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Violence against Women
Edited by Caroline Sweetman
4:
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted
in any form or by any means without the written permission of the Publisher.
Front cover: A rally in Nairobi protesting about violence against women. Photo: Geoff Sayer
Oxfam GB1998
Published by Oxfam GB, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK.
Reprinted by Oxfam GB 2004
Oxfam is a registered charity No. 202918
Oxfam GB is a member of Oxfam International
ISBN 0 85598 4015
Editorial 2
Caroline Sweetman
'The tears have not stopped, the violence has not ended':
Political upheaval, ethnicity, and violence against women in Indonesia 34
Caluh Wandita
Researching 'a family affair': Domestic violence in former Yugoslavia and Albania 60
Sarah Maguire
'Victims [of violence against women] are another human being' (Pinthus 1982, 2, in
chosen because of their gender. The message Ramazanoglu 1987). However, the limited
is domination: stay in your place or be afraid. space available prohibits comprehensive
Contrary to the argument that such violence coverage of the many different forms of
is only personal or cultural, it is profoundly abuse experienced by women which could
political.' (Bunch and Carrillo 1992) be embraced by this definition. Issues
which are addressed here include female
genital mutilation, early marriage, abuse
O
n the occasion of the 50th anniver-
sary of the UN Declaration of and beatings within the home, and rape
Human Rights in November 1998, and sexual assault by partners, acquain-
many organisations working on gender tances or strangers, in 'formal' armed
and women's issues are choosing to high- conflict and as racist violence against
light, once again, the endemic violence minorities. Writers in this collection look at
against women which continues to exist in violence against women in many different
countries throughout the world. The extent settings: in conflict and in peacetime; in the
of this violence can be seen in the statistics: home and in public; as members of 'differ-
the World Health Organisation estimates that ent' ethnic groupings; as children and as
at least one in five women has been physi- adults. While most articles concentrate on
cally or sexually abused by a man or men at one specific manifestation of violence against
some time in her life (WHO, 1997), and women, Noeleen Heyzer of UNIFEM pro-
according to a study by the World Bank vides an overview in hers of the many
drawing on data from 35 countries, one- forms of violence against women through-
quarter to more than half of women report out the world, and outlines strategies to
having been physically abused by a present combat this. Purna Sen also takes a broad
or former partner, while far more have suf- perspective on violence, from the angle of
fered emotional and psychological abuse development practice and policy.
(Heise 1994). Mindful of statistics like these,
this collection of articles focuses specifically Researching the causes
on violence against women, rather than of male violence
more widely on violence and gender, which
would have permitted an examination of Cross-cultural research suggests 'the
violence against men and boys. existence of "male" violence against
Violence has been usefully defined as women in all societies and across time'
'any action or structure that diminishes (Dobash and Dobash 1998, forthcoming). It
Editorial
is found in every socio-economic group, fact that individual men are free agents
ideology, class, race, and ethnic grouping. who can choose to use or reject violent
'If violence [were] a form of random deviance behaviour, whatever the social conditions.
rather than a reflection of recurring social Theories of violence which attribute male
relations, then one need not worry about violence to social causes may encourage
the shape and form of everyday social life, policymakers to condone male abuse, and
but only about deviations from it' (ibid). In fail to challenge the general societal apathy
line with this, in her article on the work of which surrounds men's violence against
Sakshi, a 'violence intervention centre' in women. Such theories have been advanced
India, Aanchal Kapur argues that until a by various organisations including the UN,
transformation of 'everyday' gender rela- which has described violence as a way of
tions occurs, men's violence cannot be life in situations of poor housing and
ended at its source, because it is rooted in economic vulnerability (UN 1989).
unequal relations of power between men In her article on Oxfam's research into
and women, and women's resistance to that domestic violence in Eastern Europe, Sarah
control (Pickup, 1998). In this sense at least, Maguire considers the links between armed
there is a structural explanation for all male conflict, the militarisation of society, and
violence against women the existence of violence against women in the home. She
patriarchy. 'Patriarchy, or the sex/gender argues that a direct relationship between
order, has at its disposal a whole range of increased violence in wider society and
techniques and mechanisms of control. increased male violence cannot be assumed
Among these are force and physical in her research, findings were far more
violence.' (Edwards 1987, 24) complex and contradictory.
However, differences in the form and The concerns raised by Maguire and
pattern of male violence against women in Maitse are shared by other researchers into
different societies does give hope that social male violence, who assert that social
policy and practice can lessen or end such research must be conducted responsibly,
violence. Variation in 'both the nature and because it cannot be separated from its
level of this violence between men and political, cultural, and moral contexts. Jeff
across different societies and/or cultural Hearn, a researcher into 'men's violences',
contexts... suggests cultural specificity and points out that research which focuses on
the importance of different contexts rather men and their experiences of 'masculinity'
than an unvaried, universal behaviour' in the absence of a feminist awareness of gen-
(Dobash and Dobash 1998, forthcoming). der power relations may actually entrench
Determining what circumstances aggravate the status quo, by being 'all too appealing
societal violence is therefore the first step in [to men] as a means to further power'
much research by social policy and (Hearn 1998,1). Funding and other resources
development institutions. for research into male perpretrators of
In her article on pornography and violence, and for rehabilitation work with
violence against women, Teboho Maitse them, should not be seen as an alternative
explores different poverty- and militarisation- to working with women who have been
based explanations for widespread male victims of male violence, but as a comple-
violence against women in South Africa, mentary strategy.
which continues in the post-apartheid era.
Maitse argues that explanations of male Violence and choice
violence which focus on disadvantage, or
even violence, in society are dangerous if, Women experience violence in different
as a result, attention is taken away from the forms, depending, among other factors, on
their age and social position. Two articles Development and violence
in this collection address different facets of against women
young women's experience of violence.
Mariam Ouattara, Purna Sen, and Marilyn Violence against women has only relatively
Thomson discuss different experiences of recently been widely acknowledged to be a
early marriage in Africa and Asia. Joan key issue for development and social policy.
Cameron and Karen Rawlings Anderson Purna Sen identifies three main approaches
discuss female genital mutilation (FGM) to violence against women from a develop-
among Somali women who have migrated ment perspective. First, such violence
to Britain, and draw a parallel between impedes the efficiency or effectiveness of
reasons given for its continuation with development interventions; second, it is the
reasons given by British health practi- ultimate obstacle to women's full and equal
tioners to justify the practice of episiotomy participation in social, economic, and
during childbirth. While both early political activities; and third, it is an offence
marriage and FGM are acknowledged by against all notions of universal human
feminist activists and practitioners in rights. Sen identifies three variants within
gender and development work as a clear this human-rights approach: principles of
example of a fundamental abuse of the human rights, rights to bodily integrity, and
rights of girl children and of women, these the UNDP's view of human development as
forms of violence continue to exist because being related to the 'enlargement of choices'.
a complex web of economic and social
factors limits women's choices. Human rights and international
Conceptualising violence against women responses
in this way, as the ultimate outcome of a Human-rights perspectives on violence
profound lack of choices open to women against women not only stress the need to
and girls, should convince development change international and national legal
agencies to see the desperate need for them systems, but also the need for these to be
to address the issue. Understanding held accountable for failures to enforce
violence as the outcome of a lack of choices laws set up to protect women (Cook 1995).
also enables us to understand why girls or In addition, cultural change must take
women who are the victims of family place laws alone cannot protect women
violence often choose to survive it by from male violence. In particular, it is essen-
staying in the relationship where the abuse tial to make the links between violence
has taken place, rather than by challenging against women in the home and in public,
the abuse; it also helps to explain why in conflict and in times of relative stability.
older women mete out violent practices on In her article, Noeleen Heyzer charts the
girls in their care (Kandiyoti 1988; 1998). development of a concern for violence against
There are meagre economic and social women in the UN system, and outlines the
resources available to women who abandon current UNIFEM campaign to eradicate
codes of conformity in male-dominated such violence. She stresses the need for a
societies. While men have autonomy to reject holistic strategy which uses not only legal
violence as an option, women are typically mechanisms, but also mass campaigning
faced not only with economic barriers action on the part of local communities and
which prevent them from leaving abusive development NGOs. Galuh Wandita's
men, but also with a barrage of opposition article offers an example of women
on grounds of culture and social norms. campaigning against violence, through
collecting evidence and testimonies for use
at national, as well as international, levels.
Editorial
The article focuses on the recent riots in which are long-term and concerned with
Indonesia, in which Chinese Indonesian cultural change are incompatible with
women were the primary target of mass donors' demands to see tangible results.
rapes and sexual violence.
The cost of violence to development
Challenging the idea of a 'private sphere' One pragmatic way of persuading devel-
While work on violence against women in opment organisations to fund work which
conflict and in the public sphere, informed challenges violence against women by
by a human-rights perspective, is taking promoting cultural change and support for
place, organisational attitudes to working the survivors of violence is to demonstrate
on the issue of violence against women the negative impact that it has on women.
which takes place in the 'private sphere' of 'Domestic' violence hampers women from
the home are particularly resistant to using their skills in development activities,
change. Despite this, women are statisti- and carries costs to them, their families,
cally safer in the street than they are in and society which are incalculable (Heise
their homes (Winters et al, 1998). Many 1994). The World Bank estimates that the
cultures have considered the marital wider category of 'gender-based victim-
relationship in particular, and the family isation' is responsible for one out of every
more generally, as a private area, in which five healthy days of life lost to women or
others should not interfere with the reproductive age (World Bank 1993, quoted
freedom of the male household head to in Heise 1994, 78). While this efficiency-
control events and decisions, and punish based approach to combating violence may
challenges to his authority. be distasteful to feminist activists who are
This profound unease with 'interfering' struggling to have violence recognised as a
in the 'private sphere' of the home has been human-rights issue, there is ample
carried over into ideals of bureaucracies, evidence to support the argument.
which have shaped common-sense ideas of
what organisations should be (Gender and Increased violence as a response
Development Vol 5 No 1). It is shared by to women's 'empowerment'
institutions including the police and the The connections between women's partici-
judiciary, as well as by development pation in development activities, the chal-
organisations. Even in countries where lenges these offer to gender power relations,
gender-based violence is recognised as a and potential increases in male violence in
crime, only a small proportion of survivors the household, are the focus of much current
of male violence report these crimes to debate (for example, Kabeer 1998 in the
police. Tanya Lipovskaya, of the Sisters context of credit interventions). While the
Sexual Assault Recovery Centre, confirms links between participation, 'empowerment'
the results of this institutional bias against of women, and male violence are complex,
women: in Moscow, Russia, the police there is evidence that violence against women
reject complaints of sexual violence from increases in intensity where gender
married woman and single women who relations are being transformed and male
have been sexually active. In her article, privilege is challenged (Rowlands 1997).
Aanchal Kapur discusses work which In times of family need, women's role as
Sakshi, an NGO in India, has carried out to economic providers for their families can
challenge such attitudes. Ironically, while oblige them to challenge gender stereotypes,
the support of development organisations by entering socially unacceptable situations
is needed to enable such work to be in order to earn a living. In these situations,
funded, Kapur points out that interventions they are especially vulnerable to male
Edwards A (1987) 'Male Violence in
violence. This is especially true of women who
migrate to cities or wealthy countries, thoseFeminist Theory: an Analysis of the
who work as domestic or sex workers, Changing Conceptions of Sex/Gender
women in prostitution, and refugee women Violence and Male Dominance', in
collecting humanitarian assistance in areas Hamner J and Maynard M (eds), Women,
of a camp where women are known to Violence and Social Control, Macmillan, UK.
be raped (Gender and Development Vol 6 Gender and Development on Organisational
No 1,1998). Culture, Vol 5 No 1,1997, Oxfam, UK.
Development organisations must recog- Hearn J (1998) The Violences of Men, Sage, UK.
nise the existence of male violence against
Heise L (1994) 'Overcoming violence: a
women as a barrier to development, and background paper on violence against
integrate this reality into their planning, to
women as an obstacle to development',
ensure that development interventions do in Reardon G (ed), Power and Process: a
not place women at risk of increased report from the Women Linking for Change
violence. They must also support those Conference, Oxfam, UK.
who face it (Schuler et al., 1998). This not
Kabeer N, (1998) 'Money Can't Buy Me
only means providing the fullest possible Love'? Evaluating Gender, Credit and
information on possible outcomes of a Empowerment in Rural Bangladesh, IDS
planned project, and allowing women to Discussion Paper 363, University of
decide freely whether they wish to take Sussex, UK.
part in it. It also means exploring how Kandiyoti D, 'Bargaining with Patriarchy',
women's existing mutual support systems in Gender and Society, Vol 2 No 3,1988.
could be strengthened or augmented in Pickup F (1998) Background Concept Paper
order to enable them to deal with an for Oxfam staff conference on Violence
increased risk of male violence. In many Against Women, unpublished (publication
contexts, women themselves indi- forthcoming 1999, Oxfam, UK).
vidually, collectively, and in organsations
Ramazanoglu C (1987) 'Sex and Violence in
have developed complex strategies to Academic Life, or You Can Keep a Good
prevent violence (Levinson 1989). To do Woman Down', in Hamner J and
this effectively, development workers must Maynard M (eds.), Women, Violence and
address their own prejudices about male Social Control, Macmillan, UK.
violence against women, its relevance to Rowlands J (1997) Questioning Empower-
development, and its legitimacy as an issue ment: Working with Women in Honduras,
which development organisations must Oxfam, UK.
confront if their work is to benefit women.
Schuler SR, Hashemi SM, and Badal SH,
(1998) 'Men's violence against women in
References rural Bangladesh: undermined or
exarcerbated by microcredit program-
Bunch C and Carrillo R (1992) Gender mes?', Development in Practice, Vol 8 No
Violence: a development and human rights 2, Oxfam, UK.
issue, UNIFEM. United Nations (1989) Violence Against
Cook R (1995) 'Enforcing Women's Rights Women in the Family.
Through Law', Gender and Development Winters M et al (1998) 'Violence Against
Vol 3 No 1, Oxford, Oxfam UK. Women' in Our Bodies, Ourselves for the
Dobash R Emerson and Dobash RP (1998) New Century, Touchstone (Simon and
'Introduction', in Dobash R Emerson and Schuster Inc), USA.
Dobash RP (eds), Rethinking Violence World Health Organisation (1997) Violence
Against Women, Sage, UK. Against Women.
Development practice and
violence against women
Purna Sen
Development practitioners and organisations are increasingly addressing violence against
women, partly because it is seen to hinder development constraining the efficiency of
projects, limiting women's particpation, and denying them their human rights. However, it is
wrong to simply portray gender-based violence as an aspect of underdevelopment, Sen argues,
and stresses the need for strong, visible local support networks for women.
R
ape, domestic violence, trafficking, as to how women can be enabled to contest
sexual abuse, incest, female infanti- violence, and how development organisa-
cide, prostitution, genital mutilation tions can foster a social attitude of intoler-
there are so many ways in which women ance towards such abuse.
experience violence. Awareness of this I would like to start, however, by clarify-
seems to be growing in many fields, ing why I focus on violence against women
including development discourse, which and the role of men as perpetrators.
has recently begun to pay attention to Increasingly, voices are raised querying
violence against women, both within this focus. Objections are raised concerning
mainstream development, and in the field the identity of perpetrators and victims of
of gender and development. Development violence, arguing that women abuse women,
literature which addresses violence against and that men are also victims of interper-
women tends to take one of three approach- sonal violence. Constraints of space prohibit
es. While the first of these argues that me from discussing these arguments at
violence against women limits the effec- length, so it must suffice to observe a few
tiveness or efficiency of development facts. To start with, both qualitative and
projects, the second focuses on how such quantitative research repeatedly show that
violence hinders participation, and the the vast majority of violence experienced
third argues that violence is an offence by women is at the hands of men largely
against human development, and all forms of men known to the victims and
of economic development must address the assaults often occur within the home
issue. I will discuss these perspectives after (Bachman and Saltzman 1995; Butchart,
commenting briefly on the nature and Lerer, and Blanche 1994). It is indeed true
extent of violence against women and that men experience violence from others
discussing some examples. I then go on to but, as with women, this is mostly at the
indicate practical ways in which violence hands of other men. It is also known that
against women can be addressed in devel- women can and do use violence; this is no
opment. Finally, I make some suggestions less unacceptable than when men use
violence. Women from south Asia, for until recently little research on violence
example, have long drawn attention to the against women has been available; our
unfavourable power dynamics in a new knowledge of some aspects, such as
bride's marital home, which may involve prevalence, is limited. Police records are
violence inflicted by senior females. (While sometimes used to estimate the extent of
little of this research has found its way into violence against women, and to support
published literature, references include arguments that rapid neo-liberal economic
Caiman 1992.) In addition, the casework of restructuring or other forms of 'modernisa-
activists and campaigners include many tion' have accompanied increases in the
examples of mother-in-law violence; recent- level of violence against women (eg
ly, a south Asian woman living in London, Womankind 1990; Bradley 1994). However,
UK, successfully had her mother-in-law evidence suggests that police statistics are
charged for abusing and imprisoning her, likely to significantly underestimate the
resulting in a prison sentence (see Sen 1998 true extent of violence. The small body of
for a brief discussion of this case, handled specific national surveys on violence
by Southall Black Sisters). against women indicate that actual levels of
The use and meaning of violence is violence are considerable for example, a
connected with power. It is broadly the national survey by the Law Reform Com-
case that in most societies, social, economic, mission in Papua New Guinea discovered
political, and interpersonal power remains that 67 per cent of women in rural areas
with men: power is socially gendered. In and 56 per cent of women in urban areas
this context, violence is an expression of had been abused by their husbands
power, a means through which people seek (Bradley 1994). In Brazil in 1985, over 70
control (as the examples below illustrate), per cent of all cases of violence against
and a gendered practice. This is not to say women reported to the Sao Paulo police
that women's violence should be ignored occurred within the home (Thomas 1994),
in fact, all violence should be abhorred while in Costa Rica, it was found that 95
and addressed. But in this article, in recog- per cent of pregnant girls under 16 years of
nition of the gendered and widespread age were victims of incest (UNIFEM 1992).
nature of violence against women, I shall In India during the 1980s, registered cases
concentrate on male violence. of 'dowry deaths' (excluding suicides and
accidents) grew from 990 in 1985 to 1,790 in
the first ten months of 1987 (Caiman 1992).
The nature and extent of A Tanzanian survey found that 90 per cent
violence against women of employed women said that sexual
Women across all regions, ages, religions, harassment threatens their jobs and 100 per
classes, and political affiliations are cent of housewives said they had been
vulnerable to violence; their safety is sexually harassed in the streets (Tanzania
guaranteed neither in the home nor in Media Women's Association 1994).
public spaces. Personal accounts from These figures are in line with research
numerous countries show the nature and from countries in economic transition: in
impact of violence against women, and Russia, police figures indicate that 14,500
these accounts are slowly being supple- women die each year due to domestic
mented by systematic research on these violence (Family Violence Prevention Fund
aspects, as well as by research on incidence 1997). The picture is similar in industri-
and prevalence. alised contexts: for example, 51 per cent of
While developing countries are increas- women in Canada have experienced some
ingly providing this kind of information, form of violence in their adult lives
Development practice and violence against women 9
(Johnson 1996), and an average of 75 destroyed, and their entire families are
women are killed each year by their shamed and dishonoured. It is difficult for
husbands. For each woman so killed, 2,250 victims of acid attacks to return to school to
women experience violence at the hands of face their peers, and to move around in
their male partners (Wilson, Johnson and public places. The impact of such attacks
Daly 1995). should be compared with the mild conse-
While statistics such as these indicate the quences for the assailants: out of 80 cases
extent of violence, individual accounts known to have taken place in Bangladesh
show us the nature of violence and how it in 1996, only two ended in criminal convic-
impacts on women's lives. These accounts tions (Huq, 5 August 1998).
expose the horror of violence, and the In Papua New Guinea, gang rapes of
similarities which exist between ostensibly women travelling in public spaces are a
different forms of violence, and between matter of great concern (Robie 1997); in one
situations in which violence occurs. For recent assault, a woman was abducted by a
instance, it appears that women experience bus driver and his accomplice and suffered
violence and torture both in situations of a night-long ordeal of rape by more than 20
conflict and where there is no 'formal' men. The absence of safety for women in
conflict (i.e. where there is no breakdown of the streets curtails women's movements
public peace or social institutions). and actions. How can women who want or
Domestic and political violence can take are invited to participate in projects do so if
much the same form. Torture of women they fear for their safety in public spaces
political prisoners in Latin America has (including public transport)? How can
involved various forms of sexual violence women be productive at work if they are
as well as rape: '[C]igarettes are extin- beaten and raped at home, and suffer not
guished on the woman's breasts and only the attacks but also the stress of
nipples; her breasts are slashed with constantly concealing this reality and their
sharpened instruments; blades, hot irons responses? The implications for women's
and electrical surgical pens are used to participation which can be drawn from
brand different parts of her body' (Bunster- these examples are relevant beyond the
Burotto 1994,168). countries in which they take place.
During my own research on domestic
violence one woman told me of sexual Development frameworks
abuse akin to torture in her marriage: 'At and violence
night, one time, he tied my bangles
together so there would be no noise for As stated at the start of this article, there are
anyone to hear when he came to do his three main approaches to violence against
work... [Another time] he bit my breasts women in development research and
and left sores on my skin... one time he practice.
used his toenail to cut the skin around my
vagina' (Sen 1997, 151). The incidence of An impediment to efficiency
acid attacks appears to be increasing in or effectiveness
Bangladesh (Naripokkho). Men throw acid In an efficiency approach, women are seen
at (often young) girls who refuse to conform primarily as a resource for development,
to their demands, either by rejecting or rather than beneficiaries (Moser 1989).
ignoring their attentions. Men often aim at Since women form (approximately) half of
women's heads and faces so that their any national population, an efficient dev-
resulting disfigurement is visible to all, elopment project must tap their capacities
their marriage prospects are effectively in order to make optimal use of resources.
10
they are burdened with the physical and appointment of a UN Special Rapporteur
psychological scars of violence (Heise on Violence Against Women following the
1989). Where women are encouraged, by 1993 Vienna Conference on Human Rights.
development agencies or by the state, to The principle of universality which
participate in income-generating acti- underlies human-rights frameworks has
vities, their movements in public spaces sparked off disagreement, particularly on
may be constrained as a result of their the applicability of so-called Western
husbands' threats. notions of rights to Third-World countries
As Heise points out, violence limits which (it has been argued) have different,
women's ability to engage effectively or possibly more communitarian, approaches
fully in development activities. But further, (for example, Mayer 1995). However, I
women's engagement in such activities would argue that the success of the human
may even precipitate violence at home (Sen rights lobby is partly due to the fact that it
1997). Increased activity outside the home, does not separate out the developing from
activity in mixed company, or women's the developed world; this leads to an
acquisition of a separate income may understanding that violence against
trigger bouts of domestic violence. women is a worldwide problem, and that
the solution does not lie in Western experts
Violence as a contradiction bringing solutions to Southern women.
to human development
The importance of people as beneficiaries of 2. Bodily integrity
development, not only as the means to an The second variation in the human-rights
end, is increasingly recognised. I will approach is associated with women's
identify three variations within this struggle to assert their 'reproductive
approach: human rights, bodily integrity, rights', as distinct from the population and
and the UNDP's view of human devel- family-planning policies often delivered to
opment as being related to the 'enlarge- women in the South. The attainment of
ment of choices' (UNDP 1992, 2). reproductive rights is central to women's
claim to autonomy, and has often clashed
1. Human rights with development objectives and methods.
Human rights have been argued to have a For example, population policies in
central relationship both to violence and Malaysia, Singapore and China have been
development (Peters and Wolper 1995). In criticised for their instrumentalist treatment
1986, Georgina Ashworth provided a of women (Leng 1988; Davin 1991). Not
detailed analysis of the UN Declaration of only are women denied control of the
Human Rights and how it can be read in functions and the use of their bodies, but
relation to violence against women. She many family planning programmes are
argued that the Charter failed women by insensitive even to women's health issues
not addressing and eliminating violence (Kabeer 1992).
against them, which in effect denies women It is not only the number of children a
their human rights (Ashworth 1986). woman chooses to have, but also whether
Worldwide agitation and lobbying on or not she chooses to have any, which are
women's human rights have had consider- fundamental aspects of a woman's auton-
able success in setting up mechanisms omy. Another relevant factor is her control
which have made violence a more central over the conditions in which she makes
issue, such as the Convention on the these decisions, as 'we have not yet begun
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination to formulate a social policy which affords
Against Women, adopted in 1979, and the women any kind of agency or subjectivity
12
in carrying out her reproductive activities' domestic violence in an Indian context (Sen
(Pearson 1993, 5). Family-planning prac- 1997), and how it might be strengthened; in
tices have involved bodily violations of particular, I was interested in cases where
women's reproductive rights, yet they lie at women reported that violence had
the heart of much development planning. stopped. I found that there are three
Remarkably, the discourse on reproductive important contributors to the resolution of
rights tends to omit discussion of sexual physical and sexual abuse in intimate
behaviour and sexual violence except, to relationships. The first is networks:
some extent, in the discussion of HIV contacts with family, neighbours, with
transmission. women's organisations, and with legal
advice centres. All these are associated
3. Theories of human development with cessation of violent relationships.
The third strand in this approach engages Networking is of central importance, both
with theories of human development. as a source of support and as a means of
Human development is defined as a intervention during assaults, and to
concern with the enlargement of people's provide advice and employment oppor-
choices; it is a process which weaves tunities for women who left or were left by
development around people, not people abusive men. Women, and sometimes men,
around development (UNDP 1990-7). This provided critical links between victims of
formulation has the potential to include violence and organisations which offered
violence against women as a central issue, them support, and through which they
because violence contradicts the process of could challenge men within relationships
widening choices (Bunch and Carrillo 1992). they wished to maintain, or through which
As mentioned in the introduction, vio- they could plan to leave or take legal
lence against women is an expression of action.
power by the abuser, and it often forms Second, women's education beyond the
part of a range of control-seeking behav- primary level (as distinct from simply
iours. It should be clear, then, that violence being literate) is very strongly associated
against women is in direct contradiction to with the cessation of violence. I found that
women having control over their own lives, no woman who had progressed beyond
and to women's choices being widened. five years of formal education remained in
There is, implicitly, a mutual exclusivity a violent relationship. To put it more
while there is violence against women, positively, women who had progressed
their choices are certainly not being beyond an elementary level of education
widened. had all moved on from violent relation-
ships; all of them have either left or been
For whom is violence left by violent men, and none continues to
an issue? live with a man who ever abused her.
Interestingly, they all had also forged
Alongside the increasing recognition of positive relations with local women's
violence against women in development groups. While these were not the only
discourse, there seems to be a parallel women who made the transition from
increase in confusion about what can be violent to violence-free lives, analysis
done, and by whom. I shall use my work suggests that education may have a
on domestic violence in Calcutta to draw contributory role in enabling women to
out some issues, and to indicate the range resist domestic violence. The achievement
of people who are in a position to inter- of universal primary education is of central
vene. I investigated women's resistance to importance for those interested in changing
Development practice and violence against women 13
workers can put women in touch with local community should not be seen as limiting
support workers. discussion of, action against, or opposition
In mixed groups, it is particularly to violence. Cultural diversity is not the
important to be alert to the possibility of deciding factor in whether or not women
abuse of women. One woman in India told experience violence, and it cannot be used
me about an incident when she was to justify non-intervention. Culture also
working in the fields and had to take a does not define whether or not violence
break to relieve herself. While she was against women is accepted or acceptable,
alone during this break, she was sexually just as culture does not determine whether
assaulted by a male worker. Work or not economic exploitation, absolute
environments must become places where poverty, or high infant mortality should be
the safety of workers is assured, not where accepted. All violence must be seen to be
they are exposed to violence and abuse. In unacceptable.
the company of men, whether in mixed or We need a significant change in thinking
men-only groups, there must be an attitude research suggests that one in two
of intolerance of violence and of other (possibly more) women experience vio-
associated practices, and of ideologies and lence in their lives (for example, Johnson
cultures of male dominance. It is for those 1996 for Canada; Bradley 1994 for Papua
who have access to male conversations to New Guinea; Heise 1994 for various
take the opportunities to challenge violence countries). Therefore, on average, every
and supporting attitudes. other woman with whom you come into
Where development actors engage with contact has known or will know violence. If
the state or state agencies, for example in policy and practice start from this point,
capacity building or in training, the obli- violence against women must be taken
gations of states to victims of violence should seriously, and seen as everyone's concern.
be borne in mind. In 1992, the Committee Policy approaches must recognise the
on the Elimination of All Forms of endemic nature of violence against women,
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) support research into prevalence and
issued a recommendation that states take resistance, and recognise violence against
all actions necessary to protect women women as based on unequal gender power
against violence.1 relations. There are many ways in which
development policy and practice can
Conclusion contribute to the reduction and elimination
of violence against women, including a
The most important starting point for concern (and appropriate strategies and
action against violence against women is policies) for children from homes where
the recognition that it is neither exceptional violence against women is present. They
nor acceptable. There is a danger in may also be abused, or may witness horrif-
development work that violence against ic violence. Another concern should be
women can be seen as a correlate of challenging the behaviour of violent men,
underdevelopment or poverty. However, and their actions and talk of dominance
work which extends beyond a focus on and power over women. 'Zero tolerance' of
poverty, and the similarities in women's violence impacts not only upon the way in
experience of violence across the world, which development workers engage with
show clearly that women across income women victims of violence, but also how
categories, in all countries, are subjected to they deal with the male perpetrators.
male violence. The dominant risk factor is Consideration can be, but is rarely, given to
not poverty; it is being female. Culture or sanctions against violent men.
Development practice and violence against women 15
Davin, D (1991) 'Chinese Models of Develop- Pearson, R (1993) 'Global Change and
ment and Their Implications for Women' in Insecurity: Are Women the Problem or
Afshar, H (ed) Women Development and Sur- the Solution?', in Baud, I and Smyth, I
vival in the Third World, London, Longmans. (eds.) Searching for Security, Routledge.
Family Violence Prevention Fund (1997), Peters, J and Wolper, A (eds) (1995)
News Flash, 24 November, www.fvfp.org. Women's Rights Human Rights: Inter-
Heise, L (1994) Violence Against Women: national Feminist Perspectives, New York,
The Hidden Health Burden, Washington Routledge.
DC, World Bank Discussion Paper 255. Robie, D (1997) Crime: PNG Women
Howard, R (1986) 'An African Concept of Declare War on Gang Rape, http: / /jsa-
Human Rights' in Vincent, R J (ed) Foreign 44.hum.uts.edu.au/acij/cafepacific/reso
Policy and Human Rights, Cambridge: urces / aspac/ rape.html.
Cambridge University Press, in associa- Sen, P (1997) A Basket of Resources: Womens
tion with The Royal Institute Of Resistance to Domestic Violence in
International Affairs. Calcutta, PhD thesis, University of Bristol.
Huq, N (5 August 1998), Naripokkho, Sen, P (1998) 'Domestic Violence, Deporta-
personal correspondence. tion and Women's Resistance: Notes on
Johnson, H (1996) Dangerous Domains: ViolenceManaging Intersectionality', Development
Against Women in Canada, Scarborough in Practice, Oxfam UK, November 1998.
Ontario, Canada, Nelson Canada. Tanzanian Media Women's Association
Kabeer, N (1992), 'From Fertility Reduction (1994) How Common is Sexual Assault
to Reproductive Choice: Gender in Tanzania? in Davies (ed) Women and
Perspectives on Family Planning', IDS Violence: Realities and Responses
Discussion Paper. worldwide, pp76-84.
Kerr, J (ed) (1993) Ours By Right: Womens Thomas, D Q (1994) 'In Search of Solutions:
Rights as Human Rights, London, Zed. Women's Police Stations in Brazil' in
Leng, C H (1988) 'Babies to Order: Recent Davies, M (ed) Women and Violence:
Population Policies in Malaysia and Realities and Responses Worldwide,
Singapore' in Agarwal, B (ed) Structures London, Zed.
of Patriarchy, London, Zed. UNDP (1990-1997) Human Development
Mayer, E A (1995) 'Cultural Particularism Report, Oxford, Oxford University Press.
as a Bar to Womens Rights: Reflections UNIFEM (1992) Fact Sheet on Gender
on Middle Eastern Experience' in Peters, Violence, A Statistics for Action Fact
J and Wolper, A (eds) Womens Rights Sheet, New York, UNIFEM.
Human Rights: International Feminist Wilson, M, Johnson, H and Daly, M (1995)
Perspectives, New York, Routledge. 'Lethal and Non-Lethal Violence against
Moser, C (1989) 'Gender Planning in the Wives' in Canadian Journal of Criminology,
Third World: Meeting Practical and July, pp 331-361.
Strategic Gender Needs' in World Devel- Womankind Worldwide (1990) '"We Will
opment, Vol 17, No 11, pp 1799-1825. Suffer no More": The Elimination of
Naripokkho, Combatting Acid Violence in Violence Against Women', London:
Bangladesh, Information leaflet, Dhaka Womankind Worldwide.
Bangladesh (undated). World Bank, (1993) World Development
National Committee on Violence Against Report, Oxford, Oxford University
Women (1993) National Strategy on Press.
Violence Against Women, Canberra, Zorza, J (1994) Woman Battering: High
Australian Government Publication costs and the State of the Law, Clearing
Service. House Review 28.
17
T
he facts and the numbers are stun- millennia, cannot be underestimated.
ning: roughly 60 million women who Research findings both in the North and the
should be alive today are 'missing' South have shown that violence against
because of gender discrimination. In the women occurs throughout their lives. It can
United States, a woman is physically abused extend from prebirth and infancy (for
by her intimate partner every 9 seconds. example, sex-selected abortion and infanti-
Every day, another 6,000 girls are genitally cide) to old age (for example, violence
mutilated. In India, more than 5,000 women against widows and elder abuse). Violence
are killed each year in the notorious 'dowry affects women of every nation, ideology,
murders'. In the Rwanda nightmare more class, race, and ethnic group. It is exacer-
than 15,000 women were raped in one bated by poverty, but cannot be cured
year.1 Women in the North and the South exclusively with economic remedies. In the
live at risk of physical harm in ways which short term, the overarching priority is to
have no direct parallels for men. In every ensure that protection mechanisms are in
nation, violence or the threat of it, particu- place which ensure women's safety, and to
larly at home, reduces the range of choices respond appropriately to cases of abuse by
open to women and girls and narrows their bringing perpetrators to justice and offering
options in almost every sphere of life, public medical and legal remedies to survivors. In
and private at home, in school, in the work- the longer term, our challenge must be to
place, and in most community spaces. It reverse the rentrenched attitudes, gender
limits women's choices directly by destroy- stereotypes, and power structures which lie
ing their health, disrupting their lives, and at the root of this pandemic.
constricting the scope of their activity; indir- With these precepts in mind, this article
ectly, it erodes their self-confidence and discusses UNIFEM's multi-faceted approach
self-esteem. Ultimately, violence hinders to addressing violence against women at
women's full participation in society. many levels. The strategies we are using are
The difficult task of eradicating violence changing continuously as we gain exper-
against women, a universal pandemic for ience and learn new lessons about how we
18
can fight violence against women more advocates from around the world, succeed-
effectively. ed in making governments acknowledge
that violence against women is a funda-
Placing violence against mental violation of their human rights
women on the world (Bunch and Reilly, 1994).
agenda In 1993, the UN adopted the Declaration
on the Elimination of Violence against
UNIFEM's approach should first, however, Women, which defines the phenomenon
be placed in the context of international and recommends measures to combat it. As
efforts to eradicate violence against women Charlotte Bunch, Roxana Carrillo and
since the International Women's Year in Riman Shore have pointed out, this UN
1975. At the beginning of the United Nations Declaration is a landmark document for
World Decade for Women (1976-85), the three reasons.
issue of violence against women was not
on the agenda, which called for equality, It situates violence against women
development, and peace. When the squarely within the discourse on human
International Women's Year World rights. The declaration affirms that women
Conference convened in Mexico City in are entitled to equal enjoyment and protec-
1975, the proceedings merely reflected a tion of all human rights and fundamental
general awareness that domestic violence freedoms, including liberty and security of
was problematic, and that women would person, and to freedom from torture or
benefit from more family counselling and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treat-
more responsive family courts. Yet as the ment or punishment.
international women's movement has It enlarges the concept of violence
gained strength, public awareness of the against women to reflect the real conditions
dimensions and impact of the problem has of women's lives. The declaration recog-
grown at all levels of society. nises not only physical, sexual, and
Every country has acknowledged the psychological violence, but also the threat
existence of gender-based violence, and it of such harm; it addresses violence against
is now agreed to be one of the major women within the family setting, as well as
obstacles to all three of the goals of the within the general community; and it
Decade for Women. Discussions at world confronts the issue of violence perpetrated
conferences on women in Copenhagen or condoned by the state.
(1980) and Nairobi (1985) recognised
It points to the gender-based roots of
domestic violence as an obstacle to
violence. Gender violence is not random
equality, and an intolerable offence to
violence in which victims happen to be
human dignity. In 1985, the United Nations
women and girls: rather, the 'risk factor' is
General Assembly passed its first resolu-
being female (Bunch, Carrillo and Shore,
tion on violence against women, advocat-
1998).
ing concerted and multi-disciplinary
action, within and outside the UN system, In 1979, the UN adopted the Convention on
to combat domestic violence. However, it the Elimination of all Forms of
was the World Conference on Human Rights Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).
in Vienna in 1993 which really brought the This 'Bill of Rights' for women marked a
issue of violence against women on to the significant milestone in articulating a
international agenda. The global campaign framework of non-discrimination and
for women's human rights, undertaken by equality for women. In requiring states to
a loose coalition of women's human rights regulate private as well as public gender-
Working towards a world free from violence against women 19
considerably increases the chance that they region to present examples of the ways in
will reap concrete results, by tying commit- which they are promoting and protecting
ments by governments in the area of women's human rights. Three examples
violence against women into the country- will be selected for wide dissemination and
assistance agreements with the UN. learning. A follow-up to this process will be
In Latin America and the Caribbean, the the establishment of an exchange and co-
regional campaign is well underway: its operation programme among Latin American
slogan is 'A Life Free from Violence: It's municipalities to enhance the enjoyment of
Our Right'. In all countries of the region, women's rights. It is hoped that the range
highly publicised events have been orga- of Campaign strategies will lead to mass
nised around the 50th anniversary of the public awareness about the issues, and foster
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. the political will of policy and decision-makers
Campaign activities have been shaped as a and legislators to revise national legislation
celebration of achievements towards in order to make it increasingly responsive
preventing and eliminating violence against to the issues of gender-based violence. In 19
women, realised through the work of activist countries in the region, thus far, govern-
groups and the commitment of national ments have agreed to do precisely this.
governments and regional organisations. Africa's Regional Campaign also involves
At the same time, activities focus on the national governments, women's groups, UN
actions that must yet be taken towards agencies, and the media, to promote the mes-
achieving progress in the areas of legis- sage of a life free from violence and poverty
lative reform, improvement of enforcement for women and girls. It is planned that the
mechanisms, and public education. Africa Campaign will highlight gender-
The Inter-Agency Campaign has based violence in war situations. Violence
launched an all-out awareness-raising against women is often used as a systematic
strategy, which has involved extensive use weapon of destruction; in a post-conflict
of public fora to engage society in a public context, widowed women become heads of
dialogue and debate on ending violence household, yet often remain disenfran-
against women. The Campaign will also chised of their legal and human rights.
address the human, social, and economic Additionally, the Campaign will make visible
costs of violence against women and the factors that contribute to violence against
emphasise the need to empower women as women at all levels of society and the changes
valuable partners inside and outside the necessary to eradicate violence against women.
home. Powerful messages on ending These include facing the challenge of meet-
violence against women will be highly ing economic burdens; recognising the inte-
visible through campaign posters, recog- gral links between promoting Africa's eco-
nisable slogans against gender-based nomic development and the need to safe-
violence, radio spots on over 1,000 radio guard women's human rights; complying
stations (in local languages), prominent with the international norms and standards
personalities endorsing the campaign, which bind African governments to promote,
information flyers distributed in popular protect, and respect the human rights of
magazines, press conferences, photography women; and bringing about changes in laws,
contests, and television spots. policies, and attitudes to eliminate violence
A particularly vital campaign initiative against women and girls. The Campaign
is the involvement of local government and will use similar strategies to those used
communities. The Municipality of Mexico successfully in the Latin American and
City, for instance, will co-ordinate a Caribbean Campaign, and emphasise the
challenge to municipalities throughout the linkages between violence and women's
24
continued marginalisation from economic, trates on the issue of violence against women,
political and social decision making the deep-seated connection between vio-
processes. Other campaigns are soon to lence against women and women's human
follow in Asia and the Pacific region, rights calls for complementary work aimed
Central and Eastern Europe, and the at promoting the realisation of those rights.
Commonwealth of Independent States. At the moment, in the wake of the Beijing Con-
ference and the almost simultaneous exposure
3. Sharing learning of the atrocities against women in Rwanda and
We are developing a 'Learning Component' the former Yugoslavia, it seems more possible
for the Trust Fund, which will analyse the than ever to mobilise effectively against sys-
results of Trust Fund initiatives, and suggest temic oppression of women. Women have an
ways of shaping more effective strategies enormous stake in building societies at peace.
for combating violence against women. The sharing mutual care and co-operation
In conjunction with developing the Trust which underpin happy, stable communities
Fund's learning component, we are also cannot flourish without peace; these values
committed to documenting and sharing must be at the centre of our development
success stories, innovative strategies, and strategies. The dismantling of power
challenges in preventing and eliminating structures in which violence is used and
violence against women. We will develop a tolerated as a tool in the oppression and
comprehensive UN information base with degradation of women will take energy,
details of best practices and proven determination, and creative strategies.
strategies for preventing and eliminating UNIFEM recently supported the partici-
violence against women. The hope is to pation of women's human-rights advocates
stimulate replication of, and innovation in in the Diplomatic Conference to establish
developing, effective models for combating an International Criminal Court in Rome
gender-based violence and to foster during June /July 1998. These advocates
partnerships between government, the UN participated in order to ensure that the
system, civil society, and the private sector. establishment of a permanent criminal
UNIFEM will hold a global teleconfer- court would have the best possible
ence to highlight innovative actions which potential impact for women all over the
are emerging from Regional Awareness- world. The ICC must be an effective
raising Campaigns undertaken during 1998, independent body, with the capacity to
as well as examples of the most innovative address all aspects of the crimes within its
initiatives supported by the Trust Fund. jurisdiction, including aspects of gender.
The teleconference, which will take place The standards established at this Confer-
on 24 November on the eve of the inter- ence could have far-reaching implications,
nationally celebrated '16 Days of Activism setting standards for national courts and
against Violence against Women' seeks legal systems in general. They could serve
to bring visibility to the work of civil as the basis or a model for new laws or
society, governments, and UN agencies in legal reforms which women are lobbying
addressing violence against women. for at the national level, particularly laws
dealing with violence-related and other
Towards the future gender-based crimes.
human-rights norms and standards estab- advocacy strategies for women's human
lished by UN Conventions and Treaty Bodies rights, and which aim to combat the abuse
with national-level efforts to advocate for of women's human rights by strengthening
women's human rights. In its aim to move advocates' capacity to engage in informed
CEDAW, a pivotal international treaty, from and sustained advocacy at the local,
vision to reality, UNIFEM has developed an national, regional, and international levels.
array of initiatives to encourage universal The first strategy is the initiative of the
ratification, to strengthen the awareness Sisterhood is Global Institute in New York
and capacity of women's organisations for to create a leadership and human-rights
the use of the Convention in their advocacy programme, to help women define and
work, and to collaborate with other secure their human rights in Muslim
partners in the UN system to support the societies. This innovative programme has
work of the CEDAW Committee and the designed a 'leadership-building project'
strengthening of the Convention itself. An which aims to enhance women's leadership
example of these efforts is the global capabilities at various levels of communal
training programme on CEDAW, originally and inter-community involvement. This is
co-sponsored by UNIFEM and Inter- combined with a technology-based initia-
national Women's Rights Action Watch tive, fostering links between the project and
Asia-Pacific. For the past two years, this other similar activities throughout the
programme has invited civil society Muslim world. Through a series of training
advocates of women's human rights from sessions and workshops on women's
countries which report to CEDAW to a human rights and the use of computers and
global training session in New York. the Internet for research and advocacy, the
To date, this global initiative has trained programme will enhance women's leader-
a resource pool of 33 women from 17 ship capabilities and increase awareness of
countries which report to the CEDAW women's human rights at the national level
Committee. These training sessions aim to in nine countries. It will also enhance
strengthen the understanding of women's women's ability to participate in defining
rights advocates of the Convention and the their rights, establish communication nodes
Committee's working methods, and how throughout the Muslim world in order to
these apply to their advocacy work at the gather and exchange information related to
national level. They are also often called on issues of women's human rights, and
to act as a resource to the Committee and to facilitate a dialogue between women
their governments. UNIFEM is committed activists from the Muslim world.
to replicating such training at the national The second such project is the creation of
and regional levels, and to continuing to a women's human rights joint information
facilitate the connection between global and and communication technology project on
local advocacy based on the principles of the Internet. This project attempts to
the Women's Convention. address several problems which limit the
effectiveness of women's human rights
Facilitating Information Exchange advocates. These include the lack of readily
Fostering effective access to and exchange accessible information at national level; the
of information about effective strategies is need for a venue where advocates can come
critical to the process of eliminating violence together to exchange information about
against women. UNIFEM has recently their separate advocacy efforts, or to plan
supported two initiatives which strive to collective advocacy strategies; and the need
create widely accessible means to promote, for critical training and resources relating
facilitate, and shape broad-based, continuous to leadership development, institution
26
building, UN advocacy, human-rights fact- Noeleen Heyzer is the Executive Director of the
finding, reporting, and fund-raising, and United Nations Development Fund for Women
using information and communication (UNIFEM). In this role, she continues to shape
technology. UNIFEM's role as provider of strategic and
This initiative will develop a jointly technical know-how to the UN system in the
sponsored information system on the area of women's empowerment and gender
world-wide web accessible through the equality. A native of Singapore, Noeleen
Internet on women's human rights. The Heyzer holds a Ph.D. in Social Sciences from
system will provide access to crucial the University of Cambridge, UK.
information (such as current global
campaigns; news and action alerts; UN For additional information about UNIFEM,
events and meetings; resources for capacity please contact: UNIFEM, 304 East 45th Street,
building; links to partners; and a calendar 6th Floor, New York, NY 10017, E-mail:
of government, UN, and NGO women's unifem@undp.org; fax: (212) 906-6705;
human-rights events) as well as an on-line http:jjwww.unifem.undp.org
space to exchange experiences and best
practices at the national, regional, and
international levels. Discussion groups,
Notes
conferences, and other networking activi- 1 Statistics quoted in this article are taken
ties will be facilitated, and up-to-date from the UN Human Development Report,
information on contemporary women's UNDP, 1995, and 'The Intolerable Status
human rights issues will be widely Quo: Violence Against Women and
available in a clear and accessible format. Girls', by Charlotte Bunch, in The
The demand is enormous women's Progress of Nations, UNICEF, 1997.
groups and, increasingly, governments, are 2 The most serious form of FGM.
working toward a world free from
violence, where women's lives are free References
from fear and brutalisation. 1998 is the 50th
Anniversary of the Universal Declaration Bunch C, 'The Intolerable Status Quo:
of Human Rights. We must seize this violence against women and girls', in
commemorative year as a challenge to The Progress of Nations, UNICEF, 1997.
recharge our spirits, to fight for change, Bunch C and Reilly N, Demanding
and to reassert our deep commitment to Accountability: The Global Campaign and
UNIFEM's core belief that women's rights Vienna Tribunal for Women, UNIFEM/
are human rights. UNIFEM is committed to Centre for Global Leadership, New
expending all our efforts to help forge the York, 1994.
political will to implement the programmes Bunch C, Carrillo R and Shore R, 'Violence
and policies necessary to enable every against women' background paper
woman in the world to feel the power and for 1995 UNDP Human Development
freedom of knowing that she is able to live Report, in Stromquist N (ed.), Women in
a life free from violence, and to exercise all the Third World, Garland Publishing,
of her human rights. In this year of New York, 1998.
anniversaries and reviews pivotal to the Human Development Report UNDP, New
United Nations' principles of human York, 1995.
rights, we know that there can be no
sustainable communities or development
without the attainment of peace and
women's human rights.
27
marriage; that is, the most private sphere. In Cotonou and Porto-Novo in Southern
Despite the potential of various inter- Benin, early marriage is a common practice.
national conventions and conferences such Girls as young as ten to 13 are kidnapped
as the full body of human rights instru- from their families and taken to their
ments, including the 1979 Convention on husband. Girls are betrothed at or before
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimina- birth by their parents, in respect of friend-
tion Against Women (CEDAW), the 1989 ship or based on a system of exchanging
Convention on the Rights of the Child women between ethnic groups within the
(CRC), and the 1995 Beijing Platform for community. The husband-to-be and his
Action the lives of many girls remain family may have given presents (dadaho) or
unchanged. The consequences for girls are provided services (glodian) to their future
grave and pervasive, in terms of health, in-laws according to custom. Parents feel a
social status, and the incapacity to deter- strong obligation to respect the pledge,
mine their own lives. Not only does this forcing the girl to marry the man they have
mean that much more work needs to be chosen for her. It is not unknown for des-
done around implementation of inter- perate girls, unwilling to marry a man they
national legal instruments, but it also do not know or love, to commit suicide.
highlights, as argued in this article, the In Burkina Faso, the practice of child mar-
need for greater recognition of the more riage is widespread. Around the capital,
difficult aspects of the perils of girlhood, Ouagadougou, three Catholic religious
such as marital rape of child brides. centres shelter girls who have run away
from early and forced marriage. Many of
Child marriage, these girls escape in dangerous conditions,
forced marriage walking from rural areas for three to seven
days to the centres. They hide in trees during
In their work, both SCF and Anti-Slavery the day and walk at night-time. Both eco-
International prioritise the need to highlight nomically and psychologically, they are in
and work against the practice of child mar- a grave situation. Their families usually
riage. This section draws on Anti-Slavery disown them, so that they are without moral
International's experience in three African or financial support; and the religious
countries, and on SCF's experience in Nepal. sisters commonly pressure them to join the
Countries throughout the world, includ- orders in which they find refuge. Puksata, a
ing many African countries, have ratified local NGO in Burkina Faso, is working with
most international conventions and regional the religious centres to provide vocational
standards on human rights and made great training to the girls and mediating between
efforts to integrate them into their national the families and their daughters.
legislation. Yet, in many of these countries, In Cote d'lvoire, the Association
attitudes and customs seen as 'traditional' Beninoise des Femmes Juristes (ABFJ) and
continue to subordinate women and girls. the Association Ivoirienne de Defense des
These include human-rights violations Droits des Femmes (AIDDF) are active in
such as female genital mutilation, domestic campaigning and lobbying on the issue of
violence, deprivation of land and property, child marriage. Fanta Keita, aged 15, was
and child and forced marriage. In deprived jailed two years ago for the murder of her
rural areas in most West African countries, husband. Fanta Keita had been betrothed
many ten or 11 year-old girls look forward to her cousin as a small girl; at the age of
to a bleak future: to work as a domestic 15, she was taken to the capital to join the
servant, as a commercial sex worker, or to husband whom she had never met. She
be given away as a child bride. escaped and returned home, but was
Forced marriage, forced sex: the perils of childhood for girls 29
beaten and sent back. She fled a second time, of recreational activities in the camps; lack
but again was returned to the man her parents of guidance by parents; the frustrations of
had chosen for her. With no way out, Fanta staying in the camps for a long time; and a
took desperate action and stabbed her desire to find security because life as a
husband, killing him. In Cote d'lvoire and refugee meant an uncertain future and a
Benin, ABFJ and AIDDF have developed a disorganised social environment. Girls'
training programme in the provinces where expectations included a belief that they
child marriage is predominant, to educate would have a better life after marriage in
the public on the rights of women and girls, terms of better clothes, food, and facilities,
and to furnish the national legislation with and revealed a desire to get away from a
information to improve or abolish some of home life where girls were being abused by
the customs associated with early marriage. step-parents or guardians as well as a lack
Early marriage is also an issue in Nepal: of knowledge about the health and other
according to the 1992 Children's Act, early consequences of early marriage. 'My step-
marriage is defined as marriage under 16 mother forced me to marry. She said that if
years for girls and 18 for boys. SCF has been you do not marry the boy I find, you will be
running a health project in the Bhutanese in trouble [...] Now for six months my
refugee camps since 1992,3 and this has husband has not talked to me or seen me,
included a Children's Programme since 1997. he is always angry with me', said one girl.
Here, the practice of child marriage is com- Among the many serious consequences
mon for boys and girls under 18 years of age of early marriage, for girls in particular,
(90 per cent were girls between 12-17 years SCF's research identified health risks
old). SCF has undertaken a child-centred par- associated with pregnancy, child-bearing,
ticipatory research project (Umesh Kumar and lack of care for the girls themselves
Kattel 1997) to identify the reasons and the when they were ill or in need. There were a
effects on children's health, education and high number of teenage pregnancies, many
family life. A range of participatory research of which were identified as high-risk
tools were used with children, parents, health deliveries. A large number of the babies
workers, and staff in the refugee camps. delivered to teenage mothers had a low
The SCF study found that the majority of birth weight (under 2.5 kilos) and the
these marriages were arranged by parents, babies were at risk of contracting serious
grandparents, and guardians, and identi- communicable diseases. Teenage mothers
fied a range of reasons: the girls were lacked knowledge about caring for and
required to provide domestic help for the breast-feeding their babies. The neo-natal
boy's family; grandparents wanted to see and peri-natal mortality rate was high, as
their granddaughter settled before they was the still-birth rate. Girls themselves
died; parents believed that marriage of girls suffered a lack of nutritious food, love, care,
before menstruation is 'holiness', or wished and support while sick, pregnant and/or
to remove children from a situation where breast-feeding leading to anaemia and
there was domestic violence between malnutrition. The burden of housework left
parents. In some cases, the children were little time for rest and leisure.
forced into marriage because of pregnancy; Social consequences included a detri-
in others, the parents' feared inter-caste mental effect on the education of both
relationships or that their children would sexes. The majority of boys and girls inter-
elope with someone who was unsuitable. viewed had dropped out of school after
Some children had chosen a love marriage early marriage (only one respondent a
at an early age, for different reasons. These boy had started again), which seriously
included having nowhere to go and a lack hampered their educational and social
30
development. 'My wife and I could have and involving married children in a youth-
been studying in higher classes as friends if education programme on the consequences
my father and relatives had not forced us and negative effects of early marriage.
for marriage when I was 14 years and my
wife was 12 years old', said one boy. The Rape and sexual abuse
general perception of the community
in marriage4
involved in the research was that children
were not allowed to continue at school Child marriage must be understood as a
once they were married. In fact, the camp situation of danger for girls, characterised by
schools did not have a clear policy on this; widespread rape and a life of servility.
they stipulated that children could only CHANGE is beginning a major programme
continue if they married with their parents' on non-consensual sex within marriage
consent, and had their written permission which will include the experience of girl-wives.
to continue at school. If these conditions Part of the programme is a world-wide survey
were met, husband and wife could not on whether or not governments have adopted
attend the same school, as this might cause legal and policy initiatives to tackle these
problems in the classrooms and encourage practices, wherever they are found. The
other children to get married. survey will also identify the strategies
SCF's research indicated that, once which brought about positive changes, the
married, the children faced problems in circumstances in which they were won,
their family and social relationships. They and how they are being implemented. For
were overloaded with domestic and family states where no such initiatives exist,
responsibilities and had no spare time to CHANGE will explore the obstacles in the
see their friends and family or to path of progress. Outcomes of the survey
participate in social activities. The girls will be used to lobby for change, at the
were often badly treated by their husbands' international and national levels, and
families: they were overburdened with successful strategies will be published and
domestic chores, shouted at, and mentally disseminated widely. The following discus-
abused. For boys, life was easier; but they sion of issues facing young girls who undergo
now faced conflicting situations in their early marriage in India draws on a study in
families because their parents and elders Calcutta undertaken by Purna Sen (1997).
did not give them the love and attention they In recent years, public knowledge of,
received previously. They were now recognition of, and action against certain
considered mature and were expected to forms of domestic violence against women
take care of their wives and to please their have increased in many countries but
parents and leaders. much of this has focused on physical abuse
The study concluded that early marriage alone. Sexual abuse remains less well
has serious health and social implications recognised but can have devastating conse-
for children, and made a number of quences, denying women's bodily integrity
proposals for action and further study. and control, causing untold numbers of
These include raising awareness among unwanted pregnancies, and a range of
children and parents through informal edu- negative health implications, not least of all
cational approaches; designing sex educa- the risk of HIV infection.
tion and marriage guidance programmes to The absence of discussion about sexual
be introduced through the school curricu- abuse has serious consequences. First, the
lum; revising the schools' policies about opportunities for young women suffering
married children's access; creating opportu- such abuse to speak about their experiences
nities for informal and vocational training; are negligible, so they cannot easily seek help.
Forced marriage, forced sex: the perils of childhood for girls 31
Second, governments and their agencies (15 and below) had one of the highest rates
participate in maintaining this silence, through of vulnerability to sexual violence in
inaction on sexual abuse and marital rape of marriage, second only to those where
women in principle, and of young girls in prac- dowry had been paid. Women spoke of
tice. This precludes both punishment of rapists sexual intercourse before the onset of
and protection of victims, and amounts to state menstruation, early and very painful sex,
collusion with rapists. Third, research (Sen and many still continued to be forced into
1997) suggests that sexual violence in mar- sexual activity by their husbands. Many of
riage is associated with a greater likelihood these cases meet the narrow definition of
of separation than physical violence alone. marital rape in Indian law. In almost half
While this is a just outcome in freeing women the cases of forced sex or marital rape, the
and young girls from abuse, in many soci- girl-wives had made their husbands aware
eties their communities are at best uncomfort- of their unwillingness to have sex or of pain
able in handling single female adulthood. during sex, but in 80 per cent of these cases
Women who leave their marriage face an the rapes continued.
immense range of problems, from social The marriage of young girls is often made
ostracism through to violent attacks, more traumatic by the absence of public or
including rape, and economic destitution. familial discussion of sexuality and puberty.
While all of the above applies both to child Girls' access to information on sexuality in
and adult wives, the particular circum- India is highly restricted, if there is any at
stances of young girls should cause great all, and they typically begin marital sexual
concern. Sen's research in Calcutta found that, relations in ignorance of what sex involves.
compared to women who married after the Physical controls on girls' behaviour (parti-
age of 15, girls who marry young are more cularly in urban areas) leaves them little room
likely to be illiterate and to have no experi- to mix with boys or to gain any sexual expe-
ence of formal education. Other aspects in rience before marriage. Boys enjoy much
which the younger brides differ from older greater freedoms and a wider range of dis-
women include a greater likelihood of cussion with their peers, which may include
sterilisation and dowry payments. Younger sexual talk. Many women in Sen's study
brides are also less likely to come into contact spoke of the intense pain and fear of early
with government or voluntary organisations, sex. However, the absence of a vocabulary
to have bank accounts in their own names, or to discuss sexual violence denies girls access
to own assets although they are more to support and increases their propensity to
likely to carry debt-servicing commitments, separate from husband-rapists.
despite having lower employment rates. Contrary to the common perception, and
Sadly, young brides also report a higher less common practice, of sexual abstinence
incidencece of infant mortality, with over until girls begin to menstruate, women
one-third saying that at least one child had reported that their husbands had forced sex
died after birth. upon them raped them before their
The continuing practice of child marriage periods had started. Others had slept in
contributes to a widespread experience of separate rooms from their husbands until
sexual abuse: it is, in effect, the socially they started to menstruate, but marital sex
legitimised institutionalisation of marital began almost immediately afterwards. Gita
rape the rape of (sometimes very) young was married at the age of 14 to a man who
girls. In Sen's research, almost half of the had previously been married. When asked
women in the sample had been married at her why she had been married at such an
or below the age of 15, and the youngest early age, she said: 'One day when I was
was merely seven years old. This age group out tending to the goats, one got injured. I
32
carried it back to the village and some of usually covered by the standard rape legis-
the blood was on my clothes. They all lation. Indian law recognises marital rape in
thought that I had started my periods and I cases where the girl is aged under 15 (Section
got married three months later.' 375, Indian Penal Code 1860, Act No 45 of
Asked about sexual relations after mar- 1860). However, this is mitigated by the reli-
riage, she responded: 'It was very bad, very giously defined personal laws (see Socio-
difficult. I had a lot of pain... I used to be Legal Aid Research & Training Centre 1995:6,
scared when he came to get me and carry me 24,40): even the rape of a young girl between
to his bed. I used to cry and go to lie some- the ages of 12 and 15 years carries a lesser
where else, but he'd come and get me... sentence if the rapist is married to the victim
When I came to visit my family, I didn't want (Sarkar 1994:83). For adult wives, the only
to go back... My periods started two years legal protection from husband-rapists
after I got married. I told my [sister-in-law], exists if the couple have separated. It seems
and she thought I had started before I got that, in the vast majority of cases, both the
married. Then they didn't let me cook or state and women's local communities are
touch anything for three days. I only told unwilling to confront the rape of young girls
you because you asked. I have never told which goes on everyday, in the name of mar-
anyone before.' Gita was 38 years old when riage. Young girls are raped; their abusers
she talked about these experiences; she had have the social legitimacy of marriage in
carried the pain and memory of sexual which to carry out their assaults.
trauma alone for 24 years. It is hard to
imagine the fear of sex and the shock it
caused when she was first married. Conclusions
The notion that the attainment of puberty Far from being a time of innocence, pleasure,
should give free licence for sex to start are and freedom, childhood for girls in many
highly problematic, as Gita's example shows. countries is fraught with danger and poten-
The absence of discussion of sexual matters tial pain. Forced marriage and forced sex
means that there is considerable room for within marriage are horrors that befall count-
confusion and mistakes. In effect, society less numbers of girls across the world. The
tacitly permits sexual activity between men vulnerabilities of young girls are shared with
and very young girls; there is no possibility those of adult women. But girls experience
for girls to give or withhold personal them in a particular way because they are
permission for sexual activity. Equating a children and lack information about what
girl's attainment of puberty with a hus- are generally seen as, and should remain,
band's licence to seek and force sex upon adult issues of marriage and sex. The use of
her denies each girl control over her own force in these situations is an infringement
body, including her control over whether, of girls' human rights.
when, and with whom she has sexual rela- If women's rights are to be effective, an
tions. The implications of this are vast. They assessment of existing traditional laws, and
include all the dangers associated with of who creates them and who implements
teenage motherhood which cause such them, should be carried out. This should
uproar in the West a disrupted education, involve women and girls who are affected
the troubled parenting of babies by children, by these laws. These assessments should
and negative implications for the girls' screen the negative and positive effects of cus-
health, including the risks of childbirth. toms and practices, and facilitate a process of
The vast majority of countries have not radical change, which will result in abandon-
criminalised rape in marriage; but sex with ing outdated laws and adopting practices
girls below a certain age (which varies) is which fit in with modern society. Ad hoc
Forced marriage, forced sex: the perils of childhood for girls 33
interventions are useful for urgent action, Camberwell, London SE5 8RD, Fax: +44 (171)
but we need long-term solutions, by working 703 5400, E-mail: m.thomson@scfuk.org,uk
continuously on laws and implementation.
Although a number of international legal Notes
instruments such as CEDAW and the CRC
provide a framework for promoting women's 1 The authors would like to thank Georgina
and girls' rights, the present situation, 'post Ashworth and Sarah Robinson for co-
Beijing', is disappointing. Before the World ordinating the writing of this article, and
Conference in 1995, African groups met (in for their editorial input.
Dakar and Addis-Ababa) to consolidate 2 Funded by Bristol University Scholar-
their position: they emphasised that the ship and the Tweedie Exploration
problems of the girl child should not be Fellowship.
subsumed under the heading of women, 3 There are more than 97,000 refugees
but should be maintained separately. This (almost half of them children) from
position was supported by the Save the Bhutan living in camps in Nepal. They
Children Alliance and Anti-Slavery Inter- started arriving in 1991, as a result of
national, and was adopted by governments repression by Bhutanese government
who attended the World Conference in the forces of the minority population of
Platform for Action. However, three years Nepalese ethnicity and Hindu religion.
on, violations of the rights of the child and 4 This section draws on research
abuse of the girl-child may well be increas- conducted by Purna Sen (now of
ing. The absence of proper legal and policy CHANGE), in Calcutta, India.
action frameworks to deal with women's
and girls' rights, coupled with the lack of References
sanctions against these abuses, amount to
state complicity and neglect of duty under Ashworth, G, 1986, Of Violence and Violation:
international law to these citizens. women and human rights, CHANGE.
Our three organisations will be working Bunch, C, 1997, 'The Intolerable Status
together in the future on research, identifying Quo: Violence Against Women and
common strategies, and advocacy to address Girls' in Progress of Nations, UNICEF.
these public-policy and human-rights issues Sen, P, 1997, A Basket of Resources:
through the Forum on the Rights of Women Women's Resistance to Domestic
and Girls in Marriage. We invite research- Violence in Calcutta, PhD Thesis,
ers and organisations with an interest in University of Bristol.
these issues to join us in the Forum. Indian Penal Code 1860 (Act No 45 of
1860), Government of India, New Delhi,
Mariam Ouattara is Programme Officer/Africa Orient Law House
at Anti-Slavery International. Contact details: ASI,Socio-legal Aid Research and Training
The Stableyard, Broomgrove Rd, London SW9 Centre (SLARTC), 1995, Rights of
STL, UK, Teh+44 (171) 924 9555, Fax: +44 Women in India, Calcutta, SLARTC.
(171) 738 4110, E-maihantislavery@gn.apc.org Sarkar, L, 1994, 'Rape: A Human Rights
For Puma Sen's details see page 15. She can be versus a Patriarchal Interpretation' in
contacted at Change, 106 Hatton Sq, London Indian Journal of Gender Studies, Vol 1, No
EC1N 7R], UK, Fax: +44 (171) 430 0254, E- 1, January-June, pp 69-91.
mail: change_cic@compuserve.com Umesh Kuma Kattel, 'Study on the reasons
Marilyn Thomson is gender advisor for Save and effects of child marriage in the
the Children Fund UK. Contact details: SCF Bhutanese refugee camps, Jhapa, Nepal'
(UK), Mary Datchelor House, 17 Grove Lane, (internal document), SCF (UK), 1997.
34
'Eyes are for seeing what is good and what is General Suharto for the past 32 years, has
left a legacy of torture and sexual violence
bad. Today we are gathered to share what we have
in its wake. The rape of Chinese-Indonesian
witnessed, to share our experiences in order to
work together. Together, we will stand tall.' women in Indonesia's capital, Jakarta,
Statement of an East Timorese woman at a during riots in May 1998 has forced open a
workshop with women survivors of violence, floodgate to testimonies of rape and sexual
Dili, 8 August 1998. violence throughout the archipelago. In this
short article, drawing on first-hand
information and the ongoing research of a
F
eminist research has, for decades,
highlighted the way in which rape group of women activists of which I am a
has been used as a tool for conquest member, I aim to share some testimonies of
in conflict throughout history and across women victims of violence, in order to
the world (Brownmiller 1975). As women further publicise the issues, and to reflect
are viewed as objects in the general society on how and why some of these stories have
in times of peace, this point of view will be emerged, while others remain hidden.
reflected and heightened at a time of social
strife. Women are seen as property of the The May 1998 riots
enemy thus justifying acts of plunder,
forced possession, and destruction. Existing On 12 May 1998, the Indonesian public was
notions of masculinity, which equate it shocked to hear of the cold-blooded
with the capacity to conquer and destroy, murder of five university students at
worsen in times of conflict. Trisakti University by the military, after
The extent to which violence against months of student demonstrations all over
women occur in Indonesia, both in Indonesia. News of the killings travelled
peacetime and in the recent political unrest, swiftly; an outpouring of grief and anger
is currently becoming clear. There is was expressed in the morning press.
growing evidence that the Orde Baru (New Newspapers received faxes from members
Order) regime, under the iron hold of of the public condemning the act, including
Violence against women in Indonesia 35
press. A lot of energy was spent explaining large proportion of volunteers were
to the media that although we could Chinese-Indonesians; this was also
provide information on the rapes and, unprecedented. Hitherto, with only a few
particularly, on the pattern of violence exceptions, Chinese-Indonesians have
which we were documenting, we could not chosen to deal with the discrimination they
divulge names because this would consti- suffer in the Indonesian political system by
tute a breach of privacy. In addition, the keeping a low public profile. The public
press wanted numbers, which we could not expression of concern and anger about the
provide at the time because of the difficulty rapes, and the commitment to work for
of contacting survivors. change, was an important statement on the
In order to co-ordinate support offered part of Chinese Indonesians.
by women's and pro-democracy groups in The volunteers were then organised into
Jakarta, our initial efforts were centred on teams in charge of fact-finding, direct sup-
establishing links with communities in port for survivors of rape, and public edu-
Chinese-Indonesian neighbourhoods which cation on violence against women and racism.
were most hard-hit by the riots. To ensure
we could do this, we held a meeting to
organise more volunteers. Around 300
Publicising the rapes:
people, men and women, attended the
the numbers game
meeting; they were mostly people who had By 2 July 1998, Volunteers for Humanity
contacted various telephone hotlines had documented 168 rapes in Jakarta, Solo,
opened by NGOs for those who could give Medan, Palembang and Surabaya. 152 of
information on the rapes, and for the these occurred in the greater Jakarta area.
survivors of rape themselves. This mass Some of the victims of rape also suffered
volunteering was an unprecedented other forms of torture, or became trapped
outpouring of support to help survivors of in raging fires started by the rioters. Of the
violence against women in Indonesia. A 152 women raped, 20 died during or after
Table 1 : Number of dead, injured, and disappeared during the mid-May riots.
Economic crisis begins to hit Indonesia, crumbling of the New Order economic miracle
'domino effect' has occurred. Across the paramilitary forces, or civilian men in
nation, men and women are now speaking powerful positions. In areas where the
out against the atrocities committed by the civilian government takes a back-seat to
New Order regime before the unrest. military rulers, it is a liability to belong to
Although Chinese-Indonesian women are a an ethnic group that has challenged the
minority group, they are relatively less regime. In Aceh, harrowing stories of rape,
isolated and marginalised than women disappearances, detention, torture and
from ethnic minorities living in Aceh, East execution are beginning to surface; in East
Timor, and Irian Jaya. As a group, Chinese- Timor, a women's group is beginning to
Indonesians are comparatively well con- collect stories of rape and forced labour; in
nected with overseas networks, and they Irian Jaya, indigenous women are provid-
have access to greater economic resources ing testimonies on rapes perpetrated by
than other minority groups who have military personnel during operations.
experienced sexual violence. These are
factors which have contributed positively Aceh
to the build-up of a public outcry. Because Aceh is an oil-rich area with a long history
the rapes in May occurred at the centre of resistance during the colonial period.
stage of the national scene, where foreign Indonesia's western-most province has
journalists were hungry for a newsworthy experienced environmental destruction and
story, the atrocities quickly gained national unequal economic development. An
and international attention. This has opened independence movement has been formed
up the way for women from other remote out of popular resentment of the fact that,
areas to raise their voices and to state that while the indigenous population are
similar atrocities have been happening to becoming poorer and their environment
them for many years. Stories of torture, becomes increasingly degraded, oil
rape, and disappearances have surfaced. companies' employees live in luxury, in
Clearly, issues of ethnicity and race are enclaves with supermarkets and five-star
important factors which contributed to hotels. Since 1989, Aceh was declared a
these atrocities. The recent rapes in Jakarta daerah operasi militer (DOM), an area under
grew from an underlying racial discrimina- military authoritarian rule.4
tion which continues to exist across A team of members of parliament and
Indonesia. Women from minority groups NGOs has been formed to document and
are particularly vulnerable to sexual investigate reports of human rights
violence perpetrated by the military, violations in Aceh. To date, this team,
Date Rape Rape and torture Rape and arson Sexual harassment Total
together with the Indonesian National was forced to stay in the military complex,
Human Rights Commission, has document- cooking, and fetching water and firewood.
ed 781 killings, 163 cases of disappearance, During this time she was often hit when
368 cases of torture, and 102 cases of rape, they thought she was being lazy. If she
between 1989-98.5 refused them sex, she would be tied then
A 42-year-old woman, a villager from raped. She bore five children. 'So these are
Ujong Leubat, Bandar Baru gave a children of war. Before the war I had no children,
testimony of being raped by three military since the war, I am carrying these children
officers in a military post in Jim Jim in 1992. children of war, children of Indonesia.'7
'After I was raped, I fainted. In the morning,
they kicked me and pushed me into the river. Irian Jaya/West Papua
They told me to bathe,' she said. In 1992 the From Irian Jaya/West Papua, indigenous
woman and her husband, Mohamad women are coming forward with their
Yunus, were detained by the Special stories of violence. In Mapenduma, where
Forces. They were detained and held in rebels took hostages and released them
separate rooms. After being raped, the after three months in 1997, the military has
woman was tortured, then released three retaliated in full force. Scores of traditional
days later. She never saw her husband houses, churches, and villages have been
again. Afterwards, she heard news of her razed to the ground in search of the rebels.
husband's execution. He was shot with his In June 1998, church leaders approached
hands tied to a pole, in front of villagers in the National Human Rights Commission in
Cibrek, Kembang Tanjong.6 Jakarta with a report documenting these
atrocities. A few months afterwards,
East Timor human-rights activists have been gathering
In East Timor, at the beginning of August evidence of rapes which occurred during
this year, I assisted a new women's group these raids. Again, incidents of rape are
run a workshop for women who have been documented as an afterthought, reflecting
affected by the conflict in this territory. the male bias in human-rights monitoring
Sitting quietly among the older women, instruments. A woman from the Nduga
whose husbands disappeared or were tribe, who live in the highlands of
killed during the war, and among the women Mapenduma, testified the following to
survivors of rape and detention, was a 13- Jayapura-based human-rights workers:
year-old girl. She was raped by a military
'I was coming home from the field, towards my
officer in June 1998. Obviously, political
village, Kuid. I met with military troops on the
change taking place in Jakarta has not
way. I stepped aside from the path, which is our
reached this part of the world. In this
custom here. We give way to our guests to
workshop of around 35 people, three out of
honour them. They forced me aside. I was raped
five children playing in the room were born
by seven military men. I was completely
as a result of rape. The East Timorese helpless and fainted. I became conscious four
women's group, Forum Komunikasi hours later when some villagers found me and
Perempuan Loro Sae (Fokupers), is begin- took me home.
ning the slow and painful process of docu-
menting incidents of violence against women. 'After the freeing of the hostages in Nggeselema,
One woman told her story of being our house was often raided by the military.
courted and then abandoned by a military They wanted me and my daughter to come to
officer in 1976. A few years later, she was the military post. I hid my daughter in the pig
raped by another soldier after being tied sty. One day, they came to ask me to sew some
down and hit with a piece of metal. She of their clothes. They never paid. I demanded to
40
be paid, and they gave me bullets. They also riots and rapes, and false testimonies of
destroyed my sewing equipment. I fought back. such acts, have been widely circulated
They stripped me naked and raped me. through the Internet. The fact that this
Somebody took a picture.'8 information is false has been taken by some
as evidence of the lack of credibility of the
groups who are documenting real rapes
'We want a real live one':
and working to end such atrocities. Photo-
media responses to the
graphs falsely presented as documentation
violence of the May rapes most of them in fact
At the time of writing, a backlash against pictures of torture and rape of women by
NGOs which raised the issue of rapes the military in East Timor have been
during the May riots is taking shape. Many downloaded from sites on the Internet. The
refuse to accept the truth of the reports, purpose appears to be disinformation
arguing that not a single rape survivor has coupled with intimidation. Seeing those
chosen to provide a public, live testimony, pictures makes me feel shocked, personally
echoing the initial wishes of the press to violated, and disempowered. Can you
interview survivors at a time when we imagine the effect that they would have on
were most concerned with protecting a survivor? The images suggest 'dare you
victims' confidentiality and supporting speak, we will do this again'.
them through the crisis.
Meanwhile, continuing intimidation and The aftermath: campaigning
threats of sexual violence have been and rehabilitation
levelled towards potential witnesses,
including doctors who have testified that Indonesia is entering a time of transition
they provided treatment to survivors, which holds a potential for real change,
groups working on this issue, and towards including change on issues of racism and
Chinese-Indonesian women in particular, violence against women. However, this also
who report increased harassment on the poses real risks for political disintegration
streets. The activities of commercial and more violence. Women in Indonesia
profiteers and the press have contributed to are playing a major role in organising,
the normalisation of the threat and reality testifying, and working for change.
of sexual violence against women. Adver- Issues of ethnicity and race continue to
tisements have appeared which promote play a part in campaigning and rehabilita-
the age-old idea of chastity belts as 'anti- tion work; women's groups which were
rape underwear', and the mainstream press originally formed to deal with issues of
has printed countless interviews with the violence against women are learning to
so-called 'inventor'. Recently, a Muslim- incorporate racism into their campaign
based group has taken a weekly magazine agenda. Groups in Aceh are asking why
to court for allegedly reporting these rapes there is no international condemnation of
in a way which degrades Islam. the atrocities in Aceh does this have to
The Internet has proven to be a tool do with an anti-Muslim bias in Western
willing to serve all masters. On the one media?9 Most attention (and resources) are
hand, women's and pro-democracy groups still centred on Jakarta. National and
in and outside of Indonesia have made use international groups concerned with
of the Internet to campaign on this issue. eradicating gender-based violence which
On the other hand, there has also been an are focusing on Indonesia must look at the
effective disinformation campaign using whole picture, and try to understand the
the same medium. Rumours of pending complexities of race, religion, and ethnicity,
Violence against women in Indonesia 41
W
omen all over the world face My own work has included conducting
violence in their daily lives, in workshops on violence and sexuality with
ways that have no direct paral- college students and women activists;
lels for men. Violence serves the function of counselling poor women faced with sexual
maintaining unequal power relations harassment and psychological violence in
between men and women in society, so our an urban slum in Delhi; and supporting
understanding of it cannot be limited either UNIFEM in planning its activities on
to the personal sphere of family relation- violence against women in India, through
ships, or to a man-woman relationship. research, training, advocacy, and lobbying.
(Kapur 1997) Rather, it must be seen as a In what follows, I share the profile of an
reflection of deeper socio-economic organisation, and a process which has shaped,
processes which are patriarchal2 in nature. and continues to shape, my own view of
While violence against women can include violence against women and children.
physical abuse, psychological abuse, depri-
vation of resources, and the commodification The beginnings of Sakshi
of women, only the more overt forms of phys-
ical violence (especially sexual violence) are Sakshi3 focuses its work on the issue of
widely recognised as 'violence against violence against women: it aims to create
women'; the more subtle forms are often over- awareness, and promotes justice for
looked. These subtle forms of violence are per- women who experience it. It is an effort to
petuated through socio-cultural practices, intervene and understand the dynamics of
and the various institutions and systems of violence against women and provides a
society such as family, religion, education, platform for women to speak out about the
health, economic, legal, political, the media, violations they face.
and the state (including the police and mili- Several years ago, Sakshi's founders
tary). Recognising these different manifesta- (Naina Kapur, a lawyer, and Jasjit Purewal,
tions has led some of us to work on the issue, a journalist) began to consider what they
both as individuals and within organisations. could do to confront the silence that shrouds
Sakshi Violence Intervention Centre, India 43
sexual violence4 in our society. Both women more importantly, the subtle forms of
had been addressing violence against mental and emotional violence, including
women in their respective professions, but discrimination in the name of 'customs and
a newspaper report of police officers gang- traditions', and the violence inherent in the
raping a girl in custody triggered off the socially prescribed status of Indian women.
impetus to channel their work through a Today, a multi-disciplinary group of 20
formal organisation, which could address members runs Sakshi. This team includes
violence against women in a concerted support staff and professionals from
way. The case was brought to court and the various backgrounds law, sociology,
offenders found guilty. Subsequently, economics, psychology, journalism, and
however, the Supreme Court of India social work. Many people with different
reduced the sentence5 of the offenders by skills (even outside Sakshi) have helped the
five years, because of the woman's group in developing their clear idea of
questionable conduct. This case led Naina what an 'intervention' is with respect to
and Jasjit to question the efficacy of the violence. Whether faced with an individual
legal system and the process of justice, and or a system (education, health, judiciary,
to explore the needs of women at the police, or NGOs), Sakshi's objective has
grassroots who face different forms of been to make its interventions holistic,
sexual violence which continues to be long-term, and embracing of difference (of
the more silent and ignored form of assault views, contexts, as well as situations). This
in India. They realised that children notion has been tested through various expe-
(especially girl children) are the most tragic riences over the years, and time and again
victims of sexual violence; but in a society continues to be conceptually reviewed.
which places greater value on female Sakshi's work has extended into the
chastity than on a woman's security and rural and urban areas of Bihar, Rajasthan,
freedom, even child victims are forbidden Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh; at the
to speak. In fact, any woman who has faced national level, it has worked with students,
such violence is looked down on by Indian lawyers, judges, police, women's groups, and
society as having lost her dignity and individual women. Recently, the geographical
purity. Because of such beliefs, a woman spread of work has also expanded to some
whose body is violated also risks losing her neighbouring South Asian countries, includ-
self-respect and self-esteem in society. ing Nepal, Bangladesh, and Pakistan.
These realities and the deafening silence
around the issue finally led to the setting Sakshi's work
up of Sakshi as an NGO in October 1992,
with the aim of opening up a space for Sakshi began its intellectual and action-
speech, expression, and protest on the issue oriented journey by sharing and learning
of violence against women, and more from experiences on various aspects of
specifically on sexual violence. violence against women, in workshops
From the start, Sakshi defined itself as a with government and non-government
'violence intervention centre', reflecting its organisations all over India. The exper-
belief that there are many ways in which iences shared in these workshops demon-
violence can be prevented. The group strated the 'fear' and loss of 'self-esteem'
wanted to witness, to document, and to which violence creates among women.
enable women to exchange experiences on Some workshops6 started with women's
this all-pervasive form of assault. They own testimonies, which led to discussions
adopted a broad definition of violence to on violence7; in other cases, the issue was
include not just physical violence, but also, introduced by discussing concepts of
44
funds to support its work. Sakshi's eventual maximum effectivity we needed to link our
aim is to be free from donor dependency campaigns against violence with other
and to create its own core fund. However, forms of gender development'13 (Annual
in the meantime funding must be sought Report 1996-97). Six years after its
from development donors. While some inception, the Sakshi team wishes to
agencies have provided resources for consolidate this understanding, and is
specific projects, it has not been easy to therefore using the concept of 'substantive
negotiate continuous support for its equality1 (meaning de facto equality) in order
research and capacity-building agenda, to strategise for change. This concept is
which emphasises the importance of expected to help form the links between
process, a holistic view, and sustainability. different systems in society and to enhance
In my experience, Sakshi's dilemmas on different people's vision of work on
this issue are shared by many other NGOs violence interventions, whether they are
today, and are the result of changes in judges, lawyers, teachers, social activists,
development financing in recent years, doctors, or psychiatrists. In order to work
which has meant more project-based towards constructive change, Sakshi's has
funding, and less institutional or issue- therefore initiated dialogues with various
based funding. It is important to under- systems like the judiciary, educators and
stand that 'ending violence' is not a the academia, medical professionals, and
'tangible deliverable' as required by some other NGOs.14 A second concept that Sakshi
donors, and this impinges on the has taken from its experiences of working
availability of funds. Therefore, a certain with women in situations of violence is the
amount of creative 'social marketing' of the importance of 'informed choice'. The
issue seems to be the need of the hour! absence of this choice is the most consistent
Working with international donors is a obstacle to a woman's sense of her rights,
topic which demands an article in itself, of her quest for justice (personal or
and there is little room to debate it here, institutional) and of herself as a human
but one needs to note that, in the past five being. Thus, Sakshi is constantly reaffirm-
years, international agencies have been ing the need for educating societal insti-
setting their own development agendas for tutions on the concept of 'informed choice',
a particular country, rather than allowing so as to advocate measures of support con-
development to be a demand-driven and sistent with an understanding of a woman's
needs-based process. This has also, social context. This is also necessary for
inevitably, led to institutional changes at empowering women to demand and
local level for example, the mush- exercise this choice in times of need.
rooming of NGOs whose activities match As I conclude, I hope that readers of
donor agendas and to a reduction of this journal will support the work of Sakshi
funds available to existing groups to and other like-minded organisations,
sustain work on issues to which they are which have taken on the responsibility of
committed in the long-term. I raise this being witnesses to all kinds of violence
point here in the hope that it will stimulate against women and children a
future debate among readers of this article. responsibility which needs to be shared
by many more organisations than it is
Looking to the future at present. I hope that, together, we can
find creative ways of sensitising and
Experience over the years has led Sakshi to capacity-building on an issue which denies
realise that 'violence cannot be countered women their human right to life without
by intervention measures alone... for fear and shame.
Sakshi Violence Intervention Centre, India 47
Aanchal Kapur is an action-researcher and years, so these offenders got away with
trainer on women's issues who has worked with considerably less.
NGOs and other development agencies in India 6 The different approaches have been used
for the past eight years. Using information as a both with local women and with
source of communication and networking, activists/workers, depending on their
inside and outside of India, is of particular level of awareness and skills.
interest to her. She also is co-ordinator of the 7 For example, a workshop with 50
Women Workers' Rights Project at the women in rural Bihar started with
International Labour Organisation in New women sharing their own experiences of
Delhi. She can be contacted at: Block 111/78 sexual violence and was followed by the
(F.F.), Sunshine Avenue, Charmwood Village, Sakshi team clarifying concepts about
Eros Gardens, New Delhi 110 044; Tel: +91 (129) women's sexuality and violence.
251006/251047, E-mail:aanchal@sapta.com 8 Such a workshop was held with tribal
women in Rajasthan. It began by
Sakshi is located at: B-67 (F.F.), South examining the concept of empowerment,
Extension -I, New Delhi 110 049; Tel/Fax: (91) which women felt from their political
(11) 4643926 E-mail:sakdel@irc.unv.ernet.in and economic struggle for control of
their land, and then moved on to the un-
Notes explored terrain of discussing honour
and morality associated with violence.
1 This article has been written with inputs 9 Sakshi has done intensive research into
of different members of the Sakshi team CSA, leading to the development of a
including Naina Kapur, Jasjit Purewal, comprehensive learning package, which
Nandita Baruah, Maya Ganesh, Geeta, comprises counselling casework, research,
and others. I would also like to thank Sital and awareness-raising workshops. At
Kalantry and Vidya for their support. present, it is also looking at the issue
2 The causes of violence can be traced to from a mental health perspective.
patriarchy, which is manifest in society in lOSakshi's unpublished research with
different ways. Patriarchy as an ideology school children, on the issue of CSA has
is reflected through men's control and shown a 23 per cent incidence of hard-
domination of women (Kriti, 1993). It spectrum abuse.
accords the male gender a superior status 11 Judgement dated 13 August 1997, passed
over women, and enables men to claim all by the Supreme Court of India in a case
avenues of power. Patriarchy is perpet- titled, 'Vishaka & Others vs State of
uated through social, cultural, and religious Rajasthan & Others', Writ Petition
practices, and legitimised through the politi- (Criminal) Nos 666-70 of 1992.
cal, legal, educational, medical, and eco- 12 Although the guidelines still do not meet
nomic systems of society. Thereby, patri- all our expectations, we see them as a
archy controls women's fertility, sexuality, positive first step in the direction of
labour mobility, and access to resources recognising and dealing with the issue.
at the material and ideological levels. 13 This recognition has also established the
3 Sakshi is the Hindi term for 'witness'. need for Sakshi to mainstream its under-
4 One of its earliest booklets, 'Have you standing and intervention strategies to
been Sexually Assaulted?' has been make the required impact in society.
translated into 12 languages and is used 14 The dialogue has been made informative
in training programmes all over India. and creative by the use of theatre, dance,
5 The maximum sentence for rape under puppetry, experiential exercises, films,
Indian law is between seven and ten and tele-conferencing.
48
'Circumcision', culture,
and health-care provision
in Tower Hamlets, London
Joan Cameron and Karen Rawlings Anderson
Tower Hamlets has a sizeable Somali community, who maintain close links to their culture
and country of origin. About 80 per cent of Somali women are estimated to have undergone
'female circumcision'. The authors carried out research to assess whether British health
services meet Somali women's health-care needs. Interestingly, they found that reasons given
to justify female circumcision mirror those used in the UK to justify episiotomy in childbirth.
T
here is overwhelming evidence that context. We make suggestions for improv-
female 'circumcision' endangers ing health-service provision in future for
women's health, and confers no Somali women in Tower Hamlets,
physical benefit on the woman or her emphasising the importance of community
children. It has been widely condemned by participation in health-care planning.
health-care professionals throughout the First, a note on terminology. The
world. However, we argue in this article practice referred to in this article is most
that, because health-care professionals commonly known as 'female genital
concentrate on the biological effects of the mutilation'. This indicates that the practice
practice rather than on understanding its is harmful, and it is the terminology most
cultural context, health-care professionals often used by health-care professionals in
are perceived by women who have Britain and by activists working on the
undergone circumcision as taking a issue as an abuse of women's human
judgemental stance towards the commu- rights. However, in this article we have
nities in which female circumcision is chosen to use the term 'female circum-
practised. There is evidence that this may cision' not because these perspectives
alienate individual members of those are wrong, but because many Somali
communities and inhibit women who have women in Tower Hamlets told us that they
undergone circumcision from accessing found the term 'mutilation' stigmatising
health services. and alienating; they prefer the term
This is ironic, because there is a parallel 'circumcision'. The conversations with
between reasons given by health-care Somali women which form the basis of this
professionals in Britain to justify the article were held in the context of
widespread practice of episiotomy in collaborative work between the authors
childbirth, and those offered for female and the London Black Women's Health
circumcision by the Somali community. Action Group, with the aim of obtaining
Both practices are seen as necessary for funding for a health clinic for Somali
women's good health in a specific cultural women.
'Circumcision', culture and health care in Tower Hamlets, London 49
virginity, and fidelity, and also as a way of associated with infibulation in particular
increasing male sexual pleasure (Direi and are very severe (Arbesman, Kahler and
Lindmark 1991; Ebong, 1997). The practice Buck, 1991), while many women and girl
is also regarded as a form of initiation into children undoubtedly suffer severe psycho-
womanhood, and a means of ensuring logical scars as a result of undergoing all
social cohesion and integration. In many forms of circumcision. In particular,
communities, an uncircumcised woman is infibulation directly impacts on gynaeco-
considered to be unmarriageable (Shorten, logical, genito-urinary, and obstetric health.
1995). Female circumcision may also take For example, cervical smears may be
place because the female genitals are difficult or impossible to carry out, so
considered unsightly, and the practice is routine screening for cervical cancer cannot
seen as enhancing the aesthetic appeal of occur. Infibulated women giving birth
women (Spadacini and Nichols, 1998). vaginally may require extensive perineal
Other reasons for female circumcision surgery to facilitate the birth of the baby.
are health-related, including the belief that However, infibulation also affects women
female genitalia are unhygenic, and that indirectly: for example, in an emergency
circumcision will reduce body odour situation such as cardiac collapse or renal
(Grassivaro-Gallo and Viviani, 1992). It is failure, urinary catheterisation (where a
sometimes thought that circumcision tube is passed through the urethral open-
enhances fertility, while others believe that ing into the bladder) is required to monitor
the labia will carry on growing if they are urinary output. For a woman who has been
not excised (Slack, 1988). Another health infibulated, urethral catheterisation may be
reason cited for the circumcision of women impossible, and the more complex and
is the belief that the baby will die at birth if invasive procedure of supra-pubic catheter-
the clitoris touches the baby's head (Kouba isation may be required (this involves
and Muasher, 1985). In the Tower Hamlets making an incision in the abdomen and
community, Somali women and men who inserting a tube into the bladder).
spoke to the LBWHAP confirmed such The immediate complications of infibu-
beliefs, and prioritised tradition and lation include severe pain and bleeding,
religious obligations as the main reasons leading to shock. Infection may ensue as
for the practice. Protection of virginity and the instruments used for the procedure are
control of female sexual desire where also frequently not sterile. Urinary retention
cited as rationales. Many respondents also may also result because the woman or child
stated that uncircumcised females were not is reluctant to urinate to avoid the pain of
accepted, because people regard them as urine touching raw tissue. Of the 200
bringing shame by disrespecting their women in the LBWAP survey in Tower
cultural traditions and customs. Hamlets, 61 per cent were infibulated by
people with no medical training. More than
The impact on half of the infibulated women reported
women's health suffering haemorrhage, urinary retention,
and infection as a result of the operation.
In Tower Hamlets, as in the rest of the UK, A number of long-term complications as
most of our knowledge about the health- a result of infibulation have been reported
care needs of circumcised women is based (Calder, Brown and Rae, 1993; Dirie and
on medical research which typically Lindmark, 1992; Shorten, 1995). These
focuses on medical or obstetric problems include dysmenorrhoea (painful menstru-
and deinfibulation (see below for a ation) and recurrent urinary problems
definition). Physical health complications because the perineal opening is too small to
'Circumcision', culture and health care in Tower Hamlets, London 51
allow the escape of menstrual blood and female circumcision in the UK has been on
urine. Efua Dorkenoo (1994) reports that protecting girl children from undergoing
some women have such small perineal the practice. Whilst progress in this area is
openings that the flow of menstrual blood obviously of paramount importance for the
is impeded to such an extent that the well-being of future generations, the needs
abdomen becomes distended. This has led of women who have already been circum-
to some young women being killed to cised have received scant attention, with
preserve the family's honour. Fistulae the exception of isolated services providing
(abnormal openings between the bladder 'deinfibulation' under safe medical
and vagina, or between the bladder and conditions (MacCaffery, Jankowska and
rectum), cysts, and abscess formation, and Gordon, 1995). Even if the practice of
damage to the urethra which leads to female circumcision were stopped tomor-
incontinence, can follow as a result of row, in Tower Hamlets alone, a significant
difficulties caused by infibulation during number of circumcised women in need of
childbirth. Ten per cent of the women sur- health-care provision would remain.
veyed by LBWHAP in Tower Hamlets Information about the incidence of
reported suffering urethral damage as a result female circumcision already existing within
of infibulation which continued to cause the population is not routinely collected by
them urinary incontinence. Dyspareunia health-care agencies, including hospitals
(painful intercourse) is common due to and general practitioners (family doctors),
vaginal atrophy (shrinkage) as a result of so it is difficult to assess the numbers of
the infibulation; dyspareunia is also likely if women affected. However, the fact that in
vaginal penetration is attempted without 1994-95, LBWHAP received 792 phone
deinfibulation. calls, indicates that there is a significant
The practice of removing stitches and number of Somali women who wish to gain
scar tissue to 're-open' the vaginal opening access to health-related information and
referred to as 'deinfibulation' is tradi- services. Since a delay in responding to the
tionally carried out at the time of marriage health-care needs of a woman who has
or childbirth. Deinfibulation is commonly undergone circumcision may compromise
performed by cutting with a blade or other the health or life of a woman or her
sharp instrument. This can expose the baby, it is critical that information about
women to further risks such as infection female circumcision is collected as part of
and bleeding. Almost 80 per cent of the routine health assessments.
infibulated women reported being fright- As stated earlier, health-care provision for
ened and nervous during their first weeks circumcised women in Tower Hamlets mainly
of marriage due to the effects of focuses on deinfibulation. There is a communi-
infibulation. ty clinic, where the procedure can be carried
out on an out-patient basis, or women can
Health-care responses to go to Northwick Park Hospital's African
female 'circumcision' Well Women Clinic. However, disseminat-
ing information on deinfibulation services
In contrast to the detailed picture of the is essential, because women will not make use
medical and obstetric effects of infibulation of a service if they do not know it exists.
given in the previous section, we know Anecdotal evidence suggests that there is
very little about the expectations of women ignorance among health-care professionals
in regard to health-care services, and we about the possibility of deinfibulation and
know little about their specific health-care the existence of the clinics; they assume
needs. The major non-medical focus on that women are infibulated for life.
52
episiotomy, a surgical incision of the into the brain) in premature babies. All the
perineum to enlarge the vaginal outlet adverse after-effects experienced by
performed during childbirth. women who have undergone female
Episiotomy was virtually unknown circumcision have been reported as the
before this century. It was originally used outcomes of episiotomy and subsequent
in Western Europe and North America to repair (Wagner 1994). It is clear that the
facilitate births where forceps were to be indiscriminate use of episiotomy is justified
used. Subsequently, as most women ceased by health-care professionals who construct
to give birth at home but routinely went their own explanations to convince
into hospital, episiotomy became a routine themselves and their clients of its benefits,
procedure (Thacker and Banta, 1983). A in spite of evidence to the contrary.
study by Murphy Black in 1989 found that
87 per cent of all women having their first Conclusion
babies in one hospital were given an
episiotomy and 27 per cent of women As health-care providers, we are arguing
having third babies had an episiotomy. that understanding the practices widely
However, evidence suggests that the known as female genital mutilation from
episiotomy rate should be less than 20 per the perspective of women who have
cent (Sleep et al, 1984). undergone it is essential for the provision
In 1995, an attempt by the Association of appropriate health services. Com-
for Improvements in Maternity Services to munities should be involved in the
have episiotomy labelled as genital muti- planning of these services. Understanding
lation was greeted with outrage (Beech, the context in which the practices exist does
1994). Midwives stated that, far from being not mean rejecting the perspective that
an unnecessary practice which constitutes such practices are harmful for women.
violence against women, the procedure was However, stigmatising women who have
a necessary health intervention and was already undergone circumcision could be
used only when indicated. A number of avoided if health-care professionals in the
benefits have been attributed to episiotomy UK context recognise that these practices
(Thacker and Banta, 1983; Sleep et al, 1984): do not only occur in the context of 'other'
it has been claimed that it prevents damage cultures. Episiotomy parallels the practice
to the rectal mucosa and anal sphincter; of female circumcision, because evidence
that a cut is easier to repair than a tear, and that the practice is harmful is countered by
that an episiotomy wound will heal faster strong health-related, as well as cultural,
than a tear. It has also been suggested that arguments for its continuance; any attempt
the procedure prevents trauma to the foetal to change attitudes among health-care
head during delivery. professionals to circumcised women in the
However, Sleep et al in 1984 found that UK must acknowledge this.
episiotomy did not prevent tears, nor did
the wounds caused by the practice heal Joan Cameron is a Lecturer in Neonatal Care
faster than tears. Episiotomy did not and Midwifery, City University, London.
appear to have a protective effect on the Karen Rowlings Anderson is a Senior Lecturer
pelvic floor, and did not prevent inconti- in Adult Nursing, City University, London.
nence (Sleep et al, 1984). Lobb et al (1986), Address for correspondence: City University
investigating the role of episiotomy in School of Nursing & Midwifery, Philpot Street,
protecting the baby's head during birth, London El 2EA, UK.
found that it did not influence the
incidence of intracranial bleeds (bleeding
54
T
here are periods in history when the fact that we have one of the most
fundamental changes take place. By progressive constitutions in the world.
the end of the twentieth century, demo- According to media reports, at least 62
cratic governments will lead many countries women were raped in the Johannesburg
in Africa, and this will be referred to as a area in the first three weeks of June 1998
positive, as well as an historic, change. But (Saturday Star, 27 June 1988). Police stated
there are many definitions of democracy, that the actual figure would be higher,
and many views on how this democracy because it is estimated that only one in 36
affects men and women. Tied to this are rapes is reported. This means that another
notions of masculinity and femininity, as 2,000 women probably suffered the same
these are outcomes of history. South Africa fate over this period. The same report
currently has a higher representation of informs us that while 'as many as 30 per
women in Parliament 25 per cent cent of men rape women in the rapist's
than any other Commonwealth country, own home, 29 per cent rape in open areas
except the Seychelles. Yet male violence and 14 per cent in the women's home'. The
against women has assumed new report confirms the commonly held view
proportions. In this article, I argue that in that women are often assaulted by people
South Africa the paradigms of what it is to whom they know rather than by strangers:
be a woman are changing, and men find it 'In 46 per cent of reported rapes the
difficult to accept the change: hence the women knew their attacker by sight. And
high incidence of violence and rape, fuelled although three of five rape survivors have
by the ready availability of pornography. never seen their attacker before, it is very
likely that many of those who know their
Violence against women rapists do not report the attack' (ibid).
in South Africa There is nothing new about woman-
battering or sexual violence against women
In the 'new' South Africa, women are still in South Africa; throughout history, South
raped, molested, and humiliated, despite African women have been subjected to the
56
whims and brutality of men. Male violence to explain crimes against women results in
towards women has always been accepted projecting blame onto an abstract, albeit
as a natural if unfortunate part of women's genuine, reality, rather than placing
status as men's property (Maitse 1997). In responsibility with the perpetrator. The
answer to the question why men are rationalisation that crimes against women
violent towards women in the context of are a by-product of social deprivation is not
South Africa, two primary inter-connected rooted in historical reality men have been
theories emerge. The first is that of sexist assigned the ultimate power and authority
ideology, and men's preoccupation with all over women from time immemorial. Women
the qualities assigned to the male sex role. are not exempt from poverty in fact,
The second theory draws a shocking they are the poorest of all people in this
picture of South African society as a 'rape country; yet they do not rape or commonly
culture', in which violence against women commit violent acts against people. Most
is tacitly accepted. Evidence for this theory critically, using poverty to explain men's
is provided by women's experiences of violence towards women risks excusing the
violence at the hands of the institutions violence, and does not force men to take
which run society, for example, the police; responsibility for their actions.
and it is indicated by the great importance For the majority of South African women,
that society attaches to male power and the concept of 'home' has a deceptive dual
aggression, as well as to the social factors meaning: on the one hand, it is a sanctuary,
which lead to violence. haven, and place of safety; and on the
Before apartheid ended, violence against other, it is a potential prison and torture
women, particularly violence against chamber (Hamner 1989). The home is a site
women which occurred within the seclu- for individual men to oppress women in
sion of the home, was not deemed a crimi- their own particular way. Here, men have
nal offence. The violence was reinforced by the freedom to do what they like to women
the ethos of apartheid in general and the (Campbell 1992). This is where porno-
perception that apartheid had denuded graphy plays a major part, because some
African men of their authority over women men find the sexual violence and aggres-
(according to the law, African men's status sion induced by pornography erotic and
was inferior to that of white women). In addi- desirable (Russell 1993).
tion, the regime's theory that African men There is a general reluctance among
were the most violent members of society women in general, and among both women
made it possible for violence to continue, and men working for development organi-
without any significant objections being sations and other NGOs, to discuss the harm-
raised by state or society (Maitse 1997). fulness of pornography, and a lack of under-
In addition to these theories, there is a standing that there is a connection between
common, and problematic, link made pornography and all forms of violence against
between male violence and poverty (CIET women. A study I carried out in 1993-94
Survey 1998). Male violence is associated revealed the clear links between porno-
with the country's political and social graphy and violence against women. Of the
transition, since the change has increased 74 women interviewed, 20 claimed that
some men's sense of insecurity. I argue that their partners had access to pornographic
this explanation of violence displays the material; they were often forced to emulate
self-interest and biased interpretations of some of the pornographic images, and
those who control the gathering and when they refused to do so, they were
dissemination of information (Spender assaulted (Maitse 1997). In addition to my
1982). Using theories of social deprivation own study, there is considerable other
Political change, rape, and pornography in South Africa 57
addressed; it has emerged as a priority for constantly reminds women that that they
action by government and many NGOs. are sexual objects. It is probable that, parallel
The South African Government has com- to this, their male colleagues who imbibe
mitted itself to eradicating violence against this offensive material sometimes also
women, and has stated that it intends to perceive them as such.
comply with the provisions of the Beijing
Platform for Action.
Conclusion
Furthermore, it has ratified the
Convention on the Elimination of All In South Africa, there is no widespread
Forms of Discrimination Against Women understanding among the public,
(CEDAW). To fulfil this decree the among development organisations, in the
government passed the Domestic Violence body of law, or the Bill of Rights that
Bill (Legi-Link Profiles, Bill no B75-88, 20 pornographic imagery is not entertainment
July 1998). In legal terms, the Bill provides or art, but that it denies women their
for the granting of protection orders in dignity and places them at risk. At times I
cases of domestic violence; for an obliga- wonder what would happen if women
tion to report cases of suspected ill-treat- 'hung a man on a tree and we called it
ment of children; for a criminal conviction entertainment' (Dworkin 1988).
of a husband who rapes; and for matters All forms of violence against women
connected therewith. The Bill recognises dehumanise us and accentuate our forced
that 'controlling or abusive behaviour that subservience to men. I have argued that
harms the health, safety or well-being of pornography, like prostitution, ultimately
the woman or child... emotional, verbal and contributes to the image of women as docile
psychological abuse together with other objects and men as sex-hungry domineer-
forms of abuse' (ibid), directed at women, ing subjects. Thus, the sexual violence
denies them their basic human rights. induced by pornography explains why
However, in my analysis, the Bill is some men find male sexual aggression, and
flawed. It fails to address the issue of female passivity, erotic and desirable
escalating sexual violence towards women (Russell 1975). It is this preference that often
in South Africa because it does not recog- leads men to rape and sexual violence.
nise the links between this and porno- It is evident that, according to the
graphy. While the Bill acknowledges that available statistics, violence against women
domestic violence is a serious crime against in this country are higher than the rest of
women, and that male violence towards the world. I have argued that our
women is an obstacle to achieving gender progressive constitution contributes to this
equality, it fails to understand how violence and 'rape culture' by legalising the
pornography disempowers women in the use and sale of pornography, regardless of
workplace and outside the home, as well as the harm it inflicts on women. Clearly, the
within it. The humiliation women feel pornography industry both creates and
when they witness the objectification of feeds off men's need to control women; the
another woman generates unimaginable two reinforce and complement each other.
harm, and potentially strips them of the The efforts of both the Government and
confidence that they can participate in NGOs in South Africa must be com-
society as leaders. Every time we walk into mended. However, to merely concentrate
the newsagents or buy a newspaper at a on legislation, providing counselling, and
stall, we are assaulted by pornographic telling women to take care in where they
images of women which remind us that we go not solve the problem. In order to
are just bodies and vaginas. Such material complement what these bodies are doing,
Political change, rape, and pornography in South Africa 59
we must take a closer look at the Natal', Journal of Southern African Studies,
association between pornography and the Volume 18, Number 3. Pp. 614-628.
increase in the number of rapes and CIET Survey, Reconstruct, 6 September
incidence of sexual violence in our society. 1998, Independent Group, Johannesburg.
The Freedom of Speech clause in the Bill of Constitution of the Republic of South
Rights has created a catch-22 situation: it Africa, 1996, Act 108 of 1996.
gives with one hand, and takes with the Dworkin, A (1988) Letters from a War Zone
other. This clause is incompatible with the (1976-1989), New York, EP Dutton.
other commitments made in the Bill of Hanmer, J (1989) 'Women and Policing in
Rights regarding equality and non- Britain' in Hanmer, J, Radford, J and Stanko,
discrimination, particularly gender E (eds) Women, Policing and Male Violence:
equality. International Perspectives, London, Routledge.
Legi-Link Profiles, 20 July 1998, Bill
Teboho Maitse is a specialist researcher in the Number B75-88.
Office of the Status of Women in the Office of Maitse, TE (1997) Women's Experiences of
the Deputy President, Republic of South Africa. Male Violence Within the Context of the
Prior to this she was co-ordinator of the South African National Liberation
Women's Empowerment Unit, a project of the Struggle, unpublished Ph.D. thesis,
Speakers' Forum of South Africa, funded by University of Bradford, UK.
SIDA. She studied for both her MA and PhD at Russell, DEH (ed) (1993) 'Introduction', in
the University of Bradford, UK, and co- Making Violence Sexy: Feminist Views
convened research on Violence, Abuse, and on Pornography, Buckingham, Open
Gender Relations with Jalna Hamner. She can University Press.
be contacted via The Editor, Gender and Russell, D (1975) The Politics of Rape, New
Development. York, Stein and Day.
Saturday Star, 27 June 1998, Johannesburg:
References Independent Publishers, page 9.
Spender, D (1982) Women of Ideas and What
Campbell, C (1992) 'Learning to Kill? Men Have Done to Them, London:
Masculinity, The Family and Violence in Routledge & Kegan.
60
I
n 1997, I was in Sarajevo with a small perhaps inevitably, became a starting point
non-government organisation (NGO), for much of our work). In contrast, the idea
working with displaced women. I and of working on the issue of violence against
other feminist lawyers of various nationali- women in the post-conflict context was
ties (who were also working for Sarajevo- immediately popular. It was clear from the
based organisations) decided to set up a interest of those involved in the discus-
local branch of the Lawyers' International sions, and our analysis of the situation in
Forum for Women's Human Rights. The the Balkans, that there was a great deal of
Forum, of which I am a founder member, had work which needed to be done. Some of the
already been active in Bosnia for a year, local women's organisations had worked
supporting initiatives to develop legal advice specifically on issues of violence against
and representation services to women. women over the past few years of conflict.
The Sarajevo branch of the Forum Now, working in the aftermath of the worst
decided to concentrate on violence against violence, they were addressing issues
women, as this appeared to be largely including child sexual abuse and domestic
ignored by most of the international organi- violence, through activities including
sations. Late in 1997, an initial meeting to research, advocacy, and counselling.
discuss the issue was held in Sarajevo
between members of the Forum, represen- Starting the work
tatives of local women's NGOs, and
international organisations, including the Many participants already had a good idea
International Police Task Force and SFOR of the prevalence of domestic violence in
(the UN stabilisation force). The group that the Sarajevo area, of factors influencing its
formed as a result was called the Initiative incidence, and of the response of state and
to Prevent Violence Against Women. other agencies. However, it was apparent
After discussions, members of the that their work was hampered by the fact
Initiative decided not to focus solely on that there was no available data on women's
'domestic' violence (although this later, experience of violence. In addition, there
Domestic violence in former Yugoslavia and Albania 61
were areas of work which had not been inter-governmental organisations. However,
begun; for example, there was no provision international NGOs were not addressing
of information for women experiencing the issue of violence against women in a
violence, and no public awareness campaigns coherent or concerted manner. In the view
had taken place. Organisations not only of the members of the Initiative, including
lacked the necessary financial resources to myself, this indicates a continuing failure
carry out such work, they also lacked on the part of many development workers
training. Even in instances where health- and policy-makers to recognise that
care professionals and social workers were women's rights are human rights.
receiving training on trauma from The obligation to consider violence
international NGOs, very few trainers were against women as part of any development
able to provide training on gender issues, strategy is neither merely moral nor simply
let alone on violence against women. pragmatic. It is internationally recognised
Most of the Forum members had worked in documents, including the 1995 Beijing
in Bosnia for some time, and had devel- Declaration and Platform for Action:
oped positive relationships with local 'Violence against women is an obstacle to
NGOs. This meant that trust had already the achievement of the objectives of
been established and the work of the equality, development and peace. Violence
Initiative could proceed more quickly with against women both violates and impairs
these organisations. In contrast, the commit- or nullifies the enjoyment by women of
ment of some of the representatives of their human rights and fundamental
international organisations waned after freedoms. The long-standing failure to
initial enthusiasm, while others were frus- protect and promote those rights and
trated with not being able to just 'do some- freedoms in the case of violence against
thing' immediately to solve the problem. In women is a matter of concern to all states,
my assessment, these problems largely and should be addressed.' (Strategic Object-
stemmed from organisations' culture. ive D, Platform of Action, para. 112,1995)
While the police and the army have male- The Beijing document goes on to call for
dominated cultures focusing on achieving action to be taken by governments and non-
immediate results, international organisa- governmental organisations. It requires that
tions tended to be uncertain about co-oper- they '(a) provide well-funded shelters and
ating with local community organisations relief support for girls and women
on an equal basis and without imposing subjected to violence, as well as medical,
their own cultural mores. It was clear that psychological and other counselling
the local women's organisations had to take services and free or low-cost legal aid,
the lead and provide direction, with support where it is needed...; (b) establish linguisti-
from the international community. Those who cally and culturally accessible services for
did continue to meet and work together, migrant women and girls,... who are victims
did so quite effectively; we seemed able to of gender-based violence; (c) recognise the
share our different perspectives and vulnerability to violence... of women
experiences, from Bosnia and the other migrants... (d) support initiatives of women's
countries where some of us had worked. organisations and non-governmental
organisations... to raise awareness on the
The reaction of issue of violence against women and to
international NGOs contribute to its elimination; (e) organise,
support and fund community-based
News that the Initiative had been formed education and training campaigns to raise
soon filtered out to international NGOs and awareness about violence against women
62
of a programme coming out of the research from a community which they think is
would have taken much longer. In addi- preventing them from returning home.
tion, we felt that attitudes towards, and Primary research would also have to have
lack of adequate provision to deal with, been conducted in local languages.
domestic violence are similar to those Fortunately, some groups had carried
shown towards violence against women out preliminary research which we were
generally. If women are considered dis- able to use, and this confirmed the preva-
pensable by their husbands, families, and lence of violence and the need for services
state agencies alike, we can make certain for women. However, we decided that in
assumptions about attitudes towards follow-up research into the effectiveness of
selling women to international troops, for support provided by organisations to
instance. We also thought that if women's women survivors of violence, we should
bodies are on sale in every kiosk and cafe, use primary research with women.
certain assumptions can be made as to how I personally interviewed representatives
girls are valued by their boyfriends. of state agencies at senior and practice levels
such as police officers, social workers,
Research methodology judges, health-service staff, lawyers and
other legal advisers, members of human-
In drawing up the research project, certain rights organisations and women's organisa-
areas were identified as of particular tions, and representatives of the inter-
relevance for research: the law, legal and national community, particularly of inter-
other sanctions against perpetrators; legal governmental organisations. Some agencies
and other means of protecting women; proved more accessible than others. Police
children facing domestic violence; the role officers and police chiefs were particularly
of the international community; and the difficult to gain access to, whereas centres
provision (and potential for provision) of for social work were among the easiest of
support by local NGOs. the state institutions. Often, this was due to
It had been hoped at the outset that I political considerations and international
would be able to meet with focus groups of agencies' reluctance to talk about sensitive
women to discuss their perception of the issues. More often, it was because inter-
problem. However, rigorous research into viewees considered the issue of violence
violence against women takes a long time. against women irrelevant, and/or outside
The subject of domestic violence is so their mandate. In many cases, interviewees'
sensitive and so hidden that it is normally awareness of the issue of violence was
impossible to find a group of women who increased merely by having to talk about
would be prepared to talk about it without the topic, and consider how their work was
a massive amount of preparatory ground- failing to address this important aspect of
work, including consulting with local women's lives. The research process
women's organisations, advertising through demonstrated to local organisations and
appropriate means, meeting repeatedly to state institutions that Oxfam has an interest
build trust, and providing some form of in and commitment to this issue, and to
follow-up support. Moreover, the impact of gender issues in general. Women's NGOs
the war on communities had also added and the international community seemed
many other difficulties. For example, some impressed to learn that Oxfam was taking a
women would not want to talk to a woman lead among international organisations in
from their own town for fear of non- addressing gender-based violence.
confidentiality; they would also feel
uncomfortable about talking to a woman
64
the intense trauma of conflict, or the imme- differentiated gender roles. Violence is a
diate aftermath, this demonstrates that way of enforcing women's conformity to
committing domestic violence is a choice, such demands (El Bushra and Piza Lopez,
not an inevitability. 1994). After a conflict, there may be
One possible explanation, of course, is increased stratification of gender roles; in
that women continued to experience the Croatia, where the prohibitions on religious
violence, but were simply not reporting practice that existed during Communism
domestic violence at a time when their lives have been lifted, I was given information
and those of their families were under from women's organisations about the
threat from the conflict. However, domestic combined pressure women now face from
violence is a life-threatening event, and church and state to have more babies and
very few women, if any, call help-lines or to leave public life.
seek other help without good reason. This In some areas, particularly in Bosnia and
interpretation would wholly underestimate Hercegovina, almost the entire adult male
the impact of domestic violence upon the population were killed, disappeared or
lives of the women who do call in 'normal' fled. Some years after the war, women
circumstances. In addition, the research constitute up to 90 per cent of the popula-
showed that, once conflict had subsided tion in some areas. There is little evidence
and 'normality' was restored, women's that this is raising women's status and
reports of violence increasing or starting widening their choices, even while it was
did not relate this to the period of reported to me that women's expectations
disruption. of life are growing inversely to men's
To argue that domestic violence is a demands that they return to the home.
choice men make is at odds with under- There is evidence that younger women
standings of male violence against women who are conscious of the competition to
which often attribute it to external reasons find and keep a man are tolerating
including men's unemployment or poverty, patterns of male behaviour that their older
or to pathological reasons including alco- sisters and mothers would have considered
holism, sickness, or post-traumatic stress unconscionable in pre-war years.
disorder. It is undoubtedly true that the I was told that boys who were 12 or 13
disinhibiting effects of alcohol or drugs years old when their older brothers and
may have a negative effect upon men's fathers disappeared from the family are
ability or willingness to control their now in adolescence. As well as coping with
aggression. However, if it is the case that the multi-layered traumas involved in
domestic violence actually decreased losing all adult men in the family at once
during the period of conflict, I am forced to and in these circumstances, they are expected
conclude that violence is a choice that (or expect themselves) to adopt the role of
men are choosing to inflict violence on the senior male family member. Some women's
women they purport to love. groups reported that this leads to an
assumption of the role of batterer, and that
Violence and changes in gender roles these young men, sometimes through an
Gender analyses of conflict and post- ignorance of any alternative, are using
conflict situation have highlighted the violence against their mothers and sisters in
danger, once a society is beginning to an attempt to assert or to deal with their
return to some form of stability (even ascribed authority in this role.
where this differs markedly from that
which it knew before), of a return to what
communities believe to be 'traditional'
66
Interview
Tatyana Lipovskaya,
Sisters Sexual Assault Recovery
Centre, Moscow, Russia
Please describe the kinds of services Who are the women who use the services?
'Sisters' provides for women. What aspects of their lives do you know
The 'Sisters' Sexual Assault Recovery about?
Centre started in 1993, and the helpline First, I want to stress that the Centre
began operating in April 1994. We are an provides services not only for women
independent not-for-profit organisation, although most of our clients are women,
run by women. Counsellors take calls on and only women receive face-to-face and
weekdays from 9am to 9pm. Besides the group counselling. They are from every
telephone support, we provide face-to-face strata of Russian society: workers, acade-
counselling (irregularly, in extreme cases, mics, students, pensioners, artists, house-
because we do not have a safe place for this wives, unemployed people you name it.
kind of activity) and group counselling, The help-line received 4,029 crisis calls
including activities such as art therapy. between 1994-97 of those, 1,213 were
Again, this can only take place if we can because of sexual violence. In two cases
find a room to use free of charge. only, the perpetrators of the violence were
From the very beginning, we started to women. Men suffered sexual violence in 67
work on an educational programme for cases; the rest were women. The age of the
students focusing on developing a non- victims ranged from two-and-a-half years
violent relationship. There is great demand old, to 92 this was an old man who was
for such education in schools, colleges, and suffering domestic violence. Most of the
universities. In 1997, we launched a project perpetrators of sexual violence were not
aiming to raise awareness of sexual violence strangers just like everywhere else in the
among law-enforcement officers. I think world. In 1997, of 357 cases, 196 offenders
this is a very important area of our work, were husbands, friends, fathers and
because a devastatingly small number of stepfathers, grandfathers, schoolmates,
rape cases in Russia are reported. Women partners, neighbours, teachers, cousins,
do not trust the police and for good reason. brothers, uncles, and bosses you see,
The Centre has a long list of agencies there's no safe place!
which provide services for survivors The overwhelming number of clients call
(medical, legal aid, psychological coun- only once; they get support in the form of
selling, employment, and so on). The referral and other information, and never
network of crisis centres and helplines for call again. Our clients usually want to get
women in many cities and towns of Russia information about medical services (we
was established in October 1994. have a long list of clinics, hospitals, and
68
medical centres), or legal aid (in this sphere army. Our Centre, however, does receive
we can only put them in touch with either many more calls from women, and
volunteer lawyers or commercial legal women's liberation is my own big interest.
services). Often, women ask us about Now, we have this novelty, 'new Russians':
employment where can they find a job? very rich relatively young or middle-aged
Other questions are about other crisis men. Their wives are sometimes our
centres specialising in domestic violence, clients. Perhaps this is a distinctive feature
HIV/AIDs, alcoholism, and drug abuse. of 'post-communism'.
We don't get to know very much about Although it's not the topic of this inter-
most callers' lives. However, sometimes a view, I would like to add that children are
caller tells us all about her life for 40 to 50 obviously most vulnerable, and they suffer
minutes, and then the counsellor gets a all kinds of violence everywhere. On the
rather fuller picture. It is easier, however, other hand, their protection is guaranteed
to know a person better if she is a 'regular' by the law. Society is inclined to pay more
client we have a dozen such clients. attention to children than to women. In
Then you get to know her family status, Moscow, there are a number of organisa-
her occupation, her hobbies, friends and tions whose goal is children's well-being:
enemies, her bright days, and her dark help-lines, medical centres, centres for
ones. The most effective strategy is, of children with special needs, orphanages,
course, face-to-face counselling, when and shelters. I think violence against children
women become really close, help each in Russia is a tremendous problem, but the
other and trust each other completely. It is issue is very painful for me, and I am not
the most rewarding relationship though an expert in this sphere.
very hard work on both sides. One other significant aspect is that after
the fall of communism, Russian society in
How has the economic and political general now speaks more openly about all
transition in Russia affected the lives of kinds of violence from different points
your clients? Do you think the kinds of of view.
violence they experience has got worse
since the end of communism? What do you think is the best thing about
As you can easily guess, the economic the Sisters project? And what would you
changes affect the lives of every member of like to improve in future?
society, especially, I believe, the lives of When we started our Centre, I was so
women. A phrase which our media seem to excited to have an opportunity to apply my
repeat ad nauseam is 'unemployment in beliefs and principles to this project; all co-
Russia has a woman's face'. I don't think founders were committed to the philoso-
that the kinds of violence have got worse, phy of equality and having a non-hierar-
perhaps they have become more wide- chical structure for the organisation.
spread and affect a greater number of Certainly, it is good that the Centre is a not-
women. Also, women have become more for-profit organisation, and that we
vulnerable; probably this has happened to provide services to everybody regardless of
some men who suffer violence, too. We get their age, sex, occupation, sexual
calls from men who are victims of domestic orientation, and so on. It was very
violence, sexual harrassment at work from inspiring to have the support and attention
both male and female bosses, and rape (the of every member of the group.
rapists are other men). I think male rape is For the future, sure, we would like to
a big problem, especially bearing in mind have more respect and support from
the violation of men's human rights in the authorities. We are keen to educate police
Interview 69
officers to make them more sensitive then, so it would not do any harm if I have
regarding the issue of violence against sexual intercourse with you. I will register
women. One great improvement I am your claim after that'. The woman
dreaming of is to have a 'room of one's submitted.
own': I'd like to have a counselling centre I want to draw your attention to the fact
with a multi-channel helpline, rooms for that life in Moscow and St Petersburg
individual and group counselling, a differs dramatically from life in small
resource centre, a creche, and so on. towns and villages in Russia and other
republics of the Russian Federation. I don't
What kind of difficulties does the Sisters know much about the situation in these
project face for its future work? places. There is a town in northern Russia
From the beginning, and now too, our main called Langepas where women are very
problem has been finance and the absence active and receive a lot of support from the
of any cheap place for the office, money to local authorities; Ekaterinburg, a big
fund the helpline, and so on. We cannot industrial city in the Urals, can be proud of
solve this without outside help. To date, the its developed network of crisis centres and
Centre has received no material support of psychological support for women. Yet
any kind from the Russian authorities. All there are other places like Voronezh, a
our funds have been provided by Western town to the south of Moscow, where a
foundations, organisations, and friend of mine is struggling hard, almost
individuals. Every year the Centre has to single-handedly, to create a crisis centre for
seek funds to survive which does not women.
help us to feel stable and confident about You can see, we are not helpless or
the future. hopeless. I cannot say for sure, but I think
I think that, as a result of the efforts of we will be able to make the state take some
women's NGOs, the government in Russia measures to improve women's situation.
is slowly and reluctantly beginning to
admit the existence of 'women's issues', Do you think there are elements of
and that rape and domestic violence is a big Russian culture, past or present, which
social problem, not a private matter. Since condone violence against women?
1996, women activists NGO members, It's a big question, isn't it? I think Russia's
MPs, lawyers, and so on have been notorious gender stereotypes are now even
lobbying to bring in a law on domestic stronger. Russian women in the past have
violence. After 24 hearings, it has not yet had an image of being very strong and
been passed. When I speak to people in independent, but according to Russian
authority, especially women, they seem to traditions they were obliged to show
sympathise with our work, nodding in respect and submit to men fathers,
sorrow, expressing deep regret, some of brothers, and husbands. One could recite
them even promising to help...but in many Russian proverbs which degrade and
Moscow, we still don't have a single shelter humiliate women: 'Hen is not a bird,
for women victims of domestic violence, women is not a human being'; 'Long hair
and we don't have inexpensive, convenient empty brain'; and so on. And what
locations for crisis centres. And institutions about the widespread belief that 'if he beats
like the police include staff who contribute me, he loves me'?
to the problem. One woman reported to the Nowadays, in the period of economic
police that she had been gang-raped. The and political transition, both women and
officer who was receiving her written men have to fight to keep their jobs, but
statement said: 'You're unclean already this affects women worse because of beliefs
70
that they should stay at home to play the How did you become involved in the
role of mother and housekeeper. On the Sisters project? What is your professional
other hand, many women are tired of and personal background?
earning money for many years by doing I was born on a train and spent my first
tedious, hard work; they are happy to be at four years north of the Arctic circle, in
home. They now see it as their husbands' Vorkuta, and then in the Russian south in
duty to earn money and guarantee the the oil town of Maikop. After high school I
family's well-being. So far, so good. But worked as a typist, a hydrogeologist, a
there are not many well-paid jobs to computer operator, journalist, translator,
support this lifestyle, so women and men and a counsellor. I have been actively
both get frustrated, annoyed, depressed, involved in the women's movement for the
and enraged. This kind of situation triggers last ten years. Since 1993 I have been
domestic violence. At the other extreme, closely involved in setting up the Sisters
violence flourishes as well. Let's take the Centre in Moscow; since 1997 I have been
so-called 'New Russians', who are rich men chairperson of the board of directors, and
who consider themselves the masters of work as a volunteer on the help-line.
life. They are sure that everything belongs
to them: money, cars, houses, land, and Tatyana Lipovskaya can be contacted at Sisters,
women (especially women's bodies). Their PO Box 38, 113035 Moscoio, Russia. Fax/tel:
attitude is: What? Women do not want them? +70(95)112 3129
Nonsense! Do they dare to fight back? OK,
they've asked for it! And so on.
71
What Women do in Wartime: Gender and Conflict international human-rights law. Includes
in Africa, Meredeth Turshen and Clotilde studies from Canada and Ghana, and explores
Twagiramariya (eds.), Zed Books, 1993. issues such as child abuse, incest, violence in
The first book to examine rape and other lesbian relationships, non-physical violence,
forms of gendered political violence in and state-sanctioned violence. Violence is
African civil wars, this book is also about placed in its social and cultural context.
women taking action for change. A mixture of
Rape for Profit: Trafficking of Nepali Girls and
reportage, testimony and scholarship, it
Women to India's Brothels, Human Rights
includes contributions from women in Chad,
Watch/Asia, 1995.
Liberia, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda,
Draws links between political and economic
South Africa, and Sudan.
situations and patterns of abuse. Documents
A Modern Form of Slavery: Trafficking of Burmese how women are recruited and their working
Women and Girls into Brothels in Thailand, Asia conditions. Also examines the role of the
Watch and Women's Rights Project, 1993. Nepal and Indian governments, their
Thousands of Burmese women and girls are corruption, complicity, and denial of the
trafficked into Thai brothels every year, ongoing abuse of girls and women from
where they work under conditions tanta- Nepal. Other relevant issues considered are
mount to slavery. Those who control the health care, birth control, and HIV/Aids.
trafficking (including police and border
officials) routinely escape punishment. A Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-
Modern Form of Slavery is based on interviews Herzegovina and Croatia, B Allen, University
with victims and documents the violation of of Minnesota Press, 1996.
their rights. It also presents recommendations This book gives the history of the mass
to governments and the international commu- femicide and genocidal campaign by Serbian
forces against the people of Bosnia-Herze-
nity for protecting the rights of women and
govina and Croatia. The rape and murder of
girls and prosecuting their abusers.
women was not an unintended consequence
No Safe Haven: Male Violence against Women at of war, but a strategy of systematic terror
Home, at Work and in The Community, M P Koss, devised by the Serb leaders before the fight-
L A Goodman, A Browne, American Psycho- ing began. Includes survivors' accounts of the
logical Association, Washington DC, 1994. d e a t h / r a p e camps and interviews with
Informs about violence faced by women in the people who have tried to help those affected.
USA, such as crimes against women, abuse,
conjugal violence, sexual harassment, and rape. Stolen Lives: Trading Women into Sex and
Slavery, Sietske Altink, Scarlet Press (London)
The Violences of Men, Jeff Hearn, Sage and Harrington Park Press (New York), 1995.
Publications, London, 1998. Examines how women are hired in their home
From a pro-feminist perspective, Hearn criti- country, transported, left without money,
cally assesses the theoretical frameworks which passports or permits, and how they become
are used to explain male violence. Drawing trapped in prostitution and domestic slavery.
on extensive original research, he addresses Includes women's testimonies, explores
the issue of men's violence against women international crime networks which exploit
whom they know within the wider context of women, and exposes the lack of action at the
men's use of power and violence in society. regional, national, and international levels.
The Public Nature of Private Violence: The Cutting the Rose: Female Genital Mutilation:
Discovery of Domestic Abuse, R Mykituik, and The Practice and its Prevention, Efua Dorkenoo,
M Albertson Fineman (eds.), Routledge, 1994. Minority Rights Publication, 1994.
A wide range of topics on domestic violence: This classic book discusses female genital
personal narratives, local legislation, and mutilation (FGM), health and human rights
Resources 73
issues arising from it, and international Women's Rights, Human Rights: International
initiatives to end the practice. It includes Feminist Perspectives, Julie Peters and Andrea
some case studies from Africa, explores the Wolpier (Eds.), Routledge, 1994.
practice in Western countries, and discusses A collection of contributions from activists,
strategies for prevention. This book brings journalists, lawyers, and scholars from 21
together accounts of attempts by the UN, countries. They address such topics as rape as
WHO, and NGOs to tackle this issue, and a war crime in former Yugoslavia, domestic
makes suggestions to build on existing violence, international human rights law,
strategies to end FGM at all levels. trafficking of women, FGM, women's repro-
ductive rights, and the persecution of lesbians.
Warrior Marks: Female Genital Mutilation and
the Sexual Blinding of Women, Alice Walker Women in a Violent World: Feminist Analysis
and Pratibha Parmar, 1993. and Resistance across Europe, Chris Corrin (ed.)
This is an account of the writers' personal Edinburgh University Press, 1996.
exploration of the practice of female circum- Explores the commonalities and differences
cision for a documentary of the same name. experienced by female victims of male vio-
During their fieldwork they gathered a range lence across race, class, religion, sexual orien-
of testimonies from supporters and opponents tation, and nationality in Russia, Hungary,
of FGM. Walker and Parmar include personal Ireland, Belgrade, Croatia, Spain, and the UK.
accounts from women and girls who have Also considers how women resist oppression
undergone the practice. This book is difficult even in times of severe crisis, and explores
to get hold of outside the USA. It is available feminist analyses of such experiences.
in the UK from FORWARD, 40 Eastbourne Women's Encounters with Violence: Australian
Terrace, London W2 3RQ, UK. Experiences, Judith Bessant (ed), Sage Series
on Violence Against Women, 1997.
Women and Prostitution, V Bullough, B
Gives the history of violence against women
Bullough, Prometheus Books, 1993.
in Australia and explains how culturally
Explores the historical, sociological, and
embedded laws and customs perpetuate
anthropological background of prostitution. It women's oppression. Culturally specific
covers many cultural dilemmas such as examples include violence within the Abori-
women as property, pornography, fear of ginal community and in the Torres Strait
sexuality, religion, promiscuity, sex and social Islands. Issues that cross cultural boundaries,
class, and control of venereal disease. such as violence against women with
Women and Violence: Realities and Responses disabilities, homeless women, and violence in
Worldwide, Miranda Davies (ed), lesbian relationships are also considered.
Zed Books, 1994. Women, Violence and Male Power: Feminist
This collection documents the experiences Activism in Research and Practice, M Hester, L
and analyses of individual women and groups Kelly, J Radford, Open University Press, 1996.
from over 30 countries as diverse as Papua A collection of developments, ideas, and
New Guinea, Argentina, Tanzania, Scotland, discussions arising from the work of the
France, Bosnia, India, and Tibet. Essays British Sociological Association of Violence
examine domestic violence, child sexual against Women Study Group. Contributors
abuse, sexual harassment in the workplace, examine the issues and questions that are
rape and torture in war, genital mutilation, central to our understanding of sexual
and the effect of men's violence on women's violence and abuse, as well as the develop-
reproductive health. Contributors attest to the ment of the latest research in this area. Also
wealth of activities generated by grassroots documents different women's experiences and
women's organisations throughout the world. ways of coping with male violence.
74
Women Violence and Social Change, The Global Fund for Women, 425 Sherman
R E Dobash and R P Dobash, Routledge, 1992. Avenue, Suite 300, Palo Alto, CA 94306, USA.
Comparative study of British and American
responses to the problem of violence against
women. Show how feminist activists created Organisations
an international social movement, and
describes the ensuing response of the state, Europe
justice system, therapeutic professions, and Association Europeenne Contre les Violences
academic research in each country. Faites aux Femmes au Travail (AVFT),
Rethinking Violence against Women, R E Dobash 71 rue St Jacques, 75005 Paris, France.
and R P Dobash, (eds.), Routledge, 1998. Offers a list of resources concerning violence
This book opens for discussion and debate against women.
key issues around the nature and causes of Be Active Be Empowered (B.a.B.e.), Petreciecev
violence against women, across a variety of Trg 3,41000 Zagreb, Tel/fax: +385 (41) 419 302,
disciplines which, in the editors' view, might E-mail: babe_zg@zamir-zg.ztn.apc.org
otherwise not meet. The purpose is not to B.a.B.e. is engaged in project-oriented activities
convert the proponents of one approach to such as education on women's human rights;
another, but to introduce the ideas, evidence, rights of women refugees, migrants, and asylum
and concerns of each to the other in the hope seekers; women's political rights campaigns; posi-
that such cross-fertilisation will lead to tive images of women in the media; providing free
innovation and enhance all the approaches. legal advice; lobbying and monitoring legal prac-
tices; and changing Croatia's discriminatory laws.
Women and War, J Vickers, Zed Books, 1993.
Explores the relationship between the condi- British Council, The Gender Team,
tion of women and all forms of aggression. Uses UK Partnerships, Bridgwater House,
data to show that the oppression of women 58 Whitworth Street, Manchester Ml 6BB, UK.
contributes to and is a consequence of war. Published a Network Newsletter (March
1998) on Violence against Women.
Our Bodies, Ourselves for the New Century, Development and Gender web site:
Marianne Winters et al., Touchstone (a http://www.britcoun.org/social/
division of Simon and Schuster Inc), 1998.
This completely updated edition of the famous Centre for Women War Victims, Dordiceva 6,
self-help manual includes a comprehensive 41000 Zagreb, Tel: +385 (41) 434 189, Fax +385
section on violence against women. Aspects (41) 433 416, E-mail: cenzena_zg@zamir-
covered which relate to violence against women zg.ztn.apc.org
are race, class, blaming the victim, sexual Women's Aid Federation of England (there
harassment, domestic violence, incest and are also federations in Wales, Scotland, and
sexual abuse of children, the sex industry, Northern Ireland), PO Box 391, Bristol BS99
and defending ourselves against violence. For 7WS, UK, Tel: +44 (117) 944 4411, Fax: +44
more details contact http:///www.feminist.com (117) 942 1703, E-mail wafe@wafe.co.uk.
Organises campaigns and provides services
Sisters and Daughters Betrayed.
for women and children escaping domestic
A video about the realities of sex trafficking
violence. Also has a connection with a
and forced prostitution released in 1995 by
Bulgarian organisation : Animus Association,
independent video-maker Chela Blitt.
PO Box 97,1408 Sofia, Bulgaria.
Examines the economics of trafficking and the
parallels between the situation in Asia and WOMANKIND World-wide, 3 Albion Place,
other regions. It presents interviews with Galena Road, Hammersmith, London W6
activist women in Asia who are involved in OLT, UK, Tel: +44 (181) 563 8607,
campaigns against trafficking. Send US $8 to: E-mail: womankind@gn.apc.org
Resources 75
co-ordinating activities for this period. Tel: +1 Women's Net South Africa
(246) 437 3970/1/2, Fax: +1 (246) 437 7674 for http://womensnet.org.za/pvaw/vaw.htm
further information about campaigns. See Lists campaigns and organisations, and
below for web site details. outlines the understanding of violence against
women in South Africa. Internet links to
African and international organisations.
Web Sites UNIFEM
http://www.unifem.undp.org/csw98.htm
Q Web Sweden Information about international resolutions
http:www.qweb.kvinnoforum.se/qabout.htm concerning violence against women,
A global communication network for UNIFEM's work, and resources available.
exchange of experience and ideas on women's unifem.undp.org/trust.htm
health and gender issues. They have recently Information about Trust Fund in support of
started an anti-trafficking project, which is action to eliminate violence against women.
profiled on this site, and also provide an Female Genital Mutilation Research Home Page
extensive resource base of information on http://www.hollyfields.org/~fgm/
violence and abuse.
Conference on Family Violence
Abuse Against Women
http://www.wcfv.org
http://www.alternatives.com/libs/womabuse.htm
Details on a conference held in Singapore,
Small database of text documents focusing on
September 1998, organised by a variety of
abuse, sex abuse, workplace harassment, and
organisations including the United Nations.
rape. Mostly North American but includes
some developing country content, too. South Asian Women
http://www.umiacs.umd.edu/users/
Mining Company
sawweb/sawnet/violence
http://women3rdworld.miningco.com/
Information about domestic violence in South
An excellent web site containing news,
Asia and organisations that can offer help.
organisations, resources, and articles on a
Links to similar worldwide resources.
variety of issues faced by women in devel-
oping countries, including violence against Coalition against Trafficking in Women
women. http://www.uri.edu/artsci/wms/hughes/catw
International Centre for Human Rights Oneworld
and Democratic Development http://www.oneworld.org/guides/
http://www.ichrdd.ca/PublicationsE/ women/violence, html
biblioWomen.html Information about women and conflict, and
Comprehensive list of resources about links to women's anti-war organisations in
women in conflict situations. former Yugoslavia.
Feminist Majority Foundation
Australian Institute for Women's
http://feminist.com/violence.htm
Research and Policy
This site collects dozens of resources on http://www.gu.edu.au/gwis/aiwrap/
domestic violence, rape, and violence against AIWRAP.home.html
women, child sexual abuse, female genital
The first gender-issues research centre in
mutilation and sexual harassment. Mainly
Australia to focus on the links between acade-
information about resources in the USA. mics, government, industry, and the wider
Women's Net community in the development of policies
http://www.igc.org/igc/womensnet affecting women and gender issues. AIWRAP
Information about violence against women aims to create a dialogue between women's
worldwide. issues researchers and policy practitioners, in
78
private enterprise, the government, and the Mainly looking at violence against women in
community. Through this dialogue, AIWRAP Ireland. Available from the Center for
aims to provide research expertise to enhance Women's Global Leadership (See above,
the status of women in Australian society. under Organisations, North America).
Untold Terror: Violence against Women
in Peru's Armed Conflict, Report by Americas
Journals and Reports Watch and the Women's Rights Project, 1992.
For information about this and other
Violence against Women is a journal dedicated publications by Women's Rights Project
to the dissemination of original research and contact: Women's Rights Project, 152K Street
scholarship on all aspects of violence against NW, Suite 910, Washington DC 20005, USA.
women, including sexual assault and coercion, Russia: Too Little, Too Late: State Response to
sexual harassment, female infanticide, domes- Violence against Women, Human Rights Watch
tic violence, and incest. For subscription rates, Report, New York, 1998.
contact Journals Subscriptions Manager, Report on the pervasive problem of violence
SAGE Publications Ltd, 6 Bonhill Street, against women in Russia.
London, EC2A 4PU, UK, Fax: +44 (171) 374
8741, Credit Card Hotline +44 (171) 3301266. South Africa: Violence Against Women and the
Medico-Legal System , Human Rights Watch
Violence and Abuse Abstracts, Report, New York, 1997.
Sage Publications, 2455 Teller Road, Examines the state's response to violence
Thousand Oaks, CA 91320, USA, against women, recent developments in
or 6 Bonhill Street, London EC2A 4PU, UK. government policy, the system's continuing
Women's Studies International Forum, failure to respond to violence against women,
Elsevier Science Inc., 660 White Plain Road, and the role of the South African health-care
Tarrytown, New York, 10591-5133, USA, system in combating violence against women.
E-mail: ESUK.USA@ELSEVIER.COM or For a list of other publications by Human
The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Rights Watch or to order the above contact:
Oxford, OX5 1GB, UK. Human Rights Watch, Publications
Bi-monthly journal to aid the distribution and Department, 485 Fifth Avenue, New York
exchange of feminist research in international 10017-6104, USA, E-mail: hrwnyc@hrw.org
women's studies and other fields. It does not Voices of Resistance, Silences of Pain:
deal explicitly with violence against women, A Resource Guide on Violence Against Women,
but includes many articles on the topic. Vyas, Anju et al, Centre for Women's
Gender Violence: A Development and Human Development Studies, New Delhi, 1996.
Rights Issue, C Bunch and R Carrillo, Dublin,
Attic Press 1992 (Pamphlet).