HI>
G MA: [just ad 2 cOmment about the: um PROtestes, 99
“This extract shows the matching of voice quality during a telephone opening
sequence. The vocals iparates the three-part opening from surrounding
“ts Marie changes into a neutral setting for her next turn (ine 6); Like
‘her forms of prosodic matching, continuing a vocal setting for the
Sf an adjacency pair is often the default case, while prosodic nor-alignmen
stich contexts. Marching
‘noticeable absence
«above typically oce
next turn agreements
itself contributes to the design of a next turn as closely connected to a
treated by participants
FURTHER READING
General descriptions of voice quality can be fo
p. 19-22, 328-32), Honk
30/2009, 1994,
(2004).
‘Several scio-phonetcians have researched the role of v0
example Coadou (2
the display of emotions
Outlook:
Future Issues in
Research on
Prosody in
Conversation
have attempted 10 give an
guistic knowledge of conversation
time, loudness and voice quality.
which many basic ga
duced here, interactional linguists are
rosody and tal.
concerned with explor-
juence organisation and
Since the fist studies investigated the role
years ago, research in this field has been pred
ing thtee areas: the role of prosody for eu
individual conversational actions.
“Tumn-taking is accomplished through orientation co a number of linguistic
and other interactional cues: por
icipanss’ timing of their
accents have», West Midlands English, che pot
“valley. They come to the concls
ich accents take the shape of api cht
while participants seem to orient to the presence ofa final
ae ela kel
not necessarily predictable.
This finding repeats an earlcr, very important aspect of research on prosody
n-taking, concerning the issue of differences in languages and linguistic
varieties. For example, Local et al, (1986) show that che prosodic cues for tuen
completion in Tyneside English specifically is slowing down in speech
rate; a sudden inerease and subseq Toudness on the final stressed
thening of the inal
a step-up or 2
prsehtsmiar work on London jarican Engh
and Peppé (1996) describe prosodic cues for tum-taking in Ulster English, All
three pieces emphasise the nature of prosodic turn-taking cues as cl
prosodic features, rather than individual sig
that, provided a stretch of tal
ts that, although some intonation
interactional practices, such as ‘complet
concepts do not necessarily have to refer to turn-t
and incerpret a certain prosodic
and a narrative sequence in another. They may also be designi
‘incomplete’ in terms of their own state of knowledge, although it may well be
‘treated a8 a complete turn, with a speaker transition fllo
‘When it comes to the role of prosody for sequence organization, research has
‘most fundamental decisions participants have to make on
a next turn continuing what was done before
sion, prosody sce a particularly sig
shn Local (1992) describes participants’ interruptions of their
that follows them,
which the aborted curn was left. In contrast, those
tases in which participants abandon the previous project and start agnin are
characterised by a higher pitch onset than the one at which the previous turn
‘was abandoned.
fidence for the role of pitch in designing talk
sinuing is provided by Couper-Kuhlen (2004), summari
She describes how participants use a sudden increase
‘when they begin a new conversational sequence and coi
and Joudness levels when they are continuing a previous sequence.
‘Szczepek Reed (2009), summarised in Chapter 8.3.2, shows that high pitch
and increased loudness does not always design talk as new ot noticeably
ourtoox _2at
different. From this work it seems that ‘newness’ is prosodically achieved by
doing something prosodically new compared to, for example, a previous speaket
IF that previous speaker used high pitch a
pant’ use of those prosodic features does not
as starting something new. Instead, participa
rather than their employment of specific pa
main determining factor.
‘The prosody of specific conversational actions has been a third area of study.
for interactional linguists, and a very broad one indeed. Numerous studies have
bing the precise prosodic characterst ional
orientation to prosody,
ns, appears once again as dhe
20012); reported speech (Couper-Kublen 1996a, 1999: Kiewit and Couper=
Kuhl }; and questions and answers (Couper-Kulen and Auer, 1991
1 1992b; Ford eta, 2004; Couper-Kuhlen, forthcoming), ro name only
(Our understanding of any of these areas ~ prosody and turn-taking, sequenes
organisation and single conversational actions ~ is still far from complete, and it
is therefore necessary for research to continue exploring these issues. However,
as the majority of discourse-related language study bas moved towards a largely
undisputed acceprance of the importance of prosody for interaction, the
ing years and decades will also enable analysts of conve
specifically functional
1¢ only aspect of language and interaction
rosody is also a language-s
of long and short
and syncax (such as in the
1 for other aspects of social
such asthe display of
prosody always fulfils a m
tions falflled exclusively by prosod
aware of, and sensi
eres of prosodic influen
the role of prosody for interaction will remain a fruit
‘of future study for some time, there is further uncharted territory in
Up to now, most interactional linguistic research has been
the conversation-analytic approach to the study of
inceraction. However, one could also imagine an application of
ions, but rarely are any of th
challenges for future research.
to, the multilayered combiAnswers to Exercises
jugh linguistic introspection and
jons and perspectives of those who
EXERCISE 3.1
tus something about participant’ ways of
packaging of an uter-
Intonation phrases
ly complete unit, as an intonation
something about the kinds of utterances
ff investigation of lan-
approach gains
implications to
f prosody asa resource
y, affect and stance.
inthe local organisation
by seu linguists are also greatly EXERCISE 3.2
affected by prosody. As our anding of the role of prosody for local turn
land sequence organisation grows, students of discourse from a variety of dis- Stressed syllables
ill be better equipped to turn to some of the wider aspects of social
‘how are they all alike /
is glass and the
EXERCISE 3.3
Pitch accentshow are they al alike,
they are all forms of water.
this ice here of course is water -
Told you there was water
and you have all seen water boil at home -
so you are familiar with steam.
EXERCISE 3.4
‘SBC047 On the lot
1 Fred: and on my proDUCtion cards
2 (0.8)
sec;
the 4AY before YESterday.
i did ICE cream.
RIGHT.
BALian,
uh,
and you gOrta PACK those;
in CAses;
nd SO like~ e
1 dda put hac down om my proDUCdion ar
_ [hOw many CAses
you PACKED;
chh
I don'e KNOW mAn:
ers ro cents __ al
25 0.3)
26 i PACKED two PALIets,
27 (037)
28 YOU know:
29 (0.43)
30 T don't know how many (0.12) CAses [tha Is bu;
31 Richarc: (uh)
32 Fred: shhh
33 YOU know that-
34 (3)
35 "THAT shit was HEAVY man,
EXERCISE 4.1
A book about death
1 Darryl: you have NO idEa:
2 ‘what happens beFORE or AFter.
3 (2.52)
4 < an exPLORers>eee
32 Darryl < YEAH:>
you KNOW?=
< Oh my GO:D;
HONey;
HOW come you've been;
KEEPing all this in{SEDE;>
EXERCISE 5.1
Hey cutie pie
1 Jeff: so was thatall the DRAma?
2 (0.22)
3 ilk ech
4 < to 1Ondon and PARis~
ive been in < SUN vAlley -
TUCSO:n - >
< ive been-
and mOnTANa:>
SEATie;
iLIKED searde a LOT.
m(hm,
[-< WAIT asccond.
T thought this w- guy t- was was MARried.>
: RON.
RON,
he’s MAReied RIGHT,
(0.26)
21 Lajua: thAes DARren.
EXERCISE 8.2
‘Oh you need a breadbox
1 Cindy: did ub (Andy) <- POct?
‘or SOMEthing?
that DID the VERSE,
hhh
that your MOM really liked?
wh was
whem -
- SHARE i
5 with
6 032)
7 Fred: YEAH:
8 054)
9 hb
10
we arey-
are yOU < YEAH
youre [< YEAH,>
[NINE to NINE?
[< DEFiniteys
NINE to NINE>
WELLIm-
IFT wAne,
[HELen (0.19) KELLer RICE.
ANSWERS TO EXERCISES 233
EXERCISE 9.2
‘This retirement bit
1 Doris isyour CIGarette OUt~
2 (0.31)
EverybOdy's-
< NO GOOD.>
EXERCISE 10.1
Hey Cutie Pie
1 Jeff you knOw what i just REslized?
2 Jill: twhae -(234 __ ANSWERS TO EXERCISES
[she LOOKED at me,
she's wAlking dOwn the STAIRS?
‘<