A, Fetch