CLAUDE LEVI-STRAUSS

Structural
Anthropology
Translatedfrom the French by Clate Jacobson

and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf

4 BasicBooks
A D iaisiono/ HarperCollinsPublisbers
 q
CHAPTER
The Effectiveness
of Symbols
tT'
Iun' rrnsr TMeoRTANTSouth American magico-
religious text to be known, published by Wass6n rnd Holmer,l
throws new light on certain aspectsof shamanisticcuring and raises
problems of theoretical interpretation by no means exhaustively
treated in the editors' excellent commentary. We will re-examine
this text for its more general implications, rather than from the lin-
guistic or Americanist perspective primarily employed by the au-
thors.
The text is a long incantation, covering eighteen pagesin the
native version, divided into 535 sections. It was obtained by the
Cuna Indian Guillermo Haya from an elderly informant of his
tribe. The Cuna, who live within the Panama Republic, received
special attention from the late Erland Nordenskicild, who even suc-
ceeded in training collaborators among the natives. After Norden-
ski<ild's death, Haya forwarded the text to Nordenskiold's suc-
cessor, Dr. Wass6n. The text was taken down in the original
r86
The Effectivencssof Syrnbols | '82
languageand accompaniedby a Spanishtranslation,which Holmer
revisedwith greatcare.
The purpose_ofth" tong i. to f"ditt . It:
use is somewhai exceptional,since native women of Central and
SouthAmerica haveeasierdeliveriesthan women of Western soci-
eties.The intervention of the shamanis thus rare and occurs in
caseof failure, at the requestof the midwife. The songbeginswith
a picture of the midwife's confusion and describesher visit to the
shaman,the latter's deparnue for the hut of the woman in labor,
his arrival, and his preparations--consistingof fumigations of
burnt cocoa-nibs,invocadons,and the making of sacredfigures,or
rru.cltu.Theseimages,carvedfrom prescribedkinds of wood which
lend them their effectiveness,representtutelary spirits whom the
shamanmakes his assistantsand whom he leadsto the abode of
Muu, the power responsiblefor the formation of the fetus. A diffi-
cult childbirth resultswhen Muu has exceededher functions and
captured the purba, or "soul," of the mother-to-be,Thus the song
expresses a quest: the quest for the lost purbd, which will be rc-
storedafter many vicissitudes,suchasthe overcomingof obstacles,
a victory over wild beasts,and, finally, a great contestwaged by
the shamanand his tutelary spirits againstMuu and her daughters,
with the help of magicalhats whoseweight the latter are not able
to bear.Muu, once she hasbeen defeated,allows the purba of the
ailing woman to be discoveredand freed. The delivery takesplace,
and the songendswith a statmentof the precautionstaken so that
Muu will not escapeand pursue her visitors. T[e fight is not / 4?a -
waged againstMuu herself, who is indispensableto pr-ocreation, ;
lh'*^'*
but only againsther abusesof power. Once thesehave been cor-
rected, relationsbecomefriendly, and Muu's parting words to the
shamanalmostcorrespondto an invitation: "Friend nelerwhen do
you think to visitme again?"(+t l)'
Thus far we have rendered the term nele x shaman,which
might seemincorrect, sincethe cure doesnot appearto require the * u
officiant to experienceecstasyor a transition to another psy- -'*\
chic st-ate.Yet the smoke of the cocoa beansaims!@i \.'t
'@il'tening his garments"and "strengthening"the iete lurrself.,
"making him brave in front of Muu" (65-66). And above all, the
Cuna classification,which distinguishesbetween severaltypes of
 r88 | MAGIC AND RELIG/ON The Effectiaenessof Symbols | '8s
medicine men, shows that the power of the nele hx supernarural same is true of a corpse; and-in a chil d, the niga only develops with
sources.The native medicine men are divided into nele. inatuledi. age. It seems, therefore, that one could, without too much inac-
and absogedi.The functions of the inatuledi and obsogediare b:rsed curacy, interpret niga as "vital strength," and purba as "double" or

/i on knowledge of songs and cures, acquired through study and

validated by examinations,while the taleqt of the nele, considered
"soul," with the understanding that these words do not imply a

lnnate. conslstsoI supe sight, wfii&-inEantly diicovers the mate for the Cuna) but correspond rather to the Platonic notion
M!9rlelr-,$l_qf_ryPg:gr.Yryl.{
I
"t ! f,-
;ausi of the iiln-ef;hat-ii,-ihe-whereabouts of tLe vital forces, "idea" or "archetype" of which every being or object is the nia-i"::=
whether particular or generalized,that have been carried off by terial expression.
evil spirits. For the nele can recruit thesespirits, making them his The sick woman of the song has lost more than her 'purba: the
protectorsor assistants.s There is no doubt, therefore,that he is native text attributes fever to hsr-"shs hot garments of the dis-
actually a shaman,evenif his interventionin childbirth doesnot ease" ( r and passim)-and the loss or impairment of her sight-
presentall the traits which ordinarily accompanythis function. "straying . . aslcep on Muu Puklip's path" (97). Above all, as
And the nuchu,protectivespiritswho at the shaman's bidding be- she declaresto the shaman who questions her, "It is Muu Puklip
come embodied in the figurines he hascarved, receive from him- who has come to me. She wants to take my niga purbdlele for
T.r^^,
'4:,r,'
walong u'ith invisibility and clairvoyance--migd. Nrga is "vitality" good" (98). Holmer proposestranslating niga as physical strength
n 6
ti{r> and "resistance,"which makethesespiritsnelegan(plural of nele) and purba (Iele) as soul or essence,whence "the soul of her life."
A" "in the serviceof men" or in the "likenessof human beings" It r.r'ould perhaps be bold to suggest that the niga, tn attribute of
(\ 5- 4fialthough-erulowed with exceptionalpowers. the living being, results from the existence of not one but several
From our brief synopsis,the song appearsto be rather com- purba, which are functionally interrelated. Yet each part of the
monplace.The sick woman suffersbecauseshe haslost her spirit- body has its own ptnba, and the niga seemsto constitute, on the
ual doubleor, more correctly, one of the specificdoubleswhich spiritual level, the equivalent of the concept of organism. Just as
together constituteher vital strength. (We shall return to this Iife results from the cooperation of the organs, so "vital strength"
point.) The shaman,assistedby his tutelary spirits, undertakesa would be none other than the harmonious concurrence of all the
purba, each of which governs the functions of a specific organ.
i"lt""y to the supernaturalwodd in order to snatch the double
* tllfolD tne malevolent
-;* r,f66The malevolentsPnt who nas
spirit wno hascaPrured it; by
captured lt; Dy restonng i to
restoring lt As a matter of fact, not only does the shaman retrieve the
{-l"If i" owner, he achievei the cure. The exceptionriirrr.r.r, of tnit niga purbalele; his discovery is followed immediately by the re-
- jd".j).tte*t does not lie in this formal framework, but, rather, in the dis- cxpture of other purba, those of the heart, bones,teeth, hair, nails,
u/\
' , vcovery-stemming
vvur/-JlLllururr6 lno
lv doubt
u vuvL lfrom
rulrr a rreading
4 udullrb of
V l the
LrrV text,
LwALt but
uul rfor
ur and feet (4or-4o8, $S-++z). The omission here of the purba gov-
'', / 1
which Holmer and Wass6n deserve.nonetheless.full credit-that erning the most affected organs-the generative organs-might
Mu-Igala, that is, "Muu's way," end the abode of Muu are not, to come as a surprise. As the editors of the text emphasize, this is be-
the native mind, simply a mythical itinerary and dwelling-place. cause the purba of the uterus is not considered as a victim but as
They represent, literally, the vagina and uterus of the pregnant responsiblefor the pathological disorder. Muu and her daughters,
woman, which are explored by the shaman and nachu and in whose the tzruugan, are, as Nordenskiiild pointed out, the forces that
depths they wage their victorious combat. preside over the development of the fetus and that give it its kurgin,
This interpretation is based first of all on an analysis of the or natural capacities.dThe text does not refer to these positive at-
concept of purba.The purba is a different spiritual principle from tributes. In it Muu appears as an instigator of disorder, a special
theniga, which we defined above. Unlike the purba the niga can- "soul" that has captured and paralyzed the other special "souls,"
not be stolen from its possessor,and only human beings and ani- thi cooperation which insures the integrity of the
thus destroying-(cuerpo
mals own one. A plant or a stone has a purba but not a,niga. The "chief body" ief e in Spanish, $q 415\ from which it
;v.-i ""-ai "'v
.l^fl
I
)|.
/'
iv
 reo I MAGTC AND RELTGION
draws its nigd. Bt at the sametime, Muu must stay put, for the
expeditionundertakento liberate the purba might provoke Muu's
escapeby the road which temporarily remains open; hence the
precautionswhosedetailsfill the last part of the song.The shaman
mobilizesthe Lords of the wild animalsto guard the way, the road
is entangled,golden and silver netsare fastened,and, for four days,
the neleganstand watch and beat their sticks (5o5-535).Muu,
therefore, is not a fundamentally evil force: she is a force gone
yry. lo a diffcult delivery the "soul" of the uterus hasled astray
all the "souls" belonging ro other parts of the body. Once theie
soulsare liberated,the soul of the uterus can and must resumeits
cooperarion.Let us emphasizeright herethe clarity with which the
native ideology delineatesthe emotionalcontent of the physiologi-
cal disturbance,asit might appear,in an implicit way, to the mind
of the sick woman.
To reach Muu, the shamanand his asistantsmust follow a
road, "Muu's way," which may be identified from the many allu-
sions in the text. When the shaman,crouching beneaththe sick
woman's hammock,hasfinished carving the nuchu, the latter rise
up "at the extremityof the road" (72,83) and the shamanexhorts
them in theseterms:
The (sick) womanliesin thehammockin front of you.
Her white tissueliesi-nherfap,herwhite tissues
movesoftly.
The (sick)woman's bodyliel weak.
Whenthey light up (atohe)Muu'sway. ir runsoverwith exuda-
tionsani life blobd.
Her exudationsdrip down belowthe hammockall like blood,all
red.
The innerwhite tissueextendsto thebosomof the earth.
Into the middleof the woman'swhire tissuea humanbeingde-
scends.(8+-So)
The translatorsare doubtful asto the meaningof the last two
s-ent9lc:s-,
yet they refer to anothernarive text, po"blirh.dby Nor-
denskiiild, which leavesno doubt as to the idindfication-of the
"white inner dssue"with the vulva:
sibaguarnolul arkaali
blanca tela abriendo
ibugua molul akinnali
blanca tela extendiendo
The Effectivenessof Symbols I tgt
i;Oug* -it"i oiotitt tutapuruaekuanali
blanca tela cenffo feto caer haciendo?
"Muu's way," darkenedand completely covered with blood
owing to the difficult labor, and which the nucbu have to find by
the white sheenof their clothesand magical hats, is thus unques-
tionably the vagina of the sick woman, And "Muu's abode," the
"dark whirlpool" where she dwells, correspondsto the uterus,
sincethe native informant commentson the name of this abode,
Amukkapiryataila,in terms of omeganpurba anrurrequedi,that is,
"woman's turbid menstruation,"also called "the dark deep whirl-
pool" (z5o-25r)and"the darkinnerplace"(32).8
The original character of this text gives it a special place
amongthe shamanisticcuresordinarily described.These cures ere
of three types, which are not, however, mutually exclusive.The
sick organ or member may be physically involved, through a
manipuladonor suctionwhich aimsat exuactingthe causeof the
illness-usually a thorn, crystal, or feather made to appearat the
opportune moment, as in tropical America, Australia, and Alaska.
Curing may also revolve, as among the Araucanians,around a
shambattle,wagedin the hut and then outdoors,againstharmful
spirits.Or, as amongthe Navaho, the oficiant may recite incanta-
tions and prescribeactions (such as placing the sick person on
different parts of a painting traced on the ground with colored
sandsand pollens)which bearno direct relationshipto the specific
disturbanceto be cured.In all thesecases,the therapeuticmethod
(which as we know is often effective) is difficult to interpret.
When it dealsdirectly with the unheaithy organ, it is too grossly
concrete (generally,pure deceit) to be granted intrinsic value.
And when it consistsin the repetition of often highly absuact
ritual, ir is difficult for us to understandits direct bearingon the
illness.It would be convenientto dismissthesedifficulties by de-
claring that we are dealingwith psychologicalcures.But this term
will remain meaninglessunlesswe can explain how specific psy-
chologicalrepresentations are invoked to combat equally specific
physiologicaldisturbances.The text that we have analyzedoffers a
striking contribution to the solution of this problem. The song
constitutesa purely psychologicaluearment, for the shamandoes
not touch the body of the sick woman and administersno remedy.
 tsl I MAGIC AND RELIGION
Neverthelessit involves, directly and explicid)r, the pathological
condition and its locus. In our view, the song constitutesa psy-
chologicalmanipulationof the sick organ, and it is preciselyfrom
this manipulationthat a cure is expected.
To begin, let us demonstratethe existenceand the character-
istics of this manipulation.Then 'ive shall askwhat its purposeand
its effectivenessare. Firsg we are surprisedto find that the song,
whosesubiectis a dramaticstruggleberweenhelpful and malevo-
lent spirits for the reconquestof a "soul," devotesvery little atten-
tion to action proper. In eighteenpagesof text the contest oc-
cupieslessthan one pageand the meetingwith Muu Puklip scarcely
two pages.The preliminaries,on the other hand, are highly de-
veloped and the preparations,the outfitting of the ruchu, the
itinerary, and the sitesare describedwith a great wealth of detail.
Such is the case,at the beginning, for the midwife's visit to the
shaman.The conversationbctween the sick woman and the mid-
wife, followed by that betweenthe midwife and the shaman,re-
curs twice, for each speakerrepeatsexactly the ufterance of the
other beforeansweringhim:
The (sick) womanspeaksto the midwife: "I am indeedbeing
dressedin the hot garrnent of the disease."
The midwife answeri her (sick woman): "You are indeed being
dressedin the hot garment of the disease,I also hear you say."
(r-z)
It might be argued e that this stylistic device is common among
the Cuna and stems from the necessity, among peoples bound to
oral tradition, of memorizing exactly what has been said. And yet
here this device is applied not only to speech but to actions:
The midwife turns about in the hut.
The midwife looksfor somebeads.
The midwife turns about (in order to leave).
The midwife puts one foot in front of the other.
The midwife touchesthe sround with her foot.
The midwife putsher oth5r foot forward.
The midwife pushesopen the door of her hut; the door of her hut
creaks.
The midwife goesout . . . (Z-t+).
The Effectiaenessof Symbols I tql
This minute descriptionof her departureis repeatedwhen she
arrivesat the shaman's.when shereturns to the sick woman, when
the shamandeparts,and when he arrives.Sometimesthe samede-
scriptionis repeatedtwice in the sameterms (37-39nd 45-47re-
produce fi1t). The cure thus beginswith a historical account of
the eventsthat precededit, and someelementswhich might appear
secondary("arrivals" and "departures") are treatedwith luxuriant
detail asif they were, so to speak,filmed in slow-motion.We en-
counter this techniquethroughout the text, but it is nowhere ap-
plied assystematicallyasat the beginning and to describeincidents
of retrospectiveinterest.
Everything occurs as though the shamanwere trying to in-
duce the sick woman-whose contact with reality is no doubt im-
paired and whose sensitivity is exacerbated-to relive the initial
situation through pain, in L very preciseand intenseway, and to
becomepsychologicallyaware of its smallestdetails.Actually this
situationsetsoff a seriesof eventsof which the body and internal
organsof the sick woman will be the assumedsetting.A transition
will thus be madefrom the most prosaicrealiqyto myth, from the
physical universeto the physiologicaluniversq from the external
world to the internal body. And the myth being enactedin the
internal body must retain throughout the vividnessand the char-
acter of lived experienceprescribedby the shamanin the light of
the pathologicalstate and through an appropriate obsessingtech-
ruque.
The next ten pagesoffer, in breathlessrhythm, a more and
more rapid oscillationbetweenmythical and physiologicalthemes,
asif to abolishin the mind of the sick woman the distinctionwhich
separates them, and to make it impossibleto differentiatetheir re-
spectiveattributes.First there is a descriptionof the woman lying
in her hammock or in the nadve obstetricalposition, facing east-
ward, kneesparted, groaning, losing her blood, the wlva dilated
and moving (8+-gz, rzi-r241 rJ4-ri5, r5z, r58, 173, r77-r78,
zoz-zo4).Then the shamancalls by name the spirits of intoxicat-
ing drinks; of the winds, waters, and woods; and even-precious
testimony to the plasticity of the myth-the spirit of the "silver
steamerof the white man" (r8Z).The themesconverge:like the
sick woman, the nucbu are dripping with blood; and the painsof
the sick woman assumecosmic proportions: "The inner white tis-
ts+ | MAGIC AND RELIGTON
sue extends to the bosom of the earth. . . . Into the bosom of the
earth her exudations gather into a pool, all like blood, all red"
(8+-Sr).At the s"-. t-i*., each sptit^, when it appears,is carefully
described, and the magical equipment which he receives from the
shaman is enumerated at great length: black beads, flame-colored
beads, dark beads,ring-shaped beads,tiger bones, rounded bones,
throat bones, and many other bones, silver necklaces, armadillo
bones, bones of the bird kerkettoli, woodpecker bones, bones for
flutes, silver beads (ro4-rr8). Then general recruitrnenr begins
anew, as if these guaranteeswere still inadequate and all forces,
known or unknown to the sick woman, were to be rallied for the
invasion (rry-zzg).
Yet we are released to such a small extent into the realm of
myth that the penetration of the vagina, mythical though it be, is
proposed to the sick woman in concrete and familiar terms. On two
occasions,moreover, "muu" designatesthe uterus directly, and not
the spiritual principle which governsits activity ("the sick woman's
muu," zo4,4j3).1o Here the nelegan,in order to enter Muu's way,
take on the appearanceand the motions of the erect penis:
The nelegan'shats are shining white, the nelegan'shatsare whitish.
The neleganare becomingflar and lorv () ), all like bits, all straight.
The neleganare beginningto becometerrifying (?), the neligan
are becoming all terrifying (?), for the sake of the (sick)
woman's niga purbalele (z 3o-42).
And further. below:
The nelegan go balancing up on top of the hammock, they go
moving upward like nusupane (4g).t,
The technique of the narrative thus aims at recreating a real
experiencein which the myth merely shifts the protagonists. The
nelegan enter the narural orifice, and we can imagine that afrer all
this psychological preparation the sick woman actually feels them
entering. Not only doesshe feel them, but they "light up" the route
they are preparing to follow-for their own sake,no doubt, and to
find the way, but also to make the center of inexpressibleand pain-
ful sensations"clear" for her and accessibleto her consciousness.
"The nelegan put good sight into the sick woman, rhe nelegan light
goodeyesinthe(sick)woman . . ." (r38).
The Effectiaenessof Symbols I tSS
And this "illuminating sight," to paraphrasean expressionin
the text, enablesthem to relate in detail a complicateditinerary
that is a true mythical anatomy, correspondingless to the real
strucnue of the genital organsthan to a kind of emotionalgeogra-
phy, identifying eachpoint of resistanceand eachthrust:
The nelegansetout, thenelegdnmarchin a singlefile alongMuu's
road,asfar asthe Low Mountain,
The neleganset out, etc.,asfar asthe Short Mountain,
The nelegtn, etc., as far as the Long Mountain,
The nelegon,etc., (to) Yala Pokun-aYala, (not translated)
The nelegan,etc., (to) Yala Akkwatallekun Yala, (not translated)
The nelegan,etc., (to) Yala llamalisuikun Yala, (not translated)
The nelegan,etc., into the center of the Flat Mountain.
The neleganset out, the neleganmarch in a single file along Muu's
road (z4t-248).
The picture of the uterine world, peopled with fantastic mon-
sters and dangerous animals, is amenable to the same interpretation
-which is, moreover, confirmed by the native informant: "It is
the animals," he says, "who increase the diseasesof the laboring
woman"l that is, the pains themselves are personified. And here
again, the song seemsto have as its principal aim the description of
these pains to the sick woman and the naming of them, that is, their
presentation to her in a form accessible to conscious or uncon-
scious thought: Uncle Alligator, who moves about with his bulg-
ing eyes, his striped and variegated body, crouching and wriggling
his tail; Uncle Alligator Tiikwalele, with glistening body, who
moves his glistening flippen, whose flippers conquer the place,
push everything aside,drag everything; Nele Ki(k)kirpanalele, the
Octopus, whose sticky tentacles are alternately opening and clos-
ing; and many others besides: He-who-has-a-hat-that-is-soft,He-
who-has-a-red-colored-hat,He-who-has-a-variegated-hat,etc.; and
the guardian animals: the black tiger, the red animal, the two-
colored animal, the dust-colored animal; each is tied with an iron
chain, the tongue hanging down, the tongue hanging out, saliva
dripping, saliva foaming, with flourishing tail, the claws coming out
and tearing things "all like blood, all red" (253-298).
To enter into this hell i la Hieronymus Bosch and reach its
owner, the nelegdn have to overcome other obstacles, this time
material: fibers, loose threads, fastened threads, successive cur-
ts6 | MAGIC AND RELIG/ON
tains-rainbow-colored, golden, silvery, red, black, maroon, blue,
white, wormlike, "like neckties," yellow, twisted, thick (3o5-33o);
and for this purpose, the shaman calls reinforcements: Lords of
the wood-boring insects, who are to "cut, gather, wind and re-
duce" the threads, which Holmer and Wass6n identify as the in-
ternal tissuesof the uterus.l2
The nelegan's invasion follows the downfall of these last
obstacles, and here the tournament of the hats takes place. A dis-
cussion of this would lead us too far from the immediate purpose
of this study. After the liberation of the niga purbalele comes the
descent,which is just as dangerousas the ascent,since the purpose
of the whole undertaking is to induce childbirth-precisely, a diffi-
cult descent. The shaman counts his helpers and encourageshis
troops; still he must summon other reinforcements: the "clearers
of the way," Lords-of-the-burrowing animals, such as the arma-
dillo. The niga is exhorted to make its way toward the orifice:
Your body lies in front of you in the hammock,
(Her) w(ite tissueliesin (er lap,
The white inner tissuemovessoftly,
Your (sick) womanliesin your *idst . . .
, . . thinkinsshecannotsee.
Into her body they put again (her) niga purbalele . . . (+lo-
$il.
The episode that follows is obscure. It would seem that the
sick woman is not yet cured. The shaman leaves for the mountains
with people of the village to gather medicinal plants, and he re-
turns to the attack in a differenr way. This time it is he who, by
imitating the penis, penetrates the "opening of muu" and moves in
it "like nusupane . completely drying the inner place" (453-
454). Yet the use of astringents suggeststhat the delivery has taken
place. Finally, before the account of the precautions taken to
impede Muu's escape,which we have already described, we find
the shaman calling for help from a people of Bowmen. Since their
task consists in raising a cloud of dust "to obscure . . Muu's
way" (+64), and to defend all of Muu's crosroads and byroads
(+68), their intervention probably alsopertainsto the conclusion.
The previous episodeperhaps refers to a second curing tech-
nigue, with organ manipuladon and the administration of remedies.
Tbe Effectiaeness of Symbols I tSl
Or it may perhaps match, in equally metaphorical terms, the first
journey, which is more highly elaborated in the text. Two lines of
attack would thus have been developed for the assistanceto the
sick woman, one of which is supported by a psychophysiological
mythology and the other by a psychosocial mythology-indi-
cated by the shaman'scall on the inhabitants of the village-which,
however, remains undeveloped. At any rate, it should be observed
that the song ends after the delivery, iust as it had begun before the
cure. Both antecedent and subsequentevents are carefully related.
But it is not only against Muu's elusive stray impulses that the cure
must, through careful procedures, be effected; the efficacy of the
cure would be ieopardized if, even before any results were to be
expected, it failed to offer the sick woman a resolution, that is, a
situation wherein all the protagonists have resumed their places
and returned to an order which is no longer threatened.
The cure would consist, therefore, in making explicit a situa-
tion originally existing on the emotional level and in rendering ac-
ceptable to the mind pains which the body refuses to tolerate. That
the mythology of the shaman does not correspond to an obiective
realiry does not matter. The sick woman believesin the myth and
belongs to a society which believes in it. The tutelary spirits and
malevolent spirits, the supernatural monsters and magical animals,
are all part of a coherent system on which the native conception
of the universe is founded. The sick woman accepts these mythical
beings or, more accurately, she has never questioned their exist-
ence. What she does not accept are the incoherent and arbitrary
pains, which are an alien element in her system but which the sha-
man, calling upon myth, wilI re-integrate within a whole where
everything is meaningful.
Once the sick woman understands, however, she does more
than resign herself; she gets well. But no such thing happens to our
sick when the causesof their diseaseshave been explained to them
in terms of secretions, germs, or viruses. We shall perhaps be ac-
cused of paradox if we answer that the reason lies in the fact that
microbes exist and monsters do not. And yet, the relationship be-
tween germ and diseaseis external to the mind of the patient, for it
is a cause-and-effect relationship; whereas the relationship between
monster and diseaseis internal to his mind. whether conscious or
re8 | MAGIC AND RELIGTON
unconscious:It is a relationshipbetween symbol and thing sym-
bolized, or, to use the terminology of linguists,berweensign and
meaning.The shamanprovides the sick woman with a language,
by meansof which unexpressed, and otherwiseinexpressible,psy-
chic statescan be immediatelyexpressed. And it is the transitionto
this verbal expression-at the sametime making it possibleto un-
dergo in an ordered and intelligible form a real experiencethat
would otherwisebe chaotic and inexpressible-which inducesthe
releaseof the physiologicalprocess,that is, the reorganization,in a
favorable direction, of the processto which the sick woman is
subjected.
In this respect,the shamanisticcure lies on the bordedine be-
tween our contemporaryphysicalmedicineand such psychological
therapiesas psychoanalysis. Its originality stemsfrom the applica-
tion to an orgeniccondition of a method relatedto psychotherapy.
How is this possible?A closercomparisonbetweenshamanismand
psychoanalysis-which in our view implies no slight to psycho-
analysis-will enableus to clarify this point.
In both casesthe purposeis to bring to a consciouslevel con-
flicts and resistances which have remainedunconscious,owing ei-
ther to their repressionby other psychologicalforces or-in the
caseof childbirth-to their own specificnature,which is nor psy-
chic but organic or evensimply mechanical.In both casesalso,the
conflictsand resistances are resolved,not becauseof the knowledge,
real or alleged,which the sick woman progressivelyacquiresof
them, but becausethis knowledgemakespossiblea specificexperi-
ence,in the courseof which conflicts materializein an order and
on a level permitting their free developmentand leading to their
resolution.This vital experienceis calledabreactisnin psychoanaly-
sis,We know that its precondition is the unprovoked intervention
of the analyst,who appearsin the conflicts of the parient through
a double trarrsferencemechanism,as a flesh-and-bloodprotagonist
and in relation to whom tlre patient can restore and clarify an
initial situationwhich hasremainedunexpressed or unformulated.
All thesecharacteristicscan be found in the shamanisticcure.
Ffere,too, it is a matter of provoking an experience;asthis experi-
ence becomesstructured, regulatory mechanismsbeyond the sub-
iect's control are spontaneouslyser in motion and lead to an
orderly functioning. The shamanplays the samedual role as the
The Effectiaenessof Symbols | 'sp
psychoanalyst. A prerequisite role-that of listener for the psycho-
analyst and of orator for the shaman----establishes a direct relation-
ship with the patient's conscious and an indirect relationship with
his unconscious.This is the function of the incantation proper. But
the shamandoes more than utter the incantation; he is its hero, for
it is he who, at the head of a supernatural battalion of spirits, pene-
trates the endangered organs and frees the captive soul. In this way
he, like the psychoanalyst, becomes the obiect of transference
and, through the representationsinduced in the patient's mind, the
real protagonist of the conflict which the latter experiences on the
border between the physical world and the psychic world. The pa-
tient suffering from neurosis eliminates an individual myth by fac-
ing a "real" psychoanalyst; the native woman in childbed over-
comes a true organic disorder by identifying wirh a "mythically
transmuted" shaman.
This parallelism does not exclude certain differences, which
are not surprising if we note the character-psychological in the
one case and organic in the other-of the ailment to be cured.
Actually the shamanisticcure seemsto be the exact counterparr to
the psychoanalytic cure, but with an inversion of all the elements.
Both cures aim at inducing an experience,and both succeedby re-
creating a myth which the patient has to live or relive. But in one
case, the patient constructs an individual myth with elements
drawn from his past; in the other case, rhe patient receives from
the outside a social myth which does not correspond to a former
personalstate. To prepare for the abreaction, which then becomes
an "adreaction," the psychoanalyst listens, whereas the shaman
speaks.Better still: When a transference is established,the patient
puts words into the mouth of the psychoanalyst by attributing to
him alleged feelings and intentions; in the incantation, on the con-
trary, the shamanspeaksfor his patient. He questionsher and pum
into her mouth answersthat correspond to the interpretation of her
condition, with which she must become imbued:
My eyesightis straying,it is asleepon Muu Puklip'spath.
It is Muu Puklip who has come to me. She wants to take my
niga purbalelefor good.
Muu Nauryaiti has come to me. She wants to possessny niga
pwbalele for good.
e t c .( 9 7 - r o r ) .
Z O OI MAGIC AND RELIGION
Furthermore, the resemblancebecomeseven more striking
when we comparethe shaman'smethod with certain recent ther-
apeutictechniquesof psychoanalysis. R. Desoille,in his researchon
daydreaming,'3emphasizedthat psychopathologicaldisturbances
are accessibleonly through the language of symbols. Thus he
speaksto his patientsby meansof symbols,which remain,nonethe-
less,verbal metaphors.In a more recentwork, with which we were
not acquaintedwhen we beganthis study, M. A. Sechehayegoes
much further.la It seemsto us that the resultswhich she obtained
while treating a caseof schizophreniaconsideredincurable fully
confirm our precedingviews on the similaritiesbetween psycho-
analysisand shamanism.For Sechehayebecameaware thet speech,
no matter how symbolic it might be, still could not penetratebe-
yond the consciousand that she could reach deeply buried com-
plexesonly through acts.Thus to resolvea weaning complex,the
analyst must assumea maternal role, carried out not by a literal
reproduction of the appropriatebehaviorbut by meansof actions
rvhich are,asit were, discondnuous,eachs)tmbolizinga fundamen-
tal elementof the situation-for instance,putting the cheek of the
patient in contact with the breast of the analyst. The symbolic
load of suchactsqualifiesthem asa language.Actually, the therapist
holds a dialoguewith the patient, not through the spoken word,
but by concreteactions,that is, genuinerites which penetratethe
screenof consciousness to carry their messagedirecdy to the un-
conscious.
Here we againencounterthe conceptof manipulation,which
appearedso essentialto an understandingof the shamanisticcure
but whose traditional definition we must broaden corsiderably.
For it may at one time involve a manipulationof ideasand, at an-
other time, a manipulation of organs.But the basic condition re-
mainsthat the manipulationmust be carried out through symbols,
that is, through meaningful equivalentsof things meant which
belong to another order of realiry. The gesturesof Sechehaye
reverberatein the unconsciousmind of the schizophrenicjust as
the representations evoked by the shamanbring about a modifica-
tion in the organic functions of the woman in childbirth. Labor is
impededat the beginningof the song,the deliverytakesplaceat
the end, and the progressof childbirth is reflected in successive
stagesof the myth. The first penetration of the vagina by the
The Effectitsenessof Symbols I zor
neleganis carried out in Indian file (z4r) and, since it is an as-
cent, with the help of magical hats which clear and light up the
way. The return correspondsto the secondphaseof the myth, but
to the first phaseof the physiologicalprocess,sincethe child must
be madeto come down. Attention turns toward the nelegan'sf.eet.
We are told that they have shoes(494-496). When they invade
Muu's abode,they no longer march in single 6le but in "rows of
four" (388); and,to comeout againin the openair, they go "in a
row" (248). No doubt the purposeof such an alterationin the de-
tails of the myth is to elicit the correspondingorganic reaction,but
the sick woman could not integrateit as experienceif it were not
asociated with a true increasein dilatation. It is the effectiveness
of symbolswhich guaranteesthe harmoniousparallel development
of myth and action. And myth and action form a pair always as-
sociatedwith the dualiry of patient and healer.In the schizophrenic
cure the healer performs the actionsand the patient produceshis
myth; in the shamanisticcure the healersuppliesthe myth and the
patientperformsthe actions.
The analogybetweenthesetwo methodsivould be evenmore
completeif we could admit, as Freud seemsto have suggestedon
two different occasions,l6that the description in psychological
terms of the structure of psychosesand neurosesmust one day be
replacedby physiological,or evenbiochemical,concepts.This pos-
sibfity may be at hand,sincerecent Swedishresearchtshasdemon-
stratedchemicaldifferencesresulting from the amountsof polynu-
cleidsin the nerve cells of the normal individual and those of the
psychotic.Given this hypothesisor any other of the sametype, the
shamanisticcure and the psychoanalyticcurewould becomestrictly
parallel.It would be a matter, either way, of stimulatingan organic
transformationwhich would consistessentiallyin a structural reor-
ganization,by inducing the patientintensivelyto live out a myth-
eitherreceivedor createdby him-whose structurewould be, at the
unconsciouslevel,analogousto the structurewhosegenesisis sought
on the organic level. The effectivenessof symbols would consist
preciselyin this "inductive property," by which formally homol-
ogousstructures,built out of different materialsat different levels
of life-organic processes,unconsciousmind, rational thought-
are relatedto one another.Poetic metaphorprovidesa familiar ex-
 RELIGION
2 O 2I MAGIC AND
ample of this inductive Process' but as a rule it does not transcend
th" rrrr.onr"ious level. Thot w" note the significance of Rimbaud's
intuition lhat metaphor can changethe rvorld.
The compariion with psyChoanalysis has allowed us to shed
light on to*. of shamanisticcuring. Conversely, it is not
"sp".ts study of shamanism may day serve.to
iriprobable that the -of -one
elucidate obscure points Freudian theory. we are thinking
specifically of the conceptsof myth and the unconscious'
'
We srw that the bnly difierence between the rwo methods
that would outlive the discovery of a physiological substratum
of neurosis concerns the origin of the myth, which in the one
case is recovered as an individual possessionand in the other case
is received from collective tradition. Actually, many psychoana-
Iysts would refuse to admit rhat the psychic constellationswhich
i"rpp"", in the patient's consciouscould constitute a -myth' Tl::"
,.pi.r"nt, they say, real events which it is sometimes.possible
to date and whose' authenticity can be verifred by checking with
relatives or servants.t?we do not question these facts. But we
should ask ourselveswhether the therapeuric value of the cure de-
pends on the actual character of remembered situations,or whether
ih" tr.rrmrtizing power of those situations stemsfrom the fact that
at the momettt -hett they appear,the subiect experiencesthem im-
mediately as living -yth. ny this we mean that the traumatizing
power of my situition cannot resulr from its intrinsic features but
must, rather, resulr from the capacity of certain events' appearing
within an appropriate psychological, historical, and social context,
to induce an-emotional crystallization which is molded by a pre-
existing structure. In relation to the event or anecdote,these struc-
tures-or, more accurately, these structural l2w5-21s truly
atemporal. For the neurotici all psychic life and all subseqtent ex-
exclusivg or predominant
'r.-.tor., are organized in terns of an
periences -
under-the catalytic action of the initial myth. But this
strucnlre, as well as other structures which the neurotic relegates
to a subordinate position, are to be found also in the normal human
being, whether primitive or civilized. These structures as an ag-
gr.g-rt. form what we call the unconscious. The last difierence
6".iu..n the theory of shamanism and psychoanalytic theory
would, then, vanish. The unconscious ceasesto be the ultimate
haven of individual peculiarities-the repository of a unique his-
The Efectiveness of Symbols I tol
tory which makeseachof us an irreplaceablebeing. It is reducible
to a function-the symbolic function, which no doubt is specifi-
cally human,and which is carried out accordingto the samelaws
amongall men, and actually correspondsto the aggregateof these
laws.
If this view is correct, it will probably be necessaryto re-
establisha more marked distinction between the unconsciousand
the preconsciousthan has been customaryin psychology. For the
preconscious,as x reservoir of recollectionsand imagesamassed
in the course of a lifetime,ls is merely an aspect of memory.
While perennialin character,the preconsciousalsohaslimitations,
slnce the term refers to the fact that even though memoriesare
preservedthey are not alwaysavailableto the individual. The un-
conscious,on the other hand, is always empty-or, more accu-
rately, it is as alien to mental imagesasis the stomachto the foods
which pessthrough it. As the organ of a specificfunction, the un-
consciousmerely imposesstructural laws upon inarticulated ele-
ments which originate elsewhere-impulses,emotions,representa-
tions,and memories.We might say,therefore,that the preconscious
is the individual lexicon where eachof us eccumulatesthe vocabu-
lary of his personalhistory, but that this vocabulary becomessig-
nificant, for us and for others, only to the extent that the uncon-
sciousstructuresit accordingto its laws and thus transformsit into
language.Sincetheselaws are the samefor all individualsand in all
instanceswhere the unconsciouspursuesits activity, the problem
which arosein the precedingparagraphcan easilybe resolved.The
vocabulary matters lessthan the structure. Whether the myth is
re-createdby the individual or borrowed from tradition, it derives
from its sources-individual or collective (between which inter-
penetrationsand exchangesconstantly occur)-only the stock of
representationswith which it operates.But the structure remains
the same,and through it the symbolicfunction is fulfilled.
If we add that these structures are not only the samefor
everyoneand for all areasto which the function applies,but that
they are few in number, we shall understandwhy the world of
symbolismis infinitely varied in content, but always limited in its
laws. There are many languages,but very few structural laws
which are vdid for all languages.A compilation of known tales
and myths would fill an imposing number of volumes.But they
20+ | MAGIC AND REL/G/ON
can be reduced to a small number of simple types if we abstract,
from among the diversiqyof characters,a few elementary functions.
As for the complexes-those individual myths-they also corre-
spond to a few simple types, which mold the fluid multiplicity of
cases.
Since the shaman does not psychoanalyzehis patient, we may
conclude that remembrance of things past, considered by some
the key to psychoanalytic therapy, is only one expression (whose
value and results are hardly negligible) of a more fundamental
method, which must be defined without considering the individual
or collective genesis of the myth. For the myth fonn takes prec-
edenceover the content of the narrative. This is, at any rate, what
the analysisof a native text seemsto have taught us. But also, from
another perspective,we know that any myth representsa quest for
the remembranceof things past.The modern version of shamanistic
technique called psychoanalysisthus derives its specific character-
istics from the fact that in industrial civilizarion there is no longer
any room for mythical time, except within man himself. From
this observadon,psychoanalysiscan draw confirmation of its valid-
ity, as well as hope of strengthening its theoretical foundations and
understanding better the reasons for its effectiveness,by com-
paring its methods and goals wich those of its precursors, the sha-
mans and sorcerers.
The Effectivenessof Symbols
| ,oS
nustr, ."worm," and is commonly used for ,,penis', (see Holmer and
Wass6n,p. 47,n z$o; p. 57,n 54o; and.p. gr).
tz. lbid.,p.8<.
r3. R Deioilie,Le Riae ?aeillenptychoth1rapie (paris: 1945).
t4. A. Sechehaye,La Rialisaiion synzboiiqui, Suppl.#ent No. rz to
Y.
I(.euueruisse.depsychologi.eet de psychologie apfliqu1e (Bern: 1947).
t5, ln Beyond the Plearure Principle, p. 79, ^ttJN"ta' Cinferince, on'piy-
choanalysis, p. r98, cited by E, Kris, .,The Narure oi psychoanalyiic
Propositions
_a1dghe,ir Validation," in Freedom and Experience, Esiays
presented to H. M. Kallen (kh-aca,N. y.:
ry47), p. z+4.
16. Casperssonand Hyden, at the Karolinst<aInsiiiuii in btockholm.
17. Marie Bonaparte, "Notes on the Analydcal Discoverv of a primal
'the
Scene,"in The PsychoanalyticStudy of Cbild, Vol.'I (New york:
rg4t).
I8. This definition, which was subjectedto considerablecriticism, acquires
a new meaning through the radical distinction berween preconscious
and unconscioris.

NOTES
r. Nils M. Holmer and Henry !Vass6n,Mu-lgala or the Way of Muu, a
Medicine Songfrom the Cunasof Panama (G,iiteborg: 1947).
z. The numbers in parenthesesrefer to the numbered sectionsin the song.
3. E. NordensktiSld, An Historical and Ethnological Suruey of the Cund
Indians, ed, Henry Wass6n, Vol. X of Comparative Ethnographical
Studies(G<iteborg: 1938),pp. 8o ff.
4. Ibid., pp. 160 ff.; Holmer and Wass6n, op. cit., pp. 78-9.
5. Holmer and Wass6n, op. cit,, p. 38, n 44.
6. Nordenskirild,op. cit.,p.$+ft.
7. Ibid., pp. 6o7-8; Holmer and Wass6n, op. cit., p. 38, nn 35-9.
8. The translation of ti ipya x "whirlpool" seemsto be scrained.For cer-
tain South American natives, as also in the languages of the lberian
peninsula (cf. the Portugueseolho d'agua), a "water eye" is a spring.
9. Holmer and Wass6n,op. cit,, pp.65-6.
rc. lbid.,p.+j,n 2rgip. 57,nS3g.
rr, The quesdon maiks are Holmer and Wass6n's; nusuptne derives from