Manju Jain

Global Anomie and India: A Conceptual Approach

Author(s): Stephanie Thiel
Source: Indian Journal of Asian Affairs, Vol. 24, No. 1/2 (June-December 2011), pp. 17-34
Published by: Manju Jain
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 Global Anome and India: A Conceptual

Approach

Stephanie Thiel*

To sumup - in theold daystherewereone thousandcastesand destiniesin India.

These days,therearejust twocastes:Men withBig Bellies,and Men withSmall
Bellies.Andonlytwodestinies:eat- or geteatenup.
AravindAdiga "The WhiteTiger"

Abstract: India has changed dramaticallysince the economicreformsin the

1990s. She is now a boomingcountryand is increasingly perceived as an
upcomingglobalplayer. Yet thereis also a dark side ofIndia 's development. It
emerges on a societal level and is closely associated with the economic
development.Phenomenalikerisingratesofcorruption and corporate fraud,the
surge of suicides, growing community tensions, increasing cases of bride-
burning, and
femaleinfanticide foeticide have been as
perceived problemswhich
are being tackledalready. But theyhave not been assessed as associated
problemsso far,rootingin a commonsource: Anomie.Thispaper willoutlinea
theoretical
framework of anomie and connectthisto currentdevelopments in
India.

INTRODUCTION
In thewake of MiltonFriedmanand otherscholars'work,researchagendasand
public policy have changed dramaticallyduringthe last threedecades. The
influenceof thisfree-market
ideologyextendedto transnational
institutions
like
the International
MonetaryFund (IMF), the WorldTrade Organization(WTO)
and the WorldBank (WB). Theirpolicies changedaccordingly(Kasper 2000;
Snowdon& Vane 2006; Wade 2002). Duringthelasttwodecades,an increasing

*
ofKonstanz,Germany
ResearchAssociate,University

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18 IndianJournalofAsianAffairs 2011
, June-December

numberof countrieswereforcedto openup marketswhichincreasedcompetition

on a global scale (cf. Mittelman2000; Passas 2000; Sassen 1996). The
consequenceshave been dramaticand oftenadverse forthe populationsof the
respectivecountries.Though economic globalisationhas been creditedwith
positive impacts on, e.g., economic performance, povertyreductionor life
expectancy(Bergh & Nilsson 2010; Bhagwati 2004), its blessings are not
uncontested.It is held, among others,to increase inequality,the costs of
commodities, capitalflightand thepressureon nationstatesthusrobbingthemof
theirscope of design(Cornia & Court2001; Sassen 1996; Stiglitz2002; Wade
2004; fora methodological discussioncf.Wade 2001).
It is widelyagreedupon thatIndia has profitedfromwhathas been called
"Manmohanomics",the liberalisationof her economy. India has become a
boomingcountrywith a steadilyand substantially increasinggross domestic
product(GDP), foreign direct investment (FDI) and totaltradein goods and
services(Badunenko& Tochkov2010; Panagariya2008; UNCTAD 2009). Yet
Indiahas notbeen sparedtheabove mentioned increasesin inequalityandprices
forcommodities(Datamonitor, 2009; Page, 2007; Pal and Ghosh,2007; UNDP,
2009; Wade, 2004). Additionally, India has landed4ierselfwithseveralsocial
disruptions and problems the underlyingsources of which mightbest be
conceptualised as anomic.
Anomieon an individuallevel has been describedas a disjunction between
personalgoals and the access to legitimate means to reach these goals (e.g.
Agnew 1980; Passas 1997). On a societallevel, anomiemeans a stateof social
disintegration, a breakdownof theculturaland normativestructure (Braithwaite
et al. 2010; Durkheim1966 [1897]). Both formsof anomieare intertwined and
exertmutualinfluence.Though developedin the Europeanphilosophicaland
sociologicaltradition, theconceptof anomieappearsas an increasingly important
toolof analysisforAsian,Africanand LatinAmericancontexts.This is owingto
thespreadingof Westerncapitalistformsof economicactivitywhichtakea toll
on thesocial fabricof different societies.As India is a vast countrywithvery
heterogenous populations with regardto language,religion,casteand ethnicity, it
is out of the questionthattherecould be any homogeneouseffector outcome.
Therefore, itis importantto observevariousintersecting factors.
This paperwill, firstof all, offera theoretical explanationof some general
societal as well as individual dynamics accompanyingthe processes and
mechanismsof economic liberalisation.It will then deal with some specific
problemsthathave emergedin India, linkingthemto the anomie-theoretical
background.The paperwill concludewithpossibleresearchquestionsand some
conceivablefuture developments.

THEORETICAL FRAME
A distinctfeatureheld to characteriseUS Americancultureis the so-called
AmericanDream. Accordingto Messnerand Rosenfeld,it is characterised by

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Thiel: GlobalAnomieandIndia 19

"achievementorientation, individualism,universalism,and peculiar forai of

materialism thathas been describedas the 'fetishismof money'"(Messnerand
Rosenfeld1997: 62). It is positedto have made America"a societyopen to
individualachievement"(ibid.,6) whereeveryonehas thechanceto make it to
thetop.This implicitpromisemaybe one of thereasonswhytheUniteStatesis
highlyattractive forpeoplefromall overtheworld.Yet, thereis also a downside
to theAmericanDream. In 1938,sociologistRobertK. Mertondevelopedwhat
would soon come out as one of themostinfluential sociologicaltheoriesof the
20thcentury, theanomietheory.Centralto thistheoryis a hypothesised anomic
tensionin Americansociety,createdby "a highpremiumon economicaffluence
"
and social ascentfor all itsmembers (Merton1938: 680). In thecourseof the
followingdecades, anomie theoryinspireda plethoraof (mainlycriminological)
researchquestionson micro-,meso-andmacro-levelsofanalysis.
Afterits introduction, anomie theorywas perceived to consist of two
theories, an individual-level straintheoryand a macro-levelanomie theory
(Baumer2007; Featherstone and Deflem2003). It was mainlythe micro-level
aspect which was developed and tested.This has changedduringregentyears,
leading to theoreticaldevelopmentswhich can help understandand explain
societalchanges on a global scale. This kind of theoreticaldevelopmentwas
sorely needed. In the wake of globalisationmany social phenomenahave
emerged,some withdistinct whichmayhavebeendescribed
local characteristics,
buthardlyunderstood in theirembeddedness in a widercontext.
To explain the emergenceof anomie,Mertondifferentiated betweenthe
culturaland thesocial structure. Whilecultureprovidesgoals and interests2 valid
forany given society,the social structure encompasses norms and values i.e.
rules and legitimatemeans to achieve these goals as well as social control.
Moreover,the individualpositionwithinthe social structure determinesthe
extentto which legitimatemeans are accessible. Anomie ensues when goals
becomedisproportionately stressedwhilelegitimatemeanslose importance. "In
theextremecase, thelattermaybe so vitiatedby thegoal-emphasis thattherange
of behaviouris limitedonlyby considerations of technicalexpediency"(Merton
1938: 674). In view of the Americansociety,Mertondiscussedtwo cultural
aspectswhichhe identified as conduciveto anomie:theimportance of material
success and the fact that this goal is valid for everyonewhich exacts a
competition across the whole society.This way, "a cardinalAmericanvirtue,
'ambition',promotesa cardinalAmericanvice, 'deviantbehaviour'"(Merton
1968:200).
We have to noteat thispointthatMertondid notmeanto say thateveryone
was goingto displaydeviantbehaviourwhenconfronted withuniversally valid
goals. Individualscan react
materialistic in differentways. Merton differentiates
betweenthe extentto which culturallyprovidedgoals and legitimatemeans
respectivelyhave been assimilated.Four main ideal typesof reactioncan be
described:conformity, innovation, ritualismand retreatism. Conformity results
fromthe acceptanceof the dominantgoals and the legitimatemeans. When

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20 IndianJournalofAsianAffairs 2011
, June-December

legitimatemeans are accepted while the societallydominantgoals are not,

ritualismwill ensue. In the case thatneithergoals nor legitimatemeans are
accepted,we will see retreatism. Innovation, finally,is themostinteresting and
important reactionpattern forthefollowinganalysis.It comprisesdeviantand,in
a narrower sense,criminalbehaviourand itis theresultoftheacceptanceof goals
and the non-acceptanceof legitimatemeans3.The main point is that the
probabilityof deviantbehaviourincreasesdramatically whenmaterialsuccess is
highlyimportant and when it is a goal to be attained by everyone (Passas 1997).
In the beginning,researchersfocussed mainly on the aspect of an
individual'spositionin thesocial structure. As access to legitimate meansdiffers
depending on the position held in the social structure while the goal of material
success is the same, anomic pressurewas held to be stronger forthe socially
disadvantaged strataof society. Thus, anomie theoryappearedas an adequate
explanation of crime and other deviant behaviour ofthelowerclasses.How can it
be explainedthenthatnot everydisadvantagedindividualwill show deviant
behaviour?The pointis thatanysocietyprovidesmorethanjustone goal thatcan
be attained.Therefore, any individualmay feelcommitted to otherends in life
thanjust materialsuccess.In thiscase, theindividualmightnotfeelanyanomic
tension.Thus, even a disadvantagedindividualdoes not necessarilyresortto
deviantbehaviour.
We have to ask then how we can account for deviantbehaviourin
individualsin sociallyadvantageouspositions.One could assumethatforthose
who are betteroffor even rich,thegoal of materialsuccessdoes notplay any
major role any more. They can affordto adhereto alternative goals in life.
Additionally^their access to legitimate means is not restricted
bypoverty, lack of
educationor otheradversities.Therefore, they are objectively in a positionin
whichtheycan followany goal withoutadoptingillegitimate practices.Yet, a
certainamountofthemdo taketo illegalpractices.How canwe explainthis?
The goal of materialsuccess is inherently infinite.Whenarewe successful?
Whenarewe rich?Thereis no fixedmeasuring rodwhichcouldbe appliedto settle
thisquestion.Materialsuccesscannotbe definedobjectively. Itis something which
is constantlyassessed and reassessedby individualsand it depends,among
others,on comparisonwithreference groups.As soon as a personcompareshis
to of
or her situation that others, he or she mayfeelmoreor less successful.In
thosecases in whichthecomparisonturnsout negative,in whichan individual
perceivesothermembersof therelevantreference groupto be moresuccessful,
feelingsof relativedeprivationmay emerge.These feelingscan be a strong
motivator fortheapplicationof illegitimate behaviour.Therefore, evenmaterially
well-offindividualsarenotfreefromanomictensions.
There are countervailing forcesto the development of unrestrained profit
motives.Everysocietyis enduedwithsocial institutions whichare its"building
blocks" (Messnerand Rosenfeld1997: 65), developingarounditsbasic needs,
amongthemtheadaptationto theenvironment, mobilisation and distribution of
resourcesfor the achievementof collectivegoals and the socialisationof its

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Thiel:GlobalAnomieandIndia 21

membersto secure theircompliancewith the rulingnorms.Thus, the social

institutions secure the cohesion and the functioning of societies and impose
"limitson certainculturalimperatives so thattheydo notdominateand ultimately
destroyothers"(ibid.:57). Messnerand Rosenfeldreferto thepolity,thefamily,
theeconomyand theeducationalsystemas decisiveinstitutions (Ibid.: 65-67; cf.
Parsons 1951) while Durkheimstressedthe importanceof religion(Durkheim
1966; cf.Pescosolidoand Georgianna1989). Owingto therespectively different
functions of thesocial institutions,conflictsof values emergewhichhave to be
solved. These processeslead to a culturallyspecific"distinctiveinstitutional
balanceofpower"(Messnerand Rosenfeld1997: 67). The social organisation of
a societyis thuscharacterised by a stateof continuousmutualreinforcement of
institutional balanceandculture.
How does anomiedevelopundertheseidealtypicalconditions of functioning?
Accordingto Messnerand Rosenfeldthiswill happenwhenthe economystarts
dominating othersocial institutions.This dominanceleads to the"devaluationof
non-economicinstitutional functionsand roles, accommodationto economic
requirements by otherinstitutions,and penetration of economicnormsInto other
institutional domains"(Messnerand Rosenfeld1997: 70). Being economically
infiltrated,theseinstitutions are thenweakenedin thedevelopmentand exertion
of social control.Theycontribute to highcrimeratesas theyfailto offerenough
resistance to theanomicgoal orientation.
Accordingto this view, social controlis decreasingpari passu with the
weakeningof thenon-economic institutions.Yet therole of social institutions in
a societyis notlimitedto theprovisionand exertionof social controlor to their
limitingculturalimperatives.Their pervasionby economic logics is not just
weakeningthembutalso changingtheirverycharacter. It is questionablewhether
non-economic institutions
just counteract the economy, unless theysuccumbto it.
They mightjust as well enhance or even activelyproduce anomie in being
anomic in themselves.This means thateconomiclogics can undermineand
corrupt socialstructures,culturesand ethics.
With economicglobalisationgainingmomentum, centralelementsof the
AmericanDream have startedspreadingacross the globe. In addition to
economichardshipand increasinglevelsof inequalityas a corollaryof economic
liberalisationwithincreasedglobal competition, theprivatisation of community
assets and the run forthe lowest regulatory demands,we witnessa growing
influenceof economic values, materialismand consumerism,the pursuitof
materialsuccess and the acquisitionof statussymbols,and the emergenceof
innovativepracticesto achieve these goals by means of shortcuts.As ethical
dimensionsare absent in neoliberal globalisation,"the moral standardsof
consumerism,individualism,and self-aggrandizement are eroding solidary
structures, including the family, the village, and neighborhoods"(Mittelman
2000: 239; cf. Gill 1996). This invasiveprocesswill be exemplifiedin thenext
section.

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22 IndianJournalofAsianAffairs,
June-December
2011

WAYS OF INTRUSION
The trendtowardmarketlogics,materialvalues and consumerism is fuelledand
facilitated by several factors.A majorimpact can be traced back to themassive
influxof multinational companies (MNC) and theirbehaviour in the market.
From the earlyninetiesonwards,India was confronted withconditionalities by
the World Bank. This led to major amendments and changesin legislationin
areas likeindustry, labour,banking,foreignexchange,foreign capitaletc.(Indian
Economy Overview n.d.; Rigby 1997; South Asian Voice 1998). The openingof
thedomesticmarketbroughtforeigncapital.At thesametime,theMNCs played
a mostingloriousrole.Althoughbeingprovidedwithfairconditionsconcerning
tax relief,loweredtariff ratesand reducedimportduties,theywerenotprepared
to respondfairly.Theystartedengagingin anticompetitive behaviour, aggressive
and persistent lobbying,marketmanipulation andpriceriggingas well as bribery
(Konar2009; Pal and Ghosh2007; Roy 2000; SouthAsianVoice 1998; 1999). A
rangeof companiesviolatedincometax laws and/orevadedothertaxes.Among
thesecompanieswere"stockmarketdarlings"(SouthAsian Voice 2000; cf. Pal
and Ghosh 2007), as a commentator scathinglyremarked, includingProcterand
Gamble,andNestl4.Thereare numerousothercases, especiallythoserelatedto
societallyvital sectors like pharmacyor agricultureare highlyproblematic.
Monsantoand other"Seeds Buccaneers",as theyhave been called,have become
knownforfakingdata and circumventing thusseverelyendangering
jurisdiction,
sustainablefarming, biodiversityand food supply(Sharma2010; Shrivastava
2006).
This kindofmarketbehaviouris highlyproblematic forseveralreasons.First
of all, it leads to increasingly prohibitivepricesof commodities and foodwhich
in turnmostseverelyaffectthepoorestand weakestof thesociety.Secondly,this
way of dealingcan forcefair-playing competitors outof themarket. Thirdly,and
most importantly, this kind of behavioursets an example which can have
contagioneffects in themarket.Domesticcompetitors willfeelforcedto resortto
comparablemeans. In the long run,any sense of ethicalstandardserodes and
anomieensues.This stateof affairsalso findsitsway intosociety(or partsof it),
leading to a "moral economyof everydaycrime"(Karstedtand Farrall2006:
1011).
Moreover,those who take up a job in such a companywill soon be
confronted with the contemporary neoliberaloutput-oriented managementby
objectives,i.e. a managementwhich emphasisesends insteadof means. It is
characterised,among others, by decentralisation, an increase in personal
responsibility and accountability foroutcomesor pay forperformance-systems.
All this is intendedto set offexternaland/orinternalcompetition in orderto
enhance efficiency and innovation.Usually,the achievementof employeesis
assessed by theirrespectiveoutputas comparedto theirbenchmarksor as
comparedto others1 output.This is an inherentlydangerousway of management.
In its initialidea of increasingefficiency and innovation it may easily createa

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Thiel:GlobalAnomieandIndia 23

climateconduciveto deviance. This holds true specificallyfor organisations

featuring efficiencyism, i.e. a lopsidedand hypertrophical notionof efficiency
(Thiel2011). A numberof case studiessuggestthatoutputcontrolin combination
with high-pressure bottom-linemanagementand operationalfreedom are
incentivesfordeviantbehaviour.That organisationalenvironment is of great
importance forthe emergenceof deviancehas also been pointedout by other
researchers in different contexts(Kulik et al. 2008; Martinet al. 2009; Monahan
& Quinn2006; Saini & Krush2008; Vaughan 1997). Thus employeesbecome
socialised under anomic circumstanceswhere ends are overemphasisedas
comparedto legitimate means.
In additionto the directinfluenceof corporatemalpracticeand corporate
climate,theopeningof themarkethas entailedtheinfluxof foreigngoods and
expatriate managerswithcomparatively soaringsalarieswho areable to affordall
kinds of amenities.They constitutea new referencegroupin comparisonto
which well-trainedand aspiring Indians may develop feeling of relative
deprivation.
A complement to the emergenceof new referencegroupsin India is the
confrontation withthemelsewhere.An everincreasing numberof Indianstudents
go abroad, to Australia, to the UK, but mainly to the USA (White2007). Two
majorconsequences have to be anticipated: First of all, thismeansaccess to new
referencegroups which in turnmay entail feelingsof relativedeprivation
conducive to anomic tension and, consequently,to illegitimatebehaviour.
Secondly,studyingin theheartlandof economiclibertarianism may involvea
penetration of students with a potentiallyanomic economic logic whichis then
re-imported to their of
country origin.
Yet, anothersourceof influenceis constituted by themedia. Liberalisation
resultedin an explosivegrowthof channelsand programmes with the ever-
increasingrange of their influence (indiantelevision.com). We see a plethoraof
programmes related to sports,politics, talk shows, government campaigns,and
entertainment. Specifically, television and the Internet often provideimagesof a
worldof affluence and glamourwhichare,moreoftenthannot,misleadingand
omitthedarkside of free-market capitalism5. This development is notrestricted
to theelectronicmedia. Indianprintmedia have repeatedlybeen criticisedfor
featuringan increasingtrend to commercialisation, sensationalisationand
an
trivialisation, excess of advertisement, to entertainment insteadofdealingwith
politicalissues. Furthermore, paid news "have become a usual featurein media",
therebypromoting "certain politiciansand politicalgroups,businessmagnets
[sic!],commercial and industrial productsand services"(Ray 2009: 14;
interests,
cf. Murthyet al. 2010; Press Council of India 2006a, 2006b, 2010; Ray 2010;
Sharma2009).
No directrelationship can be establishedbetweena messageand itsreceiver.
In fact,such relationships are moderatedby a host of situational,social and
individualtraits.Messages are of a multilayered characterwhichunfoldsand
worksin a largercontext.The completelack of success of the government

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24 IndianJournalofAsianAffairs,
June-December
2011

5
campaignIndia Shining is a striking exampleof thefactthatrecipients are not
passive receiversof messages. Yet when the largercontextchanges,specific
messages may accumulate while individualschoose, filterand alter them
accordingto theirrespectiveneeds and beliefs.This means thatany storyor
campaignwhichfitsin withpopulartaste,theindividualsituationin lifeor the
actualknowledgeaboutthegeneralsituationof thecountry or state,is amenable
to acceptanceby a recipientand whichworkson him or her.This way,goals,
interests,success, and referencegroupscan be altered,reframedand changed,
and imagescan establishnewreference groupswithwhichto compare.
While discussingthis,we have to keep in mind thatIndia is a booming
economy.This entailsthata growingnumberof people are surrounded by signs
of thisboom. Theyexperiencerealsuccessstorieswhichin turnmaytapfeelings
like "If he/shecan be successful,I can be (even more) successful".Knowinga
successfulpersonwitha comparablesocial backgroundincreasesthelikelihood
thatthispersonmay serve as a referencewith which to compareone's own
situation.Other signs of the boom include construction and the growthof
shopping malls exhibiting all kindsof hithertounknown and unavailablegoods.
The marketrespondsto thegrowingmiddleclass and theirwishesbyoffering the
appropriate goods. This further contributes
to an emergence of new desiresand
growingdemands.In a sense,we witnessa greatupheavalin Indiansociety.And
itmightbe exactlythiseconomicupheavaland changewhichpresentsIndiawith
somedireconsequences.

EMERGING PROBLEMS
In India,a hostof social and societalproblemsare emerging.Some ofthemseem
to have sprungup recently whilesome pre-existing ones have started
worsening.
These problemsare worthbeing viewed fromthe anomie lens. They may not
have much to do with each other at firstsight,yet all of them can be
conceptualisedas expressionsof anomic tendenciesin Indian society.In the
economicsector,we witnessincreasinglevels of corruption. Corporatefraudis
on therise as is "thenumberof scams spanningacrossthepublicas well as the
private sector" (KPMG 2011: 2; cf. KPMG 2010; Singh 2003). On the
communitylevel, there are growingtensions and violence (Heitzman and
Worden 1995; Rigby 1997). Societally,we are confrontedwith a surge in
suicidesamong specificsectorsof the population,namelyyoungpeople,men,
farmers(Gururajet al. 2004; Posani 2009). Alignedto the practiceof dowry,
bride-burning and the closely associatedphenomenaof femaleinfanticide and
female foeticideare risingand they increasinglycapturehithertounaffected
regions(Ahmed-Ghosh2004; Anderson2003; Geethadeviet al. 2000; Jhaet al.
2011).
The longperiodofthelicenceraj systemwithitsexcessiveregulations, petty
corruption and stifledcompetition spawnedthe so-calledHindu rateof growth
(Desai 2002). Withliberalisation, the Indianeconomyunderwent restructuring

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Thiel: GlobalAnomieandIndia 25

and openedup to the worldeconomy.This entailed,amongothers,substantial

increasesin FDI, theentryof new competitors, the emergenceof new markets
and the subsequentaugmentation of opportunities to findjobs and ameliorate
one's materialcondition.While it has set offa positivedevelopmenton the
macro-economic level,ithas also creatednew opportunities and incentives which
areconduciveto anomie.On an individuallevel,thesuddenomissionof barriers,
theavailability of moneyand thepotentialaccess to cherishedgoods are strong
incentives to engagein fraudand corruption to achievematerialwealth.On the
corporatelevel, initialanticompetitive behaviourby multinationals may have
entailedcontagioneffects. Additionally, increased competition leads to increased
risksof failingin themarket.Corruption offersa possibilityto acquirecontracts
whichotherwise wouldbe assignedto competitors. Witha growingcompetitive
pressure we can a of
expect higherprevalence corruption and fraud.In a survey
by KPMG (2010), 63% of the respondents stated thatthe desireto meetmarket
expectations or even exceed them was the most important reason to commit
fraud.Corruption and fraudagglomeratein the real estate,construction and
infrastructure,telecommunications and consumermarkets ^KPMG 2010; 2011).
The dissemination of modernmanagement techniquesand job socialisationcan
contribute tothisdevelopment.
The delineateddevelopment has expandedto thepoliticalsector.While the
licence raj systemwas characterisedby corruptbabus engaging in petty
corruption, we now witnessmajorscams in whichpoliticiansand thousandsof
croresareinvolved.The 2G spectrum scam,theforestscam and theminingscam
whichrecently have been of interest provideonlydetailsof a largerpictureof a
polity which is dominated by, the economyand increasingly neglectingpublic
interest.Thisis a strongsignofinstitutional anomiewithinthepoliticalsector.
The economicsurge in combinationwith growinginequalitywill most
probablyprovean explosivemixture. In a societyin whichmaterialachievement
becomesmoreimportant7, social conflictand tensionsare to be expectedin the
longrun,specifically in thelargeurbancentreswhereconsumergoods,symbols
of materialwealthand statussymbolsnotderivedfromor restricted to caste or
othertraditional sources are on display.The growingimportanceof material
wealthfindsexpressionin the trendto show off8.This may "breedcohortsof
partly-educated youngpeople who growup in angerand despair.Some tryby
legalorillegalmeanstomigrateto thewest;somejoin militant ethnicor religious
movementsdirectedat each otherand theirown rulers"(Wade 2002:3; cf.
Jhunjhunwala 2010). Additionally, the recentsocial dislocationsand upheavals
appear to have contributed to an increasingappeal of identitypolitics and
accordingcommunalviolence(Heuz 1995;Masselos 1996; Patel 1997).
The spateof suicidesin different partsoftheIndiansocietyis anothersignof
anomie.In 2000, 1.08 lakhIndianscommitted suicide.Back in 1970 thenumber
was 0.4 lakh.Onlya fraction ofthesesuicidesarea directresultofdireeconomic
circumstances. These mainlyapply to farmerswho are confronted withrising
costsforcultivation, a depletionof theproductivecapacityof thesoil owingto

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26 IndianJournalofAsianAffairs, 2011
June-December

excessiveuse of chemicalfertilizers, thedominanceof a few companiesin the

global marketof agriculturalcommodities,decliningstate support,declining
groundwaterlevel, decliningirrigation owing to the neglectof investment in
irrigationinfrastructure, disappearinginstitutions, the emergenceof private
baniyas9and accordingcreditsqueezes. Between1995 and 2004 morethan15
lakh farmerscommittedsuicide,numbersare stillrising(Jhunjhunwala 2006;
Mohanty2005; Posani 2009). Nevertheless, Mohanty(2005) founda numberof
cases in whichitwas notthedesperatefinancialsituation whichdrovefarmers to
commitsuicide but financialsetbacksof a less drasticcharacter.Explicitly
adoptingan anomie-theoretical perspective, he explainsthe suicidalwave with
disappointed hopes and aspirations:"[T]he incidence,themeaningand thecause
of anomicsuicideare all linkedto the'new' conditionsfacedby ruralproducers
as a resultoftherapideconomicgrowthin general,and inparticular thespreadof
neo-liberalism" (Mohanty 2005: 247).
The othertwo societalgroupsaffectedby highratesof suicide are young
people and men. A studyfromBangalorerevealedothercauses for suicide,
mainlyillness,but also familyproblemsand alcohol-related problems.Witha
shareof 5.6%, financialproblemswerea comparablyminorcause, though35%
of thesuicideswerecommitted in householdswithincomesof less thanRs 3000
and Rs 3001-6000respectively. "Povertyand low levelsof incomehad a slightly
lesser influence,thusindicatingthatan acute economiccrisiscarrieda greater
risk comparedwith long-termeconomic deprivation"(Gururaj 2004: 186).
Amongadolescentsitwas mainlyeducationalproblemswhichincreasedtherisk.
Among men a majorfactorwas alcohol. Alcohol has become easily available,
and it is a usual phenomenon thatalcoholconsumption increaseswitha growing
middle class as part of generallychangingconsumptionpatterns.India is no
exceptionand witnessesa growingalcoholproblem.The problemwithalcoholis
notitsmereavailability butits applicationin termsof self-medication and stress
relaxation.As themanis stillthebread-winner in India,pressuresto succeedwill
be high,specifically underthenew conditions. Alcoholcan providean ostensible
remedyagainstdailystruggles. Yet it severelyaffectssocial relationsas well as
the socioeconomicsituationand it linksin withviolence.Domesticviolence-
physical,sexual or emotionalabuse - was foundto be a majorriskfactorfor
suicideinwomen(Gururaj2004; cf.Lakhani2005).
The expandedcommodification and marketisation can affectothersocietal
spheres.A disconcerting sign fora massiveintrusion of marketlogics intothe
social institutionof thefamilyare dowry,bride-burning and femaleinfanticide
and foeticide.The historyof violenceagainstwomenis neithernew norin any
way a characteristic of India. The same appliesto dowrywhichcould and still
can be foundin mostpartsof theworld.Whatis specificforIndia is thefatal
combination ofboth.Indianwomenaresubjectedto a degreeof commodification
whichis unprecedented. Yet the dealingwiththemis kindof a negativetrade:
One does nothave to pay to acquirebutto getridof them.Dowryis a kindof
deductionfromtheprice.At thesame timeitis "likean investment by thebride's

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Thiel:GlobalAnmieand India 27

familyin the hope of pluggingintopowerfulconnectionsand money-making

opportunities. Marrying a daughterto sucha manmaymeanupwardmobility for
her entirenatal family,especially brothers, because they may secure huge
benefits through thisconnection"(Kishwar2005: 7).
In spiteof a growing"marriagesqueeze"10(Anderson2007: 165), dowry
"remainstheleadingcause of deathamongyoungbridesin maritalhouseholds"
(Ahmed-Ghosh 2004: 102). Geethadeviet al. (2000: 31) foundthat"almost64
percentoftheunnatural deathsof womenin Bangalorein 1997 weretheresultof
burning". As thereis a lack in social controlsand thepolice provesincapableof
enforcing existinglaws (Geethadeviet al. 2000), thereis nothingto stopor to
detera perpetrator - on thecontrary. Divorceis societallynotacceptedso far.It
is acceptable,though,is theremarriage ofa widowedman.The prospectofmore
dowry can thus emerge as an incentive to becomemarriageable againwhilestill
to
livingup general normative expectations.
One palpable effectof this way of disposingof women is a growing
imbalancein themale-femaleratio.Infanticide and selectiveabortioncontribute
to thisalreadyhighlyskewed imbalance.Thoughwomenbecome increasingly
scarce,dowrydemandsare stillgrowing.Thishas been attributed to an increased
dispersion in wealth within different castes which leads to a growing
interchangeability of wealth and caste.Accordingly, marriage advertisements by
malesnowregularly containa "Caste no bar"-information. This in turnhas led to
"competition amongstbridesformoredesirablegrooms"(Anderson2007: 163;
cf.Anderson2003).
The latestIndiancensusrevealeda further shortageof womenforthefuture.
In 1991,therewere42 lakhfewergirlsthanboys.In 2001, thisgap had widened
to 60 lakh.In 201 1, it was 71 lakh already(Jhaet al. 201 1). Givenan unabated
continuation of thistrend,thegap wouldreachone croreby 203111."Nothaving
a daughter meansnothavingto save andpay a dowryand,mostimportant, not
to and 2
having provide services spend resources on paraya dhan" (Ahmed-
Ghosh2004: 106). The femalefoeticideappearsto occurmainlyin "educatedor
richerhouseholds,presumablybecause theycan affordultrasoundand abortion
servicesmorereadilythanuneducatedorpoorerhouseholds"(Jhaet al. 2011: 6).
This maybe takenas a strongsign of anomie,of a "Moral Maze of theMiddle
"
Class (Karstedt& Fatrall 2004/

CONCLUSION
Not all of the above mentionedphenomenahave been subjectedto the same
amountof scrutiny by researchers.Thisis partlyowingto thefactthatIndiais a
verycomplexand still (in parts) a highlytraditionalsociety,in whichsome
themesare not a topic of conversationand therefore much more difficult to
access and assess thanothers.It is heavilycontested,forexample,whetherthe
figuresof bride-burning have increasedsubstantially or if theyhave done so at
all. Underan anomie-theoreticalperspective,this is to be expected.Yet research

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28 IndianJournalofAsianAffairs
, June-December
2011

is rareand reliabledata nonexistent. Researchcould map thespreadingpatterns

of phenomenaacrosscastes,tribesand regions,differentiated by locallyspecific
characters.Researchcould identify possible preventative factorsin familiesor
wholecommunities etc. In all this,theaspectof local culture,customs,tradition
and moresis a mostimportant one as thesewill shape manifestations of anomie.
This articlecould not do justiceto thisaspectas it was concernedwitha more
generalconceptualapproach.
So far,theclouds do notseem to show any silverlining.Yet thoughIndia
appearsto gettiedup bythecurrent developments, thereis hopethatthingsmight
change. The societyhas started showing signs of disgruntlement withsomeofthe
above mentioned developments. The recent scams have been covered extensively
and generatedanger.Additionally, thereis a "growthof civil societynetworks
engagedin anti-corruption work[and] increasingdemandfortransparency and
freedomof information" (Singh 2003: 3f.). The tremendous resonance and public
backingofAnnaHazare supportthisview.
An accountableand less corruptpolitycan have a positiveinfluenceon
several formsof societal grievance,among thempovertyand inequality(cf.
Lakshman2011). Thoughthereis a trendamongthebetter-off towardsegregation
in gatedcommunities, growing tensions and insecurity might sooner or laterforce
themto tackletheproblemof inequality, evenifoutofmereself-interest.
Notwithstanding theinherently dangerousand sociallyerosivecharacterof
the market,it has to be conceded thatit can also have liberatingeffectsfor
people.Earningenoughmoneydoes notnecessarilylead people to "invest"their
moneyin a dowryor,alternatively, in ultrasoundand abortionservices.Insights
may emerge, for example, that there are more reasonableways of spending
money,namely in education. A daughter will thenbe able to earnherown living.
She can even go abroadwhereshe will notonlybe safe butwill have farbetter
chancesin thejob marketthanin Indiawhereit is stilldominatedby men who
havebetterchances.
A growingnumberof Human Rightsgroupsand activistshave startedto
tacklediversesocial problemsfromdifferent angles. Yet it is social scientists'
nobledutyto contribute to theamelioration of societyby describing andmapping
socialproblemsand,at best,byproviding solutions.

NOTES

1. Italicsin original
2. This refersto societallysharedconceptionsas regardsthekindof goals
whichare desirable.
3. Merton(1938) describeda fifth whichhe called
possiblereactionpattern
rebellion: "It representsa transitionalresponse which seeks to
new proceduresorientedtowardrevampedculturalgoals
institutionalize
sharedby themembersof thesociety.It thusinvolvesefforts to change

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Thiel: GlobalAnomieandIndia 29

the existingstructure ratherthan to performaccommodativeactions

withinthisstructure" (Merton1938: 676, in. 12).
4. Nokia, Gillette,Bayer,Novartis,AmericanAirlines,BritishAirways,
Motorolaand severalothershave also beenfoundto evade taxes(South
Asian Voice 2000).
5. It happenson a regularbasis thatWesterntravellersare confrontedwith
sometimes highlypeculiarideas and notionsabouttheirlifestyle.
6. It turnedouta flopandwas ridiculedbymany.
7. A strongmotivator can be the factthatdisadvantagesassociatedwith
caste membership can increasinglybe made up for with wealth (cf.
Anderson).
8. Mukesh Ambani's 'Antilia', surroundedby slums,is a most striking
example.
9. Exploitative merchants (Posani 2009: fii.5).
10. An imbalancebetweenthenumbersofmarriageable menandwomen.
11. This numberis highlyspeculativeas thereare at least two factorsthat
have to be takenintoaccount.Firstof all, withan increasiglack of
womenfewerchildrenwill be born.Secondly,thereis a generaltrend
towardsmallerfamilies(cf.Jha20 11).
12. Italicsinoriginal.

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