Chapter IV

GREEN REVOLUTION - RATIONALE AND HISTORY

Introduction

Green Revolution, also known as the New Agricultural Strategy,

marks a significant phase in the history of development of agricultural
technology. It represents a paradigm shift in the agents1 players and
priorities of agricultural technology development. Technology development
became a scientist-driven programme, subservient to the goals of output and
profit maximisation.

The present chapter attempts to examine the rationale behind the

Green Revolution and the historical and political background that led to the
development of Green Revolution strategy in India and Kerala in particular.

Green Revolution phase marked a striking quantitative increase in

food production [Mencher, 1974:309]. It has been hailed as the greatest
thing that has happened to the developing countries in their long struggle
for a better life [Sen, 1975; 31. In popular parlance, it often refers to the
impressive progress made in food grain production in world agriculture,
especially in the third world countries during the 1960s and the 70s.

As a strategy, Green Revolution meant a package for increasing

agricultural production and productivity by overcoming the environmental,
cultural and religious constraints on technology. It has been the result of
scientific research and the systematic application of improved agricultural
 knowledge especially in the biological and chemical aspects of agricultural
technology1.

The Rationale of Green Revolution

Recent models of agricultural development are classified into two

groups according to the traditions from which they emanate [Zarkovic,
1987:153]. Of them, one has its roots in the neoclassical theory, and the
other belongs to the tradition of radical political economy. With the radical
group of theories there exists a major subdivision with respect to
agricultural issues: pure Marxist analysis and dependency theories.

Green Revolution has been the result of one of the two major
theoretical approaches to solve the problem of food security. Of the two,
one has been the Marxian mode of production approach and the other being
the neo-classical production function approach. In general, radical political
economics rests on the belief that a social order characterised by an unequal
distribution of power and assets will influence institutional arrangements
which in turn the production capacity of the individual farmer. The Marxian
mode of production approach has been centred on redistribution, abolition
of intermediaries and tenancy and the creation of entitlements through land
reforms.

Entitlement refers to the set of alternative commodity bundles that a

person can command in a society using the totality of rights and
opportunities that he or she has. Then poverty is not ultimately a matter of
incomes at all; it is one of a failure to achieve certain minimum capabilities.
These capabilities are, in turn generated by the entitlements [Sen, 1981 and

I Of the various forms of technology, namely, biological or genetic, mechanical, chemical and
managerial, the Classical economists made recurring references to mechanisation in agriculture, later,
biological lechnology has been generally regarded to be the key form of technology for agriculture.

78
 19851. For the farmer the main entitlement is his ownership of the land he
cultivates.

Accordingly the abolition of tenancy has been treated as highly

desirable. As the relations of production are less favourable to the tenant, he
has little incentive to increase his output since a large share in any such
increase will accrue to the landowner [United Nations, 19511. It is argued
that a country can increase agricultural productivity by reforming the land
tenure systems. This calls for decisions on the redistribution of land
ownership, conditions of tenancy, and control of rents [Meier and Baldwin,
1957:383], for increased production. The land reform initiatives or attempts
in the Asian countries are grouped into three basic policy models [Hemng,
19831. They are the 'tenure reform' or the intervention regulatory model,
the redistributive model and 'land to the tiller' model2.

The orientation for land reform had been in the First Five Year Plan
and it has been held that the pattern of economic and social organisation
would depend upon the manner in which the land problem is solved
[Planning Commission, 19531. This orientation is typical to the mode of
production approach.

The debate on the mode of production has started in India in the

early sixties and papers on specific topics such as tenancy and labour
relations have appeared, particularly after 1978). In Marxist literature, the
debate has been known as the "Indian debate".

2
Of them, 'land to the t~ller'model was the reform model explicated by the theoreticians in Indian
National Congress and the Commun~stParty in Kerala.
3
During the 1960s and 70s. a theoretical and empirical debate emerged with regard to questions of
political economy, mostly in the journals Economic and Political Weekly, Frontier, and Social Scientisr.
Agrarian Relations and Accumulation The Mode of Production Debate in India Utsa Patnaik's[l990]
encapsulates the main trends in the early discussions.
 As per the neo-classical production function approach to growth and
development, output is a function of inputs. More output can be produced
by increasing the quantity of inputs or changing the mixture of inputs.
Green Revolution belongs to the second type of approach. Its emphasis has
been on increasing production and productivity and believed in the 'trickle
down' effect of growth.

'Trickle down' in economic growth refers to the probable effect of

transmitting benefits from top strata to the poorest or lower strata of the
society while implementing the strategies of achieving higher economic
growth.

Green Revolution phase marked a striking quantitative increase in

food production [Mencher, 1974:309]. It has been hailed as the greatest
thing that has happened to the developing countries in their long struggle
for a better life [Sen, 1975; 31. In popular parlance, it often refers to the
impressive progress made in food grain production in world agriculture,
especially in the third world countries during the 1960s and the 70s. As a
strategy, Green Revolution meant a package for increasing agricultural
production and productivity by overcoming the environmental, cultural and
religious constraints on technology. It has been the result of scientific
research and the systematic application of improved agricultural knowledge
especially in the biological and chemical aspects of agricultural
technology.

A Brief History of the Development of the Green Revolution Strategy

The history of Green Revolution is traced back to the 1940s when

Daniels, the U S Ambassador to Mexico and Henry Wallace, Vice President
of the USA set up a scientific mission to help the development of
agricultural technology in Mexico. High Yielding Varieties (HYVs) or the
'miracle seeds' were at the core of the new technology. Accordingly, the
Mexican government and the Rockefeller Foundation started a joint venture
to introduce plant breeding programme in Mexico.

Dr. Norman Borlaug, the Norway-born, U.S-based agricultural

scientist was the pioneer of this historic scientific achievement. By 1954,
Borlaug's 'miracle seeds' of dwarf varieties of wheat had been bred. The
Breeding efforts were in response to the unbearable pressure of population
growth on existing food supplies in the Third World countries. In
connection with the 'miracle seed' programme, two international
agricultural research stations International Maize and Wheat Improvement
Centre (CIMMYT) and the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI)
were set up4. These centres grew out of the Rockefeller Foundation's
country programme to launch the new seeds, known as the New
Agricultural strategy, by the mid 1960s. By 1966, IRRI started producing
'miracle' rice, in succession to the 'miracle' wheat from CIMMYT.

The Green Revolution was given support in Mexico, Philippines and

India from the 1940s through to the1960s by the Rockefeller, the Ford
Foundation and the U S Government [Desai, 1998: 2201. It marked a
prominent phase in global agriculture scenario since the 1960s. The term
'Green Revolution' was coined by William Guard of the United States in
1968. It is the name given to the science based transformation of Third
World agriculture [Shiva, 1997: 191.

-
lnternatlonal Maize and Wheat Improvement Centre (CIMMYT), Mexico was set up in 1956 on the
basis of the Rockefeller Foundation and Mexican Government programme and the International Rice
Research lnst~tute(IRRI), Manila, Philippines was established in 1960 by the Rockefeller and Ford
Foundation
 Background of the Indian Green Revolution and the Transitional
Phase

The change from traditional agriculture to the Green Revolution

strategy has never been instantaneous. Tt was backdated by a lengthy
period of transition. Kerala's option for the Green Revolution strategy was
part of the national agenda. Therefore, a discussion of Kerala experience of
Green Revolution would be incomplete without an understanding of the
national developments in this regard.

India had gone through a period of serious food shortages and

famines5. As a solution, there evolved a change in the mind-set of setting
production maximisation as the priority in agricultural operations.

Even at the face of famines and shortages British Government in

India paid attention only to certain crops, which were of special interest to
them. Production of commercial crops came to be organised on capitalist
lines. Formation of a separate Department of Agriculture in the Government
of India in 1871 and subsequent formation of Provisional departments,
establishment of agricultural research centres, appointment of
Commissions, formulation of an agricultural policy -all were parts of that
attempt.

The colonial priorities and the corresponding strategy of production

affected the social and economic setting of the Indian society. An important
Though a connected and complete account of the famines that occurred in the pre-British period of
lndian history is lacking, the available evidence suggests that in the earlier times a major famine
occurred in every fifty years. But they were confined to regions very much limited in area [Bhatia,
1963:7]. The British colonial period began in lndia with drought and famine in Bengal in 1770, during
which one-third of the population of the province disappeared from the face of the earth. The frequency
of famines showed an embarnssing increase in the nineteenth century. In a period of about 90 years,
from 1765(the year in which the British East India Company - to 1858,
. . took over the Diwani of Benaal.)
the country e~pcricn,-CJtwelvr famines m d tiur severe hcarcltles (Report of the Famine Conmi.i.$run.
1901.11. Twentv m~llion11,cr wera lost in a b o ~ 20 - .
t famines durine the neriod 1850 to 1900. Just r~~
~

to the end of the colonial era, another great Bengal famine occurred during 1942-43, when about 3
ortor
~

million people died of hunger.

82
transition was in the concept of village self-sufficiency, which had taken
deep roots in rural India from near about the sixth or the seventh century
A. D. and the concept disappeared completely during the British period
[Menon, 1985:l I].

Independent India and the American Relation

Solution to famine has become a national agenda after independence.

Independent India implemented various programmes like Grow More Food
Campaign, Intensive Agricultural Development Programme (IADP, 1950-
51), Community Development Programme (1952), the National Extension
Service (NES, 1953), and the Intensive Agricultural District Programme
(IADP, 1960-61) as part of free India's effort to increase production and to
thus to ensure food security. All these programmes were remote
preparations for the onset of the Green Revolution strategy.

Yet, there were sporadic occurrences of shortages. For instance, in

1965-66, though food production was affected adversely by drought, there
were no famines, as the shortage was met through the large food imports,
mainly under the PL 480 programme of the USA. The country was forced
to depend upon imported food supply from the west for a long period after
independence and for many years she had literally a 'ship to mouth'
existence.

During this period American influence in India grew steadily. The

crisis of the Indian Second Five Year Plan in 1958 and the consequent
heavy dependence of the Indian economy on U S aid made American
influence more pervasive and manifest. American connection began to
play an increasingly important role in the shaping of Indian policy in most
fields.
 The new turn in agricultural development policy was marked by a
Report by American experts, sponsored by the Ford ~oundation~.
It
recommended a major shift in policy- away from the populist participatory
concepts of Community Development and towards an emphasis on
technological solutions to the problem of agricultural development. This
shift led to the coming of Green Revolution.

The New Agricultural Strategy

The 'New Agricultural Strategy' was India's response to the grave

and long - standing food crisis that culminated in the 1960s [Mencher,
1974:309], disregarding its socio-economic consequences. The government
was committed to attaining self-sufficiency in food and gave high priority
in the First Five Year Plan.

However, the success of IADP, the Grow More Food campaign and
the First Five Year Plan in the agricultural sector produced a feeling of
pride and indifference regarding agricultural development. Along with the
agricultural success in the First Plan came the offer of supply of agricultural
surpluses from the piled up stocks on highly concessional terms from the
US government. With the beginning of the Second Plan, agriculture was
relegated to second place in the order of plan priorities.

Neglect of the agricultural sector during the Second Plan, the short
war with China in 1962 and the widespread drought in the east India
culminated in a food crisis. In 1965-66, food grain production in the country
fell from 89 million tonnes in the preceding year to 72 million tonnes.

Meanwhile, a feeling had been growing for sometime among the

donor countries that the resources available with them for international food
-
The learn o f experts was headed by Dr. Sherman E Johnson and it submitted the report in April, 1959.
aid were limited, relative to the demand for aid from food-deficit
developing countries. The U S President Lyndon Johnson refused to
continue food aid beyond one month in advance until an agreement to adopt
the Green Revolution package was signed between India and the USA.

La1 Bahadur Shastri became the then Prime Minister, assisted in the
Food portfolio by C Subramaniam decided to put agriculture at the centre of
the stage in government policy -making and planning and implement of the
Green Revolution strategy. Agricultural research has been considered
central to the new strategy.

History of Agricultural Research in India

It has been observed that agricultural research has traditionally

played a very minor role in most developing countries [Pinstrup Anderson,
19821. Even up to the beginning of the second half of the 2othcentury such
research in India was primarily focused on export commodities such as
rubber, sugar cane and bananas- commodities, which were of interest to the
imperial power.

Expansion of production of these crops came about primarily

through an increase in the area under cultivation while attempts to increase
yields and productivity in cases where they occurred were based primarily
on imported technology from the developed countries. Such technology was
in many cases unsuited or poorly suited to the agricultural conditions in the
developing countries. Therefore the yield and productivity increases were
small.

Dr. J A Voelcker's report in 1897 heralded the initiation of formal

agricultural research in the country, nearly 50 years behind Europe and the
United States. The efforts in agriculture were based on Voelcker's
prescription of bridging the gap between better performing and poorer
regions through selection and adaptation of varieties and practices from the
former to the latter; and using scientific advances in genetics, soil fertility,
engineering, etc. The goal was to increase food production through
scientific evaluation of indigenous practices and exploitation of new
scientific principles. The beginning of agricultural research in India was
thus clearly focused on the peasantry because of the indigenous roots
[Jha, 2001 :2].

The above orientation in research did not last long. The commercial
and trading interests of colonial powers crept in very soon. The Central
Cotton Committee was created in 1921 to increase the production of cotton-
a major interest of British industry. It sponsored research and development
in concerned provinces through respective departments of agriculture and
their experimental farms. The Royal Commission of Agriculture (1928)
which got impressed by this initiative recommended the creation of the
Imperial (later Indian) Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) for co-
ordination of agricultural research in the country. Relating to commercial
crops commodity-wise committees were formed for jute, oilseeds, spices,
cashew, etc., following the cotton pathway.

Organisation of formal agricultural research had evolved from the

first experiments of private European planters, to the botanical gardens and
provincial experiment stations under the British government, to the present
national public research organisation, the ICAR and the State Agricultural
Universities. Organised agricultural research in the public sector was one of
the most critical interventions made by the Indian government for
agricultural development.

Food crops and livestock research was conducted on experimental

farms of provincial departments of agriculture. In that endeavour the state
departments were supported by the ICAR and a few central institutes were
directly supported by the Government of India. The then allocation of
research funds shows that the research portfolio got diversified over time
and also that commercial crops claimed a large share.

ICAR and Commodity Committees played an important role in

nurturing the state research systems. The 1950s saw the establishment of
several central research institutions, some specifically mandated to address
critical needs and others to create captive units for the Commodity
Committees. There were 564 research stations under provincial departments
of agriculture at the end of the 1950s [Jha, 20011.

In the mid sixties the 'New Agricultural strategy' was enunciated,

assigning a central role to technology and research. ICAR was reorganized
and it assumed charge of all agricultural research supported by the Central
Government .The Council played a major role in reanimating the state
system as well through direct and substantial support to the newly
established State Agricultural Universities (SAUs). The All India Co-
ordinated Research Projects (AICRP) heralded another ICAR initiative,
which brought the state system in the mainstream. Since then the public
system has grown in depth and coverage7.

Supply and Demand Factors in Research

Various review committees and observers have evaluated the

national agricultural research system. The most notable defect of the system
is with regard to its orientation. Though the origins of agricultural research
in the country were rooted in farmers' practices, during the evolution it was
gradually converted into a supply-driven system. Scientists looked all over

Today the nalronal agricultural research network consists of 97 ICAR units, 31 SAUs, 98 AICRPs, and
313 research stations, 120 zonal research stations and 200 sub-stations. The nineties saw the beginnings
of significant private investments in this field, a trend that is accelerating now. The research community
IS quite confident that agricultural sciences can contribute significantly to resolving the current and
emerging challenges on product~on,environment, trade and rural development.
to the westwards for ideas, methods and materials to enhance production
and tried to refine or adapt them.

Complete neglect of demand side variables, particularly indigenous

practices and local physical and socio-economic constraints, created an
environment and culture which now severely restricts the role and scope of
research [Jha, 2001:8]. Firstly, it created a disciplinary approach, which put
premium on peer recognition rather than problem solution. Agricultural
technology has become a discipline and got institutionalised. Secondly, it
created an attitude where no scientist wanted to step out of the lab or
experimental farm, and the farmer was perceived as ignorant.

An important consequence has been increasing irrelevance and lack

of priority in research. When the system adopted the Land Grant pattern in
the sixties, it attempted to bridge this gap by integrating extension with
research and education, but this effort also became disciplinary. Scientists
made recommendations based solely on their research, but were not
involved in dissemination, which is the responsibility of the extension
division or directorate. Thus development of technology and its
dissemination, the two aspects of a same reality or process got separated.

Only scientific output figured in evaluation. Scientists claimed

scientific achievements, and were indifferent to how these were followed in
practice, and they blamed extension or policy lapses for failure in adoption.

The Indian Experience of Green Revolution

In the post independence decades, Green Revolution became the

catchword in India and agriculture began to be completely revamped
according to the priorities set by the new paradigm. Although preparations
had been there, the outstanding performance of Indian agriculture started
with the Green Revolution during the mid-sixties. It was through a package
programme consisting of improved seeds, inorganic fertilizer, irrigation,
and plant protection measures (PPCs) combined with agricultural research
and development (R&D) and dedicated work of Indian fannerss.

Basically, Green Revolution was a "eureka" in biological

technology, at the core of which was the 'miracle seeds'. Biological
technology was generally regarded to be the key form of agricultural
technology [Evenson, 19931. Biotechnology - a hybrid of genetics and
chemistry determines the maximum biological performance of plants and
animals and also influences the scope and effectiveness of other forms of
technology as well.

'Miracle seeds' and the Green Revolution Technology

The response of the traditional varieties to fertilizer was said to be

negative. When they are fertilized with chemicals, they would shoot up
even faster, grow dense, stoop and lodge on the ground reducing the
photosynthetic work, and in the end would yield even less. The new seeds
however, break open the nature's limits and cycles, which were respected
by traditional agriculture. The 'miracle' seeds were therefore at the heart of
the science of Green Revolution.

An important characteristic of modern varieties is their ability to

utilize nutrients and water efficiently, and to translocate more of them to
grain formation than to other parts such as leaf. The dream-plant from the
miracle seed has another unique feature: it is photoperiod-insensitive. In
simple words it means that it can grow and work uninterruptedly even under
cloudy skies, which drastically cuts down the time needed to produce a
crop. This results in a quantumjump in yield.

-
The subsequent revolutions in oilseeds (Yellow Revolution), milk (White Revolution) and fish (Blue
Revolution) further consolidated the gains and contributed to the phenomenal increase in overall
agricultural, lish and milk production[R S Paroda, 1999:63].
 The 'miracle seeds' were seen as a source of new abundance and
peace. The new seeds were said to be the best hope -the only hope- of
winning the race between population and food, a race that is becoming
increasingly more critical with every passing year [Sen, 1975:7]. Science
was honoured for having shown a magical ability to solve problems of
material scarcity and violenceg.

During 1965-90, India moved from a highly precarious food supply

situation to one of frequent surplus, improved food security, and higher
aggregate nutrition levels [World Bank; FAO, Production Yearbook various
years]. This happened despite the addition of almost 390 million people to
India's total population over this quarter century and in the face of an
annual population growth rate of 2.2 per cent during 1965-80[World Bank,
19891.

According to the above World Bank estimates, per capita daily

calorie supply in India increased from 2,111 to 2,238 calories during 1965-
86. Agricultural production is estimated to have grown by an annual rate of
2.8 per cent during 1965-80, while the population growth rate in that period
was about 2.3 per cent per year [ibid]. This success is attributed mainly to
the adoption of new high-yielding varieties, particularly of rice and wheat
developed by international and national agricultural research stations and
distributed to Indian farmers from the mid-1960s onwards.

Compared to other phases in the history of agricultural development,

the transformation through Green Revolution occurred in an extraordinarily
short span of time. During the period there was an exponential growth in the
use of inputs that belonged to the Green Revolution package.

Borlang, the hero behind the 'miracle seeds' was given Nobel Prize for Peace

90
Table: 4.1: An overall view of trends in Agricultural Inputs-India for the
period from 19504 1 to 1992-93

Pesticide 1000 2.4 8.6 24.3 45.0 52 72 82.4 79.4

consumption (Tech. tons
Grade material)
Source: Economic Intelligence Service (1994) Basic Statistics Relating to the lndian Economy,
Aug. Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) Bombay (Table 6.1)
 Table: 4.2: Decadal percentage change in area under H W s and use of
agricultural inputs-India from 1950-51 to 1990-91.

Item 1950-5 1 1960-61 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91

Area under HYVs in - - 18.2 28.1
5.6
million ha. (225) (54)
0

Fertiliser consumption 2.94 22.5 55.16 125.46

0.69
in lakh kg. (326) (665) (145) (127)
Per hectare
1.92 13.61 31.96 '69.28
consumption of 0.52
fertiliser in kg. (269) (609) (135) (117)

Electrical imgation
pumpsets in lakh nos.
Diesel irrigation
0.83
pumpsets in lakh nos. (73)
Power consumption in 833 4470 14481 49469
203
million kw (310) (437) (224) (242)
Tractors in lakh nos. 0.3 1 1.4 5.2 14.68
0.09
(244) (352) (271) (182)
Source: CMIE (1994) based on table 6.1 in basic statistics relating to the Indian economy.
Note: Figures in parenthesis show percentage change (decadal)

The percentage decadal increase was very significant in the use of all
the new inputs, especially during the first decade of the Green Revolution,
namely 1960-61 to 1970-71lo. There was 665 per cent increase in the use of
fertiliser for the ten year period. During the corresponding period the per
hectare consumption of fertiliser was 609 per cent. Similarly there was
increase in the number of electrical irrigation pump sets (913 per cent),
diesel irrigation pump sets (578 per cent), power consumption (437 per
cent) and in the number of tractors (352 per cent).

10
Though Green Kevolution in the stnct sense had begun only by the mid -60s, the Community
Development Programmes had already ~nitiatedchanges in the input mix like, improved varieties,
increased application of fertiliscrs elc., in the early 60s. Therefore we take the figures in the early 60s to
represent the pre-green revolution situation in India.
 When viewed on a local scale rather than through aggregate national
statistics, a more complex picture of the nature and impact of Green
Revolution emerges [Goldman and Smith, 1995:243]. Therefore a state or
region wise reference is attempted.

The Punjab, Haryana and Tamilnadu Experiences

States and regions vary with regard to the nature and extend of the
Green Revolution package. It depended on factors like the size of
operational holdings, the availability of water, innovative nature of farmers,
policy of the government etc. Punjab was one of the main Green Revolution
areas in India. Between 1964-85, the period of the Green Revolution in
Punjab [Goldman and Smith, 1995:244], wheat output rose more than
fourfold from 2.44 million metric tonnes to 10.2 million tonnes [Bhalla et a1
19901.

It is argued that part of the above trend was the result of the increase
of wheat yields, which grew 120 per cent during 1965-78 [ ~ e a f " ,19871,
and the remainder to increases in planted wheat area. Rice production in
Punjab increased more than ten fold, from 0.5 million tonnes in 1969 to 5.1
million tonnes in 1984-85 [Bhalla, et al., 19901. In consequence, by 1985,
per capita income in Punjab was 50 per cent higher than the national
average [Chopra 19861.

During the 14 years (1965-78), the agricultural economy of Punjab

was profoundly transformed in almost all respects. The new varieties played

" Murray Leaf, an anthropologist, made a valuable examination o f the effect o f Green Revolution
through a series o f studies in a Punjab village. He first worked in the village in 1965, just before the
introduction o f the HYVs and then returned to conduct a second study in 1978[Leaf, 19871.
a catalytic role in many of the changes. Along with HYVs, irrigation,
fertilizer use, crop patterns, livestock, and mechanization all changed in
type and intensity, most innovations reinforcing and stimulating others.

With regard to the area under H W seeds, Punjab had an increase

from 3.58 to 99.5 per cent, compared to that of Haryana from 1.73 to 95.2
per cent during 1967 to 1984. Fertilizer consumption was greater in Punjab
at all points in time, and expanded to a greater rate than in Haryana.
Between 1970-71 to1980-81, Punjab's consumption increased from 40.3 to
133.2 kilograms per hectare, compared to Haryana where the change was
from 17.3 to 42.0 [Zarkovic, 1987591.

In Tamil Nadu several villages in North Arcot region of Tamil Nadu

State in the Green Revolution period were studied by teams from
Cambridge and Madras universities in 1972-73, an early stage of the
introduction of new rice H W s . They made another study in 1982-83 and
1983-84 [Hazel] and Ramsamy, 19911. The studies concluded that the
agricultural changes had brought considerable benefits to almost all
economic classes in the region including small paddy farmers and land less
labourer.

The most significant changes in the region's agricultural economy

have been the shift to HY rice varieties, a large increase in fertilizer use, the
expansion and mechanization of irrigation, associated with which has been
an intensification of paddy production and the mechanization of a number
of other activities. By 1983-84, over 90 per cent of the area in the region
was under the new varieties.
Green Revolution in Kerala

Green Revolution in Kerala came as part of the national agenda, the

result of a deliberate attempt by the central and the state governments to
increase food production through the introduction of H W s and the
increased use of chemical inputs like fertilizers and plant protection
materials and agricultural practices of high productivity.

As part of the Community Development Programme, Alappuzha and

Palakkad districts in Kerala, were chosen in 1962-63 to come under the
Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP). The programme was a
co-operative endeavour by the Ford Foundation, the Government of India
and the State Government. It is significant to note that Kuttanad and
Palakkad have been the two 'rice bowls' of the state and the IADP in Kerala
concentrated mainly on paddy production.

The two districts were selected for the implementation of the

Programme as they satisfied certain criteria such as assured water supply,
freedom from natural hazards, well developed village institutions- chiefly
co-operatives and panchayats- and potentiality for rapid increase in
agricultural production [Panikar, 1983:4]. A major area of Kuttanad lies in
the Alappuzha District.

The Green Revolution phase in the present study, which extended

from 1968-69 to 1989-90 is divided into two phases based on the general
trends in the area and production of paddy. The first phase, which extended
up to 1974-75 has been nlarked by increasing trend in area under paddy
cultivation and its production.
Table No. 4.3: Trends in Area, Production and Yield in Kerala, 1966 to
1975 and their Indices (1966 base)

Year
): : :(I I Index no.
of area ( Production
(IaLh M.T) I I
Index no. of Yield
I
Index no.
production (Kg.Ma.1 of yield 1

1974 8.82 110 13.34 131 1513 112

1975 8.85 111 13.65 134 1520 112
Source: Govt. o f Kerala (1977) Economic Review, Trivandrum.

Over the phase there was an increase in area by about 11 per cent
while production has increased by about 34 per cent and yield per hectare
increased by about 12 per cent as seen in table 4.3.

As mentioned earlier, the main component in the Green Revolution

package was the HYVs. Introduction of high yielding varieties ( H W s ) was
argued to be a milestone in the development process of Kerala agriculture.
The Kerala Agricultural University and the Department Agriculture through
their extension programmes motivated the farmers in adopting the HYVs.
Thereby the area under HYVs increased from 1.3 lakh hectares to 2.3 lakhs
hectares during the period 1969 to 1976, showing 77 per cent increase over
the period [Radhakrishnan, et. al 19941.

During the second phase (1975-1990) there was a negative growth in

production by 14.15 per cent over the period from 1975-76 to 1989-90.
But there was an increase in the average yield by almost 29 per cent.
Though there was an increase in productivity by 29 per cent the decline in
production was due to a decline in area under paddy cultivation by 33 per
cent over the period (Table 4.4).

Table No. 4.4: Trends in Production and,Yield of Paddy in Kerala for the
period from 1975-76 to 1989-90

Area under rice Production

Yield (KgIHa)
(in 1000 Ha.) (1000 Tones)

1989-90 583.39 1141.23 1956

Source: Govt. of Kerala, Econom~cReview (various issues)

The area under paddy production showed a declining trend in Kerala

since 1974-75. Though there was an increase in productivity, it was not
adequate to compensate the loss in production consequent to the reduction
in area.
 The increase in productivity was due to increased application of
fertiliser and other inputs. For instance, the per hectare fertiliser
consumption had increased from 200 kilograms per hectare of gross
cropped area in 1971 to 620 kilograms in 1987-88. This is an indicator of
the increasing trend in the cost of cultivation due to increased application of
chemical inputs (Table 4.5).

Table No.4.5: Fertiliser Consumption in Kerala 1961 to 88.

Total Fertiliser 1000

consumption tones
Fertiliser Consumption per Kg - 200 340 620

Source: G.O.K. Dept. of Eco. And Statistics, (1989) Kerala Economy 1960-61 tog1987-88,
Trivandmm.P.6

Table 4.6 shows that when the index of fertiliser consumption

increased from 100 in 1971 to 3 10 in 1987-88 (an increase of 2 10 per cent),
the yield doesn't increase proportionately: its increase during the
corresponding period is I1 per cent only.

Table 4.6: Fertiliser consumption, Rice Productivity and their Indices (1971
to 1987-88)

Index of
Fertiliser
fertiliser Yield of rice Index of
consumption
(per ha in kg)
consumption (kdha) yield
(197 1 base)
100 1544 100
170 1587 103
1987-88 62 310 1709 11 1
Source: Est~matedfrom table 4.4 and 4.5
 The alarming increase in the consumption of fertilisers is indicative
of the increased dependence of agriculture in Kerala on chemical inputs.
From the data shown in table 4.7, there is an increase in the total
consumption of fertilisers for all crops from 56657 tomes in 1970-71 to
267606 in 1991-92, showing an increase by 372 per cent. This is also an
indication of the increased dependence of agriculture on external inputs.

Table No.4.7: Consumption of Fertilizers in Kerala for all Corps in Tomes.

I ! !
Year Nitrogen Nutrients Potash
Phosphorous (P~02) (K2o)
Total
Index of total
consumption
(base 1970-71)

1989-90 78638 , 47252 86564 212457 375

1990-91 93805 55420 95155 244380 43 1
1991-92 103662 62077 101868 267607 472
Source: GOK. Statistics for Planning, 1983 and 1993.

The high cost of external inputs together with a low farm price of
rice made rice cultivation uneconomic in Kerala. As a result, paddy
cultivation has been shrinking into a high- cost, low productivity regime in
the state. It has raised so many issues on the relevance of the new
technology and the search for different strategies which are cost effective as
well as eco-friendly, sustainable agriculture. The search for sustainable
agriculture has arisen from the growing multi-dimensional criticisms
levelled against Green Revolution [Shephered, 19981.
 To sum up, the Green Revolution experience in India and Kerala has
been one of declining area and production, increasing cost of cultivation
and growing dependence of off-farm inputs especially chemicals. Though
the use of chemical fertilisers has increased at an alarming rate the growth
in the yield per hectare remained insignificant. Increased use of chemical
fertilisers brought along with it the worsening of environment especially in
areas of mono cropping like Kuttanad. The next chapter attempts to discuss
the experience of paddy cultivation during the traditional and Green
Revolution phases in Kuttanad.