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British Institute of Persian Studies

Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros: I


Author(s): Louis D. Levine
Source: Iran, Vol. 11 (1973), pp. 1-27
Published by: British Institute of Persian Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4300482
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GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS*- I

By Louis D. Levine
Introduction
The Zagros mountains are among the most striking features on the landscape of the Near East.
Starting near the junction of the Iraqi, Iranian and Turkish borders, this chain follows a southeasterly
course for over Iooo miles, first along Iran's border with Turkey and Iraq and then along the eastern
shores of the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. As such, the Zagros occupy a strategic position in
the international affairs of this region. With the lowlands of Mesopotamia on the west and the Iranian
plateau on the east, these mountains serve as one of the great natural boundaries in this part of the world.
The Zagros and the Mesopotamian lowlands have had a long and intimate relationship which
stretches from prehistoric times to the present. This paper focuses on one period in the history of these
relations, and describes the geo-political situation in the Zagros at the time. The period chosen is the
neo-Assyrian. The choice is based primarily on a single factor. Of all periods in the ancient history
of this region, the neo-Assyrian is the best documented.

History of the Study


Early in the history of cuneiform studies, the Zagros began to attract attention. In 1878, E. Schrader
worked on some of the geographical place names mentioned in the texts in his pioneering work, Keilin-
schriftenund Geschichtsforschung.1This was followed some years later by two detailed synthetic studies
of the historical geography of the Zagros, the first published from 1898 to 1900 by M. Streck and
entitled Das Gebiet der heutigen LandschaftenArmenien, Kurdistan und Westpersiennach den babylonisch-
assyrischenKeilinschriften,2and the second published by A. Billerbeck in 1898 and entitled Das Sandchak
Suleimania und dessenpersischeNachbarlandschaftenzur babylonischenund assyrischenZeit.3 Both Streck and
Billerbeck made important advances over Schrader's work, as more sources were available to them
when they wrote than had been available to Schrader some twenty years earlier.
The works of Streck and Billerbeck, although written soon after the subject began to be studied,
have served as the watershed in the study of the historical geography of the Zagros. In the post-Streck/
Billerbeck period, most scholars have tended to confine their investigations in this part of the Near East
to the reign of a single king, to a single campaign, or to only one or two of the many Zagros groups
mentioned in the sources. No work has been written in the past seventy years which covered the entire
area, or even a large part of it. The pioneering History of Early Iran by G. Cameron,4 the only possible
exception to this statement, concerned itself primarily with Elam, and focused attention on historical
rather than historical-geographical matters. For the latter, it relied on the work of Streck, Billerbeck
and those that followed.
A lapse of seventy years might of itself be sufficient rationale to review the problem of the historical
geography of the Zagros. There are, however, a number of additional reasons which make this task
still more compelling. In the first place, many new sources have come to light since the time of Streck.
* The
present study is a reworking of the Ph.D. dissertation which I submitted to the University of Pennsylvania in 1969, titled
The HistoricalGeographyof the Zagros in the Neo-AssyrianPeriod (Ann Arbor I969). Many changes from the original have been made
here, but the help I received at the time from Professors Robert H. Dyson, Jr. and Erle Leichty contributed much to whatever merit
the original work had. My debt to them extends to this study as well. To begin this article without also recording my debt to T.
Cuyler Young, Jr. would be impossible. Not only was much of the fieldwork carried out with his help, first as teacher and then as
colleague, but he has lent a constant ear to the solutions I have proposed for problems of mutual interest. In addition, he has read
the manuscript and suggested many valuable changes. Mr. C. Breede kindly prepared the maps.

1 Giessen, I878. 3 Leipzig, I898.


2
ZA XIII (1898), pp. 57-100; ZA XIV (1899), pp. 103-72; 4 Chicago, 1936.
ZA XV (1900), pp. 257-382.
1
2 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Second, new studies and materials have made our understanding of the topography of the Zagros
much more complete, and have helped to fill in the gaps which confronted others who had previously
worked in the area. Third, modern transportation and the building of roads has made many of the
areas more accessible to the modern scholar, and fortune has allowed me to avail myself of the oppor-
tunity to travel widely in the Zagros. Finally, recent archaeological work in the Iron Age in western
Iran has refocused attention on this area, and many of its historical and geographical problems.5

Methodological Considerations
Before proceeding to the reconstructionof the geo-political situation in the Zagros during the neo-
Assyrian period, it is perhaps useful to consider some of the methodological problems raised by such a
study. This has rarely been done in the past. In some of the previous works, the method used was
transparent. For others, it was not clear, and never stated. This has led to some difficultyin evaluating
the results of these studies.
In this work we have limited the genres of texts used for the location of ancient toponyms. The most
important genre is that which actually describesthe route of march of a campaign. Such accounts are
virtually all annalistic in nature. Where more than one source for a given campaign is available, we
have tried to weigh the recensions and determine which is the most reliable.6 Where only a single
account is preserved, we have used it for the most part without question, fully aware of the dangers
involved, but unable to compensate at present.
There is a further methodological consideration even in the limited scheme proposed here. We
postulate for the sake of the argument, that the order of places mentioned in the account of a campaign
reflects the true course of that campaign. Where this assumption can be tested (e.g. in campaigns to
the west, where the historical geography is relatively better known), it has generally proven true.
Since there is no change in literary genre between descriptionsof campaigns to the east and to the west,
it can reasonably be assumed that the underlying organizational principles of the texts in both cases
are the same.
Annals are not the only genre of texts used, but all others are treated with even greater caution.
One group has been excluded. This is the group that we call summary inscriptions, which list the
various conquests of the Assyrian kings in a form other than the campaign itineraries of some of the
annals.' The reason for their exclusion is that the principles of their organization are as yet unclear,
and consequently these texts cannot be used as primary data for a study of this sort. Even in places
where the source of a given summary list is clear, changes made from the order of the original to the
order in the list are not as yet understood.8 Thus, it has been deemed safer to avoid the lists altogether.
Turning from the historiographicproblemswe can briefly outline the method used in reconstructing
the geo-political situation. As has often been noted, once in the Zagros, we have no fixed points of
reference in the ancient records. Thus, we must begin on the borders of the Zagros, in Assyria and
Babylonia. The areasimmediately adjacent to Assyriaare the first to be discussed,and they are located
by reference to places and features in Assyria whose position is known. When the location of this first
set of territorieshas been established,the next set of territorieseastwardfrom the lowlands is considered,
and these are in turn located by referenceto the first set whose position has previously been established.
It will be apparent that as we move away from Assyriaproper, our accuracy diminishes, and the curve

5 The new cuneiform sources will be cited as needed. For the pp. 39-44.
new information on topography and general geography, see 6 For an example of this " higher critical" approach, see Louis
the literature cited in note 9. In addition to these sources, D. Levine, " The Second Campaign of Sennacherib ", JNES,
the author had the opportunity to travel widely in the Iranian forthcoming.
Zagros during the summers of 1964-67. For information on 7 On this problem, see the remarks of Streck, ZA XV (I900),
the archaeological map of Iron Age Iran, see T. C. Young, Jr., p.331.
"A Comparative Ceramic Chronology for Western Iran, 8 Thus, for example, the list of Iranian places in the Kurba'il
1500-500 B.C.", Iran III (1965), PP- 53-86; R. H. Dyson, Jr., statue of Shalmaneser III (Iraq XXIV (1962), p. 94, II.
" Problems of Protohistoric Iran as seen from Hasanlu ", 19-20) is certainly derived from the events of 843 B.C. Yet in
JJNES XXIV (1965), pp. 193-217; summaries of the work two instances, the order of places in the statue list diverges
being done in Iran, in Iran V (1967) to present; Louis D. from the order in the campaign.
Levine, " The Iron Age Revealed ", ExpeditionXIII (1971),
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 3

describing the resulting uncertainty factor will be logarithmic in shape. Eventually, it becomes impos-
sible to establish anything but the most general idea of where a place is to be located.
Within the general scheme that we propose here, we have set ourselves two further limitations.
First, we have not attempted to deal with all of the Zagros place names. Only those about which some-
thing definite can be said using the method described have been treated. Second, there has been no
attempt to locate specific sites and tie them to places named in the historical records. Indeed, our
understanding is as yet so primitive that even names of regions and large political units can only be
placed in approximate settings.

The Geographical Setting


Before proceeding to a discussionof the historical geography, it is useful to draw in broad outline a
picture of the area with which we shall be concerned.9 As already noted, the Zagros run in a northwest-
southeast direction for over 00ooomiles. It is only with the northern parts of this great sweep that the
present study deals, as it was only here that the Assyrianspenetrated.
In describingthe general topography of the northern Zagros, three featuresform points of reference.
The first of these, the chatnemagistrale,10 is the highest ridge of the Zagros, and serves as the border
between Iraq and Iran through much of Kurdistan. It runs in a more or less unbroken ridge from the
Turkish, Iraqi and Persian borders to the Mahidasht, the name of the plain in which Kermanshah is
located. Here, it is bisected by the Great Khorasan Road, but the chatneresumes once again to the
south of this plain and rises eventually to peaks of considerable height in the Bakhtiari massif of the
central Zagros.
The second significant feature is the Great Khorasan Road itself. This road, whose logical western
terminus lies in the area of the modern Baghdad, moves eastward and ascends the Iranian plateau via
the Zagros Gates above Sar-i-Pul-i-Zuhab.1xFrom there, it continues east via a series of interlinking
valleys until it runs into the third and last of our reference points, the Kuh-i-Alwand.

* In the from Ruwandiz to Khaneh runs is called variously Gowre


ensuing discussions, unless otherwise noted, statements
made about the geography are drawn from the following Shinke, Shinak Pass and Zini-i-Shaik. Second, there can be
basic references: (a) For the entire area-United States Air many renderings of the same basic name in the literature.
Force Aeronautical Approach Charts, 1:250,000; Charles Thus, the mountain behind Sulaimaniya is called variously
Wilson, Handbookfor Travellersin Asia Minor, Trans-caucasia, Pera-mi-goodry, Pir-Omar-Gudrun, Pira Magrun, Pir Magrun
Persia, etc. (London, 1895), with excellent descriptions for the and Pir-i-Mukrun. Finally, once the name is decided upon, a
routes and approximate travel times. (b) For Iraq: Great single spelling has to be adopted.
Britain, Naval Intelligence Division, GeographicalHandbook The solution to this three-part problem adopted here has
Series,Iraq and the Persian Gulf. September 1944 (referred to in been to follow the rendering in the GeographicalHandbook
the text as British AdmiraltyHandbookfor Iraq). (c) For Iraqi Series of the Naval Intelligence Division of the British Ad-
Kurdistan: A. M. Hamilton, Road ThroughKurdistan(London miralty. A standard scientific transliteration can be found in
1937); C. J. Edmonds, " Some Ancient Monuments on the the Gazetteers published by the U.S. Board on Geographic
Iraqi-Persian Boundary ", Iraq XXVIII (1966), pp. 159-63. Names. It was decided not to adopt this latter system through-
(d) For southern Iraqi Kurdistan: C. J. Edmonds, Kurds, out this work as many of the renderings which would result do
Turks and Arabs (London 1957); E. A. Speiser, " Southern not match those generally used in the sources utilized for this
Kurdistan in the Annals of Ashurnasirpal and Today ", work.
AASOR VIII (1928), pp. 1-42. I have also profited from The transcription of Akkadian proper names into English
discussion with Mr. T. Wheildon Brown, who, while serving follows the system adopted by J. A. Brinkman (An. Or. 43).
as assistant engineer on the Dukan Dam Project had the This system is " (i) names which have a well known English
opportunity to survey much of the area by Land Rover, on form, such as names occurring in the Bible, retain that form
horseback and on foot. (e) For Iran: Great Britain, Naval here; (2) names which are generally transcribed into English
Intelligence Division, Geographical Handbook Series, Persia, in a certain form, such as Enlil, Adad-nirari, Ashurnasirpal,
September 1945 (referred to in the text as British Admiralty Kassites, retain this customary form, even though the trans-
Handbookfor Persia). I have also drawn extensively upon my cription may be slightly inaccurate; (3) names not commonly
personal reconnaissance of many areas in western Iran, and occurring in English are rendered phonetically in English
upon the observations made by R. H. Dyson, Jr., and T. C. script without length marks or diacritical signs (i.e. s serves for
Young, Jr., in their travels in the Zagros. s and s, and t for t and 4, sh for ', h for h1,etc.). Nouns in
10This term is used by Edmonds, who adopts it from the Pro- personal names are uniformly written with proper case endings,
ceedingsof the DemarcationCommissionof 1914. even though many of these terminations were presumably
x1The problem of rendering modern place names exists on three dropped in the speech of the period."
levels. First, there may be more than one place name for the The transcription of Akkadian follows the system of the
same geographic feature or place. Thus, for example, the pass ChicagoAssyrianDictionary.
over the main range of the Zagros over which the modern road
4 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

The Kuh-i-Alwand is the most easterly of the western Zagros ranges. It is also the first significant
barrier to east-west movement after the road ascends the plateau at the Zagros Gates. Beyond Alwand
lies the Hamadan plain, the largest flat open area in this part of the Zagros. This plain separates the
eastern and western ranges of the Zagros. The Great Khorasan Road crossesAlwand via the Asadabad
pass north of Hamadan.12 The mountain extends somewhat to the north but it soon disappears into
the massifsof Iranian Kurdistan.13
The three reference points, the chainemagistrale,the Great Khorasan Road and the Kuh-i-Alwand
divide the northern Zagros into four zones: (I) north of the Khorasan Road and west of the chaine
magistrale,(2) south of the road and west of the chaine,(3) south of the road between the chaineand
Alwand, and (4) the area north of the road and east of the chaine. In addition, there is a fifth zone, that
of the valley system which makes up the Great Khorasan Road itself.
While we shall leave detailed descriptions of the geography for later in this study, it is useful to
make some general comments about these four zones now. To begin with, zone (3), the area south of
the road between the chatneand Alwand, is excluded from this study. As far as we have been able to
determine, it falls outside of the area with which the Assyrians were directly involved. Second, the
areas north of the road and east and west of the chainemagistralediffer topographicallyfrom one another.
To the west, the mountains are characterizedby parallel folding, with the resulting topography one of a
series of long, narrow valleys separated from one another by high ridges. East-west movement in this
area is difficult, and can only be affected by passesover these ridges. The area to the east of the chaine,
while still highly mountainous, is more open, and movement is not nearly as restricted.
Within the area under discussion, there are relatively few places that can support large settled
populations. Foremost among these is the Lake Urmia basin, which even today serves as the bread
basket of Iran. Also of importance is the valley system of the Great Khorasan Road itself. Finally,
there is the Shahrizur, the one major valley to the west of the chainemagistrale.For the rest, while there
do exist major towns in the mountains, the productivity of their hinterland is limited, and their size
probably reflects modern economic and political considerations.
Within the Zagros, the topography severely restricts movement. There are two major east-west
routes. The most important, and perhaps the east-west route par excellence, is the often cited Great
Khorasan Road. Of all the routes, this one has the longest documented history of any road in the
Zagros. The second east-west route is only slightly less important than the Khorasan Road. This is
the road from the Urmia basin to Qazvin, where it joins with the Khorasan Road heading east. This
second, more northerly route moves west from the Urmia basin to Anatolia on the one hand, and to
the vicinity of Mosul on the other.
Major north-southroutes in the Zagros are rare. West of the chainemagistralethey are non-existent.
All north-south traffic moves through Assyria and Babylonia. To the east of the chaine,there are two
basic routes, although they are not as separate and distinct as the east-west ones. The more westerly
north-south route is the one that runs north from Kermanshah in the Mahidasht to Sanandaj and thence
to Miyanduab or Mahabad near the shores of Lake Urmia.
The second route links Hamadan with Bijar, Takab and finally the Urmia basin. This second
north-south route connects with the more westerly one by a short and easily crossed track just north of
Sanandaj. At this point, both routes are in the Qizil Uzun drainage, and there are no major barriers
separating them.
12 The question of a road from travelled in Iran in the early nineteenth century. "We made
Kangavar to Hamadan via
Tuissarkan remains problematic. A high pass over Kuh-i- an excursion to the Elwand this afternoon, to see an inscription
Alwand does exist, connecting Tuissarkan with Hamadan, but on the face of the mountain, an hour's ride from the town
it is closed for much of the winter. A Peace Corps volunteer (Hamadan), in a southerly direction, along a road leading to
stationed in Tuissarkan has crossed it, and reports that the Kermanshah " (George Keppel, PersonalNarrativeof a Journey
local muleteers use it in summer. Further credence is lent to from India to England ... in the rear 1824 (2nd ed., London
such a route by the placing of the Ganj Nameh inscriptions on 1827), II, 103). All told, the evidence seems to suggest that
the approach to this pass. If Hamadan was used primarily as an alternate route to Hamadan from Kermanshah did exist,
the summer residence of the Achaemenid kings, the route via even if used only seasonally.
Tuissarkan would have been viable at that time of year. The 13 On the Alwand, see T. Cuyler Young Jr., " The Iranian

only reference that I have been able to find to this route in the Migration into the Zagros ", Iran V (1967), p. I2.
travel literature is this statement by George Keppel, who
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 5

Having outlined the general geographical featuresof the Zagros, it is now time to turn to the specific
areas mentioned above. For each area, we shall first discuss the topography and major avenues of
movement, and then proceed to the historical geography. In general, we shall work from west to east,
and from north to south within the west-east framework, although at times it may be necessary to
diverge from this scheme.

I. THE NORTH-WESTERN ZAGROS


A. Topographyandroadsystems
The area that we call the northwestern Zagros is roughly defined by the Upper Zab, the Diyala,
the Iran-Iraq border and the foothills of the Zagros in the west. This part of the Zagros consists of
a series of parallel ridges, the result of folding, and these ridges must be crossed to reach the Iranian
frontier from the Assyrian plains. In the area between the Upper Zab and the Diyala, there are five
or six of these parallel ridges, although all do not extend as unbroken crests for the entire distance
between the rivers. The Lower Zab, which runs roughly parallel to the Upper Zab and Diyala
and midway between them, conveniently divides the area into a northern and southern section.
North of the Lower Zab, the most westerly range is called the Pirman Dagh-Bana Bawi Dagh.
This range is bisected by the drainage of the Bastura Chai, which collects the waters from the slopes of
the Pirman Dagh as well as from the south-east face of the next range, the Sefin Dagh. The Bastura
Chai then drains into the Upper Zab north-northwestof Erbil. Since the drainage through the Pirman
Dagh-Bana Bawi Dagh forms a fairly wide fan, passage is not difficult. The Bana Bawi Dagh does not
extend all the way to the Lower Zab, but blends into a small knot of mountains forming the northern
corner of the Koi Sanjaq plain.
The second of the ranges is a more substantial barrier. As seen from Erbil, it is called the Sefin
Dagh, while the extension to the south which comes down to the Lower Zab is called Hab-es-Sultan
Dagh (Fig. 1). To the north, the Sefin Dagh merges with the Chia-i-Babachichek,a series of hills that
extend to the Upper Zab, and which are in turn immediately backed by the Khati Dagh (cf. below,
p. 7). The Sefin Dagh-Hab-es-Sultan Dagh range separates two of the more important centres of
population in northern Kurdistan from the Assyrian plains. Behind the Sefin Dagh, which rises to
almost 4000 feet, lies the drainage of the Rubat Mawaran, which forms a fertile valley supporting the
town of Shaqlawa. To the southeast, there is a rise separating the Shaqlawa valley from that of the
Gumangai river. This river drains a part of the large and important Rania plain. The rise between the
Gumangai and the Rubat Mawaran marks the watershed between the two Zabs at this point. The
Rania plain is separatedfrom the Assyrianplains and the Koi Sanjaq area by the Hab-es-Sultan Dagh,
as was noted above.
The tracks crossing this initial barrier and connecting the areas behind it both to the plains and to
each other are still relatively numerous and easily traversed. The Sefin Dagh has a pass below 3000
feet, and the Hab-es-Sultan Dagh is crossed by a number of tracks even easier than those crossing its
northern extension, the Sefin Dagh. Furthermore,the Shaqlawa area is connected to the Rania plain
by easy, though little used cols at the headwatersof the Rubat Mawaran and Gumangai rivers.
Once the Sefin Dagh-Hab-es-Sultan Dagh is crossed, the next continuous range that extends
between the two Zabs is the one including Baradost, Karokhi Dagh and Kuh-i-Resh (Fig. I). This
great sweep of mountain continues across both Zabs, in the north blending into the Taurus, and in the
south continuing as Kurkur Dagh. There is no other such important range until the major crest of the
Zagros, the chainemagistrale,is reached at the Iranian border. Between the Sefin Dagh-Hab-es-Sultan
Dagh range and that of Baradost-Kuh-i-Resh, the geography of the area that forms the Upper Zab
watershed differs from that of the Lower Zab. Turning first to that of the Lower Zab, the Kala Chin
Dagh-Bejan Dagh-Makok Dagh range reaches from the Upper Zab to the Rania plain (Fig. I).
South of Makok Dagh, the Rania plain fans out to include the area between Kuh-i-Resh and Hab-es-
Sultan Dagh. It is traversed by the Balisan river which runs parallel to the ranges (i.e., from the
northwest to southeast) and by the Serkapkan (a tributary of the Balisan), which runs almost due south,
6 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

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Fig. I. Iraqi Kurdistan,northern andcentralZagros.
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 7

thereby bisecting the plain. The plain itself is relatively open, but poor drainage, especially in its
lower reaches, results in small-scale cultivation and some difficulty in movement.
The open character of the landscape draining into the Lower Zab between Hab-es-Sultan Dagh
and Kuh-i-Resh (i.e. the Rania plain) is in marked contrast with that of the Upper Zab drainage
between these same ranges (Fig. I). Behind Shaqlawa rises the Khati Dagh, which is in turn connected
by a spur to Shakh-i-Harir. These two ridges enclose a small triangular basin, the Dasht-i-Harir, but
the ridges, rather than the basin, are the dominant feature of the area.
The Khati Dagh blends in the north into the Chia-i-Babachichek,as does the Sefin Dagh. Passage
from the lowlands to the Dasht-i-Harir is not difficult, and can be accomplished in at least three ways.
One is via Shaqlawa and the Mirawa pass over the Khati Dagh; a second, which avoids crossing
mountains altogether, is by flanking the Sefin Dagh and Khati Dagh to the north, and crossingthe hills
of Chia-i-Babachichek. Finally, it is also possible to proceed up the northern bank of the Upper Zab,
and cross the river by ferry directly to the Dasht-i-Harir.14
Proceeding east from the Dasht-i-Harir is, however, more difficult. It necessitates crossing the
Shakh-i-Harir, and herein lies the first massive barrier to progress. The Shakh-i-Harirseparatesfrom
the Kala Chin Dagh and continues at over 5000 feet until it meets a spur of the Khati Dagh in the
south. It is described as difficult to crosseven on foot. There is but one pass over it, the Spilik, and it
"commands the way to Turkey and Persia".15
The valley beyond the Shakh-i-Harir contains the Alana Su river, a tributary of the Ruwandiz
river, which in turn flows into the Upper Zab. The eastern side of the Alana Su valley is formed by the
Bejan Dagh section of the Kala Chin-Bejan-Makok sweep, and by the Airon Dagh. Bejan Dagh has
peaks between 7000oooand 8oo000ofeet and is crossed only by a single difficult pass southwest of Ruwandiz.
The Airon Dagh, with its crest at between 6oo000 and 7000 feet is also formidable, but sits astride no
major route.
Access to the Alana Su valley is possible, therefore, by only two routes. The first was described
above, and consists of traversing the Spilik pass. The other is to follow the Balisan river up from the
Rania plain, cross difficult passes to the east of Shakh-i-Harir between it and Airon Dagh, and then
follow the headwaters of the Alana Su down into the valley.16
Once the valley of the Alana Su has been reached, the next major barrierto be faced on the journey
east is the Kala Chin Dagh-Bejan Dagh range. Although there is a pass over the top of Bejan (cf.
above n. I6), it apparently does not serve as a major route to Ruwandiz, the most important town in
the area, and the key position to further progress. The main road runs via some precipitous paths
along the gorges of the Alana Su and the Ruwandiz rivers, constantly climbing in and out the Khalifan
and Ruwandiz gorges, and finally enters the town of Ruwandiz after having climbed from the gorge
three miles downstream. Continuous passage along the river bank is impossible, for it runs in a preci-
pitous gorge, and as late as 1937 there was no record of anyone ever having managed to follow the
river (Hamilton, p. I I I).
Another final alternate route to Ruwandiz follows the Serkapkanriver up out of the Rania plain,
and then over the Garu Manjal pass to the valley leading to Ruwandiz. It was this route that the
Turks used for supporting the insurrectionistKurds in 1922 (Edmonds, p. 300), and C. J. Edmonds
travelled it, but does not describe it (cf. Edmonds, Map of Rania District). Sykes took this route from

14 Charles Wilson, Handbookfor Travellersin Asia Minor, Trans- their attempt to hold Ruwandiz. It was only by a flanking
caucasia,Persia, etc. (London 1895), p. 321. This is the route action that the pass was finally taken. See also note 16.
followed by Ainsworth on his way from Urmia to Mosul (" A 16 The British, in putting down the Turkish-inspired Kurdish
Visit to the Chaldeans Inhabiting Central Kurdistan and the rebellion after World War I used this route to dislodge the
Ascent of the Peak of Ruwandiz ", JRGS XI (1841), p. 21). Turkish troops on Spilik. British troops advanced from Koi
15Hamilton, Road ThroughKurdistan,p. 8o. Hamilton goes on to Sanjaq over the Hab-es-Sultan Dagh, and thence up the
describe the way in which the local Kurdish tribe has made full Balisan and over the cols leading to the Alana Su. By advanc-
use of this fact to exact tribute from all caravans passing ing thus, they not only exposed Spilik from the rear, but also
through. Further proof of its importance came during the threatened to cross the Bejan pass to Ruwandiz and thus cut
Turkish intrigues in Kurdistan following World War I, when off the Turkish retreat, which had to pass through that town.
the Turks made Spilik one of their major defensive points in
8 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Rania to Ruwandiz and describes it as " a difficult and dangerous one for horses ", with a pass reached
by a tremendously steep ascent on the south side.17
Ruwandiz is to the eastern side of the Ruwandiz gorge as Spilik is to the western side. The town
itself sits on a promontory that is formed by the gorges of the Ruwandiz River and the Handren Su,
which joins the Ruwandiz at this point. Behind the town is a small plateau that gradually rises to the
heights of Bejan Dagh. From Ruwandiz, the only way to continue the journey east to Iran is by
descending a path that leads from the small promontory-plateau through the centre of the town back
once again into the river gorge. From there, two tracks are available. The first follows the bank of the
Ruwandiz and then, skirting the Berserini gorge,18 climbs over a pass involving a 2000ooo foot ascent to
Dergala.19 Upon reaching Dergala, the last of this road's great obstacles has been overcome. Never-
" " in the
theless, sharp ridges of rock . . . and still other gorges (Hamilton, p. 164) stand way before
the highest range, the majestic chainemagistraleof the Zagros, is reached. Ida Pfeiffer describes the trip
as a series of bad roads and high passes on her way from Ruwandiz to Mahabad.20 Gowre Shinke, the
pass that eventually crosses the chaine magistraleis, however, comparatively simple, and the descent to
the small plain at the headwaters of the Lower Zab is neither steep nor particularly difficult.21
The second track leads out of Ruwandiz, crosses the Ruwandiz River and immediately splits into
two branches. The first leads north to Kani Rash and eventually into Turkey. The other traverses the
Dasht-i-Diana, a small plateau opposite Ruwandiz, and leads thence to the most northerly passes into
Iran.22 This route can only be attained by passing through Ruwandiz, since there is a spur of moun-
tains which runs off the chaine magistrale and severely limits north-south movement to the east of
Ruwandiz.
From the Dasht-i-Diana there is a road that follows the Dubor river (a tributary of the Ruwandiz)
and then ascends to the Kalishin pass with its famous stele at the summit. There are a number of
references to this route. Lloyd notes a road " from Ruwandiz into Persia through the Gadir pass ".*23
The " Gadir pass " is undoubtedly the same as Kalishin, as one of the branches of the Gadir river rises
in the Kalishin on the Iranian side. Edmonds provides an excellent description of the route and the
area,24 and the British AdmiraltyHandbookfor Iraq also mentions the route. Careful accounts are also
provided by Wilson and Ainsworth. Wilson describes the route unfavourably, both because of a
shelving schist formation that rendered the path through and beyond Diana difficult for the animals,
and because of the difficult ascents to the pass itself.25 He also notes that snow can remain in the pass
until late in the summer and make it difficultor even impassable. Ainsworth, who travelled the route on
the way from Ushnu to Mosul, also provides a good description, but as he crossedthe crest of the chaine
magistralesomewhere to the south of the actual pass, he does not describe it or the famous stele.26
Finally, Sir Henry Rawlinson also made the ascent to the top of the Kalishin pass in order to study the
stele.27 Although he ascended from the Iranian side and returned the same way, he neverthelessadded

17 M. Sykes, Dar-ul-Islam (London 1904), p. 218. Sykes' des- result of the marvels of modern technology rather than of any
cription is very brief, and his terminology is not consistent with natural route inherent in the landscape.
that of Edmonds, Kurds,or the U.S.A.F. charts. He says that 20 Ida Pfeiffer, A Woman'sJourney Round the World (London
he crossed Nalkeiwan Pass and soon thereafter came to Garu N.D.), p. 274 if.
Manjal. According to Edmonds, these are mutually exclu- 21 In the Summer of 1964, I ascended Gowre Shinke from the
sive routes. (See Edmonds, Kurds,Map of the Ranya District). Iranian side as far as the army post which now guards the pass.
Wilson describes still another route, via the " Balassan to the Although not allowed to continue to the top due to military
foot of the SerderriaPass and Ruwandiz" (p. 321), but he may considerations, the officer in command of the post kindly
mean the Serkapkan when he refers to the Balassan, as the described the rest of the pass and indicated that it was no more
latter is a branch of the former. The Serderria Pass is not difficult than the ascent from the Khaneh valley up to the
otherwise mentioned, and I do not know to what it refers. If it military post. The part of the pass which was visible from the
is the usual route, then it would be Garu Manjal. post confirmed his information.
18 It is unclear to me whether or not Berserini was 22
C.J. Edmonds, Iraq XXVIII (1966), p. 161.
always impas-
23 H. I. Lloyd, " The
sable, or impassable only at certain times of the year. Cf. Geography of the Mosul Boundary ",
Hamilton, Road ThroughKurdistan,p. 161, where he claims that GJ LXVIII (July-December 1926), p. io6.
" such 24 Cf. above, note 22.
goat tracks as did exist in Bernisi were difficult in the
extreme ". On the other hand, he elsewhere speaks (p. 134) 25
Wilson, Handbook,p. 322.
of the gorge as " then impassable even to mules ", implying 26 Cf.
above, note 14.
that at other times it could be traversed. 27 H. C. Rawlinson, " Notes on a
Journey from Tabriz Through
19 The modern road seems to follow the Persian Kurdistan ... in 1838 ", JRGS X (1840), p. I ff.
gorge, but this may be a
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 9

some remarks about the continuation of the route on the other side of the border. Rawlinson noted that
the main road runs from Kalishin to Sidek, thence to Ruwandiz and the Dasht-i-Harir, and finally on
to Erbil. He also noted that this was a route much used by the Christian clergy travelling from Mosul
to Urmia, and that the only part that was thought to be difficult was between the Dasht-i-Harir and
Ruwandiz.
The sources in the Islamic geographers for this route are very sparse. There is no itinerary from
Mosul across Kalishin to Ushnu or across Gowre Shinke to the Lower Zab headwaters. However,
there were tracks that were used, and these are mentioned by Yiiqit and Muhallabi; Muqaddasi also
notes a road between Urmia and Mosul on which there is a pass " on which people ride on other people's
shoulders, as if on pack animals, because the pass is so difficult ".28
Edmonds and the British AdmiraltyHandbookfor Iraq also refer to a number of other less important
passes used by traders and by the nomads in their yearly migrations.29 Some of these lead into the
Khaneh valley from Iraq, while others supplement Kalishin into the Ushnu valley or run into valley
systems even further north than this.
Returning again to the Lower Zab drainage (Fig. I), it was noted above that the area between the
Hab-es-Sultan Dagh and Kuh-i-Resh is open, and while muddy at times, much easier to traverse than
the parallel ridges and gorges to the north. Not only is the Rania plain easily traversed, but the Kuh-i-
Resh which marks its eastern border does not offer a barrier to further progress, as there is an easy
track that runs along the river through Darband-i-Ramakhan. This track in turn leads to the Pizhder
plain, which is drained by various small streams from the surrounding mountains. The only major
range between the Pizhder plain and the frontier is the Kandil Dagh, whose crest serves as the border
between Iraq and Iran. Kandil is simply the name of part of the chaine magistrale, the range that is
crossed further to the north by Gowre Shinke, and by the Kalishin pass.
From the Pizhder plain, there is one last track running north to the area between Ruwandiz and
the border. It leads almost due north up the Cham-i-Garfen river past Shahidan and then crosses to
the Chamrakhan valley. However, it is described as just passable for animals, and is generally not a
well documented route.30
The passes that are available over the Kandil from Pizhder and its main town, Qala Dizeh, are at
least five in number. The most northerly is the one that follows the Zharawa river (Wanza Su) up to
the Vasneh pass, and then over the crest to the village of Alwatan on the other side. According to
Wright, this is the modern mule track from Koi Sanjaq to the Lake Urmia basin.31 Wilson also seems
to refer to this route, although the village names mentioned are different and cannot be located on any
of the maps consulted.32 Between Vasneh and Gowre Shinke to the north, the chainemagistraleforms a
long, impassable barrier. To the south of the Vasneh pass, the Zinu Malimos pass, which crosses
at 6750 feet, apparently has its approaches follow the river running through Qala Dizeh. It seems to be
little used in terms of major traffic, although the Pizhder nomads cross it to their summer grounds in
Iran.
The Kanirash pass, just south of Zinu Malimos, is the main pass to Sardasht. It is described both by
the British AdmiraltyHandbookfor Iraq and by Wheildon Brown as easy.33 Wright, on the other hand,
mentions a route that follows the north bank of the Baneh river (Zab ?)34 east into a gorge, and then up

28
Paul Schwarz, Iran im MittelalterVII (Stuttgart-Berlin 1935), Rania District.
31 E. M. Wright, " The Eighth Campaign of Sargon II of
pp. 2290 ff. Schwarz's treatment of Iran in the Islamic sources
is the most complete available. Unfortunately, even he was Assyria (714 nB.C.)", JNES II (1943), p. 178. Wright, who
unable to amass much material for the area under con- lived in Azerbaijan for some years, and who was a hiker by
sideration. avocation, walked over a good deal of the territory. However,
29Figure 27 of the British AdmiraltyHandbookfor Iraq shows two he seems to have been unfamiliar with some of the alternative
passes, Minber and Barbazin, crossing into Iran. The U.S.A.F. routes in the area. As a result, his judgments are of limited
chart 34o C II shows Minber as a pass that leads into Bar- value.
bazin, the latter leading into Iran. The chart also shows a 32
Wilson, p.
33 Cf. note 9. 324.
secondary pass north of Gowre Shinke. For further references
to these passes, cf. Edmonds, Iraq XXVIII (1966), pp. 159-63. 34 There is a Baneh River, which is a branch of the Zab, but it is
30 Edmonds records a journey along this route on the map in his unclear whether it was this branch or the Zab itself that
book, but does not refer to it in the text. Cf. Kurds,Map of the Wright had in mind.
10 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

a spiral goat track and acrossthe ridge to Sardasht. He claims that this route is a difficult one, and that
it would be impractical for an army with heavy equipment to cross this way. However, this route is
certainly not that leading through Kanirash, of which Wright is apparently unaware. Just what route
it is cannot be ascertained from the information given, but Ker Porter may also have crossed the
chainemagistralevia Wright's path, which he describes as follows: " Every mountain I had hitherto
crossed, through the whole range of Caucasus, was security and easy travelling, compared with the
actual dangers of this ".35
The last two passes over the main ridge are Zinu-i-Augau Gir, at 7000 feet, and Zinu Khan
Ahmad at 5780. It may be the more southerly of these two, Zinu Khan Ahmad, which is Wright's
trail to Baneh, although once again his information is not explicit enough to be certain.
Since the Zinu Khan Ahmad marksthe last pass over the main chain before the Penjwin embayment
to the south, it seems appropriate to stop here and briefly consider the geography of southern Iraqi
Kurdistan, the area bounded by the lower Zab and the Sirwan (Diyala), the Persian frontier and the
Kirkukplains (Fig. 2). This area, more than any other that we have so far spoken of, is documented by
what is almost an embarrassmentof riches. In addition to the BritishAdmiraltyHandbook for Iraq, there
is a fine description by E. A. Speiser, and a thorough and well-written account of the history and
geography of the area in C. S. Edmond's Kurds,TurksandArabs. If we add to these the descriptionsof
the many travellerswho have passed through the area, we find a most complete picture emerges.
Following the same order once again, i.e. from west to east, the first set of ranges that confront us as
we approach from the Kirkuk plain are the Bazian ranges (Fig. 2). Extending 8o miles from the
Lower Zab to the Diyala in a northwest-southeast direction with the main trend of the Zagros, the
Bazian ranges form a barrierof great strategic importance. Edmond's descriptionof the Bazian ranges
in the general setting of the Assyrian plains conveys their significance best. He writes (p. 16) that the
" ground begins to swell up in a puckered maze of rather formlessfoothills intersected by innumerable
watercourses, rising and falling ... until they finally break against the precipitous grey cliffs of the
Qara Dagh range " (one section of the Bazian ranges).
The Bazian ranges are crossed by three passes and the river track at each end. The track at the
north end is not described. That at the southern end is easily passed, as the southernmostrange dips
down to the river and forms no gorge. The three passes, from north to south, are Bazian, Sagirama
and Paikuli. In addition, there is a break in the ranges where the Basira river bisects them, but this is
difficult to pass, as the river enters a gorge.36 Of these, the Sagirama was for a long time the most
important, as it served the main caravan route between Baghdad and Sulaimaniya. For the Assyrians,
however, who would have wished to penetrate the districtfrom the north, Bazian must have played the
primary role.37
Once having crossedthe Bazian ranges, the various tracksenter the Bazian trough, which is divided
into a northern and southernsection by a watershed north of the town of Qaradagh. The far side of the
Bazian trough is formed by a second range known as the Baranand Dagh. The Baranand Dagh sepa-
rates the Bazian trough from the Tanjero river valley, the major population centre of southern Kurdis-
tan. Baranand, in its northernextension, runs into Mt. Sarsird,and is separatedfrom it by the Surqaw-
shan River, which runs in gorges down to the Zab (Fig. 2). Passage along the Zab around the end of
this chain is difficult, if not impossible. It is thereforenecessaryto crossthe back of Barananditself. The
first pass over it is Tasluja, some 25 miles south of the Zab. Proceeding south, there are also passes at
Gilazarda, Sole Gawra Qala and Pasharhe (Edmonds, p. 366). Of these, the more important in modern
times are Tasluja and Gilazarda, as these both lead to Sulaimaniya, the former via Kirkuk and Bazian,
and the latter via Baghdad and Sagirama. However, the importance of Tasluja and Gilazarda may be
an accident of history, for there is no indication that Sulaimaniya was the major town in the Tanjero

3' R. Ker Porter, TravelsII (London I822), p. 463. some of the geography is a bit sketchy. This fact does not,
36 E. A. Speiser, " Southern Kurdistan in the Annals of Ashur-
however, substantially affect his argument, nor does it cast
nasirpal and Today", AASOR VIII (1928), p. 3, n. 0o. doubt on those areas which he describes from firsthand
Speiser, whose article is in general a paradigm of method for knowledge.
this type of research was hampered by lack of time and by the 37 Speiser presents us with a graphic description of this pass, and
intrusion of politics into his work in the area. Consequently, its historical importance (AASOR VIII (1928), pp. 3, 6 if).
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 11

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Fig. 2. Iraqi Kurdistan,southernsection. (See insert,Fig. I for location.)


12 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

river valley in antiquity, as it is today. Indeed, the physical geography, as well as the site distribution,
suggests otherwise.38 Tasluja is described by Speiser as " another serious obstacle " on the road to
Sulaimaniya. At the time of Speiser's trip, its summit was crowned with a police post, attesting to its
current strategic importance. The other passesare apparently also difficult, but one, at least, Pasharhe,
seems to be used frequently by the Kurds, both in their annual migrations, and in travelling from
Halabja to the Qara Dagh valley and beyond (Edmonds, pp. 147, I67, 372, 374). The river track,
while used as a caravan route, is described by Edmonds as manageable only with great difficulty.
The valley of the Tanjero river is the major population centre in southern Kurdistan. Its main
town, Sulaimaniya, is located toward the northern end of the valley, on the slopes of Azmar Dagh.
Northwest of Sulaimaniya, and parallel to Azmar, Pir-i-Mukurun rises to a height of 8613 feet, and
constricts the valley so that only a narrow passage leads up between it and Baranand. A track that
follows this passage eventually crosses a watershed and then descends to a small settled valley, at the
end of which is the Zab ford at Dukan. This route up the valley from Sulaimaniya to Dukan was a
well-travelled one before the advent of modern transport, probably due in part to the special impor-
tance of Sulaimaniya.
Sulaimaniya, as was noted, lies on the slopes of the next fold of the Zagros, the Azmar Dagh.
Beyond Azmar, the geography becomes more complex, with some of the mountains running north-
south, e.g. Mt. Daru, others running north-west to south-east, e.g. Kurkhakazhaw,and with the Qala
Chulan river and its tributariescutting a valley through the various mountain ranges. The entire area,
part of the Lower Zab basin, is called Shahr Bazher. It is sometimes referred to as a plain, but is in
reality a series of hills and valleys intersected and crisscrossedby rivers and river beds.
From Sulaimaniya three routes lead into Iran (Fig. 2). The first heads north, crosses the Azmar
Dagh via the Qayawan pass, and then leads through the district of Shahr Bazher, crossing the Qala
Chulan river at the Qashan bridge, continuing through the town of Mawat, and crossing the Zab at
the Tayit bridge. From there it apparently crosses one of the passes over the chainemagistraleof the
Zagros to Sardasht.39 Ker Porter used this route before crossing the terrifying cha*ne
pass over the
magistralementioned above (p. io).
The second route crossesAzmar via a pass of the same name, and then proceeds by way of Harmin
and Shiwakal to Baneh. The track that is taken to cross the chainemagistraleis unclear, and none of the
European travellersseem to have used it. The third crossing into Iran follows the southernmosttrack
from Sulaimaniya over the Goyzha pass, and thence to Penjwin and Sanandaj. This is the route that
is so graphically described by Rich in the diary of his residence in Kurdistan.40
South-east of Shahr Bazher (the intermediate mountainous area between Sulaimaniya and the
Iranian border just described), the Azmar and Kurhakazhaw mountains lose height and gradually dip
down under the alluvium, creating a large basin, called Shahrizur (Fig. 2). This basin, which is
dotted with modern villages and ancient mounds, is the geographic centre of the Tanjero river valley.
To the northwest, the basin narrows to the Sulaimaniya valley, or as noted above, rises to the heights
and the broken country of Shahr Bazher; to the southwestit is sealed off by the Baranandrange already
described; the southeast is marked by the re-emergence of crests that had dipped down to form the
Shahrizur basin, and the northeast frontier is the Avroman Dagh, the new name of the chatnemagistrale,
which forms " an impassable barrier for more than 20 kilometers [and] rises to heights of 8ooo and
9000 feet ".41
Access from Shahrizur to Iran is not easily affected. At the north end of the Avroman there are a
number of passes that connect with the region of Lake Zeribor, and from Zeribor with a route that
leads to Kermanshah, along the Iranian side of the Avroman Dagh. Rich refers to a route to Ker-
manshah along the foot of the Avroman, but this is apparently one on the Iraqi side of this mountain.
Neither route can be traced with any certainty from the descriptions given.

38
Speiser, AASOR VIII (1928), p. 8 ff. 41British Admiralty Handbookfor Iraq, p. 99. Cf. also G. E.
39 Cf. p. 9 ff. Hubbard, Fromthe Gulf to Ararat (New York 1917), p. I90.
40C. J. Rich, Narrativeof a Residencein Koordistan(London,
1836),
Vol. I, p. 159 if-
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 13

The Shahrizur is drained by a number of streams which originate along the slopes of Avroman
Dagh and Baranand Dagh, and which join the Tanjero as it flows southeast on a course parallel to the
mountains. About 35 miles below Sulaimaniya the river turns ninety degrees and flows southwest
toward Baranand Dagh. Just as it is about to pass through the Darband-i-Khan (the name of the gorge
through the Baranand), the Tanjero is joined by a major stream flowing out of Iran called the Ab-i-
Sirwan, and the two combine to form the Diyala.
To the southeast of Shahrizur, the folds of mountain which had dipped under the alluvium re-
emerge, and the country becomes once again very difficult to traverse. Few routes lead through these
mountains south of Shahrizur. The most important is the one followed by the modern road that
starts at the border and proceeds south via Nausud, Paveh and Kermanshah. A second route leads
south from Halabja into the mountains, somewhat west of the route described above, emerging in the
west central Mahidasht. Wilson refers to several routes, but poor maps prevent one from following
them in detail (Handbook,p.
323).
The mountains south of the Shahrizur are typical of the western Zagros. They are high, steep
parallel ridges, and travel through them is difficult. In addition, the valleys are narrow and land which
can be used for agriculturalpurposesis limited. Consequently, the size of the settled population in this
area is restricted. Only when these valleys open up to form the Mahidasht are major concentrationsof
settled population again to be found. However, as the Mahidasht serves as part of the Great Khorasan
Road system its description will be left until later.
One final matter must be considered before turning to a summary of the informationjust presented.
Access to the east via routes north of the Upper Zab has not been mentioned. The reason for this
omission is that no real routes exist. We have seen that there is no passage along the Upper Zab itself.
Aqra, a town north of the Upper Zab at the foot of the mountains is " easily reached, (but) Aqra Dagh
is only passable on foot with difficulty The Aqra Dagh thus forms an effective impediment to
".42
further progressto the north and east.
At this point it seems opportune to review briefly the major routes leading from the lowlands
through the mountains to the Iranian side of the border. In each case, a city in Assyriahas been chosen
as the starting point of the route, both because the focus of this work is neo-Assyrianhistorical geo-
graphy, and because most of the ancient sources with which we shall deal describejourneys starting in
the Assyrianplains. In any event, these cities would almost always be the logical starting points for the
ascent into the Zagros along the routes described above, no matter where the traveller actually began
his journey.
Beginning with the most northerly, the routes are described in chart I.

CHART I. East-West Routes in Iraqi Kurdistan.

(a) Kalishin Pass, Ushnu, Solduz


i. Erbil, Spilik Pass, Ruwandiz-
(b) Dergala, Gowre Shinke, Khaneh

(a) Kanirash Pass, Sardasht


2. Erbil, Koi Sanjaq, Rania, Darband-i-Ramakhan-
S (b) Qala Dizeh, Baneh

(a) Tayit Bridge, Baneh


3. Kirkuk, Bazian, Tasluja, Sulaimaniya - (b) Goyzha Pass, Penjwin,
L. Zeribor
(c) Halabja, Nausud, Paveh,
Kermanshah

42
British AdmiraltyHandbookfor Iraq, p.
o03.
14 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

As we have seen there are other routes which can be followed. However, the ones just elaborated
are at once the most direct and at least relatively the easiest of access. All but the most southerly cross
the chatnemagistrale,and of those which do cross, the southernmostleads only as far south as Marivan.
If still more southerly areas on the plateau were the objective, the route used for penetration would
have been either the one last mentioned in the above list (3c), or more likely the route along the low-
lands to Sar-i-Pul-i-Zuhab and then along the Great Khorasan Road up onto the plateau at Karind.
Of course, factors other than directness and geographic ease often impose themselves in the actual
workings of history, so that at times the proverbial long and difficult route proves to be the most direct.
However, it is impossible to deal with such in general terms. Only when there is enough data to see the
actual workings of a given situation can the intrusion of such factors into the picture be dealt with.

B. TheAncientToponyms. i. Kirruri
According to the Monolith account of the campaign of 856 B.C.,Shalmaneser III exited from the
Zagros to the Assyrianplains via the passesof Kirruri, " which are opposite Arba-ilu ".43 This account,
taken with the long-known identification of Arba-ilu with the modern city of Erbil,44yielded what
seemed one of the earliest and clearest indications for locating any of the Zagros principalities. The
only problem lay in deciding what was meant by the passes that exited opposite Erbil.
There has generally been little disagreement on the general location of Kirruri. With few excep-
tions, those who have worked on the problem have placed Kirruri in what can be called northern Iraqi
Kurdistan. Where there has been considerable dissent, however, is in the question of the extent of this
territory to the east."
As was noted above (p. 5 ff.), the geography of this area is complex. The parallel folds of the
Zagros severely limit access to the town of Ruwandiz, the central point from which all tracks leading
east radiate. To arrive at Ruwandiz, not only does the Ruwandiz gorge have to be traversed, but the
high and difficult Spilik pass has to be crossed. By no stretch of the imagination can any of the passes
that lie beyond Ruwandiz be called " opposite Erbil ". Thus, when the text speaks of these passes, it
must be referringto either the gorge itself, the Spilik, or the even more westerly passes over the Sefin
Dagh which are immediately " opposite Erbil ". It would seem then that Kirruri should be located
somewhere in the area between the Sefin Dagh and Ruwandiz, but should probably not extend much
to the east of that town.
This location for Kirruri is somewhat reinforced by other data at our disposal. First, we must
take into account the neighbouring territories. Beyond Ruwandiz to the north-east, Kirruri was con-
fined by Musasir. The location of Musasir is relatively well fixed in the area between the Kalishin pass

43 III R 8:65-66 = An. St. XI (1961), p. 148, II. 65-6. traditional view has been sporadic and poorly supported by
44 RLA I, p. I41. documentation. Olmstead wished to identify the name
4. One view held that Kirruri stretched from the mountains Kirruri with the modern Tura Ghara south of 'Amadia on the
immediately east of Erbil to the shores of Lake Urmia. This basis of the similar sound of the two names (" The Calculated
was first advanced by Schrader (Keilinschriften,pp. 162-3) and Frightfulness of Ashur Nasir Apal ", JAOS XXXVIII (1918),
followed by Billerbeck (Suleimania,p. 2o) and Streck (ZA XIV p. 219, n. 28). The inadequacy of this method has already
(1899), p. 159). According to Streck, Kirruri, together with been pointed out. Forrer, on the other hand, while not
Gilzanu, occupied the entire west coast of the lake. This agreeing with the prevalent view, differed in terms of the size of
location for Kirruri rested upon the identification of the pass Kirruri rather than in its location, and restricted it to the
mentioned in the Monolith with the Kalishin pass over the Dasht-i-Harir (Provinzeinteiling, p. 38). Speiser basically
chatnemagistraleof the Zagros. That this suggestion should have agreed. Speiser identified Kirruri with the area between
been put forward by these three pioneers is not at all surprising. Erbil and Ruwandiz (AASOR VIII (1928), p. 23). Brinkman
The geography of the area between the two Zabs was still also seems to prefer a reduced scale for Kirruri, agreeing with
terraincognitato most westerners at that time, and the Kalishin Forrer that it probably was to be located in the Dasht-i-Harir
pass, thanks to the stele found there, was well known and was (An. Or. 43, P- 278, n. I808). Thus, Brinkman, Forrer and
thought to play a far more important role than it probably did, Speiser would seem to be in basic agreement. Kinnier-Wilson
or does today. also differed from the Kalishin pass theory, noting that this
This view of the location of Kirruri has been adhered to with interpretation would cause Kirruri to overlap with the territory
some tenacity, although new information has long since made of Musasir. He therefore looked for the pass of Kirruri to the
revision necessary. Weidner also located Kirruri between south of Kalishin, but still thought of the pass mentioned by
Assyria and Lake Urmia (AfO III (1926), p. 158, n. 8), and Shalmaneser as one over the chafne magistrale (Iraq XXIV
was followed by Michel (WO 1/2 (1947), p. 65, n. 2) and (1962), p. Io05).
recently by Boehmer (BIJVV (1965), p. I92). Dissent from the
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 15

LW N_

ILLN

.. N-,; .- N;>.,,'*~
,," //",
&I
*ArvapavaE * \ k
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? lK.-6N"\ tK.A-i ' k
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lee A'
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Fig. 3. IraqiKurdistan
in theneo-Assyrian
period.
16 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

and the village of Sidek.46 Kirruri can therefore not have stretched as far as the shores of Lake Urmia,
at least not along the most direct route to that lake via the Kalishin pass. The name of the area delimit-
ing Kirruri to the east and southeast of Ruwandiz, along the route to Gowre Shinke and Khaneh is not
known. It may well be that this area was one of the marginally settled ones, and was of little concern
to the Assyrians or for that matter to anyone else. Even today it has a very low density of settled
population.47
A second factor in our attempt to set an eastern limit on Kirruri derives from administrative con-
siderations. Given the complex nature of the terrain in northern Iraqi Kurdistan, any attempt to con-
trol the entire area under a single administrative rubric would be difficult in the extreme. If the passes
of Kirruri are those to the west, then Kirruri itself must have been centred somewhere between the
Sefin Dagh and Ruwandiz. Given this fact, no effective control could have extended much beyond
Ruwandiz itself.
Finally, Kirruri was linked with the drainage of the Lower Zab. Of this we learn from two accounts.
The first is that of Tukulti-Ninurta II, who proceeded south from this area via a highly mountainous
route to the Lower Zab.48 The second is that of Ashurnasirpal II, who took this route in reverse,
proceeding from Assyria via Numme (which can be located through its association with Mt. Etini, a
mountain in Zamua), to Kirruri.49 Both of these cases indicate routes little used today over cols that
separate the drainage of the two Zabs, but these routes all lead to Ruwandiz or areas west of Ruwandiz.50
Thus, these two campaigns tend to confirm the location suggested above for Kirruri.
To summarize, the few sources at our disposal locate Kirruri in the area between Erbil and Ruwan-
diz. In terms of the modern place names, Kirruri probably included the Shaqlawa valley and the
Dasht-i-Harir. It may have extended to Ruwandiz and the Dasht-i-Diana (which is for all intents the
plain of Ruwandiz), but it is unlikely that it extended further east. This location would accord well
with the administrative reality imposed by the topography, and its geographical proximity to Assyria
would also explain Kirruri's early incorporation into the empire as a province.

2. Zamua
Among all the Zagros areas whose historical geography has been discussed, none has been so fully
nor so profitably treated as the area called Zamua. There are a number of reasons which explain the
extensive treatment that Zamua has been afforded. First, it is the subject of a long and detailed account
describing a series of campaigns by Ashurnasirpal II of Assyria.51 This account provides an unusually
rich source for the historical geography of the area. Second, Zamua was one of the Zagros areas
closest to Assyria, and was therefore of more concern to her than the areas lying farther to the east.
Thus the documentation for Zamua, even discounting the Ashurnasirpal material, is unusually
full.52 Finally, the fact that the territory occupied by Zamua in antiquity lay for the most part in Iraq
made it more accessible to Assyriologists than were other Zagros regions, and thus helped spur their
interest in the area and its ancient history.
Given the rich nature of the sources for Zamua, it would seem an easy matter to discuss its historical
geography. A number of factors are present, however, which complicate this apparently straight-
forward picture. The most important of these is the fact that three separate terms are used in the
cuneiform literature: Zamua, Mazamua and Zamua la bitdni.53 Before we can come to the question of

46Musasir's location will be discussed in Part II of this study, to 52 For the references to Zamua, see Parpola, AOAT 6, 381-2.
appear in Iran XII. 53The question of the reading of KUR Zamua remains. If it
47'The other possibility is that this area is covered by one of the is to be read Matzamua, then it and Mazamuaare probably only
many names which cannot be precisely located because of variant spellings of the same word. Some support for such a
insufficient information. If this is the case, the lack of informa- position is to be found in the text ADD 942.7, where the
tion can perhaps be taken as pointing up the area's relative reading URU KUR Zamua occurs, although this might be
unimportance. interpreted as dl KURZamua. On the other hand, we have the
48Bib. Or. XXVII (1970), 149, 30-5. writing KUR Mazamua, and it is unlikely that this was ever
49AKA,p. 268, II.43 ff. On the location ofZamua, see below, p. 21 ff. read Matmazamua. At present, it is impossible to come to a
50 See
above, pp. 5, 7-8. conclusion as to whether the two terms are to be kept together
51 AKA, p. 245 ff. or separated, and so we shall have to consider them separately.
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 17

the geographical extent of Zamua, we must first determine the relationship between these terms.
Only then can we proceed with any assurance.
Of the three, the one with the longest history is Zamua. It occurs first in the annals of Adad-
Nirari II,54 and it is the only form used by Ashurnasirpal II. It is also used by Sargon II and Esar-
haddon, and it repeatedly occurs in letters and economic texts. The last datable occurrence of Zamua
is in a letter written during the reign of Ashurbanipal.
The term Mazamua first occurs in the Monolith inscription of Shalmaneser III. It then recurs in
the eponym lists, and once as the name of a province in one of Tiglath-Pileser III's inscriptions. There
are also two instances of this form of the name in the Assyrian royal correspondence.
The last of the three terms, Zamua Ja bitdni, is used only by Shalmaneser III, and aside from the use
of Mazamua in the Monolith, it is the only one of the three terms used by him.
The alternation in the names was already noted by Sayce in the year 1882, and he suggested that
Zamua was to be geographically distinguished from Zamua va bktini.55 Streck and Billerbeck also
dealt with the problem posed by this alternation.56 Since then, virtually all the work on Zamua has
been confined to the Ashurnasirpal texts, and in that king's records, only the term Zamua appears.57
Thus, it is worthwhile to re-examine the question at the present time.
The first equation to be made was between the terms Mazamua and Zamua sa bitdni. As noted, the
Monolith account of Shalmaneser's campaign of 855 B.c. used the term Mazamua,5s while the Obelisk
account for that same year used Zamua la biktdni.59Streck concluded from this usage that these two
terms described the same place and were, therefore, identical. He then proceeded to equate all occur-
rences of Mazamua, including those which dated from reigns later than that of Shalmaneser, with the
Zamua la bitdni of Shalmaneser. While the correspondence of the two terms in the records of Shal-
maneser is probably correct, a blanket equation of all occurrences of Mazamua with Zamua 3a biktdni is
more difficult. We shall have to return to this point later.
Assuming the identity of Mazamua and Zamua la bitdniin the records of Shalmaneser III, we must
now contrast these two with the use of the term Zamua by other kings. Several avenues are open to us
in this undertaking. One is to compare the access routes to Zamua, Mazamua and Zamua sa bitdni and
see if they coincide. Another is to search for correspondences between place names said to lie in these
areas, while a third is to assess the onomastic evidence from personal names.
The problem of access to Zamua and Zamua Ja bitdni can best be explained by reference to Chart 2.
This chart shows that all our information for this particular problem comes from the reigns of Ashur-
nasirpal, Shalmaneser and Sargon. From a comparison of the Shalmaneser and Sargon columns, it is
clear that both Zamaua la and Zamua were approached by the same route, i.e. by crossing
bitini
Mt. Kullar. However, most of our information about Zamua derives from the Ashurnasirpal texts,
and it is these texts which serve best to define Zamua. Therefore, it must be shown that the Zamua
referred to by Sargon and by Ashurnasirpal correspond, by equating Kullar and the passes of Babite.
The key to this correspondence lies in an examination of the physical geography of Assyria south of the
Zab and its relationship to southern Kurdistan. From Assyria south of the Zab, the only way of enter-
ing the mountains is by crossing the Bazian ranges.60 Consequently, Kullar must be the Bazian

54 In
general for these references, see note 52. Much more significant was the work of Speiser, to which
55 JRAS XIV (1882), p. 389. we shall return below (p. i9).
.6
ZA XV (1900), p. 261 ff. and Suleimania,
p. 18 ff. One further study, although not limited to Ashurnasirpal's
57 The first such discussion was by A. T. Olmstead in JAOS campaigns, should be noted here. E. Forrer discussed Zamua
XXXVIII, p. 209 ff. The discussion of the Zamua campaigns in Die Provinzeinteilungdes assyrischenReiches (Leipzig 1920).
begins on p. 229. Special attention should be paid to the Unfortunately, he identified Arrapha with the modern Hanakin
footnotes, where much of the geographical argument was rather than Kirkuk, and so much of his discussion of the east
contained. Olmstead's argument was marred by three impor- was thrown off base.
tant shortcomings. First, he relied heavily on modern place 58 III R 8, II,
59 WO 75.
names to fix ancient ones. Second, he did not understand the 11/2 (955), p. 148, 1. 50o.
terrain, and thus was misled on the course of the campaign. 60Although Ashurnasirpal does not mention crossing the Zab,
Finally, while he recognized two new important documents we know that he must have done so by comparing the pro-
for the geography of Zamua, ADD io96 and ABL 635, he did gress of his campaign in AKA, p. 301, 11. 26 iff, with ADD,
not fully understand them. io96.
18 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

ranges.61eIt has long been generally agreed that Babite is the ancient name for the modern Bazian pass,
the major pass over the Bazian ranges.62 Therefore,Babite must have been a pass over Kullar,63making
the first line of the three columns of the chart equivalent, and demonstrating that the approaches to
both Zamua and Zamua Ja bitdnicoincided.

CHART 2. Access routes to Zamua.

Ashurnasirpal1164 Shalmaneser
IIPI Sargon1166
Pass of Babite Mt. Kullar Mt. Kullar
Zamua Zamua Ja bitani Zamua

If we turn now to a comparison of the actual places indicated as part of Zamua or Zamua !a bitdni,
further correspondencescan be pointed out. In 843 B.C., Shalmaneser conquered the city of Birtu in
Zamua Ja bitdni.67AshurnasirpalII, in the course of his first Zamuan campaign, crossed Babite and
captured the city Birutu.68 While it might be argued that Birutu/Birtuis the generic term for fortressin
Akkadian, and that it is being so used here, the fact that the name occurs in a number of other sources
as a specific and apparently well-known place seems to argue against the use as a generic term and for
it being a specific Zamuan city.69 Thus one of the first cities encountered in Zamua by Ashurnasirpal
is probably the same as the one captured in Zamua sa bitdniby Shalmaneser.
A second correspondence in place names between Zamua and Zamua Ia bitdniis less direct. In
Ashurnasirpal'sZamua campaigns, he mentions the capture of the city of Bunasi.70 In the Monolith
account of Shalmaneser III, Mazamua, which has been equated with Zamua Ia bitdnifor the reign of
this king, is connected with the passes of Bunais.71 It has been convincingly argued that Bunasi and
Bunais are the same."72Therefore, we probably have a second correspondence between Zamua and
Zamua la bitdni/Mazamua.
Only one further name is known to us as having been in Zamua sa bitdni. In two accounts of Shal-
maneser III's campaign of 855 B.C., a place by the name of Idi is mentioned.73 Unfortunately, the only

61 called the passes of Bunais only in the earliest inscription of


Speiser (AASOR VIII, p. i9-2o) identified the Kullar of the
cuneiform inscriptions with the modern Mt. Kolar. While Shalmaneser III may be because Bunais became part of the
at first glance this identification is appealing, the geography of province of Mazuma shortly thereafter. See below, n. 65.
the area makes it almost impossible. No documented route 64 AKA,
pp. 303-4, 11.24-7.
passes from Assyria over Kolar to the Sulaimaniya area. 65 WO I 6
(1952), p. 462, 1. io ff. The Monolith account
Indeed, Kolar is only a small segment of a larger but not differs (III R 8: 75 ff.). There the text reads a-na KUR
particularly important range in the Qala Chulan area Ma-za-mu-a al-lik ina ni-ri-bi la KUR Bu-na-is. u TU. The
(cf. p. I2 ff.). Such an approach to Zamua would be unsuitable meaning here is unclear. Either a-na KUR Ma-za-mu-a
to a campaign whose general thrust was eastward (as was for al-lik is a general introduction and the passes of Bunais equal
example Sargon's eighth), as it would have involved doubling Kullar, or a-na KUR Ma-za-mu-a is to be taken literally, and
back from the east to the west and then turning east again. the passes of Bunais are not the access route to Mazamua but
Finally, it is expected that the sources would draw attention to rather are contained within Mazamua.
the most important ranges in the area, the Bazian ranges, and 66 TCL III, p. 4, II.1o-iI.
not to one of several unimportant ridges well off the main 1
WO/I 6 (1952), P- 470, 1. 59-
track. In the light of this, the equation of Kullar and Kolar 68 AKA, pp. 303-304, 11.25-9.
must be abandoned. 69
Note the occurrence of a Birite along with Arrapha in the
62
Speiser, AASOR VIII (1928), p. 3. inscriptions of Tukulti-Ninurta I (AfO XII, p. 27, 1. 79); the
63 The name of the pass derives not from the mountain's name mention of Birte in ABL, 311, where the context is also Zamuan
nor from the name of the kingdom in whose territory it lies, but and the mention of a Birate between Parsua and Assyria in
from the name of the nearest village, as we learn from ADD ABL, i1I28. All these tend to indicate that a well-known place
Io96, i. I I. The reason for Ashurnasirpal's use of the name in Zamua is meant, and not a general term for fortress. The
Babite instead of Kullar or Bunais may lie in the fact that he great variance in the spelling of the names may indicate that
won an important initial victory in this pass over the Zamuan we are dealing with a non-Assyrian word that just happens to
coalition at the start of his Zamuan campaigns, and subse- sound somewhat like the Assyrian word for fort.
quently used the name of the battle rather than the other two 7o AKA, p. 306, 1. 34.
choices available to him when wishing to refer to this place. 71 III R 8:
76.
The kings who followed, having no ties to this particular 71 Hising, OLZ I (1896), p. 36o.

victory, used one of the other designations. The reason that it is 7 WO/I 6 (1952), p. 462, 1. I2; WO/II 2 (1955), p. 148, 1. 5I.
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 19

other occurrence of this place name is in a short text on a bowl found at Hasanlu Tepe, and it does
not contribute anything to the present discussion.74
The last avenue of investigation open to us is a comparison of personal names said to derive from
Zamua and Zamua Ja bitdni. Of these, the most important are the group with the ending d/tiara. A
name with such an ending first occurs in the Ashurnasirpaltexts, where one Kirtiara, king of Larbusa,
a Zamuan principality, is named.75 As was already suggested by Speiser,76this name is to be com-
pared with the Niqdiara of Idi mentioned in the Zamua Sa bitdnicampaign of Shalmaneser III in
855 B.C.77 and is also to be compared with the Mekdiara of Sunbai mentioned by Shamshi-Adad V.78
This Sunbai is certainly the same place as the Sumbi of Sargon II, which is said to lie in Zamua.79
Thus, the onomastic evidence from personal names can be used to strengthen the suggested connection
between, and identity of, Zamua and Zamua la bitdni.
Having outlined the indications for correspondence between Zamua, Mazamua and Zamua
sa bitdni,it is now possible to turn to the map and try to locate this territory. The annals of Ashur-
nasirpalprovide the fullest picture of Zamua, and thereforeserve as the primarysourcefor its geography
As the work of Speiser noted above80is basic, a short summary of his study will provide a useful state-
ment of the present position. It will also serve as a base to which can be added the new materials that
have become available since Speiser wrote.
Speiser began his study with a lengthy description of his trip to the Sulaimaniya and Shahrizur
areas, setting the stage for his study of the annals themselves.81 He then proceeded to summarize the
account contained in the Ashurnasirpalannals, and at the same time attempted to identify the places
mentioned in terms of the modern map. However, before proceeding very far with the description of
the campaigns as set forth in the annals, he turned to two texts, ADD 1096 and ABL 635, the importance
of which had been noted by Olmstead some years earlier. Speiser too thought that these texts, which
mention various places from the Zamua campaigns, were of considerableimportance for understanding
the geography because they not only indicated order of places, but also distance measured in daily
marches. Using these texts and the Babite-Bazian equation he was able to locate Berutu and Lagalaga
in the valley between the Bazian ranges and the Baranand Dagh. Returning then to the account in the
annals, Speiser identified Mt. Nisir with Pir-i-Mukurun and put Bunais, Larbusa and Bara to the
north-west, north, and south-west of Nisir respectively.82 He then located Dur Lullume to the south-
east of Bara and Arakdi at Bingird, south-east of Sulaimaniya near Muhan.
At this point Speiser had finished summarizing the first two Zamua campaigns. However, it was
his interpretation of the third Zamua campaign that was crucial for determining the extent of Zamua.
In his discussion, Speiser was able to show that the centre of Zamua was the area around modern
Halabja, and that Zamua's major extension into the mountains was to the east. Thus, Speiser was able
to draw the following picture. Zamua was the area to the north-east of the Bazian ranges, which
separated it from the Assyrian province of Arzuhina.83 Zamua stretched from the Lower Zab to the
Diyala, where it was separated from Namri by the passes of Hashmar, the modern Darband-i-Khan.84

74JNES XXIV (1965), pl. XXIX. Although found in a well- article is north-west of Nisir. From the text, it appears that the
stratified context in Burned Building II at Hasanlu Tepe in map is correct rather than the statement on p. x8 that places
Iranian Azerbaijan, there is no indication that Hasanlu was Bunais south-east of Nisir.
the original home of the bowl on which the text appears. 83 It is impossible to discuss here the location of Arzuhina, for it
Also found in the same ninth century n.Ce.context was a mace would involve a whole new set of geographic problems con-
fragment with an inscription of the Kassite Kadashman-Enlil! nected with lower Assyria rather than the Zagros. It should be
s AKA, p. 307, 1. 4o. noted, however, that Speiser's location of this province has
7 AASOR VIII (1928), p. I8. been called into doubt by new material from Nuzi and Nimrud.
77 Cf. above, n. 73. Cf. H. Lewy, " A Contribution to the Historical Geography of
78 IR 30, II, 39-40. The geography of this passage is somewhat the Nuzi Texts ",JAOS LXXXVIII (1968), pp. 260-2.
confusing. The fact that Nairi is approached by crossing 84 The following observations can be added to Speiser's work.
Kullar may suggest an extension of Urartu far to the south (i) In many inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II, the phrase
during this period. " from the passes of Babite to Hashmar, all of Zamua " occurs
79 TCL III, p. 4, 1. I2. (J. A. Brinkman, A Political History of Post-KassiteBabylonia,
80so
Cf. note 36. An. Or, 43 (Rome 1968), p. 392). This phrase seems to delimit
81 AASOR VIII
(1928), pp. 1-14. the western boundary of the country by naming the northern-
82
The location of Bunais on, the map that follows Speiser's [continuedon nextpage
20 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

To the east, Zamua extended as far as the Avroman Dagh but north of it it followed the embayment of
the rivers that feed the Qala Chulan river, inclining toward Lake Zeribor. The cultural centre of
this area was the Shahrizur plain, with its many mounds indicating an important centre in antiquity,
and the most important topographical feature was the Pir-i-Mukurunto the north of Shahrizur.
The position and extent of Zamua can be further elucidated by reference to the texts of Shal-
maneser III. In those texts, mention is made a number of times to the sea of Zamua la bitdni. As there
are only two bodies of water in western Iran that could possibly be called a sea, Lake Urmia and Lake
Zeribor, the proper identification of the sea of Zamua Sa bitdniis of some importance. Positions in
favour of both Urmias5 and Zeribor86have long been voiced and have been the subject of recent dis-
cussions. It is, therefore,convenient to summarize these recent positions while choosing and advancing
new arguments in favour of one.
The most recent pro-Urmia position is set forth by M. Boehmer in an article concerning the location
of Parsua.87 Largely following the reasoning advanced by Streck some sixty years earlier, Boehmer
puts forth two arguments in favour of an identification of the sea of Zamua Sa bitdniwith Urmia. The
first is that since the other places mentioned with the sea of Zamua Sa bitdiniare large bodies of water,
namely the sea of Chaldea (the Persian Gulf), and the sea of Nairi (Lake Van), so this sea must also be
large. In these terms, only Urmia qualifies, since Zeriboris a much smaller lake. The second argument
is more difficult to follow, but apparently runs as follows. The sea of Zamua Mabitdniis the same as the
sea to which the king of Idi fled in 855 B.c. The sea to which he fled was (a priori) Urmia. Conse-
quently, the sea of Zamua la bitdniis Urmia.
A number of objections can be raised to Boehmer's arguments for the identification of the sea of
Zamua Sa bitdniwith Urmia. To start with Boehmer'sfirst point, i.e. that the size of the other bodies of
water determines the size of this particular sea, it should be noted that in the context of Iraq and Iran,
bodies of water are such a rare phenomenon that any sizable lake is worth mentioning.88 If the parti-
cular body marked something as important as the easternmost extent of Assyrian penetration of the
area, its mention would be even less surprising. Objections to the second part of Boehmer's argument
are more basic. That the king of Idi fled to Urmia is no more than a guess, with no documentation to
support it.
Other reasons for rejecting the identification of the sea of Zamua Ja biktdni with Urmia can also be
advanced. To equate the sea of Zamua sa bitdniwith Urmia it is necessaryto assume a sudden expan-
sion for Zamua under the reign of ShalmaneserIII, an expansion for which there is no hint in the texts.
It is also necessaryto assume a long and arduous pursuit by the Assyriansof the king of Idi in 855 B.C.
Of this there is no mention and, if anything, the text marks the whole incident as an inconsequential
affair which occurred following a campaign to Syria.
A final objection to identifying Urmia with the sea of Zamua a biktdni is that Urmia already has a
name in the Assyrian inscriptions. It is called the lower sea of Nairi. Kinnier-Wilson has recently
argued for this identification on the basis of the chronology of the Shalmaneser III texts.89 While the

86E.g. Streck, ZA XV (1900), p. 263. travels in western Iran, and would certainly serve as a high-
86 E.g. E. A. Speiser, AASOR VIII
(1928), p. 19. light if I were writing an account of these travels. Furthermore,
87 "Zur
Lage von Parsua in 9. Jahrhundert vor Christus ", the lake may easily have been larger in antiquity. The sur-
BerlinerJahrbuchfir Vor-undFriihgeschichteV (1965), pp. 189 ff. rounding area rises very gradually to the hills, and a somewhat
88 It should be pointed out that while Lake Zeribor
appears as a greater amount of moisture might easily have accounted for
very small patch of blue on a map of the Near East, the impres- such. Even today, the lake is surrounded by a large marshy
sion it makes on the beholder standing and looking over it area.
from its shore is a striking one. My impressions of Lake 89 " The Kurba'il Statue of Shalmaneser III ", Iraq XXIV
Zeribor are among the most vivid that I retain from my (1962), p. 102.

continued
from previouspage] IX/3 (1935), p. 15 1. 24). As will be seen (p. 26 ff.), Namri
most (Bazian) and southernmost (Darband-i-Khan) points of occupies the territory along the Diyala. Thus, the passes of
entrance into the country. (2) In the annals of Adad-Nirari II, Namri must be the Darband-i-Khan, otherwise known as the
Zamua is said to extend as far as the passes of Namri (MAOG Hashmar pass.
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 21

reasoning behind Kinnier-Wilson's arguments is probably in need of revision,90 independent confir-


mation is given to the identification of the lower sea of Nairi with Urmia by the find of an Urartian
inscription in the Ushnu valley by the Hasanlu Project of the University Museum, Philadelphia, and the
Metropolitan Museum of Art in 1968. This inscription was found at the site of Qal'at Gah, and derives
from a large Urartian settlement that is situated above the find spot of the inscription. A preliminary
translation of the text indicates that it derives from the reign of Menua (81O-786 B.C.) or more probably
from the co-regency of Menua and Ishpuini.91 The Qal'at Gah inscription, taken together with that
from the Kalishin pass and the Tash Tepe inscription, indicates that Urmia, or at least the southern
shore of Urmia, was politically under Urartian control at the end of the ninth century. This Urartian
control probably began during the reign of Menua or a few years earlier, as there was no other power in
the area to contest Urartu's expansion. Consequently, the term " lower sea of Nairi " would have
been most appropriate for Urmia, leaving the "sea of Zamua la bitdni " for Zeribor.
"
Although the negative indications for not identifying the sea of Zamua sa bitini" with Urmia are
many, positive reasons for connecting it with Zeribor are few. An examination of Ashurnasirpal II's
third Zamua campaign reveals that the Zamuan rebels fled from Zamua into the mountains to the east,
i.e. in the direction of Zeribor. In Shalmaneser's campaign of 855 B.C., the king of Idi flees Zamua to
the sea. While analogy cannot be overworked in such a case, it does seem that the Zeribor area was a
natural refuge for Zamuans who were fleeing Assyria, making the sea to which the king of Idi fled
Zeribor itself.92
If we accept the conclusion that the sea of Zamua Ia bitdni is Zeribor, it is possible to define the
boundaries of Zamua even more closely than was possible with only the records of Ashurnasirpal.
To the west, as we noted, the Qara Dagh served as a natural barrier between Zamua and Assyria.
To the north and south, the Lower Zab and the Diyala formed the apparent boundaries, although it
was the knot of mountains around Pir-i-Mukurun and the re-emergence of the Zagros south of Shahrizur
which must have marked off the real boundaries of Zamua. To the east, the great Avroman Dagh
must have served as a border. To the north of the Avroman Dagh there are indications that the amount
of territory reckoned to Zamua fluctuated from time to time. The maximum extent included Lake
Zeribor in the time of Shalmaneser III, but Zamua often must have fallen short of this.
The fluctuation of Zamua's eastern border is important, and leads us directly into a problem that
was referred to above. We noted that in the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, Mazamua and Zamua
sa bitdni are to be equated. On the other hand, this does not necessarily mean that Mazamua in the
Shalmaneser text equals the Mazamua of the later texts. The reason for hesitancy is that the term
Mazamua, and to a degree this is also true of the term Zamua itself, undergoes change. From Adad-
Nirari II through to Ashurnasirpal II and perhaps Shalmaneser III, both refer to the generalized

90 Kinner-Wilson noted that the inscriptions XXIV (1965), pp. I98-203). The meaning of this material
mentioning the
" sea of Zamua la bitdni" pre-date 843 B.C., while the texts cultural influence in political terms is unclear. Assyria, as the
that post-date that year substitute the phrase the " upper greatest and most prestigious power of the time, would have
and lower seas of Nairi ". Since, according to Kinnier-Wilson, been looked to for art styles by surrounding peoples. Thus, the
no significant penetration of Iran was made prior to 843 B.C., presence of Assyrian and Assyrianizing elements at Hasanlu
and since the territories mentioned in the campaign of that does not necessarily indicate political control by Assyria.
year were located in the Urmia area, Urmia is to be identified 9x O. Muscarella, " Qalatgah: An Urartian Site in North-western
with the lower sea of Nairi and the sea of Zamua la bttdniis to Iran ", ExpeditionXIII/3-4 (1971), p. 47-
be identified with Zeribor. 92 The objection that Zeribor is too small to provide a refuge is
The weakness in Kinnier-Wilson's argument lies in his unfounded. The Idians were not trying to escape by sailing
assertion that the areas mentioned in the campaign of 843 B.C. long distances over the sea; they were trying to hide them-
were located in and near the Lake Urmia area. As will be selves in the thick reed covering that surrounds Zeribor. It was
shown, all of the areas that are mentioned in that campaign for this reason that the Assyrians took to boats to root them out,
can be localized considerably to the south. This latter fact much as they did in campaigns against the Arameans in the
leaves Shalmaneser's change in terminology a puzzle, but does marshes of southern Iraq.
not vitiate the equation of Urmia-lower sea of Nairi, which can A second supposed positive indication, the mention of a sea
be demonstrated on other grounds. at the end of the Zamuan itinerary ADD Io96, now proves
The question of Assyrian control of Lake Urmia's southern difficult. A new collation of this text shows that of the
shore remains unanswered. The finds at Hasanlu show a A.AB.BA.MES of Johns' copy, only A and ME can be seen.
strong Assyrian influence in the material culture (R. H. I hope to publish this text soon jointly with Nicholas Postgate,
Dyson, Jr., " Prehistoric Iran as seen from Hasanlu ", JNES who kindly provided the collation.
22 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

geographic area defined above. Either during the reign of Shalmaneser or soon thereafter, this area,
or a part thereof, was incorporatedinto the Assyrian empire as a province. Unfortunately, our sources
for the geographicalextent of the province of Mazamua are not explicit, and it is difficultto show corres-
pondence between the boundaries of the province and those of the earlier " geographical area"
Zamua. There is some indication that the Lake Zeribor basin was not at first part of the provinceof
Mazamua, and that it was incorporatedinto the province only during the sixth campaign of Sargon II.*93
Even then, however, it did not include the entire basin, or the incorporation was short lived, for by
year eight a principality in the Zeribor region is counted as part of Mannea.94
In summary, we note that the wealth of sourcesavailable for Zamua stems in part from its proximity
to Assyria. Occupying the most important valley system in the Iraqi Zagros, Zamua was not only a
major population centre, but also a hub from which some of the major routes to the east radiated.
And yet, even with its proximity to Assyria, it remained an entity unto itself for much of its history.
The one remaining geographical problem, the extent of the province of Mazamua, cannot at present
be fully elucidated. Logically, it should have occupied much the same territory as was covered by the
earlier geographical meaning of the term, with perhaps somewhat diminished territory in the east.
The evidence at hand allows us to go no further in delimiting its position.

3. Namri
Although Namri is not technically part of the Zagros, there is some reason to include it in the present
discussion. First, it is important clearly to establish its position, as this will bear on the location of
other places to be discussed. Second, Namri is often thought of and listed by the Assyrian sources in
conjunction with other places that are of the east. It is thus part of the entire question of Assyria and
the Zagros.95
The name Namri, with its alternate forms Namar and Nawar, has a longer history than the places
so far discussed. The term first occurs in cuneiform texts dating from the Old Akkadian period,96
and continues in use until Assyrian times.97 Even when the term Namri ceases to appear, the area to
which it referredcontinues to retain a distinctive character, being called " the land of the Kassites ".98
As is so often the case, the most complete information for the location of Namri comes from the
neo-Assyrianrecords. It is thus to these texts that we first turn. The question of the location of Namri
in other periods is really peripheral to the present study, and in any event the sources are too laconic
to add much to our picture.
From the Assyrian standpoint, Namri lay to the south, across the Lower Zab.99 The route thereto
took the traveller past Zamua, which apparently lay to the east.o00 The southern limit of Namri,
and an important clue to its location, is provided by the campaign of Shalmaneser III in 835 B.C. In
the course of that campaign, Shalmanesercrossed the Lower Zab, and then entered Namri by crossing
a mountain called Hashimur.'0o The location of Hashimur can be approximately determined by a
text of Shamshi-Adad V.102 In the course of one of his Babylonian campaigns, Shamshi-Adad pro-
ceeded south, crossing Mt. Ebih (Jebel Hamrin) north of the Diyala and then the Diyala. Finally,
93 Louis D. Levine, Two Namri be located in the region of Lake Zeribor (IranV (1967),
Neo-Assyrian Stelae from Iran, Royal
Ontario Museum, Art & Archaeology Occasional Paper 23 p. 15, n. 39).
(Toronto, 1972), p. 3o. 96 F. Thureau-Dangin, "Tablet de Samarra", RA IX (1912), I-4.
"4See the discussion of Mannea to appear in Part II of this study. 97 For the neo-Assyrian references, cf. Parpola, AOAT 6, p. 257,
"9Namri has often been discussed before. Starting with Schrader and add the following references under KUR ZALAG2.
(Keilinschriften,pp. 169-70), and followed by Delitzsch (Die I R 35.1.6 and Iraq 26.119.4. (Cf. W. Schramm, " Das land
Sprache der Kossaer (Leipzig 1884), p. 31), Billerbeck (Sulei- Zab der assyrischen k6niginschriften ", Or., N.S., 38 (1969),
mania, p. 4o, 54) and Streck (ZA XV (1900), p. 306), all pp. 126-7).
located Namri in the vicinity of the Diyala or the mountains 98 D. D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib(Chicago, 1924),
nearby. The situation was complicated by the Samarra OIP II, p. 26, 1.66 and passim, to which cf. Brinkman, An. Or.
tablet (cf. below, note 96), which led Thureau-Dangin to 43, p. 209.
suggest that Namri referred to more than one place. Thureau- , WO II 2 (1955), p. 162, 1. 93.
Dangin was followed by Goetze (JNES XII (1953), p. 119, 100oo MAOG IX: p. 14, 11. 23-4. This apparently is the meaning
n. 39) although the two disagreed on the location of the second of this text, although the geography in these two lines is not
Namri. At present, the information available for assessing the altogether clear.
two Namris theory is insufficient for any positive statement to 101 WO II 2 (1955), pp. I54-6.
be made. Most recently, T. C. Young, Jr., has suggested that 102s AfO IX (1933-34), P. 92.
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 23

after laying waste three towns, he apparently turned east, crossed Mt. Hashimur and then proceeded
even further south. From the above, it is clear that Hashimur must be located near the Diyala below
Mt. Ebih.103 Weidner has proposed that Hashimur be identified with the extension of the Hamrin
south of the Diyala.104 Whether this is precisely the mountain intended by the text or not, Hashimur
must be located in that general area. If Hashimur is so located near the point where the Jebel Hamrin
and the Diyala meet, and if Shalmaneser entered Namri by crossing Hashimur, we must search for
Namri somewhere not far removed from the Diyala's gorge through the Hamrin.105
Such a position fits well with, and is supplemented by, evidence from other sources, both negative
and positive. Turning first to the negative evidence, it should be noted that in none of the actions
involving Namri are any cities south ofJebel Hamrin mentioned.106Thus the Jebel Hamrin serves as a
southern limit for the extension of Namri. This position corroborates the information cited above.
Positive evidence which fits the picture comes from the texts of Shamshi-Adad V. In these texts,
we learn of a pro-Babylonian alliance of Namri, Kaldu, Elam and Aramu, all of which are to be
localized in the area east of the Tigris.10vFor participation in such an alliance to have been meaning-
ful, geographical proximity would have been required. A position along the Diyala north of the Jebel
Hamrin supplies this proximity. Furtherpositive evidence is provided by ShalmaneserIII. In 843 B.c.,
Shalmaneser proceeded from Namri to Tugliyash on his way south-westward out of the Zagros.s08
Since Tugliyash has been located in the greater Diyala area below Jebel Hamrin,109a position for
Namri above the Hamrin on the Diyala fits the picture well.
A northern limit beyond which Namri did not extend has to be determined at the present time
from negative evidence. At the beginning of Shalmaneser's reign Namri was still an independent
kingdom,110not subject to Assyrian control, while Arrapha was part of the empire. Consequently,
Namri could not have extended as far north as Arrapha, nor as far as any of the territory under the
jurisdiction of Arrapha's governor. Thus a line somewhere to the south of Kirkuk must have been the
terminus beyond which Namri could not have extended."1 The eastern limit seems to be set by the
Bazian ranges, which determined the western frontier of Zamua, for Namri never seems to be included
in the descriptions of Zamua. In view of the above, a position on the Diyala and perhaps extending
north from it, between the Jebel Hamrin and the Bazian ranges, seems the most likely setting for
Namri.
Other references to Namri are less useful in determining its location. Namri is associated with
Parsua,112and in some of the summary inscriptions of the Assyrian kings, it is mentioned with areas
known to be located in or near the Zagros.113However, these references are more significant for the
location of these other places in relation to Namri than they are for Namri's location in relation to
them. There is also mention in the Shalmaneser III 843 B.c. campaign of a Namrite river. Just what
river this refers to is difficult to ascertain. It may simply be the Diyala as it runs through Namri's
territory, or it may be any of the many tributariesthat feed into the Diyala south of Darband-i-Khan.
Rivers are so common in the area that the mention of one is not particularly instructive.

103This text makes it necessary to give up the old move toward the mountains in the east.
equation of
Hashimur with Hashmar, as the latter is to be identified with 106Although officials from Babylonia were present at the declara-
the Darband-i-Khan, the gorge of the Diyala through the tion of Bit-Karziabku's freedom (BBSt. VI, pp. 34-5, 11. iI
Baranand Dagh (cf. above, p. i9). The equation of the two ff.), their presence is to be ascribed to official function rather
was first proposed by Billerbeck (Suleimania,p. 3o, n. 3), and than geographical proximity.
followed by most others (e.g. Speiser, AASOR VIII (1928), 107 Brinkman, An. Or. 43, P. 317; I R 31: IV: 38.
p. 26, n. 49). 108sWO I/6 (1952), p. 472, 11.9-21.
AfO IX (1933-34), p. 97. Weidner's second point, that
x104 109Cf. Brinkman, An. Or. 43, p. 200, n. 1227.
Hashmar must now be relocated, is untenable in light of the 110Brinkman, An. Or. 43, p. 200.
proposed position of Zamua. 111If Arzuhina is to be relocated south of Arrapha, the same
105This new location for Hashimur makes it necessary to re- argument would apply as well to Arzuhina. Cf. above,
examine the course of the campaign of 835 B.C. After crossing note 83.
the Zab, Shalmaneser apparently followed the Tigris down- .11 WO II/2 (1955), pp. I54-6, 11. 11I1-I20; WO II/3 (1956),
stream into northern Babylonia, and then attacked Namri pp. 230-2, 11. 185-187.
from behind. This action would probably have been strategi- 113 D. G. Lyon, KeilschrifttexteSargon's (Leipzig 1883),
p. 3,
cally sound, as the expected route of attack was no doubt 11. 14-15; Rost, Die KeilschrifttexteTiglat-Pilesers III, Vol. I
south from Arrapha, via Kifri. The subsequent course of this (Leipzig I893), p. 62, 1. 29, passim; I R 35: 1: 6.
campaign is quite logical, with the Assyrians continuing to
24 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

The second campaign of Sennacherib yields one further clue to the location of Namri that is worth
noting. After bringing fugitive Kassites and Yasubigallians out of the mountains, Sennacherib settled
them in two of the cities taken earlier in the campaign. These cities, Hardishpi and Bit Kubatti, are to
be located in the area of the Diyala, i.e. in Namri.114 Sennacherib placed them both under the juris-
diction of the governor of Arrapha.115
While some question may arise as to the inclusion of the Diyala area under Arrapha, it should be
noted that no Assyrian governor occupies a post between Arrapha and Babylonia.116 Consequently, it
would be reasonable to expect the Diyala area to the north of the Jebel Hamrin to fall under the
jurisdiction of Arrapha. In this connection, note should be made of the Sargon text which assigns to the
governor of Lullume the area of Namri.117 If, as we have suggested, the governor of Lullume is the
governor of Zamua,118sthen our location for Namri is not out of line, as it would be quite possible to
govern the Diyala from Shahrizur. The reason for this area being reassigned to the governor of Arrapha
is unclear, but perhaps the revolt that prompted Sennacherib's second campaign lead him to feel that
more effective control could be exercised from Arrapha.
Having considered the neo-Assyrian evidence, we can perhaps briefly turn to that from earlier
periods. As was already pointed out, the Old Akkadian reference to Nawar is inconclusive.119 In the
old Babylonian period, the name occurs in two Mari texts in the form of Nawaritum, which has been
" The woman from Nawar ".120 The context in both letters shows that
interpreted as meaning they
refer to events in the east, and places such as Eshnunna, Elam and Guti are mentioned. In one of the
texts (ARM VI: 27: 8'), the Nawaritum, who is apparently queen of Nawar, is in charge of some
10,000 Guti troops. Such data fit admirably with the Namri known from the later texts.
In the middle Babylonian period, there is mention of a Namar in a kudurrudating from the reign of
Nebuchadnezzar I.121 In this text, the district of Bit Karziabku is given immunity from dues and taxes
formerly due the governor of Namri. There is no indication of its geographical position other than the
other places named in the text. Of these, the most significant is Halman, which is to be located just
south of Namri, and which fits the location for Namri determined above.122
In summary, we can say that the evidence points at the present time to a location for Namri along
the Diyala somewhere between the Hamrin and the Qara Dagh. The neo-Assyrian evidence points to
this area, and none of the earlier texts, with the possible exception of the Samarra Tablet, contradicts
such a location. The area, sitting as it does between Assyria and Babylonia, was of great importance,
a fact which no doubt accounts for its long history in the cuneiform texts.

4. Halman
In 1878, E. Schrader suggested that the name Halman (with its variant Arman), occurring in the
cuneiform inscriptions, was to be identified with the modern Holwan near Sar-i-Pul-i-Zuhab on the
Great Khorasan Road.123 This identification was accepted by F. Delitzsch in his important work on
Babylonian geography, Wo Lag Das Paradies,124and has been used as one of the few virtually undisputed
locations in the reconstruction of the historical geography of the Zagros. Billerbeck concurred with the
identification,125 and Olmstead went further still and changed the reading
" Halman " at the end of
"
Shalmaneser's 828 B.c. campaign to Hashmar ", because his reconstruction of the route of the
campaign put the Assyrians too far north to terminate their march near Sar-i-Pul.126

114For the identification of the land of the Kassites with 119Cf. above n.
Namri, 95.
cf. above, p. 22. 120 ARMII: 26: 9; ARM VI: 9; cf. ARM XV, p. 153.
On the sources and interpretation of this campaign, see my
11xx5 121 BBSt. VI:
p. 33 ff-
forthcoming article in JNES, " The Second Campaign of BBSt. p. 35 1. 22. Namar and Halman equal Sennacherib's
122

Sennacherib ". " The land of the Kassites and the Yasubigallians ".
See the list of" governorships" in Forrer, Provinz., pp. 94-5-
11xx6
123Keilinschriften,p. 169.
The references to Bit Hamban are inconclusive as to whether 124 Leipzig,
1881, p. 205.
a governor was stationed there. 125
Suleimania,p. 151.
x1 Winkler, Sargon,II, 45, E. 15-2 1. 126 A. T.
Olmstead, " Shalmaneser III and the Establishment
118sCf. above, n. 93.- of the Assyrian Power ", JAOS XLI (1921), pp. 379-80, n. 74.
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 25

Schrader's identification of Halman and Arman with Holwan remained unchallenged until
E. Forrer proposed that two places bore this name;127 the first, Halman proper, was to be identified
with Holwan, while the second, Arman-Halman, was to be found east of Mandali. Forrer was led
astray here, as in so many other places in the east, by his improper location of Arrapha. In addition,
he was unwilling to assign Halman which is called Yasubian in neo-Assyrian texts, to the Holwan area,
as the relief of Anum-Banini from the old-Akkadian period indicated that Holwan was Lullubi terri-
tory. W. F. Albright was the first to reject the two Halman theory of Forrer, and he tried to show that
all the sources were reconcilable with a single location.128 More recently, the material was reviewed by
H. Giterbock, who did not, however, pass judgement on the one versus the two Halman theory, nor
did he try to identify Halman with any modern site.129 Finally, J. A. Brinkman has collected most of
the information available for Halman, as well as for the (possible) variant of this name, Arman.130
Of the latter, he concludes that it was a city east of the Tigris, between the Lower Zab and the Adhaim
(Radanu). He also suggests that it is likely that Arman and Halman are dialectal variants of each
other, and finally he cites the literature for a possible location of Halman at Holwan, south of the
Diyala. As may be seen from Brinkman's summary, the issue is complex and somewhat confused.
The two names, Arman and Halman, have a long history of use in cuneiform literature. Arman
occurs in a geographical treatise of Sargon the Great131al (or perhaps Sargon I of Assyria).132 Halman
occurs in the Nuzi tablets.133 Both continue in use into the neo-Assyrian period.134 The reason for
equating the two names derives from the texts of Shalmaneser III. Different editions of those texts
alternate Arman and Halman in the account of the campaign of 850 B.C. In an attempt to sort out the
confusion arising from this alternation, we will consider first the material relating to Halman and then
that relating to Arman. The material from the 850 B.c. campaign, the campaign in which Halman and
Arman alternate, will be considered with Halman, as two recensions use Halman as opposed to one in
which Arman is used.135
The material available for locating Halman is, in addition to the campaign of 850 B.C. mentioned
above, the campaign of 828 B.C. conducted by Shalmaneser's general Dayani-Ashur, and the second
campaign of Sennacherib (702 B.c.). From the first two, we can glean the following information. In
828 B.C., the Assyrian troops proceeded from Namri to the passes of Simesi at the head of the land of
Halman.136 In the campaign of 850 B.c., Marduk-bel-usate fled from the Assyrian forces attacking the
city of Gananate to the mountains of Yasubi, to a city called alternately Arman and Halman.137 These
two campaigns provide four clues to the location of Halman. First, it must have lain in the mountains,
and served as a refuge area. That it lay in the mountains is also clear from an inscription of Shilhak-
Inshushinak, where a pass of Halman is mentioned.13as Second, it must have been near Namri. Third,
it must have been accessible from Gananate, and finally, it must have been in the area called Yasubi.
If we begin with the first clue, that Halman must have been in a mountainous area, our attention is
necessarily drawn to the east. If we add to this situation the fact that it must have been accessible from
Namri, the choice of areas to the east is considerably narrowed. As was noted above, Namri is to be

127 Provinzeinteilung,pp. 45-7. The homophonous Halman in p. 147,1. 80; KAH II, I2o, r. i = WO I (1947), p. 67) while
Syria is not considered here. others simply refer to the area as " the mountains " (WO
128 W. F.
Albright, "A Geographical Treatise on Sargon of II (1954), p.- 34, 11.37-8; WO
II (1955), p. 150, 11. 79-80).
Akkad's Empire ", JAOS XLV (1938), p. 213. Although all the accounts mentioning Halman are later in
129 H. G.
Giiterbock, " Die Historische Tradition bei Babylo- date than the Arman reference on the Balawat Gates, there is
niern und Hethitern ", ZA XLIV (1938), p. 73 ft. no reason to prefer the spelling Arman, especially as the Hal-
130An. Or. man spelling reflects the tradition of two separate cities,
43, p. 195, n. I 195.
131 KA Nimrud and Assur. (For some remarks about differing
V, p. 67, no. 92, 1. 13.
132 For a discussion of which Sargon this text belongs to, cf. E. traditions in different cities, cf. Brinkman, An. Or. 43, P- 391,
Weidner, AfO XVI (1952 3), p. I ff. and the article by H. Tadmor on the inscriptions of Sargon II
133 H. Lewy, "A Contribution to the Historical in JCS XII (2958), pp. 22-40 and 77-100).
Geography of
the Nuzi Texts ", JAOS LXXXVIII (1968), p. 155-. 136 WO II/3 (2956), p. 232, 1. 190.
137 Cf.
134 Cf. below, n. 135. above, n. 135-
135The earliest account, that of the Balawat Gates, reads Arman F. W. K6nig, Die elamischen Kinigsinschriften, AfO XVI
a138
(WO IV (1967), p. 30, V: i). Other accounts call this same (Graz 1965), p. I1, 54b, 1. 3; Brinkman, An. Or. 43, p. I95,
place Halman (WO I (1952), P- 466, 1. 46; BA VI/ x (1903), n. 1195.
26 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

located on the Diyala below Darband-i-Khan.139 From this area, there are three possible directions
by which to penetrate the mountains. The first, to the north-east, is ruled out, as this would lead to
Zamua. Thus, only the mountains due east of Namri or to the south-eastremain as possibilities. When
we turn to the third clue, the evidence that Marduk-bel-usate fled to Halman from Gananate, the
choice is further limited. Gananate can be located on the Diyala near Jebel Hamrin, although its
exact location is still disputed.140From Gananate, only the mountains south-east of Namri were acces-
sible as a refuge area. Thus, Namri and Gananate bracketHalman, and point to the area of the modern
Sar-i-Pul-i-Zuhab.
The last indication, that Halman was in an area called Yasubi, fits nicely with the conclusions
drawn from the first and second clues. As Brinkman has pointed out, Yasubi is almost certainly to be
identified with the land of the Yasubigallians mentioned in Sennacherib'ssecond campaign.141In the
course of that campaign, Sennacherib proceeded south against the land of the Kassites and the Yasubi-
gallians.142The land of the Kassites, again as Brinkman has noted, is to be identified with Namri.
If we can interpret the stereotyped language of the account of this campaign, what apparently hap-
pened was that the residentsof the land of the Kassites (Namri) fled to a refuge area in the mountains
before the Assyrian onslaught. The areas open to them were circumscribed. To the north-east lay
Zamua, to the south-west Babylonia. To the east was Parsua,143leaving only the south-east open.
Thus, the Kassites from Namri fled along the same route followed by Dayani-Ashur in 828 B.c., some
125 years earlier, and took refuge in the same area in which Marduk-bel-usate had taken refuge in
850oB.C., some 150 years before.
The Sar-i-Pul area fits well the demands of the picture inferred above. There are usable routes to
Sar-i-Pul from Namri via the Zuhab region, and Sar-i-Pul is connected to the lower Diyala area by the
main branch of the Khorasan Road. In addition, the high mountains that flank the Sar-i-Pul area are
natural refuge areas, and have been so used throughout history.
Other references to Halman in no way contradict a location near Sar-i-Pul. In a kudurrudating
from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar I, Halman is mentioned in a context with Namri, which is not
surprising as seen above (p. 24f.). The remaining references are too ambiguous to use for the identi-
fication of any specific locale.
With the site of Halman generally fixed in the Sar-i-Pul area, it is possible to turn to the references
to Arman and see if they too can be accommodated by this picture. In the inscriptions of Tiglath-
Pileser I (1115-1077 B.c.), the city Arman and its district Ugarsallu are located in lower Assyria
between the Lower Zab and the Diyala.144 They are also connected with Lubdi in the same text, and
Lubdi is to be located somewhere in the vicinity of Kirkuk, the major city in lower Assyria.145 In
addition, Ugarsallu is mentioned in connection with Zaban and Irriya in the Synchronistic History,
which would also seem to bear out this location.146Such a position for Arman, between the Lower Zab
and the Diyala, would not be reconcilable with the location already proposed for Halman, and would
necessitate the positing of two places, one in the mountains to the east usually called Halman, and one
north of Jebel Hamrin, called Arman.
This conclusion is, however, complicated by two other sets of data. The first is a reference to
Ugarsallu in the annals of Adad-Nirari II (911-891 B.c.). In those annals, Ugarsallu is mentioned
with Lahiru, then followed by Der, and only then by Arrapha and Lubdi.147If we allow for only one
Lahiru located south of the Diyala not far from Elam,148then this identification, as well as the inter-
position of Der between Ugarsallu and Arrapha would seem to indicate a more southern position for
139 Cf. above, p. 22 ff. 142 OIP II, p. 26, 1. 66 and passim.
140
Unger (RLA III, pp. I39-40) located it slightly north of 143 To be discussed in Part II of this article.
144 E. Weidner, " Die Feldzilge and Bauten Tiglatpilesers I ",
Jebel Hamrin. Weidner (AfO IX (1933), p. 97) placed it
south ofJebel Hamrin at the gorge of the Diyala. Pancritius AfO XVIII (1958), p. 350, 1. 37 f.
11
45For the association of Lubdi with Kirkuk, see IAK 58, n. 4.
(AssyrischeKriegfuhrung,pp. 119-21, 130-1. This work was
not available to me. The reference is from Brinkman, An. Or. 146 CT
XXXIV, pl. 42, K. 44oib, ii, xii.
43, p. 194, n. i189) located it in the lower reaches of the 147 MAOG IX: 3, p. 14, 1. 27 ff.
Jebel Hamrin, and Olmstead (AJSL XXXVII (1938), 148sThe evidence for one or two cities by the name of Lahiru
p. 217 and n. 5) and Albright (JAOS XLV), south of the is as yet insufficient to decide the issue definitely. Cf. Brink-
Jebel Hamrin on the Diyala. man, An. Or. 43, p. I78, n. o1093.
1x41An. Or. 43, p. 195, n. I194.
GEOGRAPHICAL STUDIES IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN ZAGROS 27

Ugarsallu, and consequentlyfor Arman. Such a location for Arman of Ugarsallu would not be difficult
to reconcile with the location suggested above for Halman, and would allow positing a single Halman/
Arman. However, as the mention of Ugarsallu in the Adad-Nirari source is part of a summary of the
king's conquests and not in the description of an actual campaign, great stressshould not be laid upon
the order of the places named.149
The second complication in the attempt to separate the occurrences of Halman and Arman stems
from the Nuzi texts. In a recent article, H. Lewy has suggested that a town called Halmaniwe be
equated with Arman of Ugarsallu.150Lewy's location of Halmaniwe cannot be easily reconciled with
the Halman of Shalmaneser, as the former is to be located along the Lower Zab or thereabouts, near
Nuzi and far north of Sar-i-Pul. On the other hand, such a location fits well with the information for
the location of Arman of Ugarsallu.
The major conclusion to be drawn from the information presented above seems to be that there
were indeed two places, one usually called Halman, the other usually Arman. Halman was located in
the Sar-i-Pul area, which also bears the modern name Holwan. Whether Holwan is the same name as
Halman is not clear. Arman was located in lower Assyria, below the Lower Zab, and was in an area
called Ugarsallu.a1' Arman and Halman seem to have been freely variant pronunciations of a single
word.152 This conclusion emerges from the Nuzi writing Halmaniwe for Arman of Ugarsallu in the
Assyrian sources, and from the Arman/Halman alternation in the various recensions of Shalmaneser's
campaign of 850 B.C.
As a final note, it may be added that the mountains and foothills around Sar-i-Pul-i-Zuhabwere
surveyed by the author in the summer of 1965. While the ceramic history of the area is still imper-
fectly known, making it difficult to pinpoint specific periods of occupation, many mounds bore witness
to the settlement of the region in antiquity. In addition, the geography accords well with the picture
drawn from the sources. The Holwan area is in the foothills of the Zagros, but less than a day's
away are some of the most formidable and inaccessible mountains in western Iran. .journey

(To be continued.)

14 There is mention of an Ukarsillam in an Elamite


inscription text, it is clear that Arman was located somewhere to the
of Shilhak-Inshushinak, but it does not solve the problem here northeast of Babylonia, but whether it is to be identified with
under discussion. In this text, Ukarsillam is connected with Holwan or the area between the Diyala and the Lower Zab is
Ebih, i.e. Hamrin (RLA II, pp. 264-5), but it does not help, unclear.
in as much as we do not know if Ukarsillam is to the north or 152 For the possibility that the variant indicates a sound that
to the east of this range. Cf. K6nig, ElamischenKnignsin- cuneiform writing was incapable of reproducing, cf. E.A.
schriften,p. 128, 37, 1. 85. Speiser, MesopotamianOrigins (Philadelphia 1930), pp. 92 and
150 Cf. above, n. 133. I39;
M. Berkooz, The Nuizi Dialect of Akkadian(Philadelphia,
151 The
city Arman is also mentioned in the geographical 1937), P. 57-
treatise on Sargon's empire (cf. above, note I28). From that
3

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