1

From the earliest days of the City of New York, when pigs were run through the streets to eat the
garbage, water mains were made of hollowed out logs, and River Pirates and Street Gangs controlled
City politics, urban surface transportation has been a major challenge.

The first form of public surface transit was the "Omnibus", essentially a scaled up stage coach, which
plied the streets of lower Manhattan, and sometimes forayed as far north as the bucolic farming hamlet
of Harlem.

The ride in the Omnibus was awful- if your bones werent being shaken apart by the constant vibration
of uneven cobblestones under wheel on the few streets that were paved, then chances were you would
be sullied by the mud and muck being slung around by the rotation of wheels in the "perma-ooze" (an
ankle deep combination of mud, human and animal waste) which permeated and coated the largely
unpaved roads north of Chambers Street. Almost needless to point out, travel was extremely, extremely
slow.

There had to be a better way...

During the earliest years of the 19th century, British coal producers realized that the work output
(energy efficiency) of a typical two horse team used to haul coal laden carts from the mines, could be
increased by many orders of magnitude, by laying wooden longitudinal beams a fixed distance apart, the
wood beams being capped with continuous thin wrought iron strap as a very low friction wearing
surface (hence termed "rails"), and fitting flanges on the cart wheels to form a fixed- guide- way
vehicle system (railway). d
t


In 1832, NYC's first railway, the New York & Harlem River Railroad (NY&HRR), became the world's first
streetcar operator. The first streetcar in New York City was built by John H. Stephenson, a former
Omnibus manufacturer. The streetcar was given the name "John Mason", after the President of the
NY&HRR. It was quickly noticed that building lots along the streetcar route were far more desirable from
an economic point of view, and that development of New York City (only the borough of Manhattan , at
that time)marched northward as the streetcar tracks were steadily extended.
In 1854, the then separate City of Brooklyn absorbed the City of Williamsburg and the Town of Bushwick.
The same year the Brooklyn City Rail Road (BCRR) was founded with an original route through
downtown and central Brooklyn, and soon added new main lines both north and south along Brooklyns
East River waterfront.
n 1872, an equine influenza virus called The Great Epizootic hobbled all horse dependent

transportation in the United States and Canada. This meant all urban transportation completely
stopped. In a few weeks, the epidemic burned itself out, and vast majority of the horses completely
recovered, but it became clear that a mechanical mode of urban transportation was an urgent necessity.
Andrew Smith Hallidie tested the first cable car at 4 o'clock in the morning, August 2nd, 1873, on Clay
Street, in San Francisco. Until the advent of practical electric traction in the 1890s, cable cars were all the
rage in New York City (Manhattan). dD
^WThey didnt get sick, didnt need food, and didnt sleep.
However, cable cars, which were pulled along by a moving wire rope (12 mph) and mechanical pulley system
in an underground conduit between the rails, did require a 4- 5 foot deep underground infrastructure
installation, which was extremely expensive to build, and highly labor intensive to maintain. However, the
mass transit and Transit Oriented Development benefits were found to far outweigh the financial cost of
the cable car system.

In 1873, a little more than a decade after removal of the Long Island Rail Roads Brooklyn terminal to
,W>ng Island City, the first streetcar company in Hunters Point
began operation, the Astoria and Hunters Point Railroad. This streetcar company was owned
and personally operated by a notorious thug who also happened to be the Mayor of Hunters Point, one
Patrick Jerome Battle-Axe Gleason. Gleason both drove the horse drawn streetcar, and simultaneously
served as its conductor, collecting fares. When a passenger failed to pay, or slipped in a wooden
nickel, Gleason took great cheer in personally ejecting and horsewhipping the fare evader.
Typically, a 19th century streetcar franchise called for a nickel fare (5 cents per trip), and required the
streetcar company to physically maintain the roadway between the rails, clean the street between the
rails, and remove snow from the tracks. In exchange, streetcar franchises were perpetual meaning
they never expired, and could not be revoked, except under the direst of circumstances. Technically
ranchises were to be awarded by the City Council, with the concurrence of the Mayor. During the post
civil war era, the NYC (Manhattan) Board of Alderman (City Council) dominated by William Marcy
Boss Tweed was commonly known as the Forty Thieves. As one might imagine, these streetcar
franchises and political patronage in general, became the main focus of ire emanating from the political
Reform Movement.
By the mid 1890s, Manhattans cable car lines were electrified using African American inventor Granville T.
Woodss conduit streetcar power distribution system, wherein between the rails, the existing
wire ropes and pulleys were stripped from the underground conduits, and replaced with a pair of electric
conductor bars which carried 600 volts Direct Current. The mechanical grips within the cable cars, by
which the vehicle grabb the moving wire rope under the street,
were removed and replaced by a plow, which was a wooden board fitted with wiring which was carried
under the streetcar, and made electrical contact with the two conductor bars inside the underground power
conduit. Between the running rails, there was an open longitudinal slot rail, through which the grip and
later the plow passed through the surface of the street, and entered into power conduit.
Similarly, by the time of the consolidation of what are now the outer boroughs into the City of Greater New
York in 1898, streetcar lines in the outer boroughs were electrified with the far less expensive to build and

maintain overhead trolley wire system, which was crudely invented by Charles Joseph Van Depoele circa
1883, and later perfected by Granville T. Woods. Manhattan was barred from the use of the commonly used
overhead trolley wire system as fallout of the Great Blizzard of 1888. By subsequent legislative act of the NY
City Council, all above ground wiring was banned, and had
to be relocated underground. The ban against Manhattan streetcar overhead trolley wire wasnt repealed by
the NY City Council, until the late 1970s when an omnibus repeal of arcane laws was enacted, such as
carrying a concealed pea shooter, or carrying a spoon in your left coat pocket.
However, a handful of horse drawn streetcar lines survived on lightly used Manhattan routes well into the
pre World War I era.
In 1907 for example, New York City had 7,712 streetcars operating on 1,413 miles of track, at a five borough
average headway of 5.2 streetcars per mile. In Brooklyn for example, average streetcar speed (including
boarding/alighting dwell time and traffic signal delay) was about 8 mph in mixed traffic, while on Staten
Island, where streetcars largely had dedicated right of way, streetcar speed averaged about 21 mph.
So what happened?
World War I caused a worldwide economic inflationary upheaval. In order to help pay off the war debt, U.S.
currency was allowed to wildly inflate. For example, before WWI, an average laborer was paid about $1.20
per day. After WWI, labor cost increased by an entire order of magnitude, to roughly $1.00 per hour. The
private streetcar operators were limited by their City franchises to a 5 cent fare, which couldnt possibly
cover the newly inflated labor, material, and energy costs. The companies pleaded for a fare increase to
seven cents. City government replied with a resounding No*.
Then, the h^streetcar industry responded with a new type of streetcar vehicle dubbed
the PCC. Because of its unique design, it carried more passengers at a greater average speed, in greater
comfort, cut labor costs in half, and greatly reduced electric power consumption as it spent most its time
coasting. However, the advent of the PCC streetcar didnt come soon enough to save the Manhattan streetcar
system, which has the sad distinction of becoming the very first victim of the well known and well
documented National City Lines E>Anti- Streetcar Conspiracy
NYCs nearly sainted Mayor Fiorella LaGuardia told the Third Avenue Railway Company, which inherited all
Manhattan and Bronx streetcar operations, that he would let them have a fare increase, provided they
agreed to remove streetcars, and replace them with buses. Coincidentally, the only U.S. manufacturer of city
transit buses at that time was General Motors. The primary manufacturer of city transit bus tires was
Firestone Rubber, and the primary supplier of bus fuel was Standard Oil and its sister oil company holdings,
which Standard had to maintain as separate entities, due to antitrust laws
Interestingly, when DLaGuardia converted other private Ezstreetcar lines directly to municipal
ownershipE>, he immediately imposed a 10 cent fare.

*Its noteworthy that the underlying NY State law that required NYC streetcar fares be limited to five cents,
and other onerous State regulations relevant to streetcars, were serendipitously swept away by Chapter 500
of the Laws of New York, 1993.

4
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12

13

BENEFITS OF A STREETCAR LINE: Land Use, Community Coherence & Economic

Revitalization.
The following are selections from the book: Seven Rules for Sustainable Communities
Design Strategies for the Post- Carbon World, by Patrick M. Condon, 2010:
SEVEN RULES FOR SUSTAINABLE, LOW-CARBON COMMUNITIES - Rule # 1:
RESTORE THE STREETCAR CITY
The North American city was and is a streetcar city. Streetcar cities are characterized by easy
access to transit, a wide variety of house types, and services and job sites very close at
handthe exact elements of a sustainable city. We have largely ignored this fact. It needs
rediscovering. (pg 14)
THE STREETCAR CITY AS A UNIFYING PRINCIPLE
The streetcar city principle is not about the streetcar itself, it is about the system of which
that the streetcar is a part. It is about the sustainable relationship between land use, walking,
and transportation that streetcar cities embody. The streetcar city principle combines at least
four of the design rules discussed in the following chapters: (1) an interconnected street
system, (2) a diversity of housing types, (3) a five-minute walking distance to commercial
services and transit, and (4) good jobs close to affordable homes. For this reason, it is
offered as the first of the rules and as a "meta rule" for sustainable, low-carbon community
development. (pg 20)
CONTINUOUS LINEAR CORRIDORS, NOT STAND-ALONE NODES
Linear public space is the defining social and spatial characteristic of the streetcar city This
obvious fact has been ignored at best and derided at worst. Most planning, urban design, and
economic development experts favor strategies that ignore corridors in favor of discrete and
identifiable places, key urban "nodes" in planning terms. Their plans focus most often on an
identified "downtown" or a key transportation locus, while the thousands of miles of earlytwentieth-century streetcar arterials are either allowed to languish or blithely sacrificed for
parking lots. Yet, very few of us live within walking distance of a "node," whereas most of
us live within a reasonable walk of a corridor, however gruesome it may now be. (pg 25)
Getting people onto transit will not help defeat global warming unless we can find a way to
radically decrease the average daily demand for motorized travel of any kind and the permile GHG consequences of each trip. Community districts that are complete and that favor
short trips over long ones seem an obvious part of the solution. Inexpensive short-haul zero
carbon transit vehicles, such as trolley buses and especially streetcars, are a likely feature of
a low-energy, low-travel demand solution. (pg 30)
Precious few cities seem to "get it" in this respect. Portland, again, is the exception. Portland

14
is the only U.S city to have made a serious effort to restore its streetcar system. The results
could not be more promising. Jobs, housing, and new commercial services are flocking to
the line, making the community that much more complete and thus incrementally reducing
aggregate per capita trip demand. In Portland, jobs, housing, clubs, and commercial services
are coming closer together A ten-minute ride on the Portland streetcar gets you where you
want to go. Its speed between these points is irrelevant.
STREETCAR AS AN URBAN INVESTMENT
Most discussions of streetcar focus solely on transit issues, but the implications are much
wider. Streetcars stimulate investment and buses don't. This has been powerfully
demonstrated in Portland, where the introduction of a modern streetcar line spurred the highdensity development that helped the City of Portland recoup construction costs through
significantly increased tax revenues. Between 1997 and 2005, the density of development
immediately adjacent to the new streetcar line increased dramatically. Within two blocks of
the streetcar line, $2.28 billion was invested [Editor's Note: a total of $3.5 billion through a
six block wide corridor centered along the streetcar tracks], representing over 7,200 [ibid
10,212] new residential units and 4.6 million [ibid 5.5 million] square feet of additional
commercial [office, institutional, retail, hotel] space; even more impressive, new
development within only one block of the streetcar line accounted for 55 percent of all new
development within the city's core. To put this in perspective, prior to construction of the
new streetcar line, land located within one block of the proposed route captured only 19 percent of all development. (Pg 33)
Most attribute this impressive increase in investment to the presence of the streetcar line.
Developers for the new South Waterfront development at the other end of the downtown
from the Pearl District would not proceed before the city guaranteed to extend the streetcar
line to the site. These developers, the same ones who had created the highly successful
streetcar serving Pearl District, knew from experience how important the streetcar is to
success. If the free market tells us anything at all in this case, it is that the economics of the
streetcar, when the value of new investment is included, is much more cost effective than an
investment in rubber-wheeled diesel buses or heavy transit. (Pg 34)
The Basic Principals of Transit Oriented Development
Portland's recent multi billion dollar streetcar line land development experience, speaks
particularly, about a concept known as "Transit Oriented Development", or "TOD". Let's
take a quick look at what "TOD-ness" means, as well as the "TOD- Index". For this, we
refer to extracts from: TCRP Report 95, TRB, Chapter 17
Objectives of Transit Oriented Development (excerpts from TCRP Report 95, pg 17-2, 173):
TOD projects potentially involve a wider variety of stakeholders than other development
projects, reflecting in part the more extensive involvement of transit agencies and
government funding sources. TOD stakeholders may have a wide range of complementary

15
or competing objectives. Travel-related objectives include:
1. Increasing the opportunities for residents and workers to meet daily needs by taking
transit or walking.
2. Attracting new riders to public transit, including so-called "choice" ridersriders
who could otherwise choose to drive.
3. Shifting the transit station mode of access to be less reliant on park-and-ride and
more oriented to walking.
4. Reducing the automobile ownership, vehicular traffic, and associated parking
requirements that would otherwise be necessary to support a similar level of more
traditional development.
5. Enhancing the environment, through reduced emissions and energy consumption
derived from shifts in commuting, other trip making, and station access to
environmentally friendly travel modes.
Non-transportation objectives may include providing desirable and affordable housing
choices, enhancing sense of community and quality of life, supporting economic
development or revitalization, shifting development from sensitive areas, minimizing
infrastructure costs, and reducing sprawl.
Clich here for more information on Transit Oriented Development
The Environmental and Economic Advantages of a Streetcar line over other transit
modes:
As stated in the Seven Rules for Sustainable Communities Design, we have already read (pg
30) that streetcars have ZERO spot emissions. Furthermore, according to the graph on pg 37
entitled "Life Cycle Carbon Emissions per Passenger Mile", the streetcar comes in at the
very lowest carbon lifecycle, of all transportation modes, at 32.59. Note that "Bus Rapid
Transit" (BRT) comes in high, at 201.40. This is because the streetcar uses the least possible
amount of energy. Note that in NYC, streetcar carbon figures would be even lower, as much
of our power is derived from hydro-electric sources, rather than coal.
Next, lets address an obvious question: Why Build A Streetcar line rather than a simple
bus?
Many decision makers fall into the trap of thinking of a streetcar line in terms of "existing
ridership justification", and thereby not understanding the basic underlying concept of what
any railway does- A properly placed and well designed streetcar line creates its own demand
!!
As the General Manager of the San Francisco transit authority "MUNI" said it back in 2001,
"People Who Wouldn't Ride A Bus Will Ride A Streetcar"- (Michael T. Burns, quoted in
Railway Age, May, 2001, pg 45). This comment was made regarding a San Francisco
electric bus line that was converted to the Embarcadero Streetcar (F Line) circa 1995- the
ridership instantly DOUBLED! (and ridership has kept increasing to the present !)

16

As for Capital Costs, according to the graph "Total Capital Cost Per Passenger Mile" (pg
37), the streetcar comes in at a mere 71 cents ($0.71) per Passenger Mile. Note that "Bus
Rapid Transit" (BRT) comes in at a hefty $1.12, fully 1.6 times greater than streetcar!
Streetcar Vs. Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) - results of an award winning DC streetcar
study:
The recent award winning DC streetcar study states that Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) doesn't
make the cut, The study determined that the streetcar is far superior in terms of cost-tobenefit ratio, and local economic development. The D.C. study determined:
"In terms of taxpayers dollars, the streetcar offers a better ratio of benefits to costs
compared to Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) or Light Transit. While BRT is less expensive to
implement, it does not generate the real estate investments to the same degree that streetcars
can. While light rail can produce similar benefits to streetcars, implementation costs are
many times more than that of streetcar. Further details can be found here.

17

Objectives of Transit Oriented Development (excerpts from TCRP Report 95)

Portland's recent multi billion dollar streetcar line land development experience, speaks
particularly, about a concept known as "Transit Oriented Development", or "TOD". Let's
take a quick look at what "TOD-ness" means, as well as the "TOD- Index". For this, we
refer to extracts from: TCRP Report 95, TRB, Chapter 17:
Objectives of Transit Oriented Development (excerpts from TCRP Report 95, pg 172, 17-3):
TOD projects potentially involve a wider variety of stakeholders than other development
projects, reflecting in part the more extensive involvement of transit agencies and
government funding sources. TOD stakeholders may have a wide range of
complementary or competing objectives. Travel-related objectives include:
1. Increasing the opportunities for residents and workers to meet daily needs by
taking transit or walking.
2. Attracting new riders to public transit, including so-called "choice" ridersriders
who could otherwise choose to drive.
3. Shifting the transit station mode of access to be less reliant on park-and-ride and
more oriented to walking.
4. Reducing the automobile ownership, vehicular traffic, and associated parking
requirements that would otherwise be necessary to support a similar level of more
traditional development.
5. Enhancing the environment, through reduced emissions and energy consumption
derived from shifts in commuting, other trip making, and station access to
environmentally friendly travel modes.
Non-transportation objectives may include providing desirable and affordable housing
choices, enhancing sense of community and quality of life, supporting economic
development or revitalization, shifting development from sensitive areas, minimizing
infrastructure costs, and reducing sprawl.
Suggested values for essential indicators of a "TOD Index" to describe development
project "TODness" (excerpts from pg 17-9, 17-10, see also Tables 17-44 and 17-45):
6. Centrally located transit with walking distances no more than 1/4 to 1/2 mile.
7. Superior walkability with small blocks and pedestrian traffic management
priority.
8. Extended hours of highly-reliable transit service at 5- to 15-minute intervals.
9. Land use mix to meet daily needs paired with good transit connectivity to other
activities.
10.
Density sufficient to support cost-effective transit, retail services, and
infrastructure.

18
11.

Managed parking with reduced supply relative to standard development.

Table 17-44 The TOD IndexEssential Indicators:

Centrally Located Transit
Development surrounds the transit station/stop and its primary edge is within 5 minutes
or about 0.25 miles of the transit node. Very high quality transit service may support a
10-minute (0.50 mile) walk catchment area. (See"Underlying Traveler Response
Factors""Land Use and Site Design").
Pedestrian Priority
Block perimeter lengths are walkable (no more than 0.25 miles). By way of example,
blocks in downtown Portland are 200 feet on a side (0.15 miles perimeter). Walkways are
direct and attractive and buildings are sidewalk-oriented. Moving people rather than cars
should be the traffic management priority, with easy street crossings, short signal cycle
lengths, right-turn-on-red prohibitions. Lack of street connectivity can lead to much
longer walking distances as compared to airline distances. (See "Land Use and Site
Design" and case study, "Travel Findings for Individual Portland, Oregon, Area TODs").
High-Quality Transit
Frequent, highly-reliable, and comfortable transit service is provided. Most Transit TODs
have very high frequency service during the peak (headways of 5 to 8 minutes or less).
Good off-peak service should also be provided to make life without an automobile not
only possible, but easy (headways of 15 minutes or less). (See "Underlying Traveler
Response Factors""Transit Service Characteristics").
Mix of Uses
Development has elements that create a self-sufficient community where daily needs
such as grocery shopping can be accomplished without need for a car and preferably by
walking. Transit can provide connectivity to some uses not present in the community, but
located close at hand to stops along the primary transit line, such as jobs, entertainment,
and destination retail. (See "Response by TOD Dimension and Strategy""Response to
TOD by Land Use Mix").
Supportive Density
Density is sufficient to enable cost-effective transit service and infrastructure provision,
create a market supportive of utility retail, and keep local attractions and destinations
within short walking distances. High densities are associated with numerous aspects of
TOD success. Residential density guidelines for TOD in Portland, Oregon, as an
example, range from 12 to 30 units per acre depending on distance from the station and
primary transit mode. In the Puget Sound Region, an employment density guideline of 50
jobs per gross acre is suggested to support LRT TOD (Cervero et al., 2004). (See also
"Underlying Traveler Response Factors""Land Use and Site Design""TODSupportive Density" and in Chapter 15, "Related Information and Impacts""Transit
Service Feasibility Guidelines""Density Thresholds for Transit Service" including
Tables 15-48 and 15-49.)

19

Parking Management
Parking minimums are avoided, parking maximums are encouraged, and parking costs
are charged to users. Parking requirements are reduced from those of standard
development to account for and encourage more transit and walking and take advantage
of shared parking opportunities. Structured parking, satellite parking, underground
parking, and parking with street-facing office or retail uses are among the techniques
employed to avoid dead blocks and enable clear walking paths providing visibility of the
transit station. (See also "Underlying Traveler Response Factors""Parking Supply" and
"Parking Pricing and Transit Support").
Table 17-45 The TOD IndexSupportive Indicators:
Street Widths and Driveways
Streets and walks are scaled to pedestrian comfort and convenience. Overly wide streets
and intersections, along with parking between sidewalks and buildings with its associated
driveways, can discourage pedestrian trips. Some TODs incorporate narrower streets on
the basis of the motorized trip reduction benefits of the TOD itself and/or pedestrian
preference policy.
Roadway Access
Good highway access is provided, especially for suburban TODs, to yield sufficient
customers for vibrant retail. However, when highway access serves the same travel
market as a TOD's transit service, particular attention needs to be paid to parking
management to ensure transit is competitive.
Housing Types
A diversity of housing types is incorporated to accommodate residents of different
income levels. Inclusion of below-market-rate housing can support higher levels of
transit ridership. Lower income residents may be more inclined to forgo ownership of
automobiles and use the TOD's transit services.
Ground Floor Transparency
Numerous windows on the ground floor of development are incorporated to create
inviting, active, friendly, and defensible pedestrian spaces. Windows on the transit node
and its approaches should desirably include 24-hour uses. People may be willing to walk
longer distances when the trip is safe, convenient, and interesting (Snohomish County,
1999; Hendricks, 2005).
Car Sharing
Occasional access to automobiles is facilitated through organized car sharing. Such an
approach can reduce the need for automobile ownership, leading to a variety of TOD
benefits: fewer parking spaces required, higher transit mode share, lower vehicle miles of
travel, and greater support for local retail. Car sharing ratios of one car per 20 subscribers
have been used.
Transit Support

20
Transit pass programs and other Travel Demand Management (TDM) measures are
applied to tip the balance toward transit, walking, and cycling for TOD residents and
workers. Free transit passes may be made part of sales packages to better attract those
who will use transit, particularly where the commanding travel advantages of typical
HRT or CRR in a central-place city/region are lacking, as with certain LRT, BRT, and
conventional-bus oriented TODs.
A pertinent reminder at this juncture is to note once again the interactive nature of factors
affecting TOD performance (Hendricks, 2006). It follows that the essential and the
supportive indicators proposed in the TOD Index describe characteristics that may work
together supportively as well as individually. These characteristics will also interact with
factors that are not inherently transportation-related. Previously discussed evidence
suggests that such interaction may well be synergistic, leadingwith carefully balanced
selection of characteristicsto enhanced effectiveness for sensitively designed and
implemented TOD.

21

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Andrew Smith Halladie

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57.6

Pneumatic Tire Road Vehicle

Energy
Demand%
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ADJUSTED FOR
MECHANICAL
FRICTION
Note:
1 kwh:3.6MJ:
3,413 BTU/hour

10

2.88

Rail Vehicle, Steel Wheels

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Generic Curve Representing Starting Energy Demand
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Fractional .Hysteretic Energy Loss

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11

The ,contact Print 11 of a 22.5' x 8.25 Truck Tire (a), Compared to a 27'' Bi
cycle Tire (b)- and a Typical 35 "' Steel Raifway Wheel (c)
1

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