The Pontic-Danubian Realm

in the Period of the Great Migration

ARHEOLOKI INSTITUT
BEOGRAD

POSEBNA IZDANJA, KNJIGA 51

COLLGE DE FRANCE CNRS

C E N T R E D E R E C H E RC H E DH I S TO I R E
E T C I V I L I S AT I O N D E B Y Z A N C E

MONOGRAPHIES 36

The Pontic-Danubian Realm

in the Period of the Great Migration
edited by

Vujadin Ivanievi&Michel Kazanski

ParisBeograd
2012

Published with a support of the

Ministry of Education and Science of Republic of Serbia
(Project n 177021)

ii :

Association des amis du Centre dhistoire et civilisation de Byzance (ACHCByz) 2010

52 rue du Cardinal-Lemoine 75005 Paris
ACHCByz

Arheoloki Institut Beograd

ISBN978-2-916716-31-2978-86-80093-78-9
ISSN0751-0594
Composition et infographie
Artyom Ter-Markosyan-Vardanyan

Suivi de la publication
Emmanuelle Capet

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Vujadin Ivanievi, Michel Kazanski. Prface ..................................................... 7

I. The Balkans and the Middle Danube

Ivan Bugarski. Occupation of the south Pannonian soil during Antiquity
and the Migration period: ajkaka revisited ....................................... 11
Perica pehar. The Danubian limes between Lederata and Aquae during the
Migration period ................................................................................ 35
Vujadin Ivanievi. Barbarian settlements in the interior of Illyricum:
The case of Cariin Grad ..................................................................... 57
Tina Milavec. Late Antique settlements in Slovenia after the year 600 ............ 71
Federico Montinaro. Byzantium and the Slavs in the reign of Justinian:
Comparing the two recensions of Procopiuss Buildings ....................... 89
Jaroslav Tejral. Cultural or ethnic changes? Continuity and discontinuity
on the Middle Danube ca A.D.500 .................................................... 115
Zuzana Loskotova. An early- 5th-century skeleton grave with
gold neck-ring from Charvty (Moravia) ............................................ 189
Eszter Horvath. Cloisonn jewellery from the Langobardic Pannonia:
Technological evidence of workshop practice ...................................... 207
Dieter Quast. Martial writers Intellectual warriors: Remarks on a group
of Late Antique male graves ................................................................ 243

II. The Occident

Joan Pinar Gil. Ponto-Danubian traditions of dress in early Visigothic
Hispania: Chronology, dissemination, contexts and evolution............. 265
Eduard Droberjar. A propos des contacts entre lempire dOrient
et les Germains de lElbe au viesicle .................................................. 297
Dieter Quast. The Alamanni and Byzantium from the 5th to the 7th century ....... 317

III. The Northern Pontus

Aleksandr Ermolin. Durga-Oba a cemetery of the Great Migration period
in the Cimmerian Bosporus ................................................................ 339
Damien Glad. The Empires influence on the barbarian elites from the Pontic
region to the Rhine (5th-7th centuries): A case study of lamellar
weapons and segmental helmet ........................................................... 349
Alekse Fourassiev. Byzance et la Crime du Sud-Ouest au viesicle:
relations culturelles et particularits du costume fminin ..................... 363
Michel Kazanski. Radaigaise et la fin de la civilisation de ernjahov ............... 381

THE ALAMANNI AND BYZANTIUM

FROM THE 5th TO THE 7th CENTURY*
Dieter Quast

I.Introduction
No written sources mention direct contacts between Alamanni and Byzantium
(Geuenich1997a). It is probable that until the 450s, the Alamanni were one of the
barbarian groups in the Roman service that contributed to the survival of the imperial
defence system on the Rhine. After the limes collapsed and salaries ceased to come from
Rome, the Alamannic chieftains had to compensate with war and plunder. As the
excavations show, a local infrastructure was created and craftsmen settled in hillforts
(central places). The Alamannic kingdom(s) experienced a short zenith in the second
half of the 5thcentury (Geuenich1997b; Steuer1997; Quast2008). Then Alamannia
was integrated in the MerovingianEmpire.
This article examines the Byzantine exports that reached Alamannia through the
MerovingianEmpire, which had extensive contacts with Constantinople (e.g.Wolf1991).
Matching political units with archaeological cultures is a well-known problem, 1 and
the Merovingian ducatus Alamanniae lacked, as a whole, a consistent archaeological
culture (cf. already Christlein1978, 66f. esp. caption to fig.39). In the following
pages, however, I will focus on the part of the ducatus which roughly corresponds to
modern South-West-Germany (the Land of Baden-Wrttemberg) and which possessed
some distinctive archaeological features (Schaab, Werner1988). The period chosen,
ca450-750AD, is mainly distinguished by the large row-grave cemeteries, even though
most of them sease to function in the late 7thcentury (Quast2006, 14f.).

II. State of research

Contacts between Alamannia and the Mediterranean have long been examined,
although most studies only concern themselves with single categories of objects. The
BlackSea, or rather the Gothic paradigm prevailed in the early decades of the 20thcentury
*I would like to thank Dr. Jrg Drauschke for providing me with a copy of his unpublished
PhD thesis and for useful discussions.
1. For a general critic of ethnic interpretations of archaeological material, see Brather 2004. For a
contrary view, especially with regard to the Alamanni, see Siegmund2000.

Vujadin Ivanievi and Michel Kazanski eds, The Pontic-Danubian Realm in the Period of the Great
Migration (Centre de recherche dHistoire et Civilisation de Byzance, Monographies36/Arheoloki
institut, Posebna izdanja, Knjiga 51), Paris-Beograd 2012.

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DIETER QUAST

(Ebert1909; Werner1935; Rupp1937; Bhner1948). Scholars derived from this region

objects and styles which are recognized nowadays as Mediterranean. As from in the 1930s,
scholarly interest had focused on interaction with neighbouring Italy, more specifically,
with the Ostrogoths and Lombards (Werner1935; 1961). More or less direct connections
with the eastern part of the Roman Empire were hidden under the rubric Middle
Danube (Werner1966). It took many distribution maps to reveal the southern origin
of many objects, and some archaeologists appear to be shocked to discover that some
typical Germanic objects were Germanic only in appearance (Bhme1994). Summaries
were published for the late 5thcentury (Quast1997) and the last quarter of the 6thcentury
(Koch1997; Graenert2000). A yet to be published PhD thesis contains an interpretation
and a complete catalogue of 6th-7thcentury Oriental archaeological objects in the
Eastern Merovingian Kingdom (Drauschke2004-2005; cf. Drauschke2008b).

III. What does Byzantine mean?

No Alamannic objects were to be found in the Byzantine Empire. However, when we
look for Byzantine objects in Alamannia, the most crucial question that arises is what is
Byzantine? The eastern Roman Empire was not a static territorial unit. In the 5thcentury,
parts of the Empire were lost to Barbaric kingdoms (even though most workshops
continued their production: Bonifay2007; Giannichedda2007; Sagu2007). Justinian reconquered most of those regions in the second quarter of the 6thcentury, but then, in the
630s, large territories were lost to the Arabs (Morrisson2004). Therefore, I prefer to speak
about Mediterranean objects, a category which extends to eastern and western regions.
The next difficulty resides in determining where exactly an object was produced.
Many Mediterranean sites producing ceramics and glass have been identified (e.g.
Bonifay2007; Arthur2007; Bierbrauer1987, 285f.; Sagu2007; O'Hea2007 [each
with further references]), but such goods are extremely rare or absent in Alamannia.
The excavations of the Crypta Balbi in Rome have immensely enhanced our knowledge
of 7th-century Italian workshops (Ricci1997; Ricciet al. 2001, 331-402). Many objects,
believed to be Merovingian for a long time, turned out to be products from the south
of the Alps, or at the very least inspired by prototypes from this region. Other ways to
distinguish Byzantine goods have also been devised, notably using the following criteria
(Daim2000, 86ff. Quast2001, 433f.; Drauschke2008b, 372ff.):
Raw Materials.Certain commodities coming from afar must have crossed Byzantine
territory on their way to the North. These are semi-precious stones such as
garnet (Greiff1998; Quast, Schssler2000; at least Calligaro et al. 20062007), amethyst (Drauschke 2004-2005, 54-62) emerald, carnelian, agate, tigerseye (Theune-Vogt1990, 52f.); pearls (Marti, 2000, 51f.), minerals like sepiolite
(Herdick2000; Heege1987 138f. with note 460; Martin 1976, 76, note 28-29),
snail-shells such as cyprea pantherina (Lennartz2006 with further references),
discoid beads made of shells (Siegmund, Weiss1989), ivory (Drauschke2008b, 412f.;
Drauschke Banerjee 2007, 120 fig. 8), textiles like silk (Roth1982; Banck1998, 121f.;

THE ALAMANNI AND BYZANTIUM FROM THE 5th TO THE 7th CENTURY

319

Banck-Burgess2000, 47f.), cotton (Banck1997, 375; WaltonRogers1998; Amrein

et al.1999, 95f. fig.32-33), gold braids / flattened wire (Staufer, Weisse1998; BanckBurgess2000, 47f.), spices, fruits (Quast2000) and olibanum (Werner1950, 44ff.;
Schoch2002). The exact sources of precious metals cannot be identified at present,

and some analyses indicate the use of smaller quantities of gold from the Rhine
(Hartmann, Wolf1975). Most often, however, the precious metals seem to have
been obtained from Roman coins, that is, from Mediterranean sources. Quicksilver,
essential for amalgam gilding (Roth1971, 356), could be procured from Algeria,
Italy, Spain and Serbia.
Artefacts with Greek inscriptions. This category especially pertains to weights and includes
very few other objects, such as sax sheath buttons or belt buckles (Steuer 1987,
432ff.; 1990b; Drauschke2008a, 105 with fig.; Veeck 1931 Taf. L,1; Quast 1996a, 337
fig. 6). Artefacts with Latin inscriptions are of nearly the same value, even though
they could be from the Western Mediterranean, e.g. silver spoons (Hauser 1992).
Coins bear epigraphic information about their mint.
Style would normally be the most important marker, but there is an imbalance in this
regard between the Empire and Barbaricum. The notion of style mostly applies to
precious objects and art (mosaics, sculpture, architecture ornaments, gold jewellery,
toreutics etc.) (Daim2000,86ff.). Very few such objects reached the north, such
as the ornamented headbands of the Baldenheim helmets, e.g. a hunting scene
from Chalon-sur-Sane (dp. Sane et Loire; F), or the common motif of the birds
with vine (Ament2003; Sperber2006, 133 with. fig. 49). One should also mention
two fragmented ivory combs from Fridingen (Kr.Tuttlingen) and Griesheim
(Kr.Darmstadt) (von Schnurbein1987, 79 fig.29; Gldner, Hilberg2000) with
scenes from the Bible (Fig.1)
Technology is only in a few cases an important criterion. Leaf gilding, e.g. on the helmets
of the Baldenheim type, wasnt used outside the Empire (Quast1993, 36). The same
applies for screw threads, such as used in onion-headed brooches or some bracelets
(Cat.Knzelsau1995). The raw materials that crossed the Byzantine Empire, were
treated there, e.g. silk weaving, gemstone cutting (Herdick2000; Quast1996a;
2001, 435), coin minting or garnet cloisonn, even though in some cases, such as
garnet cloisonn, a technology transfer followed (Arrhenius1985).
Distribution maps are the most common argument for the identification of Byzantine
objects (Drauschke2008b, 374). It is important to note that within the Empire,
small objects survived only in settlements, whereas north of the border, such
objects are found as grave goods. This means one stray find from within the
Empire is of much higher value than many in barbarian burials (Quast2001,
433; Drauschke2004-2005, 20; 2008a, 374.). With this in mind, it seems highly
probable that types of objects distributed in the Barbaricum all along the imperial
border are of Mediterranean origin. But both arguments mentioned must be
discussed with particular cases, so as not to negate the possibility of foreign objects
being found within the Roman Empire and also of regions outside the Empire
being linked by direct communication lines.

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1a

1b

3 cm

Fig.1: Fragments of ivory combs. 1) Fridingen (Kr. Tuttlingen) grave 150; 2) Griesheim (Kr.Darmstadt)
grave 285 (after von Schnurbein 1987, 79 fig. 29 and Gldner, Hilberg 2000).

THE ALAMANNI AND BYZANTIUM FROM THE 5th TO THE 7th CENTURY

321

IV. Bulk goods and Luxury goods

While the goods traded at a long distance tend to be expensive luxury goods, this
is not always true for Merovingian period Alamannia. There is a hierarchy of burial
objects (Christlein1973)2 which allows contextualisation of Byzantine imports. Many
imports were found in average burials. Some are objects of low material value, which
were easy to transport (not fragile, small), e.g. garnets (in the 6thcentury), snail-shells
(cyprea pantherina) and discoid beads made of shells. True enough, such objects were
found not only in average graves, but also in richly furnished burials. In the case of the
snail-shells, their meaning as amulets was extremely important; for the garnets, what
mattered was the quality of the cloisonn.
High quality handicraft is naturally an indicator of luxury goods. In the 5th century,
one such prestigious object is the belt buckle from Esslingen-Rdern, which has parallels
only in Apahida (Transylvania; RO) and the grave of the Frankish king ChilderichI
(Tournai; B) (Christlein 1972). Other examples include the sepiolite buckle from
Gltlingen (comm. of Wildberg; Kr. Calw; D) grave from 1901 (Quast 1993 54f.
with pl.24,9), as well as a small brooch from Schwenningen (Schwarzwald-Baar-Kr.)
(Quast1996b, 534f. with fig. 3,1). From the late 6th century, there are two round brooches
from Gttingen (comm. of Radolfzell; Kr. Konstanz) grave 38, which were made of cut
out centrepieces of two silver dishes (Fingerlin2006) (Fig.2). These fragments are the
only evidence for Mediterranean silver dishes in Alamannia. Non-conspicuous items
like the clove from the rich female grave from Horbourg in Alsace (Christlein1978, 115
and 152 no.197) are, nevertheless, very exotic.
Most Mediterranean imports from Alamannia were beads, bronze and glass vessel,
ivory rings and jewellery (earrings, buckles) (Drauschke2004-2005; 2008a). They
appear only in rich graves, or rather they are indicators of a rich grave. Not everybody
could obtain these prestigious objects, perhaps because of their value or their special
ways of distribution3. Especially remarkable is the amethyst collar from the childrens
grave of Altbierlingen (Kr. Ulm), paralleled only by one from an Avar females grave of
Kiskrs-Vghid (Kom. Bcs-Kiskun; H) (Fig.3) (Drauschke2008a, 103; Veeck1931,
pl. D,1; Garam1991, 167f. with fig. 12; Garam2001, 406 pl. XIV,2).

V. The quantification of Mediterranean objects in Alamannia

It is hard to measure the imports in order to see whether they came in waves or in
a more or less steady inflow. This is due to the incompleteness of archaeological sources
and also to difficulties in quantification. For example, what is the significance of the
2. Despite some justified criticism (cf. Steuer 1982, 73ff. and esp. 315ff; Wotzka 1989, 136),
this analytical scheme may be applied to rural areas with a fairly unified burial custom .
3. According to Codex Justinianus XI, 11,1 and XII,8.2, some sorts of precious stones were reserved for the use by specific persons at the Byzantine court or by the emperor himself.

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DIETER QUAST

1a

1b

2a

2b

3 cm

Fig.2. Silver brooches from Gttingen (Kr. Konstanz) (front and back), each made of a cut off
central medallion of a Mediterranean silver dish (after Fingerlin 2006, pl. 22).

influx of thousands of small garnets as compared to roughly 50 bronze bowls? Does the
greater quantity of garnets compensate for their lower value? What is the coefficient of
the few fig seeds from settlements versus glass objects in graves or the complete absence
of amphorae? Do the peach stones used as amulets in burials indicate continuous trade
or merely the rarity of these fruits north of the Alps? Another question concerns the
distribution of Mediterranean imports as related to the fact that we know only a few
Merovingian burials from Alamannia for the second half of the 5th century, many more
from the 6th century, while the majority are dated to the 7th century.
Jrg Drauschke (2004-2005, 243-253 esp. fig.51) discussed the statistic evidence
and pointed out that 6th-century imports were most prevalent by far in Alamannia, but
only because of the huge amount of small red garnet plates. If we remove them from the

323

THE ALAMANNI AND BYZANTIUM FROM THE 5th TO THE 7th CENTURY

Fig.3. Collars with gold-mounted amethyst. 1)Altbierlingen (Kr. Ulm; D); 2)Kiskrs-Vghid
(Kom. Bcs-Kiskun; H) (after Drauschke 2008a, 103 and Garam 2001, 406 pl. XIV,2).

statistics, there is a clear peak in the last third of the 6th century and the first third of the
7thcentury. From then on, a continuous decline can be observed. Drauschkes statistics do
not include the 5thcentury, yet the few graves that date ca 500 contain plenty of objects
from the Middle Danube (cf. Quast 2009, 13ff.). Unfortunately, it is currently impossible
to distinguish for this period authentic eastern Roman goods from imitation goods. For
example, Horst Wolfgang Bhme (1994) described some of the so-called gold grip spathae
as Byzantine products, while others as copies (he did not discuss however the criteria for
this distinction). Even if Byzantine/Italian imports are hard to quantify, in regard to their
composition one can point out two distinctive phases: the second half of the 5th and the
last quarter of the 6th century.

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DIETER QUAST

VI. The 5th century Middle Danubian Region

Very numerous objects of eastern Roman origin from the second half of the 5thcen
tury (esp. 460-480), discovered in Alamannia, are known in Germanic literature as
Danubian (Werner1966; Quast1997, 182ff.; cf. now SchachDrges2004, 46f.).
While half of them are from the Carpathian Basin north of the middle Danube, the others
are from south of the Danube. Belt buckles with cloisonn and those with rings of semiprecious stones or minerals, special types of weapons, glass like the large Syrian bottle
from Brunlingen (Schwarzwald-Baar-Kr.) (Fig.4) (Drauschke2008b, 384), etc., seem

9 cm

Fig.4:Syrian glass bottles.1)Females grave from Brunlingen (Schwarzwald-Baar-

Kr.;D)
(height 39,2cm); 2)A grave from Palmyra (SYR) (height 51cm). (after Cat.Mannheim2001,
171 and Cat.Linz1993, 399). Slightly smaller versions: 3)Djurso (RUS) grave259 (height
27,2cm); 4)Sopino (RUS) grave 11 (height 17,3cm) (after Kazanski, Mastykova1999, 560
fig. 22,5 and 563 fig.24,11).

THE ALAMANNI AND BYZANTIUM FROM THE 5th TO THE 7th CENTURY

325

to show the evidence of barbarian mercenaries in the Eastern Roman army. Immigrants
from the middle Danube most probably brought to Alamannia the Byzantine objects of
this period. Many burials in southwestern Germany with marked links to the Middle
Danube and the Carpathian Basin display special features in their grave construction.
The custom of depositing food or vessels as grave goods, in a slightly elevated extra
niche at the head end of the burial, goes back to archetypes from the Roman provinces
of Pannonia, where it was adopted by Germanic tribes (Bader, Windler1998, 113 figs.15
and 16; Condreanu-Windauer1997, 25ff.).
A remarkable feature of Alamannian settlements in the second half of the 5th century
is the presence of foreign craftsmen. It is demonstrated by numerous shards of highquality ware found at the Runde Berg in Urach (Kr.Reutlingen), which are most closely
(and exclusively) comparable to pottery from the MiddleDanube. While macroscopic
assessment could have suggested an imported ware, mineralogical analysis has proved
that this pottery was manufactured in the immediate vicinity of the Runde Berg, a hilltop
settlement of an Alamannian military leader. The ruler of the Runde Berg must have
successfully resettled foreign craftsmen (Quast2008, 276-283; 313-315).
While Alamannias links to the Middle Danube in the second half of the 5thcentury
are very clear, there remains one area of obscurity. The burial rites of Ostrogothic Italy
leave us with hardly any data for its male equipment. It is possible, therefore, that a
certain number of objects, which we call Danubian or Byzantine, originated in or
transited via Italy (cf. Bierbrauer1975, 68f.).

VII. Late 6th century imports from Italy

A vast number of objects from Italy have been noted in Alamannia in the last quarter
of the 6th century. Military equipment such as baldrics, spearheads, body armour, helmets
of the lamellae type, belts, stirrups and horse gear arrived in larger amounts, as well as
female dress accessories (Oexle1992, 99-103; Koch1997; Graenert2000; summing up
Keim2007). Shared religious beliefs connecting Italy and Alamannia are shown by the
use, for funerary purposes only, of foil crosses made of a thin sheath of gold: attached on
a piece of cloth, they were deposited on the face of the dead (Riemer1999). The Italian
impact was so great, that scholars speak of the Lombard horizon (Werner1935, 23
[without using this item]; Oexle1992, 102 used the term Kontaminationshorizont;
Graenert2000, 417-418, esp. n.3).
Most researchers link this Lombard horizon, especially with respect to weapons
and riding equipment, to warrior groups which were active in the region during the
Frankish-Lombard wars (Koch1997). The objects of female dress could belong to
immigrant women (Graenert2000). We believe that both interpretations are possible
and that it could be interesting to relate them to a demographic problem, which is
apparent in the Merovingian leges: small rural settlements needed external marriage
partners, and the rapt of women was a common solution (Siegmund1998). But this, of
course, is only speculation.

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VIII. The French connection

Outside the two main phases, there was a fairly permanent influx of Mediterranean
goods, which probably arrived via Gaul. Written sources underline the importance of the
Mediterranean ports of trade like Marseille (Verhulst1970; Claude1985; Schwrtzel1983;
Mccormick2001, 77-82; Harris 2001). With the exception of some spices, such sources
provide names of goods that cannot be detected by archaeology, but other imports as well
must have been traded at these ports (and elsewhere). Many specialised workshops existed
in Gaul since the Roman period, and some were in need of imported raw materials, e.g.
ivory carvers (Volbach1976; Caillet1991). In Alamannia, ivory rings were used as frames
for so-called open worked ornamental discs, which closely resembled those in the eastern
Merovingian Empire (Renner1970 map 24; Drauschke2008b, 412f.).
There is plenty of evidence that products such as glass, ceramics, belts, brooches,
reached Alamannia from Gaul (Frey2006, 156-172). Some far trade goods were
probably also redistributed in this way, but there is no solid way to prove it.

IX. Interpretation and Conclusion

Two peaks in the quantity of Mediterranean goods reaching Alamannia can clearly be
observed and most plausibly related to peoples mobility. More intriguing is the question
of how the region was integrated in the circum-Mediterranean economy. The difficulties
in distinguishing Mediterranean products from imitations and in defining the exact
provenance of Byzantine bulk goods reaching Alamannia complicate the answer to this
question. Besides, the lopsided archaeological sources north of the Alps reduce us to
dealing only with objects that were deposited in burials.
On the basis of these finds, Alamannia appears to be a peripheral rural part of the
Merovingian Empire. Typical goods of Mediterranean trade, like oil and wine, archae
ologically detectable by shards of amphorae, did not reach this region (e.g.Harris2001,
43-60; Drauschke 2008b, 368, esp. n.3). The only exceptions are two shards of unknown
origin that were found in Sindelfingen (Kr.Bblingen) and Wyhlen (city of Lrrach)
(Fig.5), and a fragment from the Runder Berg near Urach (Kr.Reutlingen), a local
product that can be attributed to potters from the Middle Danube (Spors-Grger2000,
383 with fig.39). The near autarchy of rural Alamannia left little space for a monetarized
trade (Drauschke2008a, 104), and it is fairly obvious that it imported no products of
daily consumption. Very few among the graves researched in Alamannia contained
Byzantine coins (Drauschke2004-2005, 107ff.; pl.18-23). The single hoard, lost soon
after its discovery, from Frickingen (comm. Dischingen; Kr.Heidenheim) contained 15
solidi (1 of LeoI and 14 of JustinianI) and 7 trientes (1 of Anastasius and 6 of JustinianI),
all minted in Constantinople (Drauschke2004-2005, 500 Nr.129).
No 6th-7th-century emporia are known east of the Rhine and north of the Danube
(for the Carolingian period, cf. Henning2007; Eggensetin et al.2008). During the
short Alamannic zenith in the second half of the 5th century, the hillforts fulfilled this

327

THE ALAMANNI AND BYZANTIUM FROM THE 5th TO THE 7th CENTURY

2
0

9 cm

Fig.5: Globular Amphorae from Alamannia, possibly of Mediterranean origin. 1)Sindelfingen

(Kr. Bblingen); 2)Wyhlen (city of Lrrach). (after Ade-Rademacher1990, pl.1,B and
Garscha1970, pl. 51,6).

role, in addition to their other functions (Steuer1990a; 1997; Quast2008, 313-315). In

the 6th century, however, such administrative centres existed only west of the Rhine, in
towns with different degrees of continuity from the Roman period (e.g. Genve; Trier),
which combined market and public functions (such as diocesan see).
Returning to the Alamanni, the far trade goods, mostly discovered in rich graves (e.g.
Coptic bronze vessels, stemmed glass goblets or amethyst beads), show, in the first
place, the importance of contacts between elites. Political alliances between Baiuwari
and Longobards in the 7thcentury (e.g.Strmer1988) could explain the presence in
Baiuwarian cemeteries of precious Italian objects, such as golden lunate earrings which
inspired local imitations in bronze (Drauschke2008b, 402, with n. 130; Keim2007
Beilage 31; cf. now Drauschke2010). But not all imported objects from rich Alamannic
graves suggest direct contacts to far away groups or any emporia. Thus, distribution maps
suggest that special types of dress adornments were produced in Alamannia. Prestigious
objects could have been redistributed as gifts to high-ranking retainers by noble men,
whose scattered properties gave them access to important market places (Mauss 19231924; DahlinHauken1991; Vestergaard1991; Samson1991; Syke2005; cf. in general
Carri1994, 175ff.; Bazelmans1999). Craftsmen working within their properties in

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DIETER QUAST

Alamannia must have had access to the necessary raw materials, such as garnets, precious
metals, quicksilver for gilding etc. It is most unlikely that traders brought such low value
goods as far as Alamannia, which offered little in return. Mediterranean imports in
Alamannia, while numerous, mostly suggest a trade chain rather than direct contacts.
Objects prestigious in Alamannia were probably less so in the urban centres of Francia,
for example, with its higher level of craftsmanship.
Other precious objects in Alamannia are so singular that they were most likely
acquired through the personal contacts of the deceased person or his family, and are
rather indicative, therefore, of mobility of individuals than of any form of exchange. The
brooch from Mengen (comm. of Schallstadt; Kr. Bresigau-Hochschwarzwald) (which
may have been part of a diadem or bracelet in second use [Brather-Walter2008]) and
the folding chair from Hessigheim (Kr.Ludwigsburg) (Fig.6) (Stork 2006) are just a
few examples. The transfer of religious beliefs and burial costumes also took place on
this level (Schach-Drges2005).
(Manuscript finished in December 2008)

Fig.6: Hessigheim (Kr. Ludwigsburg) female grave 75 with iron folding chair
(after Stork2006, 172 fig.138).

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329

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