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ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT BEOGRAD

INSTITUT ARCHOLOGIQUE BELGRADE

UDK 902/904 (050) ISSN 03500241


STARINAR LIX/2009, 1252, BEOGRAD 2010.
INSTITUT ARCHOLOGIQUE BELGRADE

STARINAR
Nouvelle srie volume LIX/2009

BELGRADE 2010
ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT BEOGRAD

STARINAR
Nova serija kwiga LIX/2009

BEOGRAD 2010.
STARINAR STARINAR
Nova serija kwiga LIX/2009 Nouvelle srie volume LIX/2009

IZDAVA^ EDITEUR
Arheolo{ki institut Institut archologique
Kneza Mihaila 35/IV Kneza Mihaila 35/IV
11000 Beograd, Srbija 11000 Belgrade, Serbie
e-mail: institut@ai.sanu.ac.rs e-mail: institut@ai.sanu.ac.rs
Tel. 381 11 2637191 Tl. 381 11 2637191
UREDNIK RDACTEUR
Slavi{a Peri}, direktor Arheolo{kog instituta Slavi{a Peri}, directeur de lInstitut archologique
REDAKCIONI ODBOR COMIT DE RDACTION
Miloje Vasi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Miloje Vasi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Rastko Vasi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Rastko Vasi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Noel Dival, Univerzitet Sorbona, Pariz Nol Duval, Universit Paris Sorbonne, Paris IV
Slobodan Du{ani}, Srpska akademija nauka Slobodan Du{ani}, Acadmie serbe des sciences
i umetnosti, Beograd et des arts, Belgrade
Bojan \uri}, Univerzitet u Qubqani, Bojan \uri}, Universit de Ljubljana,
Filozofski fakultet, Qubqana Facult des Arts, Ljubljana
Vasil Nikolov, Nacionalni arheolo{ki institut Vasil Nikolov, Institut archologique national et Muse,
i muzej, Bugarska akademija nauka, Sofija Acadmie bulgare des sciences, Sofia
Ivana Popovi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Ivana Popovi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Marko Popovi}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Marko Popovi}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
Nikola Tasi}, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd Nikola Tasi}, Acadmie serbe des sciences et des arts, Belgrade
SEKRETAR REDAKCIJE SECRTAIRE DE RDACTION
Olivera Ili}, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Olivera Ili}, Institut archologique, Belgrade
PREVOD TRADUCTION
Marina Adamovi}-Kulenovi} Marina Adamovi}-Kulenovi}
Mirjana Vukmanovi} Mirjana Vukmanovi}
GRAFI^KA OBRADA RALISATION GRAPHIQUE
Danijela Paracki Danijela Paracki
D_SIGN, Beograd D_SIGN, Belgrade
[TAMPA IMPRIMEUR
ALTA NOVA, Beograd ALTA NOVA, Belgrade
TIRA@ TIRAGE
1000 primeraka 1000 exemplaires
SEKUNDARNA PUBLIKACIJA PUBLICATION SECONDAIRE
COBISS COBISS
SCIndeks SCIndeks

^asopis je objavqen uz finansijsku pomo} Ministarstva za nauku i tehnolo{ki razvoj Republike Srbije

Cette priodique a t publi avec le concours du Ministre des science et techniques de la Rpublique de Serbie
SADR@AJ SOMMAIRE

Rastko Vasi} Sto dvadeset pet godina Starinara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

^LANCI ARTICLES

Adam Crnobrnja, Zoran Simi} Late Vin~a Culture Settlement at Crkvine in Stubline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Marko Jankovi}
Adam Crnobrwa, Zoran Simi}, Kasnovin~ansko naseqe na Crkvinama u Stublinama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Marko Jankovi}

Milo{ Spasi} Vin~a Belo Brdo:


Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Milo{ Spasi} Vin~a Belo Brdo: vernisa`i eneolitskog Beograda i okoline I . . . . . . . . 40

Aleksandar Kapuran O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare


na nalazima gamzigradske kulturne grupe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Aleksandar Kapuran On the Influence of Vatin and Verbicioara Cultures
in the Finds of the Gamzigrad Cultural Group . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

Mirko Pekovi}, Emilija Pejovi} Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71


Mirko Pekovi}, Emilija Pejovi} Bronze Age Settlement in Churchyard of Gradac Monastery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

Aleksandar Bulatovi} Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela


fasetiranog ili kanelovanog oboda sa kraja bronzanog
i po~etka gvozdenog doba na Balkanskom poluostrvu . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
Aleksandar Bulatovi} Origin and Distribution of Slightly Biconical Bowls
with Facetted or Channelled Rim from the End of Bronze
and the Beginning of Iron Ages on the Balkan Peninsula . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108

Rastko Vasi} Bele{ke o Glasincu hronologija kne`evskih grobova . . . . . . . . . . 109


Rastko Vasi} Notes on Glasinac the Chronology of Princely Graves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

Andreja Maver, Harald Mller, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (Sremska Mitrovica, Serbia) . . . . . . . . . 119
Igor Ri`nar
Andreja Maver, Harald Miler, Rimski kapiteli Sirmijuma (Sremska Mitrovica, Srbija) . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Igor Ri`nar

Miroslav Vujovi} A Newly-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149


Miroslav Vujovi} Novi rimski `rtvenik iz Sur~ina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Vojin Nedeljkovi} The Case of ILBulg 248: A la recherche des noms perdus . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Vojin Nedeqkovi} Epitaf ILBulg 248: U potrazi za izgubqenim imenima . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

Dragana Grbi} Iz epigrafske ba{tine anti~ke Dokleje: jedan natpis


posve}en Neptuno periculorum Absolutori . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
Dragana Grbi} Inscription Dedicated to Neptune from the Territory of Ancient Doclea . . . . . . 180

Damien Glad Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontaliers


(284641 ap. J.-C.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Damijen Glad Centralizovana dr`ava i snabdevawe pograni~nih garnizona
(284641. n. e.) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

Vojislav Kora} Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike


i rane Vizantije, u ostacima grada Dukqe (Doclea) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Vojislav Kora} La decoration de pierre en relief entre le Bas Empire et les debuts
de Byzance dans les vestiges de la cite de Duklja (Doclea) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198

Aleksandra Filipovi} Hipoteza o projektovawu unutra{weg prostora


crkve \ur|evi stupovi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Aleksandra Filipovi} Lipotesi sulla progettazione dello spazio della chiesa \ur|evi stupovi . . . . . . . 236

Branislav Cvetkovi} Two Medieval Swords from the Regional Museum in Jagodina . . . . . . . 237
Branislav Cvetkovi} Dva sredwovekovna ma~a iz Zavi~ajnog muzeja u Jagodini . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246

KRITIKE I PRIKAZI COMPTES RENDUS

Rastko Vasi} Anthony Harding, WARRIORS AND WEAPONS


IN BRONZE AGE EUROPE, Archaeolingua, Series Minor 25,
Ed. Erzsebet Jerem, Budapest 2007. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247

Rastko Vasi} Jens Martin, DIE BRONZEGEFAESSE IN MECKLENBURG-


VORPOMMERN, BRANDENBURG, BERLIN,
SACHSEN-ANHALT, THUERINGEN UND SACHSEN.
Prahistorische Bronzefunde (PBF) II,16.
Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart 2009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 248

Predrag Medovi} Tibor Kemenczei, STUDIEN ZU DEN DENKMALERN


SKYTHISCH GEPRAGTER ALFOLD GRUPPE
(Inventaria Praehistorica Hungariae), Budapest 2009 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249

Sne`ana Ferjan~i} Ldmil Ferdinandov Vagalinski, KRV I ZRELIA.


SPORTNI I GLADIATORSKI IGRI V ELINISTI^ESKA
I RIMSKA TRAKI/BLOOD AND ENTERTAINMENTS.
SPORTS AND GLADIATORIAL GAMES IN HELLENISTIC
AND ROMAN THRACE, Sofi 2009. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250
STO DVADESET PET GODINA STARINARA

VREME LETI. ^ini se da je bilo ju~e kada smo u Klubu Srpske akademije nauka obele`avali stogodi{-
wicu izla`ewa Starinara, kada su svoje besede tom prilikom izgovorili Dejan Medakovi}, Mirjana
]orovi}-Qubinkovi} i Miroslava Mirkovi}, i kada je iza{la u tvrdom povezu 35 sveska nove seri-
je Starinara, posve}ena ovom jubileju. U woj su objavqeni prigodni tekstovi koji su se odnosili na
ure|iva~ku politiku Starinara tokom jednog veka, na wegove urednike, Mihajla Valtrovi}a, Milo-
ja M. Vasi}a, Nikolu Vuli}a i Vladimira Petkovi}a, i, {to je mo`da najzna~ajnije, na ulogu koju je
ovaj ~asopis imao u srpskoj arheologiji, praistorijskoj, anti~koj i sredwovekovnoj.
Otada je pro{lo dvadeset pet godina.
Za one koji nemaju pri ruci taj broj Starinara, koji se ina~e sve te`e nalazi, ponovimo ukratko.
Starinar, najstariji srpski arheolo{ki ~asopis, star i za evropske okvire, pojavio se 1884 go-
dine i izlazio do 1895 pod uredni{tvom Mihajla Valtrovi}a, onda, posle prekida od deset godina,
nastavio je da izlazi od 1906 do 1911 (novi red) pod uredni{tvom Mihajla Valtrovi}a i Miloja Va-
si}a, zatim, posle Prvog svetskog rata, od 1922 do 1940 (tre}a serija), pod uredni{tvom Nikole Vu-
li}a i Vladimira Petkovi}a, i kona~no, posle Drugog svetskog rata, od 1950 do danas (nova serija)
pod uredni{tvom Vladimira Petkovi}a, \ur|a Bo{kovi}a i slede}ih dejstvuju}ih direktora Arhe-
olo{kog instituta, kojima je na tom polo`aju automatski pripadala i funkcija urednika. Prve tri
serije Starinara izdavalo je Srpsko arheolo{ko dru{tvo, dok je ~etvrtoj izdava~ bio Arheolo{ki
institut. S vremena na vreme se ~uju prigovori {to Srpsko arheolo{ko dru{tvo ne izdaje Starinar
i daqe, ~ak i zamerke Institutu zbog toga, no promenu izdava~a su diktovale okolnosti u kojima se
srpska arheologija u to vreme nalazila. Ako je Dru{tvo osamdesetih godina XIX veka bilo osnovno
jezgro svih arheolo{kih zbivawa kod nas i ako je sve do Drugog svetskog rata imalo nekakvu kohezi-
onu snagu, ono je u ratnom vihoru prestalo da postoji i obnovqeno je tek dvadesetak godina kasnije.
Potreba za ponovnim pokretawem Starinara se javila znatno ranije i bilo je logi~no da wegov izda-
va~ bude novoosnovani Arheolo{ki institut, koji je u to vreme okupio oko sebe sve ono {to se bavi-
lo arheologijom i bio glavni pokreta~ i organizator arheolo{ke aktivnosti u Srbiji. [to to nije
ostao, i pored zna~ajne uloge koju je imao i ima u srpskoj arheologiji, opet treba zahvaliti okolnosti-
ma, u kojima se ~inilo ono {ta se moglo a ne {ta se htelo i planiralo. Ipak, treba ista}i da je Insti-
tut obavio i obavqa ~asno ulogu izdava~a Starinara i pored sitnih propusta koji su se pri tom de-
{avali. Do sada je objavqeno pedeset devet a u pripremi je i {ezdeseti tom nove serije.
U dosada{wih 96 brojeva (svezaka je bilo mawe jer je objavqeno nekoliko dvobroja) izgled Stari-
nara je pratio grafi~ke tendencije vremena u kome je izlazio, pa tri prve serije odra`avaju tada-
{wa shvatawa i trendove u izdava{tvu. Posle Drugog svetskog rata, razli~ite oskudice, pre svega
hartije, dovele su do pojave jednog Starinara glomaznih dimenzija, koji danas mo`da deluje veoma
u~eno, ali je prili~no nespretan za rukovawe. Taj oblik je promewen od 17 broja nove serije, Sta-
rinar je postao mawi i manipulativniji, ali mu je izgled bio nekako skroman i siroma{an. Tek od
broja 36 dizajn se mewa iz osnova i postaje savremeniji, dok je od broja 50 veli~ina ~asopisa ne{to

7
pove}ana a dizajn donekle izmewen. Dovoqno da koricama privu~e pa`wu ~itaoca, ali ne toliko da
izgubi svoj nau~ni karakter.
Starinar je sve vreme pratio zbivawa u na{oj arheologiji i gotovo sve od va`nosti zabele`eno
je na ovaj ili onaj na~in na wegovim stranicama. Mo`e se slobodno re}i da je ono {to se doga|alo
sa Starinarom i sa wegove ~etiri serije, predstavqalo neposredan odraz onoga {to se zbivalo u
srpskoj arheologiji. Prva serija Starinara pojavila se u pretposledwoj deceniji XIX veka, odmah
po osnivawu Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva, koje ga je pokrenulo, u vreme kada je arheologija kao
predmet stala da se izu~ava na Velikoj {koli, kada su na~iweni prvi koraci u pravcu formirawa
arheologije kao nau~ne discipline, u periodu nesumwivog entuzijazma, kada je bilo potrebno biti
i praistori~ar i anti~ar i sredwovekovac i arhitekta i istori~ar umetnosti, pa su Valtrovi} i
ostali arheolo{ki poslenici to zaista i bili. To se vidi i po karakteru i sadr`aju te prve seri-
je, koji je bio veoma raznovrstan, trebalo je re}i mnogo, nije se znalo {ta }e se pre. Onda je usledio,
kako se ~ini, jedan period slabqewa interesa za starine, zatim novi poku{aji bu|ewa tog interesa
i pokretawe druge serije u prvoj deceniji pro{log veka, koju je vodio Miloje Vasi}, u kojoj se u sadr-
`aju ~isto arheolo{ka komponenta ve} vi{e zapa`a. Jo{ uvek nedovoqno jasno odre|en odnos arhe-
ologije prema istoriji umetnosti izme|u dva rata o~ituje se u tre}oj seriji, za koju se mo`e re}i da
je bila arheolo{ka koliko i istorijsko-umetni~ka, jednim delom i iz objektivnih razloga nedo-
statka profesionalnog arheolo{kog kadra, novih istra`ivawa i novog materijala. Taj karakter
imaju iz istih razloga i prvi brojevi ~etvrte serije, ali se ubrzo zatim situacija mewa, dolazi do
novog poleta i podsticaja za rad na arheologiji u Srbiji, nove generacije arheologa zavr{avaju stu-
dije na Beogradskom univerzitetu i dobijaju name{tewe u novoosnovanim muzejima, koji organizuju
brojna iskopavawa. To se odra`ava i u sadr`aju Starinara koji se tako|e mewa, arheologija po~iwe
da dominira, pri ~emu se uspostavqa ravnote`a izme|u praistorijskog, anti~kog i sredwevekovnog
perioda, koja se odr`ava i danas. Kroz Starinar su se odrazile, na`alost, i godine rata i haosa kroz
koje smo pro{li krajem pro{log veka, {to je rezultiralo u jednom broju razli~itih oma{ki, koje
smo ve} pomenuli.
Me|utim, uprkos svemu tome ili ba{ zbog svega toga {ta je Starinar do`iveo i pro`iveo, bez
obzira ko ga je izdavao i ko ga sada izdaje, on je bio i ostao jedan od stubova srpske arheologije, kao
{to je bio i ostao najve}im delom svog postojawa ozbiqan i strog, ali istovremeno dobronameran i
otvoren, kako za na{e i strane autoritete iz renomiranih arheolo{kih ustanova, tako i za mlade
arheologe iz malih i zaba~enih muzeja, jednom re~ju za sve koji imaju da saop{te ne{to novo, zani-
mqivo i nau~no dokumentovano.
Sa ovo nekoliko re~i hteli smo da podsetimo ~itaoce Starinara i arheologe u Srbiji i van we
da je na{ ~asopis napunio 125 godina, da to treba zabele`iti i po`eleti mu da nastavi da izlazi i
daqe jo{ mnogo godina, a istovremeno mu pomo}i da na tom putu savlada i prevazi|e sve te{ko}e i
isku{ewa, kao {to je to ~inio i do sada.
Nadajmo se da }e i biti tako.

Rastko VASI]

8
ADAM CRNOBRNJA, Belgrade City Museum, Belgrade
ZORAN SIMI], Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute of Belgrade, Belgrade
MARKO JANKOVI], University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology, Belgrade

LATE VIN^A CULTURE SETTLEMENT


AT CRKVINE IN STUBLINE
(household organization and urbanization in the Late Vin~a culture period)

UDC: 903.4"634"(497.11) e-mail: ancrnobrnja@gmail.com


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959009C Received: January 25, 2009
Preliminary communication Accepted: May 4, 2009

Abstract. The site Crkvine is situated in the vicinity of the village Stubline in the borough of Obrenovac around 40 km to
the southwest of Belgrade (Serbia). In the first section of this work we present the comprehensive report about the investigations
carried out so far. The geomagnetic prospection undertaken from 2006 to 2008 covered an area of 32,400 square meters
and the obtained results indicate the existence of around 100 houses built in rows around the rather large open areas as well as
the trenches surrounding the settlement. The investigations of the house 1/2008 dating from the Vin~a culture D2 period yielded
in addition to the data concerning its interior organization also a unique find of the group of 46 figurines with 11 models
of miniature tools. In the second section of this work we discuss the prospects, which future investigations of this site
and its environment could provide concerning the study of the social organization in the very end of the Vin~a culture.

Key words. Neolithic, Vin~a culture, settlement, house, geomagnetic investigations, group of figurines, altar,
Stubline, Obrenovac.

T
he site Crkvine is situated in the vicinity of the deluvial-proluvial deposits. Along the edge of this very
village Stubline, borough of Obrenovac, around plateau have been recorded, besides Crkvine, four more
40 km to the southwest of Belgrade (Serbia). It sites with the latest horizon dating from the Late Vin~a
is located on a small elevation around 500 meters long culture period: the site Jasenje is located 8 km to the
and 380 meters wide in the west and to 130 meters in west,2 site [arena ^esma is 2 km to the northeast,3 around
the east (44033.765N; 2007.703E, elev. 112 m) (Fig. 4 km to the north is Novo Selo4 and the site Djuri}a Vi-
1) The elevation is surrounded from the north and south nogradi is 5 km to the northwest5 (Fig. 2). Until few deca-
by the brooks, which meet under its southeast end while des ago the mentioned plateau was surrounded from the
the depression of elliptical shape (80 x 30 m) makes the north and the northwest by the swamps connected with
western boundary of the site. When this site has been
previously mentioned in literature it was estimated that
it covers an area around 60 ha,1 while it actually covers 1 Risti}-Opa~i} 2005, 84.
an area of around 16.5 ha. The terrain where the settle- 2 Todorovi} 1967b.
ment is situated belongs geologically to the category of 3 Crnobrwa 2005, 77.
the highest river terrace and it as at the very edge of 4 Todorovi} 1970.
somewhat higher plateau of the Drenski Vis consisting of 5 Todorovi} 1969.

* The article results from the project: Archaeological material the basis for research of cultural continuity in prehistoric and Roman period
in Serbia (no 147041) funded by the Ministry of Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.

9
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 1. Location of the site (segment of topographic map, 1:50,000)


Sl. 1. Pozicija lokaliteta (ise~ak sa topografske sekcije 1:50 000)

the Sava River while its eastern boundary was the Tam- The Archaeological Collection of the Faculty of Philo-
nava River, i.e. the swamps resulting from the flooding sophy in Belgrade, the Institute and the Museum. The
of the river and its smaller tributaries. character of the surface finds and the situation encoun-
tered during the site survey indicated the existence of
large and well-preserved Late Vin~a settlement, so the
HISTORY OF INVESTIGATIONS geophysical investigations of the western periphery of
the settlement have started in December 2007. The area
The Belgrade City Museum conducted small-scale of 16400 square meters has been investigated by geomag-
test trench excavations at Crkvine in 1967 and already netic survey and the map of investigated zones has been
then it has been concluded that this site offers unique obtained indicating possible features.8
opportunities for the study of architecture and urbani-
zation of the Vin~a culture settlements.6
The Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute of Bel- INVESTIGATIONS IN 2008
grade (hereafter Institute) and the Belgrade City Museum
(hereafter Museum) had undertaken the test trench The geomagnetic investigations continued in the
archaeological excavations in the end of summer 2006 autumn of 2008 and on that occasion another 16,400
in order to verify the information concerning the existen- square meters have been surveyed thus reaching 32800
ce of the medieval church and to identify the character square meters in total, which is around 20% of the entire
of already recorded Late Vin~a culture settlement.7 The site (Fig. 3).9
area of around 50 square meters has been investigated, the
remains of medieval church have not been encountered
but the sections of two well-preserved Late Vin~a struc-
tures have been discovered. Considering that financial 6 Todorovi} 1967a, 18.
7
resources did not make possible the investigation of the Simi}, Crnobrwa 2008.
8 Crnobrnja, Simi}, in print.
complete structures we gave up the destructive methods
9 The geomagnetic prospection was carried out by the geolo-
of investigations and started planning the detailed pros-
gists Vladimir and Jelena Mileti} from the Center for New Techno-
pection of the entire site. logies Viminacium. The magnetometer-gradiometer GSM 19gw (of
The detailed surface survey of the site Crkvine has Canadian manufacture) and GPS total station TRIMBLE 5800 (of
been carried out in November 2006 in cooperation with American manufacture) have been used.

10
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 2. Location of Late Vin~a culture sites at Drenski Vis: 1) Crkvine; 2) Jasenje; 3) [arena ^esma;
4) Novo Selo; 5) Djuri}a Vinogradi (geological map 1:100,000)
Sl. 2. Pozicije poznovin~anskih lokaliteta na Drenskom visu: 1) Crkvine; 2) Jasewe; 3) [arena ~esma;
4) Novo selo; 5) \uri}a vinogradi (dato na geolo{koj podlozi 1:100 000)

The north and south boundary of the settlement has


been established on the basis of the geomagnetic ano-
malies. At the northeastern side where the terrain is
sloping less the settlement boundary is suggested by the
anomaly indicating double trench, while at the steeper
southwestern side the boundary is indicated by the ano-
maly suggesting the existence of one trench. The greatest
width of the settlement between the trenches is 265
meters but according to the direction of the trenches
somewhat larger width could be expected towards the
east, i.e. the central zone of the settlement. Just 120
meters of the 500 meters of the complete length of the
settlement established on the basis of the surface finds
of the artifact and daub have been investigated by the
geomagnetic prospection.
By comparing the intensity of the geomagnetic ano-
malies (verified by the excavations in three situations) and
their dimensions it is possible to assume the existence of
the remains of 103 houses within the investigated area.10
The most of the structures were longitudinally oriented
in the north-northeast south-southwest direction. The
supposed houses are arranged in many regular rows
extending in the northwest-southeast direction.

Fig. 3. Geomagnetic reading of the site western


periphery (280 m x 120 m)
10 When defining the anomalous zones as houses the structures
Sl. 3. Geomagnetni snimak zapadne periferije with anomalous values over 8 nT and over 6 meters long have been
lokaliteta (280 h 120 m) taken into consideration.

11
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 4. Structure ground plan during excavations, from the north


Sl. 4. Osnova objekta u toku iskopavawa, snimqeno sa severa

The rows consists of groups of 5 to 12 structures identical or approximate values at this site. We have
with longer sides parallel to each other and the distance excavated only to the surface of the collapsed wall daub
between them is rather small (space between the houses of the structure (110,70), but without disturbing it.
in a row is mostly narrower then the width of the given We have encountered the remains of the structure,
houses). The existence of many open areas surrounded which did not suffer the high intensity of burning
on all four sides with structures of which the largest one (house 2/2008) and one pithos for storing the cereals
is 50 m x 24 m in size. was recorded within the structure. The trench has then
In order to test the meanings of certain values of the been filled in.
geomagnetic anomalies the Institute and the Museum
have conducted archeological excavation in the period Trench 05/2008
between October 22nd and December 10th 2008. The The trench 05/2008 has been located above the
trenches have been laid in such a way that according to entire area of the structure whose values were between
the georeferenced geomagnetic images the precise co- 10 nT in its southwestern section and 25 nT in the north-
ordinates of the to-be-investigated structures were eastern section. We have decided on the investigation of
determined, the positions of the trench corners were de- this very structure (house 1/2008) for couple of reasons:
fined and then they were determined on the site by GPS the results of the geomagnetic prospection indicated that
total station. this is one of the smallest structures and that it belongs to
the group of around 20% of the worst preserved houses.
Trench 06/2008 We also thought that difference in the magnetic values
The trench-sondage, 8 m x 1 m in size, was opened within one structure offers good opportunity for investi-
at the location where the geomagnetic prospection sug- gation of the reason of this phenomenon in order to be
gested the existence of structure whose values were 10 nT able to make better plans for our future investigations.
on its entire surface. The objective was to determine in The excavations of the entire area of the trench
the control trench the character of structural remains in 05/08, 9 m x 9 m in size, revealed the dwelling structure
order to obtain the key for reading the anomalies of with almost completely preserved ground plan (house

12
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 5. Ground plan of the house 01/2008:


1) oven 2; 2) platform with figurines;
3) altar; 4) quern; 5) zone with pottery
(pottery group 6); 6) oven 1; 7) pottery group 1;
8) bucranium; 9) beam impression; 10) pithos
Sl. 5. Osnova ku}e 01/2008:
1) pe} 2; 2) platforma sa figurinama;
3) `rtvenik; 4) `rvaw; 5) zona sa keramikom
(grupa keramike 6); 6) pe} 1; 7) grupa keramike 1;
8) bukranion; 9) otisak grede; 10) pitos

1/2008).11 The structure is oriented in the north-northeast on the outside of the quern discovered inside the struc-
south-southeast direction with slight deviation of 10 ture and one segment of that wall after the interruption of
to the east (Fig. 4). The orientation of this house corres- around 1 meter could be noticed in the south section of the
ponds to the orientations of most of other structures re- house. The postholes of circular shape and 0.150.20 m
corded by the geomagnetic prospection. The collapsed wide have been encountered in the north and east wall
remains of the wall appear already at the relative depth and in the northeastern corner. The walls have been
of 0.30 m (111,47). The total investigated length of coated on the inside with a layer of fine clay without
the house is 9.15 m while its width varies between 4.70 traces of chaff and on the same side the traces of finger
and 4.85 m (Fig. 5). The walls in the north, east and trailing were also apparent. The outer surface of the
west section of the house are preserved to the height of fragments of the collapsed wall discovered on top of the
0.200.40 m. The north wall is almost completely pre- most of the structure was almost totally flat and there was
served to the height of 0.20 m except in the northwestern also encountered an additional clay coating between 2
corner where also part of the west wall is missing. The to 5 cm thick, most probably added in the course of
remains of daub and other architectural elements have
not been recorded in this corner of the house. The west
wall is only partially preserved up to the length of 2.40 m. 11 Three graves from the 17th18th centuries damaged the
The east wall of the structure is best preserved, up to the structure and elements of the interior and they belong to the larger
length of 3.00 m and its height is 0.40 m. This wall ends necropolis recorded during earlier excavations conducted in 2006.

13
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 7. Beam impression in the south section of the structure


1/2008 with discovered vessels in situ, from the west
Sl. 7. Otisak grede u ju`nom delu objekta 1/2008
sa otkrivenim posudama in situ, snimqeno sa zapada

Fig. 6. Bucranium after removing from its finding place


Sl. 6. Bukranion, nakon podizawa sa mesta nalaza

house renovation. Similar method of treatment of the levelling between two rooms has been recorded also in
outer wall surfaces has been recorded also at the settle- house 4 at Gomolava.13 Although at Gomolava the side
ment of the Tisza culture at Matejski Brod.12 The trace room was lower than the central one, in both instances
of a beam, which probably fell during the fire, which the room with oven is around 0.150.20 m higher. The
destroyed the house, was recorded in the south section pottery material discovered in house 01/08 at Crkvine is
of the structure (Fig. 5/9). The length of this impression of contemporary with the material discovered during exca-
the beam is 3.10 m and the width is 0.150.15 m and on vations and site surveying in 2006 and it could be attri-
both its sides were collapsed walls turned with external buted to the phase D2 of the Vin~a culture.14 Inside the
face upwards while under the walls were discovered house are preserved the elements of built-in interior
completely preserved vessels covered with the fallen features and we will pay special attention to them in this
walls (Fig. 7). The impression of the beam was 6.50 me-
ters to the south of the north wall and was not parallel to
it. The floor of the structure was made of packed earth
12
and there were not encountered the remains of small Ra{ajski 1952, 110.
13 Petrovi} 1992, 25.
posts in situ to suggest the wooden substructure. The
14 The analysis of the pottery material discovered during
area in the north section of the structure where oven 2
excavations in 2006 and gathered during the site surveying has been
and large pottery receptacle (altar?) were discovered was performed by Dr. Dubravka Nikoli}, director of the Archaeological
for around 0.20 m higher than the remaining section of Collection at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade and we express
the structure in the south. Similar situation, i.e. the de- here our deepest gratitude for her help.

14
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

work and present them going from the north towards the the east house wall. The oven was standing on a platform
south because it is the easiest way to comprehend the 0.15 m above the floor level and the massive around
situation within the structure. 0.20 m long segment of the horseshoe-shaped ash pit
was preserved in front of it. Its interior was filled with
Oven 2 (Figure 5/1) pottery fragments while next to its northeastern corner,
The domed oven (Fig. 8) has been encountered in between the oven and east wall, have been found few
the northeastern corner of the house around 1 meter far complete vessels, which had probably been used for
from the north wall and 0.20 meter far from the east preparation and consumption of food (bowls and small
wall. The top of the dome is damaged so its preserved beakers Fig. 9).
height is 0.47 m. The preserved oven length is 1.30 m
and the width is 1.40 m, it is oriented in the eats-west Platform with the figurines (Figure 5/2)
direction and the opening is facing west while its longer Rather small platform of irregular shape and 0.50
sides are parallel to the north wall. Because of the da- x 0.60 m in size, made of baked clay has been encoun-
mages inflicted by later diggings the preserved opening tered in the area in front of the opening of the oven 2 (its
of the oven is only 0.20 m wide and its floor is pre- southwestern corner) right next to the ledge of the ash pit.
served only along the backside of the dome adjacent to The north section of the platform is damaged because of

Fig. 9. Vessels in situ between oven 2 and east wall of


structure 01/2008.
Fig. 8. Oven 2, from the west
Sl. 9. Nalazi posuda in situ izme|u pe}i 2 i isto~nog
Sl. 8. Pe} 2, snimqeno sa zapada zida objekta 01/2008

Fig. 10. Figurines in situ, from the north Fig. 11. Figurines
Sl. 10. Nalaz figurina in situ, snimqeno sa severa Sl. 11. Figurine

15
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 12. Altar (?), from the east and the northeast
Sl. 12. @rtvenik (?), snimqeno sa istoka, odnosno severoistoka

already mentioned later diggings. Thirty-eight figurines an axe,16 but both objects are unfortunately chance finds
of identical shape (Fig. 10 and 11) that do not have any without context. The miniature tool models have been
closer analogies have been found on the platform. found also at Kormadin near Jakovo17 but their photo-
Another 8 identical figurines have been unearthed in the graphs have never been published. Besides the figurines,
surrounding area covering around 1m x 1 m. All the 15 loom weights of identical shape and size (8 cm in
figurines are of cylindrical shape with summarily mo- diameter) were found right next to the oven. The loom
deled head shaped as birds beak but without protomes. weights were discovered on a pile so we could not draw
Their lower segment is of the bell-shape creating thus any conclusions about the location of the possible loom
circular foot for better stability. All the figurines except on the basis of the weights distribution.
the central one are between 4 cm and 5.5 cm tall. The
more elaborately modeled figurine standing in the Altar (?) (Figure 5/3)
center of the composition is 7 cm tall and it is the only In the northwestern corner of the structure, opposite
specimen with the indication of the shoulders. This the oven 2 and around 2 meters far from the clay recep-
figurine has been found in the center of the group con- tacle with visible traces of many restorations that we pre-
sisting of nine smaller uniform figurines surrounding it. liminary identified as altar was discovered on the house
In addition to so far unrecorded type of modeling and floor (Fig. 12). This feature, 0.85 m long and 0.65 m
composition they constitute, this find is also unique be- wide, is of slightly trapezoid almost rectangular shape
cause all the figurines have a perforation each at an angle with elliptical receptacle. The original depth of the
of approximately 45 on the right side (in the shoulder receptacle was just 810 cm having in mind that its base
zone). The purpose of these perforations is much more is separated from the rest of the receptacle and had
comprehensible if we take into account that 11 clay sunken into the cultural layer. The alter terminates in
models of miniature tools with shaft-holes have been the west with thin raised wall, 0.38 m high and 5 cm
discovered next to the figurines. Among these tool thick and slightly inverting towards the interior of the
models were identified few hammer-axes, object of the receptacle. In this section is clearly discernible also the
pickaxe shape and one mace (or scepter?). Immediately technique of construction, i.e. the building of the sides
upon the discovery we came to conclusion that perfora- by adding clay lumps. Rather small shallow bowl with
tions on the figurines were used for inserting the hafts
(straws) of the tools. One specimen, which vaguely re-
sembles the figurines from Stubline was discovered at the 15 Petrovi} et al. 2009, 161, cat. 231.
site Medjulu`je but without perforations for the tools15 16 Petrovi} et al. 2009, 164, cat. 227.
and from the same site also comes a miniature model of 17 Jovanovi}, Gli{i} 1961, 125.

16
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 13. Jug-stopper/omphalos in situ


Sl. 13. Nalaz poklopca-zapu{a~a/omfalosa in situ

a spout was found right next to the southwestern corner and just at the spot where it disappears (3 m from the
of the altar and just in front of it the cult bread of north wall) (Fig. 14). It is made of clay, the receptacle is
circular shape, 0.20 m in diameter, made of clay was of trough shape 0.80 m in diameter and with raised
also discovered. The group of pottery no. 8 consisting platform in the middle on top of which was affixed a flat
of two rather large fragmented vessels and one bowl stone. The receptacle walls are 5 cm thick and are almost
was encountered to the south of the altar and with them completely preserved. Inside the receptacle has been
has also been found another object of approximately discovered rather small vessel with thick walls and very
conical shape. This object had been wrapped in a cloth narrow mouth. The quern platform is completely con-
before drying/firing and the impression of the cloth is nected with the receptacle making a single entity. The
visible on its surface (Fig. 13). This kind of object is grinding process was performed on the working surface
known from the excavations of M. Vasi} at Vin~a and he (stone) and the ground cereals gathered in the recep-
initially explained it as the jug-stopper,18 but in the tacle and then were retrieved by some vessel (possibly
next publication he identified it as the omphalos.19 the one found in situ).23 The sole parallel from the
Our altar differs in shape from the find discovered at territory of Serbia is the quern structure found at the site
Kormadin near Jakovo20 but it could be compared to the Belo Brdo in Vin~a although its greatest part has been
finds of earlier date from Tumba near Mad`ari on the reconstructed.24
basis of the technique of manufacture and the find of the
cult bread.21 The altar similar to our specimen but of
somewhat smaller size (45 cm x 25 cm) is housed in the
18
National Museum in Valjevo and comes from the site Vasi} 1936, 4445, T. CX.
19
^u~ugeIli}a Brdo.22 This specimen is, however, greatly Vasi} 1950, 1011.
20 Jovanovi}, Gli{i} 1961, 131, 135.
damaged and most of it is nowadays the reconstruction,
21 Sanev 1988, 1923.
so the comparison with it is uncertain. 22 An|elkovi}-Despotovi}, Rexi} 1992, 94.
23 The quern was during the excavations completely preserved,
Quern (Figure 5/4) removed in the block of earth and prepared for further conservation
The quern structure for grinding cereals has been treatment.
discovered inside the house, right next to the east wall 24 Tasi} et al. 2007.

17
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 14. Quern in situ, from the south and from the north
Sl. 14. @rvaw in situ, snimqeno sa juga, odnosno sa severa

Fig. 15. Aerial view of pottery group 6 in situ (to the left are visible remains of the west wall and the altar)
Sl. 15. Grupa keramike 6 in situ, snimqeno iz vazduha (sa leve strane vide se ostaci zapadnog zida i `rtvenik)

18
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 16. Floor of oven 1, from the west


Sl. 16. Podnica pe}i 1, snimqeno sa zapada

Zone with pottery (pottery group 6) (Figure 5/5) Bucranium (Figure 5/8)
An irregular zone with pottery, 3.00 m x 2.20 m in The bucranium, 0.20 m x 040 m in size, made
size, has been encountered to the south of the altar and entirely of clay without animal bones in the construction
within this zone could be distinguished many rows of has been discovered near the south end of the preserved
vessels. At least three rows of vessels were found at dif- section of the west wall (Fig. 6). The specimens analo-
ferent levels, difference in height being approximately gous according to the technique of manufacture but not
0.15 between the rows (Fig. 15). Large amount of the the appearance have been found at Gomolava25 and at
pottery fragments has been recorded within this zone and Vin~a at the depth of 2.89 m.26 The bucranium from Stub-
as the fragments rarely overlapped the first impression line has on the backside, like those from Gomolava, a flat
upon the discovery was that it was a sort of paving, i.e. panel indicating without doubt that it had been attached
the substructure of the floor. Nevertheless, at the eastern- to the wall. The bucranium with the nose pointing down-
most end of this zone were encountered the remains of wards was found inside the house, around 0.50 m far
burnt thin boards piled on top of each other between the from the west wall. Such position speaks in favor of the
three layers of pottery thus creating a heap around 0.40 assumptions that bucrania were also placed in the house
m high. It is, therefore, possible to assume the existence interiors,27 particularly those made of unbaked clay.28
of wooden shelf, which collapsed in the fire together
with the vessels. In favor of this assumption speaks the
mentioned delevelling of the rows of pottery and the
fact that similar remains had not been discovered in the 25 Petrovi} 1992, 2122, sl. 4, 5.
other parts of the house. The preliminary analysis of the 26 Vasi} 1936, 50, sl. 85, 86.
pottery from this zone confirmed that this group 27 Jovanovi}, Gli{i} 1961, 138.
consisted of 10 different vessels at the most. 28 Vasi} 1936, 51.

19
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Oven 1 (Figure 5/6) a few new data. The method of building and the basic
The floor of much damaged oven, 0.50 m x 0.50 m spatial organization of the structure are within the
in size, has been discovered one meter to the west from expected limits. The division of space into two (or
the beam impression in the south section of the trench possibly three rooms) is common for the given period.
(Fig. 16). Judging by the assumed direction of the west Rather interesting for the study of the building method
house wall, which is not preserved in that section, the are indications that there was the upper storey structure
oven was located right next to the wall. In the vicinity above one house section. Namely, the zone above the
of this oven was discovered the fragmented pithos (Fig. altar as well as above the area between the altar and the
5/10) half-buried into the floor ( base 111.03 m). The oven 2 was covered with extremely burnt layer of earth
diameter of the pithos belly is 0.50 m. Inside the pithos containing the carbonized cereal remains and with the
was discovered the burned compact mass of earth with daub with impressions of small wooden boards mixed
the remains of grains and cereal seeds. with wall daub with the impressions of wattle. Just in
this area, according to the geomagnetic results, have
Pottery group 1 (Figure 5/7) been identified the traces of the greatest fire, greater
This pottery group was discovered outside the house, even than the fire produced by the oven 2. Such high
around 1.50 meters to the northwest, above the original temperature could have been the result of burning cereals
ground level and actually looked like the heap of the piled but also other high-calorie organic materials (dried fruits,
up pottery sherds. Rather small heap of the unworked no- nuts). All this perhaps suggests the existence of the upper
dules of various stones (around 500 g) was encountered storey above this part of the house that was used as the
right next to it. Two flat stones (pounders) with the traces additional storage place. Similar board impressions in
of use on the surface have been found within the pottery the daub have been explained in the exactly same way
group 1. Taking into account that many pottery vessels in the interpretation of one house from Uivar.29
from this site were made of clay with admixtures of The oven discovered in the north house section also
ground pottery and stones it could be assumed that this does not differ from the standard shapes. Something
area was the section of the pottery workshop, i.e. the new is the quern structure because the only previously
place for preparation of the necessary raw materials. discovered quern with clay structure in our territory got
its final shape as a result of the restoration process.30 On
the other hand, the house 01/2008 at Crkvine near Stub-
POSSIBILITIES OF INVESTIGATION line yielded also two unusual finds. The altar (?) already
OF HOUSEHOLD ORGANIZATION described in this text has no direct parallels. The fine
AND URBANIZATION IN THE coatings on the surface suggest the prolonged use but
LATE VIN^A CULTURE PERIOD also the attention paid to it considering that no visible
damages as a result of prolonged use have been noticed.
The investigations conducted between 2006 and 2008 The careful handling of this feature is also indicated by
at the site Crkvine near the village Stubline indicated the thin wall at its west end side. The purpose of this
great importance of this site and multifold possibilities feature is not clear but it is indicative that in front of it
offered in the course of future investigations. We think was the clay cult bread, 20 cm in diameter, next to its
first of all about the possibilities to study social organi- southwestern corner was a vessel with spout and around
zation in the period of the very end of Vin~a culture in 0.5 m to the south were the so-called omphalos and
this area and also at many levels: three more vessels.
individual houses Another exceptional find is a composition of 38
households figurines on a platform in front of the oven and eight
groups of houses more identical figurines in the immediate vicinity as
settlements well as 11 miniature tool clay models accompanying
interrelations between various settlements this group. The detailed study of this group of figurines
will be the topic of another treatise but it should be
Individual house level mentioned that regardless if this was the cult group or
The basic level is the study of an individual house
and that was the objective of the 2008 excavations. The
obtained results besides already known data about indi- 29 Schier 2006, 326, 333, fig. 2.
vidual structures (houses) from that period also brought 30 Tasi} et al. 2007.

20
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

the game set this exceptional find clearly indicates at prospection and the excavations confirmed their locati-
least two things: ons. The interrelationship between these structures is
the transposition of distinct system of thinking or unknown to us but the possibility that few such structures
belief from the level of community to the level of could have constituted one functional household must
cult practice or game preceded the act of produ- not be excluded. The situations like these should be pro-
ction of this composition bably sought in the areas where next to the structures of
the existence of 45 figurines of identical shape and usual orientation there are also structures deviating from
one larger and more elaborately modeled specimen that orientation and few such situations have already
that was in the center of the composition suggests been recorded by the geomagnetic prospection.
the possible existence of the evident hierarchy in
the community or the religious system of that Group of houses level
community. The geomagnetic prospection of this site revealed
The purpose and disposition of the built-in interior the existence of several groups of houses concentrated
elements, the group of figurines and the bucranium also around the so-called open areas covering from 5 to 9.5
pose the question of the purpose of this house. When the ares. The evident repeating of these structures suggests
authors discovered many artifacts of assumed cult cha- the precise planning, which could but need not be
racter within the Neolithic houses they often tended to influenced by certain social factors. The construction of
identify such houses as shrines or cult structures. Despite the houses in rows and at small distance is known from
the fact that in the house at Crkvine there is an apparent many Late Vin~a sites: Opovo,34 Gomolava,35 Banjica36
zone, which could be identified as of the cult character and Vin~a.37 But, at Crkvine we can notice for the first
(room next to the north wall oven with figurines and time that these rows of houses do not repeat one after
the altar with accompanying objects opposite it) it must the other but they create many rather large open areas
not be neglected that there was also an evidently profane (squares?). Just these open areas indicate the zones where
area in the central room (quern structure, assumed shelf communal activities (profane or sacred) could have been
with pottery, pithos with the remains of cereals, another taking place but which are also the only available places
oven). It is also necessary to point to even physical mer- for daily gathering of the community because the space
ging of the profane and sacred elements within these between the houses was not large enough.38
two rooms. Above the north room could be assumed the
existence of the storage space in the attic and quite Settlement level
profane use of the oven, while on the west wall of the The geomagnetic investigations conducted so far
central room was the bucranium and another figurine allow the assumption about some kind of urbanization
differing from the others found near the oven has also of this settlement. It becomes clear on the basis of the
been found. All this agrees with the conclusions of J. obtained results that the basic module creating the
Chapman concerning the mutual overlapping of every- settlement texture is neither the individual house nor the
day and religious activities that actually relates to the extensive household but clearly distinguished groups of
phases C and D of the Vin~a culture.31 Also distinctive 512 houses surrounding communal open area (square?)
is relatively small number of stone tools and just few up to 9.5 ares in size. Something else that we encounte-
discovered fragments of animal bones but that could be red is the possible existence of the trenches surrounding
ascribed to the characteristics of the soil but also to the the settlement. The trenches in the Late Neolithic settle-
regular cleaning of the houses.32 ments have been recorded at Kormadin near Jakovo,39

Household level
The next level would be the study of one household,
31 Chapman 1981, 6268.
which could comprise one or more above ground struc- 32 Tripkovi} 2007, 9.
tures with accompanying features (hearths, pits, waste 33 Tripkovi} 2007, 1011.
deposits).33 We would like to mention here the pottery 34 Tringham et al. 1992, 366.
group 1 for which it could be assumed that it was the 35 Petrovi} 1982, T. VIII.
storage area for the pottery workshop raw materials. We 36 Todorovi}, Cermanovi} 1961, 1016.
must also mention that two more structures were recor- 37 Tasi} 2008, 2829.
ded 1meter and 2.5 meters from the house towards east. 38 Crnobrwa 2009, 89.
They were encountered in the process of geomagnetic 39 Jovanovi}, Gli{i} 1961, 115.

21
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 17. Location of sites with the Late Vin~a


culture horizon within 15 km zone in diameter
from Crkvine in Stubline: 1) Crkvine, Stubline;
2) Jasenje; 3) [arena ^esma; 4) Novo Selo;
5) Djuri}a Vinogradi; 6) Nur~a 2; 7) Radljevo;
8) [arbane; 9) Crkvine near Mali Borak;
10) Ili}a Brdo, ^u~uge
Sl. 17. Pozicije lokaliteta sa
poznovin~anskim horizontom u pre~niku od
15 km od Crkvina u Stublinama: 1) Crkvine,
Stubline; 2) Jasewe; 3) [arena ~esma;
4) Novo selo; 5) \uri}a vinogradi; 6) Nur~a 2;
7) Radqevo; 8) [arbane; 9) Crkvine kod
Malog Borka; 10) Ili}a brdo, ^u~uge

Okoli{te,40 Uivar.41 It could be concluded on the basis sites with the Late Vin~a culture horizon being the final
of high geomagnetic values compared to the excavated phase of their life include Nur~a 2, Radljevo, [arbane,
finds that most of the houses at Crkvine perished in big Crkvine near Mali Borak, ^u~uge Fig. 17). The results
conflagration what is also characteristic of the settle- of investigations carried at these sites do not allow for
ments in this period and it has been already discussed in the precise chronological determination of the cessation
detail.42 Also worth of our attention is the depression lo- of life at all sites but it is quite certain that life was going
cated at the western settlement boundary. J. Todorovi} on simultaneously at many of them in the certain periods.
assumed that this was the zone where the earth used for The extensive site surveying have not been carried out
the house construction had been excavated and the same in the mentioned area in order to definitely confirm the
situation was recorded at nearby Late Vin~a settlement existence or nonexistence of one or more Vin~a culture
at Vuki}evica43 and this complies with the assumptions settlements. Bearing in mind the discussion concerning
of M. Stevanovi} about the spatial organization of the the population density in the Late Neolithic period in the
Late Neolithic settlements.44 The expected continuation territory of Visoko in Bosnia and Herzegovina45 and the
of the geomagnetic prospection will certainly contribute existence of many large settlements within relatively
to further comprehension of the settlement entity. small area between the rivers Sava, Tamnava and Kolu-
bara many questions about the organization, which made
Level of interrelationship possible their coexistence could be posed.
between various settlements
We have already stated in the introduction of this
work that there are another four sites with the Late Vin~a 40 Kujund`i}-Vejzagi} et al. 2004.
culture horizons on the fringes of the same elevation (see 41 Schier 2006, 332.
Fig. 2). If we consider somewhat wider surrounding it 42 Stevanovi} 1997; Tringham 2005.
could be noticed that in addition to those four settlements 43 Todorovi} 1967b.
already mentioned there are five more sites within 15 44 Stevanovi} 1997, 354355.
kilometers distance from Crkvine near Stubline. These 45 Mller 2007.

22
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

BIBLIOGRAFIJA:

An|elkovi}-Despotovi}, Rexi} 1992 Z. An- Risti}-Opa~i} 2005 J. Risti}-Opa~i}, To-


|elkovi}-Despotovi}, M. Rexi}, Arheolo{ka isko- pografsko-hronolo{ke karakteristike naseqa
pavawa neolitskog lokaliteta Ili}a brdo u selu vin~anske kulture na teritoriji Srbije, Glasnik
^u~uge, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja XIV1, Beograd Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 21, Beograd 2005,
2005, 93102. 71112.
Chapman 1981 J. Chapman, The Vin~a Culture Sanev 1988 V. Sanev, Neolitsko svetili{te
of South East Europe: studies in chronology, economy od Tumba vo Maxari, Skopsko, Macedoniae Acta
and society, Oxford 1981. Archaeologica 9, Skopje 1988, 930.
Crnobrwa 2005 A. N. Crnobrwa, Arheolo{ka Schier 2006 W. Schier, Neolithic House Building
nalazi{ta na teritoriji Obrenovca (1), Godi{wak and Ritual in the Late Vin~a Tell Site of Uivar, Roma-
grada Beograda LII, Beograd 2005, 5995. nia, in Homage to Milutin Gara{anin, eds. N. Tasi} and
Crnobrwa 2009 A. N. Crnobrwa, Neolitsko C. Grozdanov, Belgrade 2006, 325339.
naseqe na Crkvinama u Stublinama istra`ivawa Simi}, Crnobrwa 2008 Z. Simi}, A. N.
2008. godine, Beograd 2009. Crnobrwa, Sonda`no iskopavawe lokaliteta Crk-
Crnobrnja, Simi} (in print) A. N. Crnobrnja, Z. vine u selu Stubline, Arheolo{ki pregled n.s. 4,
Simi}, Archaeological Survey of the Eneolithic Settle- Beograd 2008, 4446.
ment Crkvine at Stubline, Serbia, in Circumpontica in Stevanovi} 1997 M. Stevanovi}, The Age of Clay:
prehistory: Western Pontic studies. Global gratitude to The Social Dynamics of House Destruction, Journal of
Eugen Comsa for his 85th birth anniversary, eds. L. Ni- Anthropological Archaeology 16 (4), Orlando 1997,
kolova, M. Merlini, A. Comsa, Oxford, 221226. 334395.
Jovanovi}, Gli{i}. 1961 B. Jovanovi}, J. Tasi} 2008 N. Tasi}, Vin~a metropola kas-
Gli{i}, Eneolitsko naseqe na Kormadinu kod Ja- nog neolita, u Vin~a praistorijska metropola, ur.
kova, Starinar XI, Beograd 1961, 113139. D. Nikoli}, Beograd 2008, 1539.
Kujund`i}-Vejzagi} et al. 2004 Z. Kujund`i}- Tasi} et al. 2007 N. Tasi}, S. \uri~i}, B.
Vejzagi}, J. Mller, K. Rassmann, T. Schler, Okoli{te Lazarevi}, Analiza konstrukcije `rvwa iz objekta
Grabung und Geomagnetik eines zentralbosnischen 01/06 u Vin~i, Glasnik Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva
Tells aus der ersten Hlfte des 5. vorchristlichen Jahr- 23, Beorad 2007, 211218.
tausends, in Parerga Praehistorica: Jubilumsschrift Todorovi} 1967a J. Todorovi}, Crkvine, Stubline,
zur Prhistorischen Archologie. 15 Jahre UPA, ed. Obrenovac naselje vin~anske grupe, Arheolo{ki pre-
Bernard Hnsel, Bonn 2004, 6981. gled 9, Beograd 1967, 1718.
Mller 2007 J. Mller, Demographic Variables Todorovi} 1967b J. Todorovi}, Jasenje, Brdo
and Neolithic Ideology, in A Short Walk through the (groblje), Vuki}evica, Obrenovac naselje vin~anske
Balkans: the First Farmers of the Carpathian Basin and grupe, Arheolo{ki pregled 9, Beograd 1967, 1617.
Adjacent Regions, Quaderno 12, eds. M. Spataro and P. Todorovi} 1969 J. Todorovi}, Grabovac, \uri}a
Biagi, Trieste 2007, 161169. vinogradi, Obrenovac naselje star~eva~ke i vin~anske
Petrovi} 1982 J. Petrovi}, Gomolava, Hrtkovci grupe, Arheolo{ki pregled 11, Beograd 1969, 1213.
vi{eslojno nalazi{te, Arheolo{ki pregled 23, Beograd Todorovi} 1970 J. Todorovi}, Novo selo, Stubline,
1982, 1522. Obrenovac naselje star~eva~ke i vin~anske kulture,
Petrovi} 1992 J. Petrovi}, Arhitektura Arheolo{ki pregled 12, Beograd 1970, 1214.
ku}e 4 na Gomolavi naseqe mla|e vin~anske kul- Todorovi}, Cermanovi} 1961 J. Todorovi},
ture, Rad vojvo|anskih muzeja 34, Novi Sad 1992, A. Cermanovi}, Bawica naseqe vin~anske kulture,
1928. Beograd 1961.
Petrovi} et al. 2009 B. Petrovi}, V. Kati}, Tringham 2005 R. Tringham, Weaving house
M. Spasi}, @ivot u glini: neolitska umetnost na life and death into places: a blueprint for a hypermedia
tlu Beograda, Beograd 2009. narrative, in (Un)settling the Neolithic, eds. D. Bailey,
Ra{ajski 1952 R. Ra{ajski, Preistorijsko A. Whittle, V. Cummings, Oxbow Books, 98111.
naseqe na Matejskom Brodu, Rad vojvo|anskih mu- Tringham et al. 1992 R. Tringham, B. Brukner,
zeja 1, Novi Sad 1952, 104116. T. Kaiser, K. Borojevi}, Lj. Bukvi}, P. Steli, N. Russell,

23
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

M. Stevanovi}, B. Voytek, Excavations at Opovo, 1985- Vasi} 1936 M. Vasi}, Preistorijska Vin~a
1987: Socioeconomic Change in the Balcan Neolithic, II, Beograd 1936.
Journal of field archaeology 19 (3), Boston 1992, Vasi} 1950 M. Vasi}, Kroz kulturni sloj
351386. Vin~e I, Beograd 1950.
Tripkovi} 2007 B. Tripkovi}, Doma}instvo
i prostor u kasnom neolitu: vin~ansko naseqe na
Bawici, Beograd 2007.

24
CRNOBRNJA, SIMI], JANKOVI], Late Vin~a culture settlement at Crkvine in Stubline (925) STARINAR LIX/2009

Rezime: ADAM CRNOBRWA, Muzej grada Beograda, Beograd


ZORAN SIMI], Zavod za za{titu spomenika kulture grada Beograda, Beograd
MARKO JANKOVI], Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Odeqewe za arheologiju, Beograd

KASNOVIN^ANSKO NASEQE
NA CRKVINAMA U STUBLINAMA
(organizacija doma}instva i urbanizacija u poznovin~anskom periodu)

Kqu~ne re~i. neolit, vin~anska kultura, naseqe, ku}a, geomagnetna istra`ivawa, grupa figurina,
`rtvenik, Stubline, Obrenovac.

Poznovin~ansko naseqe na lokalitetu Crkvine nalazi se ji je otkriven u severozapadnom uglu ku}e, pored koga su se
oko 40 km jugozapadno od Beograda (Srbija), u blizini se- nalazili poga~a od gline pre~nika 20 cm, posuda sa iz-
la Stubline, op{tina Obrenovac. Situirano je na blagom livnikom i tzv. omfalos (sl. 12 i 15). Posebno treba is-
uzvi{ewu, sa severa i juga ome|enom potocima koji se spa- ta}i nalaz kompozicije od ukupno 46 figurina (38 prona-
jaju ispod wegovog jugoisto~nog kraja, i zauzima povr{inu |enih ispred samog otvora pe}i, kraj wenog jugozapadnog
od oko 16 ha (sl. 1). Tokom 2007. i 2008. godine obavqena su ugla, i jo{ osam identi~nih u neposrednoj blizini), kao i
geomagnetna istra`iva na povr{ini od 32400 m2 (25% ukup- wima pripadaju}ih 11 minijaturnih modela alatki od gli-
ne povr{ine poznovin~anskog naseqa), na samoj zapadnoj ne (sl. 10 i 11). Ovaj izuzetni nalaz ukazuje barem na dve
periferiji naseqa. Analiza dobijenih rezultati ukazuje stvari: transponovawe odre|enog sistema razmi{qawa ili
na postojawe oko 100 ku}a izgra|enih u redovima oko ve}ih verovawa, sa nivoa zajednice na nivo kultne radwe ili igre,
praznih povr{ina, a konstatovani su i rovovi koji su sa prethodio je izradi kompozicije; postojawe 45 oblikom
severne i ju`ne strane okru`ivali naseqe (sl. 3). identi~nih figurina i jedne ve}e i razu|enije (nalazila
U jesen 2008. godine Zavod za za{titu spomenika kul- se u sredini grupe od 9 mawih figurina) ukazuje na mogu}-
ture grada Beograda i Muzej grada Beograda, preduzeli su nost postojawa jasne hijerarhije u zajednici ili religij-
arheolo{ka iskopavawa sa ciqem provere zna~ewa odre|e- skom sistemu.
nih vrednosti geomagnetnih anomalija. Sonda 06/2008, di- Dosada{wa geomagnetna istra`ivawa dozvoqavaju pret-
menzija 8 h 1 m postavqena je na mestu gde je geomagnetnom postavku o izvesnoj urbanizaciji ovoga naseqa. Na ovome
prospekcijom konstatovana anomalija ~ije vrednosti su lokalitetu uo~eno je da postoji vi{e grupa ku}a koje su
iznosile 10 nT. Iskopom vr{enim samo do povr{ine obru- skoncentrisane oko ve}ih slobodnih povr{ina (trgova?).
{enog zidnog lepa konstatovano je postojawe objekta (ku}a Evidentno ponavqawe ovakvih struktura ukazuje na jasno
2/2008) koji nije goreo visokim intenzitetom. U sondi planirawe, koje mo`e, ali i ne mora, da bude uslovqeno od-
05/2008, 9 h 9 m, pozicioniranoj iznad anomalije sa vred- re|enim socijalnim faktorima. Upravo te slobodne povr-
nostima izme|u 10 nT i 25 nT, otkriven je stambeni objekat {ine mo`da ukazuju i na postojawe prostora na kojima su
(ku}a 1/2008), ~ija je osnova bila skoro u celosti o~uvana. mogle biti obavqane neke zajedni~ke aktivnosti (profa-
Orijentacija istra`enog objekta, sever-severoistok jug- nog ili sakralnog karaktera), ali i koje su mogle slu`iti
jugoistok (sl. 4), podudara se sa orijentacijama ve}ine osta- kao mesta svakodnevnog okupqawa, budu}i da je prostor iz-
lih objekata konstatovanih geomagnetnim snimawem. Sam me|u samih ku}a isuvi{e mali. Na rastojawu od 15 km od
na~in gradwe, kao i prostorna organizacija ku}e, u okvi- poznovin~anskog naseqa Crkvine kod Stublina nalazi se
rima su o~ekivanog za ovaj period. Ukupna istra`ena du- jo{ 10 lokaliteta sa poznovin~anskim horizontom kao po-
`ina ku}e iznosi 9.15 m, dok {irina varira izme|u 4.70 i sledwom fazom `ivqewa na wima (sl. 17). Stepen wihove
4.85 m (sl. 5). Osim pokretnih nalaza uobi~ajenih za ovaj istra`enosti ne dozvoqava precizno hronolo{ko opredeqe-
period (Vin~a D) prona|eni si i fiksini delovi poku}- we prekida `ivqewa na svim lokalitetima, ali je neospor-
stva: pe} sa kaltotom u severoisto~nom uglu ku}e (sl. 8) i no da se na vi{e wih u odre|enim periodima istovremeno
podnica uni{tene pe}i u jugozapadnom delu, koje tako|e `ivelo. Imaju}i u vidu dosada{wa razmatrawa o gustini na-
pripadaju uobi~ajenim nalazima Novinu donose konstruk- seqenosti u vreme poznog neolita, prisutvo vi{e velikih
cija `rvwa, izgra|enog od gline u obliku korita sa izdig- naseqa u me|ure~ju Save, Tamnave i Kolubare, na relativ-
nutom platformom na sredini na ~ijem vrhu je bio utisnut no maloj povr{ini, otvara i niz pitawa o ustrojstvu koje
ravan kamen (sl. 14) i glineni recipijent (`rtvenik?) ko- je omogu}avalo wihovu koegzistenciju.

25
MILO[ SPASI]
Belgrade City Museum, Belgrade

VIN^ABELO BRDO: VERNISSAGES


OF ENEOLITHIC BELGRADE AND ITS VICINITY I 1

UDC: 903"636"(497.11) e-mail: milos.spasic@mgb.org.rs


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959027S Received: January 25, 2009
Original research article Accepted: May 4, 2009

Abstract. The following paper will discuss the problems of Eneolithic settlements of Baden and Kostolac culture at Vin~a near
Belgrade. Eneolithic horizons from Vin~a site were scarcely published owing to the fact that both Baden and Kostolac layers are
not well stratified because of heavy medieval devastations. In spite of all post-depositional destructions Eneolithic settlements at
Vin~a show enormous significance for understanding the life of the period, both on the micro and macro-regional scale. At the
same time, this work is a sort of an insight into the results of ongoing analysis of material culture and socio-economic patterns of
Eneolithic period settlements in Belgrade and its vicinity.

Key words. Vin~a, Eneolithic, Baden and Kostolac culture, Settlement organization, Chronology.

V
in~aBelo Brdo is situated on the right bank Vin~an settlements between 4,5 m and 2,5 m of vertical
of the river Danube, in the immediate vicinity section, and correctly dated them to his Danubian IVV
of Serbians capital Belgrade. Its importance cultures, that is to Baden culture and Middle Bronze age
is recognized as the the eponymous site of the Late period.7
Neolithic Vin~a culture. The abundance of Neolithic In the course of new excavations at Vin~a (19781986;
architectural remains, ceramic vessels, anthropomorphic 19982008) numerous Eneolithic finds were associated
figurines, chipped and ground stone, and bone tools has with small Bodrogkerseztur necropolis, Baden and Ko-
drawn attention shortly after the first excavations in early stolac settlements, of which only Bodrekeresztur necro-
20th century conducted by Serbian archaeologist Miloje polis has been published adequately.8 The full scientific
Vasi}2. Owing to the thickness of the cultural layers with analysis of Baden and Kostolac cultural horizons is still
more then 10 meters of archeological deposits, Vin~a
became the key site for studying Balkan Neolithic and
cross-cultural relations in whole Europe.3 1 Current paper presents the shorter version of my BA thesis
Although the finds from Eneolithic and Bronze Age Baden and Kostolac Settlements at Vin~aBelo Brdo defended on
settlements have been neglected for long time, sporadic October 2007 at Department of Archaeology on Phaculty of Philo-
reports of so called non Vin~a or Pannonian ceramic sophy, Belgrade University, under the mentorship of prof. Milo{
Jevti}.
vere were published by M. Vasi}4 and V. Miloj~i}, the 2 Vasi} 19321936.
first scholar who has attributed Eneolithic pottery to 3 Childe 1958; Miloj~i} 1949; Gara{anin 1951; Chapman 1981.
Baden and Kostolac cultural layers at Vin~a.5 In the 4 Vasi} 1911, 126132; Vasi} 1936, 135139.
meantime typological and stylistic characteristics of 5 Miloj~i} 1949, 73.
Eneolithic and Bronze Age pottery from Vasi}s exca- 6 Srejovi} 1957, 7379; Jovanovi} 1963, 1924.

vations at Vin~a were briefly evaluated by D. Srejovi} 7 Childe 1958, 9495.

and B. Jovanovi}.6 V. G. Childe also referred to post- 8 Tasi} 1984, 6975; Tasi} 1995, 165; Jevti} 1986, 135144.

27
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

missing except the proliferation of study on Baden As it is obvious from the ground plan of Baden
anthropomorphic figurines9, and partially published settlement (Fig. 1), the dug-out objects themselves were
Kostolac ceramic finds.10 In the following chapters the not grouped in any organized manner, except in the case
author will present his analysis of Baden and Kostolac of irregular cluster of seven pits excavated in the
settlements from Vin~aBelo Brdo. northwestern part of the trench II. Still, the connection
between the objects in the mentioned cluster isnt
interpretable since the function of each locus itself isnt
THE BADEN CULTURE SETTLEMENT clear. The dug out objects contained neither the floor
ORGANIZATION debris nor the remains of postholes which could suggest
the residential purpose of the pits. However, it should
After the abandonment of the site by the bearers of be stressed that objects 18 and 19 contained fragments
Late Vin~a D2 culture and the reuse of the Vin~a in of burnt house daub, the evidence which could be indi-
middle Eneolithic elapsed a significant time period, the cative for functional interpretation of a structure as a
so called hiatus, which according to relative chronology, dwelling on every single layered site. But in case of
could last around two or three centuries. The first reuse Vin~a, one cannot claim with certainty that the daub in
of the site was in connection with small Bodrogkerszetur features represents the remains of Baden culture architec-
necropolis which consisted of four flat graves dug in to tural activity, or it was simply thrown in a pit as garbage
abandoned Vinca settlement. Shortly afterwards, new po- from the Vin~a horizon, after leveling and cleaning of
pulation occupied Vin~a, the bearers of Baden culture, the site by Baden inhabitants. Also, none of the excavated
who formed a completely new type of settlement with structure was dug-out in the course of acquisition of
dug-out houses, open-air hearths and refuse pits (Fig. 1). water or clay, because their lowest levels didnt reach
Dug-out features were of circular or ellipsoid shape the clayish subsoil of Vin~a settlement. Deductively, it
whose size varied from 1,00 m to 2,50 m in diameter, could be concluded that Baden culture dug-out object
and up to 0,90 m in depth. As a result of implemented from Vin~a served either for residential, storage, gar-
field methodology during the 19781984. excavations bage, ritual utility or their function changed during their
seasons, which considered removing of unified artificial life time.
layers, up to depth of one spade (cca. 30 cm), some of the Although N. Tasi} mentions above ground structures
dug out pits were very shallow, with evidenced depths and houses of Baden culture,11 except one open-air
ranging from 0,15 m to 0,40 m. Regarding the function hearth, there isnt solid confirmation for such claim in
of 17 excavated dug-out structures there is not much to field documentation. Also, further difficulty with defining
say since almost all of them were heavily devastated with and dating above ground features is the fact that Baden
intrusions of Middle Bronze Age settlement and medieval culture horizon is severely devastated with activities of
necropolis. The most numerous part of material culture later occupants of the site, during the Eneolithic, Middle
repertoire from dug-out features are sherds of ceramic Bronze age and Medieval period. Therefore, in many
vessels. Almost all of the excavated Baden culture objects cases when above ground structure is only partially pre-
also contained animal bones and river shells, while in served and when there isnt any diagnostic material,
just few pits there are documented worked animal bones which is in a clear context with the excavated structure,
and/or chipped or ground stone tools, levels of ashes and one can not safely date it neither to Eneolithic nor to
small daub fragments. The fact that in not a single Baden Middle Bronze age Vatin culture. Only one above ground
culture dug-out structure, intact and in situ artifact assem- Baden culture structure has been documented in the
blages have not been found shouldnt be regarded as an course of 19781984. excavations. That is an open-air
evidence for functional determination of all such struc- hearth with burnt floor founded with pottery sherds.
tures as refuse pits. Rather, such situation should be The exact appearance of the hearth couldnt be recon-
sought as an implication of mentioned devastations, and structed since it was only the burnt floor and its founda-
as distinct life biography of each structure which could tion that were preserved. The hearth hadnt had calotte
be functionally used as a house, storage, refuse or ritual
pit in different time sequence of the site occupation. How-
ever, due to the lack of informations about exact size of the
excavated structures and knowledge about (post)depo- 9 Tasi} 19801981, 2733; Tasi} 1984, 7071; Tasi} 1995, 56.
sitional processes it is impossible to give a solid inter- 10 Tasi} 2001, 411418; Nikoli} 2000, 10.
pretation of any dug-out objects life biography. 11 Tasi} 1984, 69.

28
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

0 5m

ENEOLITHIC HORIZONS 19781998

Fig. 1. Ground plan of Eneolithic horizons with above ground buildings of Late Vin~a horizon
Sl. 1. Plan eneolitskih horizonata sa osnovama nadzemnih gra|evina poznovin~anskog horizonta

and its function was probably in the sphere of everyday those two horizons. On the other hand, a misleading path
activities in the settlement such as cooking, and/or for determining the relationship between Baden culture
maintaining the light and warmth, and scaring the settlement and Bodrogkerszetur necropolis was the stra-
beasts. It looks as the hearth isnt in any obvious context tigraphic analysis of correlation between the absolute
with some other above ground or dug out Baden feature sea-level altitudes of Bodrogkeresztur graves and Baden
but due to the fact that in the immediate vicinity of it is hearth in their vicinity.12 There isnt enough stratigra-
the foundation of the biggest dug out feature of the phic data for a claim that Bodrogkeresztur necropolis is
Baden settlement, it shouldnt be excluded that those younger then Baden settlement. Bearing in mind that all
structures could be an integral contextual unit. post Neolithic horizons at Vin~a are severely devastated,
the fact that one Bodrogkeresztur grave is 15 cm dug
deeper then Baden hearth 2 m away, itself doesnt speak
STRATIGRAPHY in favor for late dating of Baden settlement.13

Relative-chronological relationship between Eneo-


lithic settlements at Vin~a isnt interpretable on the base
of depositional stratification itself. Since, six Baden pits 12 Jevti} 1986, 143; Tasi} 1984, 75.
were dug into the floors of late Vin~a houses, there isnt 13 For late dating of Baden culture cf. Csalog 1931, 102; Di-
a question about the chronological relationship between mitrijevi} 1979, 3578.

29
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

It is difficult to establish the exact position and settlement, there isnt any significant shift in number of
thickness of the Baden culture horizon. If the criteria for herding animals such as domestic sheep and goat.18 The
determining its absolute position is the stratification of most prominent substantial change that occurred during
dug-out objects then the lowermost level is around the life of the Baden culture settlement is the number of
84,18 m while the upper most level is at 85,22 m sea- domestic pig, which increased almost double since the
level altitude. Still, the limits of Baden horizon in Vin~a late Neolithic. Also, it is worth of mentioning that the
vertical section arent clear since both the profiles from number of domestic cattle declined since the latest Vin~a
Vasi} excavations and ones from 19781980. do not settlement, at almost the same ratio.
show exact stratigraphic position of post-Vin~a settle- Concluding remark on subsistence and economy of
ments. It should be mentioned that according to B. Jo- Eneolithic settlement at Vin~a is in harmony with H.
vanovi} and M. Stevanovi} stratigraphic analysis of Greenfields analysis. It looks as at the beginning of Late
vertical sections at Vin~a, Eneolithic, Bronze age and Eneolithic the small Baden population settled at unin-
Medieval settlements are probably positioned between habited Danube terrace in Vin~a and built humble dug-
the present day surface and the depth of 1 meter, that is -out houses. Their economy was probably of mixed agro-
between 86,12 m and 85,12 m sea-level altitudes.14 Less -pastoral character, with a great emphasis on fishing
reliable are M. Vasi} observations regarding the strati- which is confirmed with well documented data on the
fication of Eneolithic horizons at Vin~a. Under the term significant presence of fish bones in the Baden culture
Pannonian ware M. Vasi} considered the pottery of pits.19 The vicinity of Vin~a offered the same extent of
Baden, Kostolac and Vatin culture, which is positioned natural recourses as in Neolithic period: fertile plain
between the 3,90 m and 0,20 m in vertical section.15 which has been even easier cultivated since the invention
Thus, the stratification of each post-Vin~an horizon can- of plough, enough easy accessible slopes for pasture,
not be studied separately from the conglomerate of Eneo- and the Danube, as the mightiest communicational route
lithic and Bronze Age finds, but the registered level of and a perennial source of fish and shell. Also, due to the
3,90 m in vertical section could be considered just as a invention of wheeled vehicles and the presence of trac-
real Terminus ante quem for Baden culture settlement. tion animals Baden population at Vin~a traveled, com-
As it was shown earlier, there isnt obvious cluste- municated and traded with less effort then Neolithic
ring of Eneolithic objects in Vin~a. Likewise in the inhabitants did.
terms of horizontal stratigraphy and distribution of As attested from this short retrospection of Baden
Baden culture pottery in the cultural layer the only economy at Vin~a, it is obvious that one should not a
pattern that was observed follows the density and the priori consider all Late Eneolithic population as traveling,
degree of later devastations. That is, on the part of the set- pastoral nomads with big herds moving from one pasture
tlement where the Eneolithic cultural layer is severely to another. Rather, it should be stressed that in many
damaged with later Bronze Age dug-out pits (i.e. Blocks cases, subsistence and economy of Baden population
CD/V) Baden and Kostolac culture pottery is less had a dominant pastoral component,20 but also that
often found and it is usually heavily fragmented. On the leading subsistence components are closely associated
other hand, bigger density and better perseverance of with various socio-cultural and geo-economical factors.
Eneolithic pottery in cultural layer is to be observed on Therefore, mixed agro-pastoral economy of Baden po-
the segments of site with the lesser post-depositional
devastations (i.e. Blocks C/3, DE/4).
14 Stevanovi} and Jovanovi} 1996, 200, Figs 23; cf. Jovano-

vi} 1961, 919; Jovanovi} 1984, 2334.


SUBSISTENCE AND ECONOMY 15 Vasi} 1936, 135.
16 Arnold and Greenfield 2006, 2930.
Absence of solid above ground houses and different 17 Sherratt 1981, 261305; Sherratt 1983, 90104; Spasi} 2008.

site organization are in direct link with pastoral and 18 I would like to express big gratitude to my dear colleague

semi-nomadic based economy of the new occupants at prof Haskel J. Greenfield for a kind permission to take account on
Vin~a. This time-period coincides with appearance of his unpublished analysis of animal bones from Eneolithic horizon
at Vin~a. Full report on zooarchaeological analysis of Late Neo-
transhumant pastoralism in Southeastern Europe16 and lithic, Eneolithic and Middle Bronze Age settlements is to be publi-
the beginning of the so called Secondary Product Revo- shed in Journal of Serbian Archaeological Society.
lution.17 However, zooarchaeological analysis from 19 Greenfield in press

Vin~a showed that in comparison with late Neolithic 20 Horvth 2007, 151.

30
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

pulation at Vin~a is to be sought as a response to socio- pottery. The vessels were made out of semi-fine and finely
cultural and natural conditions and needs of the time refined clay with inorganic and organic inclusions. The
period and environment. most common type of inclusions is sand, crushed shells
and crushed ceramic sherds and white magnesite. There
isnt a strong relationship between the type and quantity
MATERIAL CULTURE of inclusion and type/size of the vessel. That is, at almost
the same ratio appear small-sized vessels (i.e. cups,
The most numerous part of finds discovered in the bowls) made out of poorly refined clay with big amount
Baden culture horizon at Vin~a are fragmented clay of sand and magnesite, and large-sized vessels (i.e. pots,
vessels, while worked bone and antler tools (pins, har- amphorae, pithoi) made out of finely refined clay with
poons, hoes) represent rather modest collection of small quantity of organic or inorganic inclusions, and
finds from Baden settlement. Ground and chipped stone vice versa. Vessels were handmade, and fired in oxidiz-
tools are found quite often at Vin~a, but when they are ing and reducing atmosphere. Finishing was executed
found outside the pits or in a pit that was dug in to Vin~a by burnishing and polishing or by implementing some
house their dating to Baden culture is conspicuous since of the various ornamental techniques and motifs. Baden
the material itself is not datable. The most exceptional people from Vin~a were skilled potters. The quality of
finds from Baden settlement at Vin~a are four anthropo- their end-products is displayed through the harmony,
morphic figurines of Die Kopflosidole type.21 Besides symmetry, uniformity and typological diversity of vessel
those four finds, there is one more anthropomorphic forms. Miniature vessels are the only exceptions to the
figurine of the same type which was earlier erroneously remarkably modeled forms, being modeled very clumsy,
dated to the late Vin~a culture. Although it is a scarce find often with asymmetrical walls, insufficiently dried and
its Baden culture provenience is unquestionable.22 Until badly fired. Such properties and attributes could point
now, sites of Cernavod, Vin~a, Vu~edol and [arovce out to hands of an unskilled craftsman or to the function
remain as the only early Baden and CernavodBolerz of such items. Besides miniature vessels, spindle whorls
settlements which yielded more then three such are also carelessly modeled.
figurines.23 Baden figurines from Vin~a were found Basic forms of Baden culture ceramic vessels from
outside the pits, in cultural layer. Similar find contexts Vin~aBelo Brdo include cups, bowls, pots, amphorae,
were observed in Vu~edol and Cernavod also. Clear pithoi, fischbuttegefse and miniature vessels of various
Kopflosidole find context is only to be observed in [a- forms imitating the shapes of the full-size ones. Typolo-
rovce where more then ten anthropomorphic figurines gical analysis of each studied form enables division of
were found in dugout ritual pit along with ceramic many subtypes and varieties.25 Cups with onion shaped
vessels. Therefore the meaning and interpretation of die belly are diagnostic vessel type of Baden culture, their
Kopflosidole figurines is to be sought only within the lower part is usually vertically channeled with one ribbon
cross-cultural analysis on a broader macro-regional scale, handle which exceeds the height of the rim (Pl. I/3, 57).
the task which exceeds the outlines of the current paper.

21 Anthropomorphic figurines from Vin~a were discussed in


POTTERY
detail on other place, c.f. footnote 9.
22 Tasi} 1995, 164, Fig. 45/3.
Repertoire of Baden culture vessels from Vin~a in- 23 It is worth of mentioning that at Baden settlement Bole~ica
cludes all the basic forms and ornamental patterns typical which is some 300 m from Vin~a one more Kopflosidole was found
for the post Bolerz or pre-classical phase of Baden cul- (kind information of academian N. Tasi}); for Cernavod cf Roman
ture, with the strong reminiscence on BolerzCerna- 2001, 19, Taf. 2/ 18, Taf. 4/19; for Vu~edol c.f. Te`ak-Gregl
1988, 1121; For [arovce c. f. Novotny 1981, 130138.
vod III culture pottery and a sort of prelude to the 24 Vasi} 1936, 136138.
material culture patterns of classical Baden culture. M. 25 The text will not be burdened with proliferation of typolo-
Vasi} was the first one to point out to the technology of gical subdivisions of formal types and varieties of vessel. It is the
his so called Pannonian vere, outlining the poorer authors deepest conviction that exhaustive typological study has
quality of Eneolithic and Bronze Age pottery as an enormous significance for the chronology and knowledge of ma-
terial culture of prehistoric community, but also that minor deviations
opposed to perfectly refined and fired Vin~an buccero from the basic form doesnt always signal the affinities, ambitions
ceramics.24 The same could be said now, some 70 years and changes in the studied cultural milieu. However, detailed typo-
after Vasi} analysis of small repertoire of Baden culture logical schemes will be given in the plates at the end of the text.

31
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

Subtypes and varieties include forms of cups with ornamental composition carried out in combination with
different profilation of lips and the belly. Bowls are the different decorative technique. Stabbed dots, triangles and
most frequent type of vessel form in Baden settlement crescent shaped stabs are also performed on wet walls
at Vin~aBelo Brdo (Pl. IIIV). This group of vessels is of the clay, either organized in horizontal or slanting
almost always decorated, so our knowledge of Baden cul- parallel rows or in combination with incising. Both in-
ture ornamental techniques and motifs mainly depends cised and stabbed ornaments are found on almost all
on the study of those types of finds. The main types types of vessel, with onion shaped cups as an only ex-
include spherical (Pl. II/2, 6, III/1/3), semispherical (Pl. ception. On the contrary, horizontal rows of impressed
II/4, 78), conical (Pl. II/1, 3, 5) and biconical bowls fingers and fingernails below the rim, and applied stripes
(Pl. III/57, IV/17). As the leading types appear conical on the rim and below it, are exclusively found on the
and biconical bowls with S profiled walls and fluted rim large-sized vessels such as pots, amphorae and pithoi.
(Pl. III/7, IV/26). Spherical and semispherical bowls Channeling as a leading ornamental technique of the
are also typical for early Baden culture, especially for Baden culture pottery production appears only scarcely
Bolerz culture Eastern counterpart-Cernavoda III cul- at Vin~a, usually in a form of multiple vertical fields on
ture. Subtypes and varieties of bowls are distinguished the belly of onion shaped cups. Absence of channeling
on the basis of angle of profilation of the neck and rim. which is almost fundamental for understanding Baden
Besides bowls, pots make the most frequent type of vessel culture stylistic expression is to be sought as a reflection
at Baden settlement (Pl. V/17, VI/16). Because of their of specific regional, socio-economic aspirations of
size and the fact that most of the finds are heavily frag- Baden inhabitants at Vin~a.
mented it was only possible to separate conical (Pl. V/3,
VI/12), biconical pots (Pl. V/1) and S profiled pots (Pl.
V/67, VI/3, 5, VII/13), while the rest of the repertoire THE KOSTOLAC CULTURE SETTLEMENT
could be differentiated on the basis of variation in rim
and neck profilation. Furthermore, pots are often deco- During the 20th century Kostolac culture settlement
rated, also in a distinctive manner, typical just for this at Vin~a was briefly evaluated by Serbian archaeologists.
group of finds. Fragmentation and bad perseverance All of them came to the same conclusion, that small
were also the problem dealing with typological study of Kostolac population established settlement which was
amphora type vessel (Pl. VII/49, VIII/1, 3), because in shortly inhabited, and that its cultural horizon cannot be
many case, it was impossible to differentiate weather distinguished in Vin~a vertical section.26 In her study
the studied fragment belongs to the pot or amphora. of Kostolac culture D. Nikoli} also referred to settle-
Amphorae with conical necks and narrow mouth are the ment at Vin~a, mainly focusing on the material from
only safely distinguished type of this vessel. Amphorae 19781983. excavations.27 Up to 1998. campaign, there
with impressed, crest modeled rim are found too. Also wasnt much to discuss about Kostolac settlement at
because of the bad perseverance of large sized vessels, Vin~a owing to the fact that there was not a single Kosto-
pithoi are rarely found (Pl. VIII/45). In the case of the lac object excavated and that only about 30 vessel frag-
only one example of fischbuttegefse vessel found at ments were published. During the 1998. excavations, the
Vin~a (Pl. VIII/2), it is even surprising having it in the most important Eneolithic find came to light, a Kosto-
early Baden culture level since their full affirmation is lac culture dug out ritual pit, containing assemblage of
to be found only in late Baden, Kostolac and Vu~edol six intact and one fragmented clay vessels turned upside
culture. Repertoire of miniature vessels from Baden ho- down.28 The find itself wasnt of big help in solving the
rizon at Vin~a is very modest, it includes forms of pots old problems, such as stratigraphy, settlement organiza-
and onion shaped cups. tion, subsistence and economy of the Kostolac culture
Characteristic ornamental techniques and composi- horizon at Vin~a, but its significance for the further
tions on Baden culture pottery at Vin~a signal out for a study of Kostolac culture on the wider macro-regional
classical stylistic expression of Early Baden culture pot- scale is invaluable. Also, it points out to the conclusion,
tery production, with a certain degree of local distincti-
veness (Fig. 2). The most common ornamental technique
is incising which is executed before firing of the vessel.
Rows of incised slanting lines, broom-strike and net-like 26 Vasi} 1910, 2339; Miloj~i} 1953, 151158; Tasi} 1984, 72.
motifs, fishbone, zigzag and triangular ornaments are 27 Nikoli} 2000, T. III/1, 2, 6.
executed either separately, as a single ornament or as an 28 Tasi} 2001, 411418.

32
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 2. Ornamental motifs and composition of Baden culture clay vessels


Sl. 2. Ornamentalni motivi i kompozicije na posudama badenske kulture

purposed long ago by V. Miloj~i}, that Kostolac culture with quite small typological deviations and variations
settlement at Vin~a was of greater importance then from the main type (Pl. IXXI). One of the leading types
archaeologists used to consider.29 As it was pointed out, of Kostolac culture vessels is small conical or biconical
there arent enough firm evidences for a wider discussion cup with high ribbon handle. Besides two fragments of
of Kostolac culture settlement organization at Vin~a, decorated massive ribbon handles, only one cup was
subsistence and economy of its inhabitants. Therefore recovered from Vin~a (Pl. IX/2). Conical, biconical and
just a brief evaluation of ceramics will be given in the semispherical shapes are the most common types of
sequence. bowls (Pl. IX/37, X/18, XI/14), the vast majority of
which comprise of biconical bowls with various sub-
types and varieties distinguished on the basis of distinct
POTTERY rim, neck and shoulder profilation (Pl. X/18, XI/14).
Large-size vessels (i.e. pots, amphorae, pithoi) are very
Rather modest repertoire of Kostolac clay vessels hard to identify because of their morphological resem-
consists of less then one hundred sherds and seven re- blance with Baden culture counterparts. Thus the only
constructed vessels, which doesnt allow broader typo- secure attributed finds are ones from the Kostolac ritual
logical and stylistic consideration. However, it could be pit. A real contribution to the knowledge of Kostolac
stressed that vessels were mainly made out of fine refined pottery production is a miniature conical bowl decorated
clay mixed with crushed shells and sand, and fired in with square impressions (Pl. IX/1).
both reducing and oxidizing atmosphere. Outer surfaces
are well burnished and decorated in well known Kostolac
ornamental manner. Six basic types are distinguished:
cups, bowls, pots, amphorae, pithoi and miniature vessels 29 Miloj~i} 1949, 73.

33
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 3. Ornamental motifs and composition of Kostolac culture clay vessels


Sl. 3. Ornamentalni motivi i kompozicije na posudama kostola~ke kulture

It was outlined above that the leading vessel type of should be outlined that Kostolac culture ornamental
Kostolac culture is high-handled cup, likewise the same system is far more sophisticated then it was observed on
could be said for Furchenstich (stab and drag) ornamen- the material from Vin~a. The reason for the modest
tal technique which is taken as a synonym for the whole stylistic expression at Vin~a shouldnt be explained as
culture. The motifs executed in this technique comprise local degradation of Kostolac ornamental system.30
of simple linear ornaments such as single or multiple Rather, explanations for utterly limited corpus of
horizontal and vertical lines and some kind of chess applied ornamental motifs at Vin~a are to be sought in
fields, which are usually filled with white incrustation.
Alternatively, Furchenstich is combined with stabbed
ornaments. Still, the most common ornamental techni-
ques and compositions are ones inherited from the Baden 30 Ornamental techniques and compositions on pottery of
culture stylistic expression (Fig. 3), such as stabbed trian- Kostolac culture are quite uniform on the vast territory of Belgrade
gles, crescents, squares and dots organized in simple and its vicinity. More variations are to be observed only at macro-
linear compositions like horizontal and vertical lines, regional scale, such as it is in Eastern Serbia where Kostolac culture
is under strong influence of Coofeni culture and vice versa, or in
hanging triangles and chess fields. Impressed and incised Hungarian Transdanubia and southern Slovakia where Kostolac
ornaments are rather rare, the only securely dated finds pottery production is under influence of local Early Furchenstisch
up to now are examples from ritual pit. In conclusion, it traditions of Baj~-Retz-Gajary type.

34
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

the sphere of vivid processes that surrounded, to us still Baden culture, as well as for Kostolac and Vu~edol cul-
unrecognizable, activities of Kostolac population at tures, their presence in Early Baden context is well
Vin~a. testified at the site of Sarva{,35 while for the finds from
Gomolava and DobanovciCiglana somewhat later
dating was proposed.36
RELATIVE AND ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY Vessel repertoire of Baden culture from Vin~a is
slightly remote from typological and ornamental style
As it was shown, stratigraphic data doesnt allow of Bolerz culture. Some basic forms of vessels and orna-
relative dating of Eneolithic horizons at Vin~a, except mentation on it, which survive from Bolerz to classical
the fact that it is well testified that Eneolithic horizons Baden culture, such as cups with pseudo-torded handles,
are younger then the late Vin~an settlement and older jugs, bowls with inner channeled and incised rim and
then Vatin culture layer. However, both Baden and Kos- neck, plastically applied ribs, channeling, subcutaneous
tolac settlements from Vin~a are securely dated via handles are all missing or are underrepresented at Vin~a.
relative chronology, owing to the presence of diagnostic On contrary, there is a strong resemblance with Cerna-
vessel types and ornamentation on them.31 Up to know, voda III culture material which reflects, before all, in
there are three chronological systems regarding the vast appearance of spherical and semispherical bowls,
division and evolution of Baden cultural complex on but also in presence of combined incised and circular
the territory of Central and Southeastern Europe, all of stabbed ornaments. Nevertheless, applied straps with
them being based on the typological and ornamental de- fingertip and fingernail impressions and die Kopflossi-
velopment of vessel types and ornamentation on them.32 dole type figurines are distinctions of the both cultures
Most appropriate chronological scheme for the territory which are observed at Vin~a. From the observed
of Serbia is the one proposed by S. Dimitrijevi} which typological patterns it follows that Vin~a belongs to the
is compatible and comparable with the chronology of V. following cultural horizon: Gomolava IIIa1Jabuka
Nmejcov-Pavkov. According to Dimitrijevi} DobanovciMostonga IU{}e Bole~iceVu~edol (Gra-
chronology, Baden settlement at Vin~a fits into his A2 dac)Sarva{ in Southern Pannonia, BereaCetateaCarei
phase or the so called Fonyod horizon33. This phase is Drumul CminuluiLocusteniPredestiimnic in
synchronous with IIa phase in chronological system of Romanian Banat and Oltenia, FonydPilshmart
V. Nmejcov-Pavkov.34 The phase in question is in BasaharcBalatonboglronBalatonszdTemeti dl
fact an early Baden culture period manifestation, which in Hungarian Transdanubia, NevidzanyMal Kosihy
immediately follows Bolerz horizon in the Central Tekovsky Hrdok^erveny Hrdok in Slovakia, set-
Europe and Cernavoda III culture in the East. The ma- tlements of SchningenSalzmndeOberwerschen
terial culture of this period is still under strong influence and ArbonBleicheAltheim 3 in Central Europe.37
of the typological and ornamental patterns inherited from Chronological relationship of Early Baden culture in
the BolerazCernavoda III cultural complex. Diagnostic
pottery forms and decoration that secure dating of Baden
settlement at Vin~a to an Early phase of Baden culture
are small onion-shaped, channeled cups, S profiled 31 There isnt a single absolute C 14 date from post Vin~an
conical and biconical bowls with fluted neck, deep bell- horizons. Even Neolithic sequences of site are poorly dated (c.f.
shaped and S profiled pots and amphorae, crest Schier 1996, 141163).
modeled rims of pots and amphorae, single or multiple 32 Neustupny 1959, 260284; Dimitrijevi} 1962, 239261;

applied plastic straps with finger, fingertip and nail Nmejcov-Pavkov 1981, 261296.
33 Dimitrijevi} 1979, 209.
impressions, incised zigzag and fishbone motifs, as 34 Nmejcov-Pavkov 1981, 266, Obr. 3.
well as anthropomorphic figurines of die Kopflossidole 35 Balen 2005, 3034, T. 7/2425, T. 8/2628.
type. Material culture from Baden settlement at Vin~a 36 Petrovi} and Jovanovi} 2002, 23; Tasi} 19581959,
shows outstanding uniformity and cultural homogeneity. 228241; Dimitrijevi}1962, 211.
Studied pottery forms and motifs dont allow distingui- 37 General overview of the selected Early Baden and Cerna-

shing more then one cultural or building horizon at voda IIIBoleraz sites can be found in Banner 1956; and Cernavo-
Vin~a. A cup with long neck (Pl. I/7) and an example of d IIIBolerz, ein vorgeschichtliches Phnomen; for sites in
Southern Pannonia c.f. Dimitrijevi} 1979, 183234; Tasi} 1995;
fischbuttgefase (Pl. VIII/2) are the only finds which could Petrovi} and Jovanovi} 2002; for Romania c.f. Roman and Nemeti
signal for later dating of settlement at Vin~a. Although 1976; for Slovakia c.f. Nmejcov-Pavkov 1974, 238360; for
mentioned finds are more typical for the later phase of Central Europe c.f. Driehaus 1960; Beran 1993.

35
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

Central and Southeastern Europe with the synchronous which needs to be answered. Careful examination of both
manifestations in Upper Thrace, Greece and Aegean typological and ornamental development and their se-
isnt clear as it was thought. Although there is more then quencing in order implied by relative and absolute
resemblance in the terms of vessels forms and decoration dating of their appearance is the only path which could
between BolerazCernavoda III repertoire and material solve the problem.
culture of Ezero XIIIIX and Dikili TashSitagroi III38, The question of possible synchronism of earlier
there is more then two century long chronological gap Kostolac culture horizon with the later Baden culture
which doesnt allow such synchronization.39 Therefore, one is still unclear because all such finds derive from an
it would be more reasonable to synchronize Ezero unclear context, that is from cultural layer. Still, in two
XIIIIX and Dikili TashSitagroi III with Baden IIa, or Baden culture dug out pits (nos. 7a and 19) few frag-
to the so called post Boleraz horizon. N. Merpert came ments of Kostolac culture vessels were found. Pit 7a is
to the same conclusion in his discussion on relative heavily devastated with later Vatin culture pit. Deriving
chronology of Ezero.40 conclusion that there are evidences for contemporaneous
In the terms of absolute dates and according to the habitation of Baden and Kostolac population at Vin~a is
relative chronology Baden culture settlement at Vin~a still in the sphere of assumption, and needs to be attested
can be dated to the period between 3400 and 3200 BC, in the course of new excavations.
which is in harmony with calibrated dates from the There are only few absolute dates for Kostolac cul-
Baden IbIIa period.41 ture on the territory of Serbia, ones from Gomolava and
Due to the fact that only one dug out object is secu- Vu~edol are perhaps the most illustratable for Vin~a.46
rely attributed to Kostolac culture, the youngest Ene- Time span for both settlements is between 3100. and
olithic settlement at Vin~a is even harder datable. 2800. B.C. which is in harmony with Vin~a. Hence, if
Concerning the attribution of finds from Kostolac ritual there is synchronicity between late Baden and early
pit it should be stressed that vessels in question dont Kostolac culture settlements, an earlier date for Kostolac
exhibit significant chronological or even cultural sensiti- settlement is also possible. Such high dating of Kosto-
vity. However, finds are well dated because of uniformity lac culture is also proven on Vu~edol.47
in the ritus which is observed on the vast territory,42 and
because there are both typological and ornamental ana-
logies in the repertoire from Gomolava IIIb2.43 Also, CONCLUSION
there is strong resemblance with the material from the
oldest Kostolac settlement at Gomolava (IIIb1), before Late Eneolithic settlements from Vin~aBelo Brdo
all in the prevalence of triangular, circular and crescent offer a new insight into the social dynamics and life-
stabbed ornaments which are typical for Baden culture.44 biography of the settlement which is, with sometimes
On the other hand, vessels decorated in Furchenstisch centuries long hiatuses, inhabited or used in some other
technique display rather modest repertoire of ornamental ways, for more then seven millennia. During the time
compositions which are usually combined with stabbed sequences in question the territory of Belgrade and its
and pricked motifs. Following the relative chronological vicinity was densely populated, just to mention Baden
time span established for Gomolava and Vin~a, Kosto-
lac settlement could be dated to the following cultural
horizon: Gomolava IIIb12KaraburmaGardo{Doba-
novciErdevikMost IITri humke in Serbia, Vu~edol 38 Nmejcov-Pavkov 1981, Obr. 610, 13, 14.
Sarva{Slav~a in Croatia, with Kostolac manifestations 39 Wild et all 2001, 1062.
of HodmezovasarhelyBalatonboglaronOrdacsehi/ 40 Merpert 1979, 497520.

Major type in Hungaria and with Kostolac culture influ- 41 Wild 2001, 10571064; Stadler et all, 2001, 541563.

ences in Southern Slovakia, as it is observed in I`a.45 42 Tasi} 2001, 414418.


43 Petrovi} and Jovanovi} 2002, 289.
With respect of the existing chronological systems of
44 Petrovi} and Jovanovi} 2002, 89/kat. 11, 111/kat. 11, 123/
Kostolac culture, future excavations will show whether
kat. 2, 128/kat. 1, 130/kat. 4, 136/kat. 1, 181/kat. 3.
it is possible to distinguish two phases of Kostolac cul- 45 General overview of the selected Kostolac culture settle-
ture settlement at Vin~a: earlier one, which is represented ments could be found in Nikoli} 2000. For the territory of Croatia
in the cultural layer, and the later one which is re- c.f. Balen 2002, 3552; for Hungary c.f. Bondr 1984, 5984.
gistered in ritual pit. However, the problem of Kostolac 46 Petrovi} and Jovanovi} 2002, 298; Balen 2005, 31.

culture intern periodisation is still an open question 47 Nikoli} 200, 77.

36
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

and Kostolac settlements at Bole~ica, Beljarica, Zemun on a broader macro-regional scale since the abandon-
Gardo{, ZemunSurduk, ZemunPrigrevica, Dobanovci ment of the site by Late Neolithic occupants. Those
Ciglana, Karaburma, Rospi ]uprija, Kalemegdan, changes included shifts in the subsistence, economy,
Avala etc. Baden and Kostolac culture settlements at transport, procurement and trade of raw materials. The
Vin~a were built on a place which was prestigious even changes were sometimes gradual, other times abrupt.
after the abandonment of the site by Late Neolithic Therefore, the place of Baden and Kostolac culture
occupants. There was lot of reasons for both Eneolithic settlement at Vin~a in the Southeast European Late
populations to choose Vin~a as their habitat. Although it Eneolithic oikoumene is to be sought in the sphere of
is quite certain that Late Neolithic and Late Eneolithic the temporal socio-economic trends and capability or
inhabitants hardly ever met at Vin~a, it is not questiona- inability to follow them.
ble whether the later ones new for wealth, rank and re-
putation that had had settlement of their predecessors.
Thus by settling Vin~a, newcomers could have obtained ACKNOWLEDGEMNTS
the legitimacy to all of the socio-economic privileges and
rights that Vin~an population used to have. And what a I would like to express my deepest gratitude to se-
privileges that were! It would be redundant mentioning veral colleagues whose help was of great importance for
diverse opportunities that natural environment offered the final version of this paper: Professor Milo{ Jevti}
and what could have been the advantages and reputation and Assistant professor Marija Lju{tina for their help
achieved by using and controlling them, on both micro and encouragements during the work on my BA thesis;
and macro-regional scale. Another question is if the academians Nikola Tasi} and Borislav Jovanovi} for their
merchant connections and strains that Late Neolithic kind suggestions on various questions concerening the
inhabitants had remained and did the new-comers suc- Eneolithic period; Mi{a Ignjatovi} and Nino Rosi, cura-
ceed to retrieve the existing ones or to build a new tors of Vin~a collection at the Belgrade City Museum;
network on their on. On the first glance it seems as they Dubravka Nikoli} and Jasna Vukovi} for their help with
didnt accomplish any of it, since the settlement itself the finds from vertical section of Vin~a, as well as to
doesnt exhibit the importance of the Neolithic one. Yet, Pedja, Miksa, Kristina and Jovana from the Center for
we should not anticipate Neolithic settlement socio-cul- Digital Archaeology, for their help with field documen-
tural and economic patterns in Late Eneolithic milieu. tation from Vin~a. Responsibility for any errors and
With the respect of circumstances situation has changed missinterpretations in the paper is all mine.

37
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

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bietes, WilkauHasslau 1993. zovoto selite. Sofi 1979, 497520.
Bondr 1984 M. Bondr, Neuere Funde der Ko- Miloj~i} 1949 V. Miloj~i}, Chronologie der jun-
stolac und der Sptbadener Kultur in Ungarn, Acta geren Steinzeit Mittel- und Sudosteuropas, Berlin 1949.
Archaeologica Hungarica 36, Budapest 1984, 5984. Miloj~i} 1953 V. Miloj~i}, Funde der Kostolacer
Chapman 1981 J. Chapman, The Vin~a culture of Kultur in der Sammlung des Vorgeschichtlichen Semi-
Southeast Europe. Studies in chronology, economy and nars in Marburg/Lahn, Prhistorische Zeitschirft
society, Oxford 1981. XXXIVXXXV, Berlin 1953, 151158.
Childe 1958 V. G. Childe, The Dawn of European Nmejcov-Pavkov 1974 V. Nmejcov-
Civilization, New York 1958. Pavkov, Beitrag zum Kennen der Postbolerz-
Csalog 1931 J. Csalog, Siedlung und das kupfer- Entwicklung der Badener Kultur, Slovensk Arheologia
zeitliche Grberfeld in Kiskrs, Prhistorische Zeit- XXII, Bratislava 1974, 238360.
schrift 22, Berlin 1931, 102115. Nmejcov-Pavkov 1981 V. Nmejcov-
Dimitrijevi} 1962 S. Dimitrijevi}, Prilog stup- Pavkov, N~rt periodizcie badenskej kultury a jej
njevanju badenske kulture u sjevernoj Jugoslaviji, chronologickych vztahov k juhovychodnej Europe,
Arheolo{ki radovi i rasprave II, Zagreb 1962, 239261. Slovensk Arheologia XXIX2, Bratislava 1981,
Dimitrijevi} 1979a S. Dimitrijevi}, O nekim kon- 261296.
troverznim pitanjima u kronologiji eneolita ju`nih pod- Neustupny 1959 E. Neustupny, Zur Etstehung
ru~ja karpatske kotline, Osje~ki zbornik XVII, Osijek der Kultur mit kannelierter Keramik, Slovenska Arche-
1979, 3578. ologia 7, Bratislava 1959, 260284.
Dimitrijevi} 1979b S. Dimitrijevi}, Badenska Novotny 1981 B. Novotny, Zur Idolatrie der
kultura, in: A. Benac (ed.) Praistorija jugoslovenskih Badener Kultur in der Slowakei, Slovenska Archeologia
zemalja III, Sarajevo 1979, 183235. XXXIX1, Bratislava 1981, 130138.
Driehaus 1960 J. Driehaus, Die Altheimer Gruppe Petrovi} and Jovanovi} 2002 J. Petrovi} and B.
und das Jungneolithikum in Mitteleuropa, Mainz 1960. Jovanovi}, Gomolava naselja poznog eneolita, Novi
Gara{anin 1951 M. Gara{anin, Hronologija Sad 2002.
vin~anske grupe, Ljubljana 1951. Roman P. and Nemeti 1976 P. Roman and I.
Greenfield in press H. Greenfield, Subsistence Nemeti, Cultura Baden in Romania, Bucuresti 1976.
and taphonomy during the Late Neolithic, Eneolithic and Roman 2001 P. Roman, Die Cernavod III
Middle Bronze Age at Vin~aBelo Brdo, Serbia: Analysis Bolerz-Kulturerscheinung and der Unteren Donau, in P.
of the zooarchaeological data from the 1982 excavations. Roman and S. Diamandi (hers.) Cernavod IIIBolerz,
Horvth 2007 T. Horvth, Huser der Badener ein vorgeschichtliches Phnomen zwischen dem Ober-
Kultur am Fundort BalatonzdTemeti Dl, Acta rhein und der Untern Donau. Symposium Mangalia,
Archaeologica Hungarica 58, Budapest 2007, 43105. Bucureti 2001, 1360.

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Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

Schier 1996 W. Schier, The Relative and Absolute Tasi} 19581959 N. Tasi}, Praistorijsko na-
Chronologie of Vin~a: New Evidence from the Type Site, seqe kod Dobanovaca i prilog prou~avawu badenske
in: F. Draovean (ed.) The Vin~a culture. Its role and grupe u Vojvodini, Starinar IXX, Beograd
cultural connections, Timisoara 1996, 141163. 19581959, 228241.
Sherratt 1981 A. Sherratt, Plough and pastora- Tasi} 198081 N. Tasi}, Die Idole der Baden-
lism: aspects of the secondary products revolution, in: I. Kultur in Vin~a, Arhaeologia Iugoslavica XXXXI,
Hodder, G. Isaac and N. Hammond (eds.) Pattern of the Beograd 19801981, 2733.
Past: The studies in honor of David Clark, Cambridge Tasi} 1984 N. Tasi}, Vin~a u bakarno i
1981, 261305. bronzano doba, in: S. ]eli} (ed.) Vin~a u Praistoriji
Sherratt 1983 A. Sherratt, The Secondary Pro- i sredwem veku, Beograd 1984, 6975.
ducts Exploitation in the Old World, World Archaeology Tasi} 1995 N. Tasi}, Eneolithic Cultures of Central
15/1, London 1983, 90104. and West Balkans, Belgrade 1995.
Spasi} 2008 M. Spasi}, Horizontal and Vertical Vasi} 1910 M. Vasi}, Die Hauptergebnisse der
Communication Axis in Middle and Late Eneolithic, prhistorischen Ausgarbung in Vin~a in Jahre 1908,
Anallele Banatului XVI, Timisoara 2008, 3145. Prhistorische Zeitschirft II, Berlin 1910, 2339.
Srejovi} 1957 D. Srejovi}, Badenska kerami- Vasi} 1911 M. Vasi}, Die Datierung der Vin~a-
ka u Vin~i, Zbornik Filozofkog fakulteta IV1, schicht, Prhistorische Zeitschirft III, Berlin 1911,
Beograd 1957, 7379. 126132.
Stadler et al 2001 P. Stadler et all, Absolute Chro- Vasi} 1932 M. Vasi}, Preistoriska Vin~a I,
nology for Early Civilizations in Austria and Central Euro- Beograd 1932.
pe using C14 Dating with Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Vasi} 1936a M. Vasi}, Preistoriska Vin~a
with special Results for the Absolute Chronology of the II, Beograd 1936.
Baden Culture, in: P. Roman and S. Diamandi (hers.) Vasi} 1936b M. Vasi}, Preistoriska Vin~a
Cernavod III- Bolerz, ein vorgeschichtliches Phno- III, Beograd 1936.
men zwischen dem Oberrhein und der Untern Donau. Vasi} 1936c M. Vasi} Preistoriska Vin~a
Symposium Mangalia, Bucureti 2001, 541563. IV, Beograd 1936.
Stevanovi} and Jovanovi} 1996 M. Stevanovi} Wild et all 2001 M. W. Wild et all, New Chrono-
and B. Jovanovi}, Stratigraphy of Vin~aBelo Brdo Re- logical Frame for the Young Neolithic Baden Culture in
considered, Starinar XLVII, Beograd 1996, 193204. Central Europe (4th millenium BC), Radiocarbon 43,
Te`ak-Gregl 1988 T. Te`ak-Gregl, O problemu Arizona 2001, 10571064.
idoloplastike u badenskoj kulturi, Opuscula Archeolo-
gica 13, Zagreb 1988, 1121.

39
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

Rezime: MILO[ SPASI], Muzej Grada Beograda, Beograd

VIN^ABELO BRDO:
VERNISA@I ENEOLITSKOG BEOGRADA I OKOLINE I

Kqu~ne re~i. Vin~a, eneolit, badenska i kostola~ka kultura, organizacija naseqa, hronologija.

Teku}i rad predstavqa rezultate analiza badenskog i ko- kulturnih i relativno-hronolo{kih odnosa na mikro i
stola~kog naseqa na ~uvenom lokalitetu Vin~aBelo Br- makro regionalnoj razmeri.
do, u blizini Beograda. Re~ je o inicijalnom radu, uvodu u Detaqnom analizom kerami~kog materijala iz oba ene-
seriju studija koje }e se odnositi na problematiku eneo- olitska horizonta utvr|eno je da se naseqe nosilaca baden-
litskog perioda u Beogradu i wegovoj okolini. Dobru osno- ske kulture mo`e vezati za ranu fazu ove kulture, Baden A2
vu za detaqnu analizu eneolitskih horizonata na Vin~i po S. Dimitrijevi}u, odnosno za post Boleraz^ernavoda
omogu}ili su rezultati druge i tre}e kampawe sistemat- III horizont, to jest Baden IIa po hronologiji V. Nemejcove-
skih istra`ivawa (19781986; 19982008), dok su vezi sa Pavukove. Uo~ena je izvesna lokalna osobenost u ornamen-
pojedinim istra`iva~kim pitawima bila referentna i tici posuda od pe~ene gline, koja se ogleda u velikoj
zapa`awa Miloja Vasi}a, prvog istra`iva~a Vin~e. Razma- zastupqenosti urezanog i punktiranog ornamenta i na~inu
trawa o badenskoj i kostola~koj arhitekturi, horizontal- wihove organizacije u ornamentalnom sistemu. Ipak, ke-
noj i vertikalnoj stratigrafiji i dinamici naseqavawa rami~ki inventar badenskog naseqa ne odstupa u mnogome
bila su donekle ograni~ena budu}i da su postvin~anska od standardnih stilsko-tipolo{kih formi i mo`e se veza-
naseqa te{ko devastirana ukopima preko 900 sredwovekov- ti za isto~ne tradicije ^ernavoda III kulture, mnogo vi{e
nih grobova. U okviru istra`enog dela badenskog naseqa nego za severne oblasti ranobadenskih, odnosno post Bole-
ustanovqeno je ukupno 17 ukopanih objekata i jedna nad- raskih manifestacija ma|arske Transdanubije i ju`ne
zemna pe}. Uz izvesnu rezervu mo`e se re}i da su ukopani Slova~ke. U tom pogledu, badensko naseqe na Vin~i upravo
objekti slu`ili kao stani{ta i otpadne jame. Tako|e, u le`i na razme|u ova dva velika kulturno-geografska kom-
radu je nagla{eno da se funkcionalna uloga ukopanih obje- pleksa, a wegovi `iteqi su verovatno koristili predno-
kata verovatno mewala u razli~itim vremenskim sekven- sti uloge posrednika u odnosima izme|u istoka i zapada.
cama, u odnosu na iscrpqenost wihovog funkcionalnog Materijalna kultura kostola~kog naseqa tako|e ne izlazi
kvaliteta, ali i u odnosu na potrebe badenskih stanovnika. iz okvira poznatih obrazaca kostola~ke keramikografije,
Kostola~ko naseqe je znatno maweg obima i verovatno je pa je i pored veoma ograni~enog broja nalaza bilo mogu}e
bilo kratkotrajnog karaktera. Na ne{to druga~ije tuma- izdvojiti dva horizonta. Stariji horizont ozna~en je nala-
~ewe kostola~kog naseqa navodi jedini istra`eni objekat zima iz kulturnog sloja sa dobrim analogijama u Gomolava
ove kulture, ukopana ritualna jama sa sedam o~uvanih su- IIIb1 sloju, dok bi ne{to mla|em horizontu pripadala ri-
dova. Materijalna kultura eneolitskih stanovnika Vin~e tualna jama koja se mo`e sinhronizovati sa Gomolava IIIb
predstavqala je osnov za prou~avawe ekonomije, socio- 23 slojem.

40
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

4
3

7 0 5 cm

8 9

Plate I 1, 6 (Block CIII/3), 2 (Block BIII/3), 3 (Block CIV/14), 4 (Block BIV), 5 (Block DIII/1),
7 (Block CIII/1), 8 (Block DIV/3), 9 (Block DIV)
Tabla I 1, 6 (blok CIII/3), 2 (blok BIII/3), 3 (blok CIV/14), 4 (blok BIV), 5 (blok DIII/1),
7 (blok CIII/1), 8 (blok DIV/3), 9 (blok DIV)

41
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

2
1

3 4

6
0 5 cm

7 8

Plate II 1 (Block EIII/4), 2 (Block BIV/14), 3, 8 (Block DIV), 4 (Block EIII), 5 (Block EIII/4),
6 (Block DIII), 7 (Block CIV/14)
Tabla II 1 (blok EIII/4), 2 (blok BIV/14), 3, 8 (blok DIV), 4 (blok EIII), 5 (blok EIII/4),
6 (blok DIII), 7 (blok CIV/14)

42
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

3 4

0 5 cm

6 7

Plate III 1 (Block CIII), 2, 5 (Block EIII), 3 (Block DIII/1), 4 (Pit 30),
6 (Block DIV/14), 7 (Block BIV)
Tabla III 1 (blok CIII), 2, 5 (blok EIII), 3 (blok DIII/1), 4 (jama 30),
6 (blok DIV/14), 7 (blok BIV)

43
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

3 4

0 5 cm

6 7

Plate IV 1 (Block BIV/3), 2 (Block EIV/1), 3 (Block EIIIIV/13), 4 (Block CIV), 5 (Block DIV),
6 (Block BV/4), 7 (Block CIV/4)
Tabla IV 1 (blok BIV/3), 2 (blok EIV/1), 3 (blok EIIIIV/13), 4 (blok CIV), 5 (blok DIV),
6 (blok BV/4), 7 (blok CIV/4)

44
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

0 5 cm

6 7

Plate V 1 (Block CIV/14), 2, 5 (Block BIV/14), 3 (Block DIII/1), 4 (Block DIV),


6 (Block DIII/14), 7 (Block BIV/12)
Tabla V 1 (blok CIV/14), 2, 5 (blok BIV/14), 3 (blok DIII/1), 4 (blok DIV),
6 (blok DIII/14), 7 (blok BIV/12)

45
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

0 5 cm

5 6

Plate VI 1 (Block DIII), 2, 4, 6 (Block DIII/14), 3 (Pit 7a), 5 (Block V/2)


Tabla VI 1 (blok DIII), 2, 4, 6 (blok DIII/14), 3 (jama 7a), 5 (blok V/2)

46
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 4

0 5 cm

2 5

6 7

8 9

Plate VII 1, 3 (Block DIV), 2 (Block BIII), 4 (Block DIV), 5 (Block BIV/4), 6 (Block DIV/3),
7 (Block CIII), 8 (Block EIV/13), 9 (Block DIII)
Tabla VII 1, 3 (blok DIV), 2 (blok BIII), 4 (blok DIV), 5 (blok BIV/4), 6 (blok DIV/3),
7 (blok CIII), 8 (blok EIV/13), 9 (blok DIII)

47
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

0 5 cm

Plate VIII 1 (Block DIV), 2 (Block DIV/14), 3 (Block DIII), 4 (Block EIII), 5 (Block CIII/14)
Tabla VIII 1 (blok DIV), 2 (blok DIV/14), 3 (blok DIII), 4 (blok EIII), 5 (blok CIII/14)

48
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

0 5 cm

3 6

4 7

Plate IX 1(Block DIV/4), 2 (Block EIII/4), 3 (Block CII/4), 4 (Block BIIIIV/12),


5 (Block CIII/13), 6 (Block DIV/14), 7 (Block EIV/12)
Tabla IX 1 (blok DIV/4), 2 (blok EIII/4), 3 (blok CII/4), 4 (blok BIIIIV/12),
5 (blok CIII/13), 6 (blok DIV/14), 7 (blok EIV/12)

49
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

2
0 5 cm

3
4

5 6

7 8

Plate X 1 (Block BIII/3), 2, 4, 7 (Without position), 3 (Block CIII/13),


5 (DIV), 6 (Pit 7a), 8 (Block FIV/1)
Tabla X 1 (blok BIII/3), 2, 4, 7 (bez polo`aja), 3 (blok CIII/13),
5 (DIV), 6 (jama 7a), 8 (blok FIV/1)

50
Milo{ SPASI], Vin~aBelo Brdo: Vernissages of Eneolithic Belgrade and its Vicinity I (2751) STARINAR LIX/2009

0 5 cm
1

2
5

3 6

4 7

Plate XI 1 (Block CII), 2 (Block EIII), 3 (Block CII/4), 4 (Block DIV), 5 (Block DIV),
6 (Block EIV), 7 (Block BE/4)
Tabla XI 1 (blok CII), 2 (blok EIII), 3 (blok CII/4), 4 (blok DIV), 5 (blok DIV),
6 (blok EIV), 7 (blok BE/4)

51
ALEKSANDAR KAPURAN
Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd

O UTICAJIMA VATINA I VERBI^OARE


NA NALAZIMA GAMZIGRADSKE KULTURNE GRUPE

UDK: 903"637"(497.11) e-mail: a.kapuran@gmail.com


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959053K Primqeno: 15. februara 2009.
Originalan nau~ni rad Prihva}eno: 4. maja 2009.

Apstrakt. Ovaj rad se bavi analogijama gamzigradske kulturne grupe sa susednim kulturnim manifestacijama
ranog i sredweg bronzanog doba u Podunavqu i Pomoravqu. Rekognoscirawima teritorije u bli`oj okolini lokaliteta
Romulijana, izvedenih u dva navrata 2001. i 2008. godine, do{lo se do jasnijeg sagledavawa distribucije lokaliteta
i stilsko-tipolo{kih karakteristika na keramici ove kulturne grupe. Prema analogijama i u~estalostima odre|enih
kerami~kih tipova, poku{ava se rasvetliti karakter i nastanak ove kulturne manifestacije pozicionirane na uskom
prostoru izme|u para}inskog i vatinskog kompleksa sa jedne, i kulture Verbi~oara sa druge strane.

Kqu~ne re~i. Isto~na Srbija, Timok, sredwe bronzano doba, Vatin, Verbi~oara, gamzigradska kultura,
para}inska kultura.

S
liv reke Timok koji konvergentno i diver- etni~ka pro`imawa. Nosioci para}inske kulture
gentno preseca teritoriju Isto~ne Srbije, uspostavqaju ~vrste veze izme|u Pomoravqa i is-
idu}i ka svom u{}u u Dunav, pomogao je to~ne Srbije sa jedne i kultura sa prostora ju`nih
kontakte lokalnog stanovni{tva sa susednim regi- Karpata, Dunava severne i centralne Bugarske sa
onima u Podunavqu, Pomoravqu, Olteniji i seve- druge strane.2
rozapadnoj Bugarskoj. Ovo stanovni{tvo, prate}i Period bronzanog doba isto~ne Srbije najboqe
nalazi{ta bakarne rude, poznata jo{ iz perioda ra- predstavqaju grobni inventari sa nekropola u Trwa-
nog eneolita, ukqu~ilo je Timo~ki eruptivni basen nima,3 na Borskom jezeru,4 Maguri,5 Romulijani6 i
u sredi{te interesovawa kultura bronzanog doba. usamqeni grob na Pi{ura ~esmi7 u Zaje~aru. Od na-
Period razvijenog bronzanog doba, nakon eneolita
i rane bronze, prestavqa epohu stabilizacije u ko-
me se difernciajcijom raznih grupa u mirnom pro- 1 Gara{anin 1988, 28.
cesu priprema kasnije formirawe velikih paleo- 2 Tasi} 1991, 126.
balkanskih etni~kih grupacija.1 Ovaj proces odvija 3 Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 19871990; Jovanovi} 1997.
se na {irokom prostoru Oltenije, Banata, Ba~ke, 4 Lazi} 2004, 105.
Srema, Zapadne i Isto~ne Srbije, [umadije i ob- 5 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 228.
lastima uz sredwi tok Dunava. Teritorija Timo~ke 6 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 229.
Krajine tako|e je ukqu~ena u pomenuta kulturno- 7 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 227; Gara{anin 1973, 299.

* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: Metalno doba u Pomoravqu (br. 147007) koji finansira Ministarstvo za nauku i
tehnolo{ki razvoj Republike Srbije.

53
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

seqa su istra`eni Trwane,8 Bawska stena,9 Mile- grobova, dok urne po tipolo{kim odlikama ne izla-
tov bunar,10 Zvezdan i Kadijski Krst.11 Rekognosci- ze iz okvira para}inske grupe.19 Ova nekropola pri-
rawem oblasti oko Romulijane u dva navrata 2001. padala bi poznom bronzanom dobu20 kao i izolova-
i 2008. godine, otkriveno je jo{ 10 prete`no vi{e- ni nalazi grobova u Zaje~aru (Pi{ura ~esma)21 i u
slojnih lokaliteta, iz perioda bronzanog doba, od Zvezdanu.22 Prema tipolo{kim karakteristikama
kojih 7 pripadaju visinskim a 3 ravni~arskim na- kerami~kih formi, kulturno-hronolo{ki one mogu
seqima sme{tenim u neposrednoj blizini Timoka biti svrstane u para}insku kulturu ili Para}in
ili wegovih pritoka.12 Mali broj otkrivenih me- I23 (od 13. do 11. veka p.n.e.).24 Veoma retki nalazi
talnih nalaza na prostoru istra`enih naseqa, i u metala su otkriveni prilikom istra`ivawa nekro-
grobovima, ote`avaju preciznija datovawa osniva- ple na Maguri. Otkriven je jedan vrh kopqa perfori-
wa i napu{tawa ovih lokaliteta iz bronzanog doba. ran sa predwe strane tulca, vrh strele od bronzanog
Naseqa se mogu svrstati u dve grupe: otvorena, lima i kupasta glava igle.25 Ovaj tip kopqa neki
sa jednoslojnom horizontalnom, ~esto devastiranom autori tuma~e i kao vrh strele od velikog streqa~-
stratigrafijom i zatvorena, gradinska, sa vi{esloj- kog luka, a hronolo{ki ga svrstavaju u sredwe bron-
nom, jasnom stratigrafskom situacijom.13 Na loka- zano doba.26 Kupasta glava igle pripada nalazima
litetu Trwane otkriveno je jednoslojno naseqe sa koji se u isto~noj Evropi kre}u u rasponu od kraja
nadzemnim ku}ama, ostacima pe}i i kerami~kih sredweg bronzanog doba do Hal{tata.27
posuda koje su funkcionalno mogle biti kori{}e- Osobenost bronzanog doba isto~ne Srbije pred-
ne za pr`ewe sulfidne rude bakra, na {ta ukazuju i stavqa pro`imawe kulturnih odlika grupa Vatin i
znatne koli~ine otkrivene zgure.14 Jedini istra`e- Verbi~oara u sredwem i para}inske grupe u kasnom
ni lokalitet sa vertikalnom stratigrafijom pred- bronzanom dobu.28 Op{te je prihva}en pogled da va-
stavqa utvr|eno gradinsko naseqe na Bawskoj steni.
Istra`ivawa su pokazala da je ovo naseqe iz bakar-
nog i bronzanog doba, posedovalo fortifikaciju u 8 Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 19871990; Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 226.
vidu suhozida i nadzemne ku}e.15 9 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 229230.
Naseqa se formiraju na prirodno za{ti}enim 10 Sladi}, Ru`i} 2001.
uzvi{ewima sa tragovima dodatnog utvr|ivawa, 11 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 232; Pekovi}, Jevti} 2006.
{to je slu~aj na Bawskoj steni,16 ili na blagim ko- 12 Lazi}, Sladi} i Pekovi} 2002: 6467; Tokom leta 2008
sinama pored vodenih tokova. Ku}e su nadzemne sa godine saradwom Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu i TOPOI
zidovima ra|enim u tehnici pletera oblepqenih projekta Fraj Univerziteta u Berlinu, izvr{eno je reviziono
blatom. U nekima su pored pe}i nala`eni tragovi rekognoscirawe pomenute teritorije. Osim kartirawa lokali-
teta, tim istra`iva~a je pored arheologa koji su prikupili
zgure, preostali od prerade sulfidne rude bakra, i povr{inske nalaze ukqu~io geografe i geologe, koji su geodet-
tragovi svakodnevnih aktivnosti kao {to su izrada skim bu{ewima prikupqali podatke o pedolo{kom sastavu i
alata od kamena, kosti, kerami~kih posuda ili pri- kvalitetu zemqi{ta. Projektom rukovode dr. U. Bulf i dr. E.
premawe hrane.17 [ut, a u~estvuju studenti postdiplomskih studija J. [kundri},
J. Tot, M. Leistner i K. Leihe.
Duhovni `ivot i obi~aje najboqe ilustruje odnos 13 Jankovi}, Bugarski, Janji} 19871990, 1314; Lazi} 1998a:
prema pokojnicima i ritual sahrawivawa. Nekro- 150.
pole predstavqaju grupe grobova koji su izgra|eni 14 Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 19871990, 1.

u vidu mawih tumula (verovatno za grupe srodnika) 15 Lazi} 1998, 150.

podignutih iznad urni ukopanih u zemqu. Na nekro- 16 Lazi} 1997, 111.


17 Lazi} 1997, 111.
poli Magura, konstrukcije tumula u osnovi ~ine
18 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, sl. 3638; Lazi} 1998, 112.
dva kru`na prstena od naslaganih ve}ih komada ka-
19 Jovanovi}, Jankovi} 19871990, 2.
mena, ~iji je me|uprostor ispuwen sitnijim kame-
20 Jovanovi} 19871990, 10.
wem, sa mestom za jednu ili vi{e urni koje su zatva- 21 Gara{anin 1973, 299.
rane kamenim plo~ama. Osim kerami~kih pehara i 22 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 227228.
bronzanih predmeta pohrawenih u urne, u nekim 23 Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006, 31.
slu~ajevima su pored wihotkriveni komadi plo~a- 24 Jovanovi} 1997, 71.
stog kamewa sa urezanim ornamentima, kao i ritu- 25 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, sl. 35.
alno razbijena keramika.18 Nekropola na Trwanima 26 Bogdanovi} 2001, 178; Jacob-Freisen 1967, 197. Taf. 107/1.

ima sli~ne grobne konstrukcije od re|enog kamena, 27 Vasi} 2003, 61, Taf. 22/330.

gusto sabijene, sa malo slobodnog prostora izme|u 28 Gara{anin 1973, 298; Gara{anin 1983, 727; Tasi} 1998, 37.

54
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

Karta I. 1. Varzari, 2. \okin Vis, 3. Kravarnik, 4. Mustafa, 5. Nikoliv Savat, 6. Wiva Zore Brzanovi},
7. Pertow, 8. PotesPetrow, 9. Strewak, 10. Zvezdan, 11. Bawska Stena, 12. Romulijana
Map I. 1. Varzari, 2. \okin Vis, 3. Kravarnik, 4. Mustafa, 5. Nikolov Savat, 6. Njiva Zore Brzanovi},
7. Petronj, 8. PotesPetronj, 9. Strenjak, 10. Zvezdan, 11. Banjska Stena, 12. Romulijana

tinske kulturne zajednice ve{to integri{u dobra Rekognoscirawima {ire okoline lokaliteta
iz susednih kultura u sopstveno stvarala{tvo.29 Romulijana otkriveno je 10 lokaliteta iz perioda
Iako su otkriveni predmeti od metala veoma retki, bronzanog doba, od kojih 7 pripadaju visinskim a 3
ve{tina vatinskih zanatlija najboqe je predstav- ravni~arskim naseqima sme{tenim u neposrednoj
qena na kvalitetnoj keramici barokne dekoracije, blizini Crnog Timoka i wegovih pritoka (karta I).33
gla~anim kamenim sekirama koje po obliku imiti-
raju metalne, kao i slo`enom geometrijskom deko- Lok. VarzariKupusi{te. Ovaj lokalitet je
racijom urezanom na predmetima od kosti. Ukoliko pozicioniran na uzvi{ewu udaqenom 1800 m seve-
se generalno sagledaju stilsko tiolo{ki elementi rozapadno od palate, na padini koja se spu{ta se-
na nalazima keramike sa vi{e lokaliteta vatin- verno ka zapadnom delu sela Gamzigrad i potoku
skog kompleksa u Pomoravqu, o~igledne su i lokal- (220 m nadmorske visine). Otkriveni se materijal
ne varijante u dekorisawu na klasi~nim vatinskim
formama30.
Prema nalazima materijalne kulture, ova sim-
29 Srejovi} 1981, 43.
bioza kulturnih pro`imawa dovela je do stvarawa
30 Tasi} 2001, 9, sl. 1; Bogdanovi} 1986, T. II; Nikitovi},
prepoznatqivog regionalnog kerami~kog stila koji
Stoji}, Vasi} 2002, 5556; Stoji} 1992; Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006,
je profesor D. Srejovi} definisao kao gamzigrad- 3031; Stoji}, Joci} 2006, 40; Nikitovi} 2001, T. I.
sku kulturnu grupu.31 Ona je hronolo{ki odre|ena u 31 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997; Lazi} 1998; Lazi} 1998a.

period kraja ranog bronzanog i razvijenog bronza- 32 Lazi} 2004, 123.

nog doba, odnosno od 17001300 godine p.n.e.32 33 Kapuran, [kundri} 2009.

55
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

rasprostirao na velikoj povr{ini duga~ke terasa- povr{ine 1 ha, na nadmorskoj visini od oko 245 m, sa
se u obilu lingule, koja blago pada od zapada prema koje se pru`a jasan pogled ka Bawskoj steni. Sude}i
istoku. Tri geodetske bu{otine na parceli zasa|e- po brojnom kerami~kom i kamenom materijalu otkri-
noj detelinom, na sevrozapadnoj strani lokaliteta, venom rekognoscirawem 2008. godine, mo`e se zakqu-
pokazuju varijacije u dubini kulturnog sloja od ~iti da se radi o najzanimqivijem praistorijskom
0,45 m do 1 m. Povr{inski sloj oranice debqine lokalitetu u okolini Romulijane. Nalazi ukazuju
oko 0,30 m a smewuje sloj `uto mrke zemqe u kome je na postojawe: neolitskog star~eva~kog horizonta,
prona|ena keramika iz metalnih doba sve do nivoa sredweg bronzanog doba, gvozdenog doba I, gvozdenog
sterila koga ~ini stena od laporca. Pored brojnih doba II i IIb, gvozdenog doba IV odnosno wegovog sa-
nalaza kerami~kih posuda, od kojih dominiraju frag- mog kraja dako-getskog kulturnog horizonta.
menti ve}ih posuda grube spoqne povr{ine sa ka- SBD-u bi pripadali fragmenti poluloptaste
men~i}ima u fakturi. Otkriveno je dosta predmeta zdele razgrnutog oboda (Tabla III/1), lonca dekori-
od kamena kao i ve}i broj ulomaka legure gvo`|a i sanog plasti~nom apliciranom trakom ukra{enom
bakra koji su najverovatnije pripadali ve}em ko- utiskivawem (Tabla III/2), saxaka sa perforacijom
la~u konkavnog dna. (Tabla III/3), i tri dr{ke tipa ansa lunata koje na-
Stratigrafiju ovog naseqa ~ine horizont mla- dilaze obod (Tabla III/ 46).
|eg kamenog doba star~eva, sredweg bronzanog do-
ba, gvozdenog doba I i gvozdenog doba II. Nalaze SBD Lok. Mustafa otkriven je zahvaquju}i D. No-
~ine fragmenti lonaca sa razgrnutim obodom i lev- vakovi}u iz sela Gamzigrad, koji je prilikom orawa
kastim vratom (Tabla I/1), zdela (Tabla I/25), peha- na svojoj wivi otkrio dve cele kamene sekire iz
ra o{tre bikoni~ne profilacije (Tabla I/6) i dr{ke bronzanog doba (Tabla. IV/3, 4). Brdo Mustafa se na-
sa porotomima (Tabla I/7), koni~ne zdele sa hori- lazi 2000 m severoisto~no od sela Gamzigrad, sa le-
zontalno profilisanim razgrnutim obodom (Tabla ve strane puta koji vodi ka potesu Baba Jona, na
I/8) i dvojnim trougaonim pro{irewima (Tabla nadmorskoj visini od oko 280 m. Lokalitet je povr-
I/9,10). Dr{ke su masivne, tipa ansa lunata sa lepe- {ine oko 4 ha, sme{ten na dominantnom platou koji
zastim pro{irewem na spoju lukova (Tabla I/11) i je u vizuelnom kontaktu sa lokalitetima Kravarnik
sa ulegnutim prevojem (Tabla I/12). Otkrivena je i i Bawska stena, dok se sa najvi{e ta~ke ovog {iro-
jedna fragmentovana probu{ena ~eki} sekira izra- kog platoa kontroli{e velika teritorija u pravcu
|ena od zelenog serpentinita (Tabla I/13). juga i severa u krugu od vi{e desetina kilometara.
Nalazi pripadaju iskqu~ivo periodu sredweg bron-
Lok. \okin Vis pozicioniran je na isto~nim zanog doba a izdvajamo poluloptastu zdelu sa nagla-
padinama uzvi{ewa koje le`i na nekih 3500 m za- {enim zadebqanim obodom (Tabla IV/1) i obod lonca
padno od gamzigradske palate, na nadmorskoj visini sa obodom dekorisanim ornamentisanom plasti~nom
od 380 m. Za ovaj lokalitet se zna od devedesetih go- trakom (Tabla IV/2).
dina pro{log veka ali je prvi put rekognosciran
2001. godine.34 Od kulturnih horizonata na otkri- Lok. Nikolov Savat nalazi se na oko 3500 m
venom materijalu, prepoznatqiv je period sredweg jugozapadno od Gamzigradske palate, na uzvi{ewu
bronzanog doba, kasnog bronzanog doba i gvozdenog neposredno iznad Moskovskog puta (330 m nadmor-
doba II. ske visine). ^ini ga omawi plato koji se pru`a u
Priodu SBD pripadaju fragmentovane polu- pravcu istok-zapad na kome je otkriveno dosta
loptaste zdele nagla{enog razgrnutog oboda (Tabla fragmenata keramike i lepa. Ovaj plato se nadove-
II/1, 2) i fragmentovani saxak ve}ih dimenzija (Ta- zuje na wivu u pravcu severozapada koja se strmo
bla II/3). spu{ta ka koritu potoka. Ukupna povr{ina lokali-
teta iznosi oko 2 ha. Ovakva pozicija ispuwava
Lok. Kravarnik je otkriven sredinom 90-ih go- uslove za formirawe naseqa {to potvr|uju i nala-
dina XX veka, zahvaquju}i me{taninu M. Mitulo- zi ku}nog lepa.
vi}u-Jerku koji je godinama donosio u muzej komade
okresanog i gla~anog kamena prikupqene nakon obra-
de wive u vlasni{tvu M. Mihajlovi}a. Lokalitet je
rekognosciran 2001. godine.35 Nalazi na oko 1400 m 34 Lazi}, Sladi}, Pekovi} 2001.
severozapadno od centra sela Gamzigrad, na platou 35 Lazi}, Sladi}, Pekovi} 2001.

56
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

Kerami~ke nalaze SBD predstavqaju karakteri- Lok. Strewak\okin Vis je udaqen oko 4 ki-
sti~ne forme lonaca razgrnutog oboda i levkastog lometara zapadno od gamzigradske palate i na oko
vrata ukra{eni plasti~nom dekorisanom trakom 350 m severoisto~no od uzvi{ewa \okin Vis. Ta~-
(Tabla V/1,2), saxaka (Tabla V/3) i trbuha ukra{enog nije on se nalazi izme|u Strewaka i \okinog Visa
horizontalnim nizom utisaka prstom (Tabla V/4). na prostranoj zaravni koja se blago spu{ta ka seve-
rozapadu i presu{enom koritu maweg potoka. Nala-
Lok. Wiva Zore Brzanovi} nalazi se pored zi keramike, lepa i kamena konstatovani su na dve
leve obale Timoka na delu potesa Beligovo, oko 600 wive ukupne povr{ine od oko 1 ha. Najve}a koli~i-
m od mosta koji povezuje Gamzigradsku bawu i Me- na materijala je uo~ena na isto~nom delu platoa
tovnicu, na re~noj terasi pored stare pruge (180 m odakle je najverovatnije erozijom i zemqoradwom
nadmorske visine) ispod brda Golaja. Lokalitet je rasut u pravcu zapada. Prona|en je iskqu~ivo pra-
otkriven rekognoscirawem 2001. godine.36 Praisto- istorijski materijal iz perioda sredweg bronzanog
rijskim nalazima pripadaju fragmenti keramike doba.
iz perioda eneolita (Kocofeni II), sredweg bronza- Wima pripadaju lonci nagla{enog razgnutog
nog doba, gvozdeno doba I i gvozdeno doba II. oboda, sa apliciranom trakom ukra{enom utiskiva-
Nalazima horizonta SBD pripadaju fragmento- wem (Tabla IX/1), zdele S profilacije (Tabla IX/2) i
vani razgnuti obodi i levkasti vratovi ukra{enih poluloptaste zdele sa nagla{enim o{tro profili-
apliciranim plasti~nim ornamentisanim trakama sanim obodom (Tabla IX/3).
od lonaca (Tabla VI/1), zdela S profilacije (Tabla
VI/2) i poluloptastih zdela sa nagla{enim razgr- Lok. na ulazu u Zvezdan nalazi se na zapadne
nutim obodom (Tabla VI/3). strani sela neposredno uz obalu Timoka. Na ovome
mestu, u re~nom profilu, otkriven je praistorijski
Lok. Petrow pozicioniran je na oko 2000 m ju- materijal iz perioda sredweg bronzanog doba. Otvo-
gozapadno od gamzigradske palate, na potesu Pe- rena je i mawa sonda ali zbog velikog uticaja erozi-
trow, neposredno uz Moskovski put, na platou koji je nije se mogla utvrditi pouzdana stratigarfija.38
se pru`a iznad u{}a Seli{kog potoka (270 m nad- Nalazi dobijeni ovim istra`ivawem pokazuju
morske visine). Otkriven je rekognoscirawem 2001. da se pored standardnih formi oblika i ukra{ava-
godine,37 kada je konstatovano da se nalazi praisto- wa kod lonaca (Tabla X/15), pehari ukra{avaju na
rijske grn~arije prostiru na povr{ini od oko 5 ha. vatinski na~in (Tabla X/6, 7), koni~ne zdele po-
Rekognoscirawem iz 2008. godine uo~eno je da disti- seduju na razgnutim obodima dvostruka trougaona
bucija materijala opada u pravcu jugozapada. Otkri- pro{irewa (Tabla X/9, 10) dok su dr{ke od pehara
ven je materijal iz perioda sredweg bronzanog doba, ukra{ene visokim vertikalnim produ`etcima na
kasnog bronzanog doba i gvozdenog doba II. dodiru lukova (Tabla X/8) ili su vertikalno bu{e-
Horizontu SBD pripadaju razgrnuti obodi lon- ne u vidu pecipijenata (Tabla X/11).
ca sa ukrasom izvedenim vertikalnim urezima (Ta- Na navedenim kerami~kim oblicima, lonci i
bla VII/1), obod i vrat zdele S profilacije (Tabla zdele S profilacije (Table I/15; IV/2; V/1, 2; VI/1;
VII/2) i trbuhom ormanentisanim apliciranom ho- VII/1; IX/1; X/15) prepoznaju se recidivi ukra{ava-
rizontalnom trakom ukra{enom utiskivawem prstom wa karakteristi~ni za period eneolita ^ernavoda III
(Tabla VII/3). (ProtoVerbi~oara),39 KostolacKocofeni) i ranog
bronzanog doba (Besenstrich i Textilmuster,40 Valea
Lok. Potes Petrow nalazi se na oko 2000 m uda-
qenosti jugozapadno od gamzigradske palate, na nad-
morskoj visini od 270 m. Wiva povr{ine oko 2 ha
na kojoj je otkriven arheolo{ki materijal nalazi 36 Lazi}, Sladi}, Pekovi} 2001, 65.
se iznad Moskovskog puta, i blago se spu{ta ka Sa- 37 Lazi}, Sladi}, Pekovi} 2001, 65
38 Lazi}, Sladi}, Pekovi} 2001, 68; Informacije o ovom
li{kom potoku u pravcu jugozapada. Konstatovana su
dva kulturna horizonta i to iz sredweg bronzanog i istra`ivawu dobijene su od V. Filipovi}a kome se ovom pri-
likom zahvaqujem.
gvozdenog doba II. 39 Nica 1996, 19; T. 2/1, 3, 4, 7, T. 3/10, T. 11/3, 4.
Nalazima SBD pripadaju fragmenti razgrnutog 40 Carvuc 1997, 97. Ovakva keramika iz centralne Evrope
nagla{enog oboda i levkastog vrata lonca (Tabla (Mak, Nyrsg), rumunskog Banata i Oltenije (GorneaOrleti),
VIII/1, 2). i Vla{ke (tip Bungetu), ozna~ava ranu fazu Tei kulture.

57
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

TimiuluiRovin,41 Ostrovul Courbului,42 Ampoia,43 Treba pored ostalog pomenuti i veoma retke na-
itd.). To su ukrasi izvedeni u vidu aplicirane pla- laze kamenih alatki. Kamene gla~ane sekire pokazu-
sti~no modelovane trake, sa utisnutim ili u{tinu- ju karakteristike tipi~ne za period bronzanog doba.
tim ornamentom, ili kratkim vertikalnim urezi- Lepezasto modelovane se~ice na primeru sa loka-
ma. U fakturi ovih posuda nalaze se primese peska liteta Mustafa (Tabla IV/3, 4), pokazuju tendenci-
i sitnijih kamen~i}a, dok je spoqa prigla~ana ili ju imitirawa oblika metalnih sekira. Zbog ~iwe-
ugla~ana. Isprva je i D. Srejovi} smatrao da ova- nice da su ovi primerci otkriveni neo{te}eni,
kvi kerami~ki nalazi, zajedno sa kamenim gla~a- pretpostavqamo da se radi o predmetima koji nisu
nim sekirama otkrivenim prilikom istra`ivawa imali upotrebnu namenu. Mo`da su kori{}ene u
Romulijane, predstavqaju ostatke kulturnih utica- procesu razmene kao premonetarno sredstvo pla}a-
ja ^ernavode i Kocofenija.44 Identi~ni oblici i wa. Fragmentovana sekira sa dugmetastim protomom
na~in ukra{avawa zastupqeni su na keramici Ver- na distalnom delu, otkrivena na lokalitetu Varza-
bi~oare.45 i Vatina.46 Ovaj na~in ukra{avawa ka- ri (Tabla I/13), podse}a na sekiru iz Butimana, ko-
rakteristi~an je i za ostale lokalitete u okolini ja se mo`e tuma~iti kao sekira-skiptar, a pripada
Romulijane. sredwem bronzanom dobu.59
Pehari poseduju o{tri prelaz izme|u bikonija, Nastanak i razvoj bronzanog doba u oblasti Cr-
{iroke trakaste dr{ke sa ulegnu}em na sredini nog Timoka, najboqe ilustruje stratigrafija Bawske
(Tabla I/6), tanke zidove i ugla~anu spoqnu povr{i- stene (publikacija je u pripremi). U ovom utvr|enom
nu. Dr{ke oblika ansa lunata, ukra{ene su izdu`enim nasequ otkriven je kontinuitet `ivota od eneoli-
protomima na sastavku lukova sa lepezastim ili ta do kasnog bronzanog doba, kao i importovana
kru`nim pro{irewima (Tabla I/11, 7; III/4; X/8). keramika vatinske kulture.60 Me|utim, novootkri-
Koni~ni pehari ukra{eni su trapezoidnim pro{i- veni lokaliteti pokazuju da su nalazi sa jasnim va-
rewima na obodu i {irokim tunelastim dr{kama tinskim karakteristikama otkriveni na vi{e ma-
sa plasti~no modelovanim krajevima (Tabla X/6, 7). wih i izolovanih lokaliteta u {iroj okolini
Sli~ni pehari otkriveni su u Pomoravqu na loka-
litetima: Sarina me|a, Glo`dar, Baba, Slatina47
Lazarev Grad, Poqna,48 @itkovac, Vrti{te, Bu-
baw, Stri`a,49 u Isto~noj Srbiji na lokalitetima: 41 Guma 1997, 118, Pl. XV.
42 Roman 1998, Abb. 4.
Ora{je, Le{je, Brestova~ka Bawa i Bor, Ka{to-
43 Chiugudean 1991, Abb. 28.
var,50 u Banatu na @idovaru.51
44 Srejovi} 1983, 19.
Koni~ne i poluloptaste zdele karakteristi~ne 45 Boroneant 1976, Pl. IV7/1, VII/1, 3; Craciunescu 1996, Pl.
su po koso razgrnutim profilisanim obodima. Na
1/1, 3.
ivici otvora neke poseduju jedno ili dva trougaona 46 Crciunescu 2004, Pl. XI, XVII, XXIV/1, XXVII/3,
pro{irewa (Tabla I/8, 9, 10; II/1,2; VI/3; X/9, 10). Po- XXI/4, 7; Berciu 1961, Abb. 3/3; 17/2, 4; Isti na~in ukra{avawa
red navedenih vatinskih nalazi{ta u Pomoravqu nalazi se i na posudama iz Quqaka, u protovatinskoj fazi
ovakvi oblici istovremeno se javqaju i na kerami- Quqaci I, Bogdanovi} 1986, sl. 5557.
47 Stoji} 1992.
ci u okviru kompleksa Verbi~oara.52 48 Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006, T. XLIV/67, sl. 54.
Ve} je tokom samih istra`ivawa nekrople Ma- 49 Stoji}, Joci} 2006, T. X; XV/42, LXXIV/190195,
gura, uo~eno da se na pojedinim posudama izdvajaju LXXV/196, 198, 206208, XCIII/1; Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006.
elementi vatinske kulture i Verbi~oare II.53 Do 50 Stoji} 1998, Pl. V, VIII/1.

skora se smatralo da ni tipi~nog Vatina nema ju`no 51 Tasi} 1984a, T. XVII/4.

od Save i Dunava,54 ali se istra`ivawima tokom 52 Berciu 1961, Abb. 7/3; Crciunescu 2004, Pl. XXX/3,

posledwih decenija broj novootkrivenih vatinskih XXXVII/1; Petrescu 1995, Fig. IX/2, 5, XI/8, XII/2, Pdureanu
1992, Pl. I/1, II/2, VII/1.
lokaliteta pove}ao.55 Vatinski bikoni~ni i o{tro 53 Lazi} 2001, 190.
profilisani oblici poseduju ornamentiku luksu- 54 Gara{anin 1973, 321.
zne keramike kulture Verbi~oara.56 O preklapawi- 55 Stoji} 1992; Stoji} 1998.
ma oblika i stilova ove dve kulture ve} je bilo re- 56 Berciu 1961, Abb. 5; Crciunescu 2004, Pl. LVIII/13.
~i kod M. Gara{anina57 i N. Tasi}a.58 Analiza 57 Gara{anin 1983a, 510.
materijala nije potpuno pojasnila da li se radi o 58 Tasi} 1974, 216.

importovanim nalazima ili o produktu kulturnih 59 Boroneant, Miu 1998, 107, Fig. 2.

pro`imawa. 60 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 230.

58
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

VATINSKA KULTURA
VATINA CULTURE

VERBI^OARA
VERBICIOARA

PARA]INSKA KULTURA
PARA]INSKA KULTURA

Karta II. Teritorijalna rasprostrawenost kultura sredweg bronzanog doba


Map II. Territorial distributions of the Middle Bronze Age Cultures

Bawske stene. Nedostatak stratigrafskih podataka ramika, sa novootkrivenih naseqa poseduje identi~-
(prikupqeni su rekognoscirawem) i sistematskih ne oblike ali i potpuni nedostatak urezane orna-
iskopavawa, ote`avaju da se ovi nalazi preciznije mentike karakteristi~ne za Verbi~oaru.
hronolo{ki pove`u sa keramikom koja je odre|ena Raspravi o uticaju ova dva kulturna kompleksa
kao gamzigradska grupa. Gotovo identi~ni oblici na materijalnu kulturu naseqa iz perioda sredweg
kerami~kih posuda mogu se videti i na nalazima bronzanog doba na teritoriji Crnog Timoka, treba
grupe CrvenkaKorne{ti,61 koja je zauzimala teri- na samom kraju dodati i uticaj para}inske kulture
toriju Rumunskog Banata, isto~nog Srpskog Banata (horizontalne masivne dr{ke), na urnama iz nekro-
i severno od Mure{a,62 ali sa nedostatkom bogate pole, i u ne{to mawem broju, na keramici iz nase-
dekoracije. qa (Tabla XI). Para}inska kulturna grupa, sude}i
Istovremeno na nalazima pehara, lonaca i urni, po kerami~kom materijalu sa naseqa i nekropola u
pojavquju se i uticaji kulturnog kompleksa Verbi-
~oara,63 sa kojim vatinska kultura dolazi u dodir
na teritoriji Oltenije i Podunavqa. Zajedni~ki su
im na~in modelovawa horizontalnih dr{ki, o{tra 61 Tasi} 1984, 88.
profilacija zdela kao i urezana ornamentika na 62 Gara{anin 1998, 13; Guma 1997, 117.
urnama sa nekropole Magura. Ostala utilitarna ke- 63 Crciunescu 2004, Pl. XI, XLVIII, LI, LVIII 13.

59
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

okolini Bora, pokazuje izvesno stilsko-tipolo{ko {to bi bilo dovoqno za definisawe samo jedne lo-
jedinstvo. kalne pojave.65
Spoj ove tri hronolo{ki bliske kulture, sa pre- Na ovo pitawe mo}i }e preciznije da se odgovo-
poznatqivim oblicima ukra{avawa (votivne plo- ri nakon istra`ivawa wenih geografskih karakte-
~ice sa nekropole Magura), donekle i daje za pravo ristika i privredno-ekonomskih odnosa, budu}i da
D. Srejovi}u da ovu manifestaciju nazove gamzi- se nalazi na razme|i interregionalnih uticaja tri
gradska kultura.64 Me|utim, distribucija ovih lo- velika kulturna kompleksa, vatinskog i para}in-
kaliteta zauzima veoma malu teritoriju prostira- skog na severozapadu,66 i Verbi~oare na istoku67
wa i to samo u okolini Bawske Stene i Romulijane, (Karta II).

64 Srejovi}, Lazi} 1997, 241.


65 Kapuran 2008, 246; Radovanovi} 1997, 539.
66 Gara{anin 1973, 298.
67 Berciu 1961.

60
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

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Beograd, 1997, 225244. Early Bronze Age in South-Eastern of Transilvanija (in
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213224. zezeit in Siebenbrgen im Lichte der Ausgrabungen
Stoji} 1998 M. Stoji}, Leiux de trouvaille de la von Ampoia, jud. Alba, Praehistorische Zeitschrift 66,
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du Danube, in: M. Gara{anin, P. Roman, N. Tasi} (ed.) Crcuinescu 1996 G. Crcuinescu, Cultura
Die Kultruen der Bronzenzeit in dem gebiet des Eisernen Verbicioara in Judeul Menedini, Drobeta VII, Drobeta
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62
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

Summary: ALEKSANDAR KAPURAN, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

ON THE INFLUENCE OF VATIN


AND VERBICIOARA CULTURES IN THE FINDS
OF THE GAMZIGRAD CULTURAL GROUP

Key words. Eastern Serbia, Timok, Middle Bronze Age, Vatin, Verbicioara, Gamzigrad Culture, Para}in Culture.

The Timo~ka Krajina region has not been sufficiently investiga- greater extent, and Para}in cultural elements to a lesser extent.
ted archaeologically, which coupled with the fact that a very Given that this material was collected during identification work,
small number of metal finds and remains have been discovered, we are now aware of the stratigraphic relations between these
makes the reconstruction of the start and end of the Bronze Age elements, and have devoted more attention to common charac-
that much more difficult. Identification work in the area around teristics and interconnections from which certain conclusions
Romuliana on two occasions in 2001 and 2008 led to the disco- can be drawn.
very of another 10 predominantly multi-layered sites dating back Based on the finds from archaeological sites that have been
to the Bronze Age, of which 7 are highland settlements while 3 excavated it can be concluded that the distribution of sites with
are lowland settlements located in the immediate vicinity of the Gamzigrad cultural characteristics is limited to a very small area,
Timok river or its tributaries. i.e. only to the vicinity of the Crni Timok river. Nearly at all
The discovered sites 1. Varsari, 2. \okin Vis, 3. Kravarnik, sites, both highland and lowland, Vatin and Verbicioara elements
4. Mustafa, 5. Nikolov Savat, 6. Njiva Zore Brzanovi}, 7. Petronj, are strongly visible on the ceramic materials. The geographic
8. PotesPetronj, 9. Strenjak and 10. Zvezdan; bare the charac- position of the Crni Timok, which is located in the area where
teristics of the material culture of the Gamzigrad group of the the Para}in, Vatin and Verbichoar cultures connected and over-
Middle Iron Age. Besides known ceramic forms and characteris- lapped, could contribute to shedding light on the origin and cha-
tic ornamentation of this culture, there is a visibly strong influence racteristics of this phenomenon of the Middle Bronze Age in
of the Vatin (CrvenkaCornesi) and Verbicioara elements to a Eastern Serbia.

63
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

3 4 5

6 7

8 9

10 11

0 3 cm
12 13

Tabla I Varzari
Plate I Varzari

64
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

0 3 cm

0 3 cm
1

0 3 cm
2 3

Tabla II \okin Vis


Plate II \okin Vis

1 2

4 5 6

0 3 cm

Tabla III Kravarnik


Plate III Kravarnik

65
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

0 3 cm
3 4

Tabla IV Mustafa
Plate IV Mustafa

1 2

3 4

0 3 cm

Tabla V Nikolov Savat


Plate V Nikolov Savat

66
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

2 3

0 3 cm
1

Tabla VI Wiva Zore Brzanovi}


Plate VI Zora Brzanovi} Field

2 3

0 3 cm
1

Tabla VII Petrow


Plate VII Petronj

1 2
0 3 cm

Tabla VIII PotesPetrow


Plate VIII PotesPetronj

67
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2 3

0 3 cm

Tabla IX Strewak\okin Vis


Plate IX Strenjak\okin Vis

2 3

0 3 cm
4

6 7 8

9 10 11

Tabla H Zvezdan
Plate X Zvezdan

68
Aleksandar KAPURAN, O uticajima Vatina i Verbi~oare na nalazima (5369) STARINAR LIX/2009

4 5
0 3 cm

6
2

3 7

8 9

Tabla XI Nalazi para}inaske grupe: 15. Varzari; 6. \okin Vis; 7. Kravarnik;


8. Wiva Zore Brzanovi}; 9. Petrow
Plate XI Para}in Group ceramics finds: 15. Varzari; 6. \okin Vis; 7. Kravarnik;
8. Zora Brzanovi} Field; 9. Petronj

69
MIRKO PEKOVI], Vojni muzej, Beograd
EMILIJA PEJOVI], Republi~ki zavod za za{titu spomenika kulture, Beograd

BRONZANODOBNO NASEQE U PORTI


MANASTIRA GRADAC

UDK: 902.2(497.11)"2005/2008" e-mail: pekovic_mirko@yahoo.com


904:726.71"637"(497.11) Primqeno: 19. februara 2009
DOI: 10.2298/STA0959071P Prihva}eno: 4. maja 2009
Preliminarno saop{tewe

Apstrakt. Tokom 2005. i 2008. godine ekipa Republi~kog zavoda za za{titu spomenika kulture
izvr{ila je za{titna sonda`na arheolo{ka i reviziona istra`ivawa crkve Sv. Bogorodice u manastiru Gradac.
U toku radova otvoreno je 13 sondi, povr{ine 130 m, prose~ne dubine 3,00 m neposredno uz zidove same crkve
kao i rov, povr{ine 17 m, koji se prostirao severozapadno od crkve. Prilikom ovih radova, osim ve} ranije
konstatovanog sredwovekovnog kulturnog sloja i sredwovekovne nekropole, kao i novih saznawa vezanih za iste,
otkriven je i praistorijski kulturni sloj ~ija je debqina iznosila oko 0,50,6 m. Ovaj praistorijski
kulturni sloj dokumentovan je sa ~etiri stambena horizonta sa o~uvanim delovima stambenih objekata,
kao i prate}im pokretnim arheolo{kim materijalom nastalim u dugom razdobqu od samog kraja ranog
i tokom du`eg perioda razvijenog bronzanog doba.

Kqu~ne re~i. Manastir Gradac, sonda, stambeni objekti, bronzano doba, keramika.

M
anastir Gradac nalazi se severozapadno jawa stratigrafije, a u ciqu prikupqawa podataka
od Ra{ke na uzdignutoj zaravni kod u{}a za izradu Glavnog projekta sistema za{tite crkve Sv.
Grada~ke reke u reku Brvenicu, na zavr- Bogorodice od vlage. Tokom 2008. godine pristupi-
{etku {umovitih planina Golije (sl. 1).1 Udaqen je lo se prvoj etapi radova na realizaciji projekata, a
pribli`no 12 km od Brvenika i magistralnog puta koja su obuhvatila zapadni, odnosno severozapadni i
KraqevoNovi Pazar.2
Ekipa Republi~kog zavoda za za{titu spomenika
kulture je, tokom 2005. godine u manastiru Gradac
izvr{ila za{titna sonda`na i reviziona arheolo- 1 Kandi} 2008, 5.
{ka istra`ivawa sa spoqne strane crkve Sv. Bogo- 2 Manastir se danas nalazi van glavnih saobra}ajnih toko-
rodice, a 2008. godine sistematskim arheolo{kim va, dok je u sredwem veku kraj wega prolazio va`an put {to je od
istra`ivawima ispitana je povr{ina u zapadnom Ibra vodio ka Ariqu, a ~iji se jedan krak odvajao za Studenicu.
3 Stru~nu ekipu Republi~kog zavoda za za{titu spomenika
sektoru manastira Gradac, sa spoqne strane crkve
kulture su ~inili: Emilija Pejovi}, arheolog-savetnik, ruko-
Sv. Bogorodice i u severozapadnom delu porte.3 Ciq vodilac projekta i istra`ivawa, i Tawa Maksimovi}, apsol-
istra`ivawa 2005. godine bio je otkrivawe geomor- vent arheologije. Kao povremeni ~lanovi ekipe ukqu~uju se dr
fologije i karakteristika tla, prodora vlage, posto- Sofija Stefanovi}, antropolog, Filozofski fakultet Beo-
je}ih instalacija, definisawa prvobitnih nivele- grad, i mr Mirko Pekovi}, vi{i kustos Vojnog muzeja u Beo-
gradu, koji je pratio praistorijski sloj, a 2008. godine ekipi
ta terena na povr{ini oko crkava, na~in gradwe, se pridru`ila i Svetlana Haxi}, arheolog Pokrajinskog za-
fundirawa i uvida u stawe temeqnih zona, nalaza voda za za{titu spomenika kulture iz Pri{tine sa privreme-
prate}ih objekata i arheolo{kog materijala, dobi- nim sedi{tem u Leposavi}u.

71
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sl. 1. Manastir Gradac, sa severozapada


Fig. 1. Gradac monastery, the northwestern view

jugozapadni deo crkve Sv. Bogorodice,4 postavqawem


4 Pejovi} 2008, 114; Preger 2008, 110. Na osnovu rezul-
obodne drena`e, sa spoqne strane crkve, sa revizi-
jama i izvodnim krakom kroz zapadni deo porte. tata sonda`nih arheolo{kih istra`ivawa i geoelektri~nih
ispitivawa, kao i raspolo`ivih podataka o samoj crkvi i to-
Tokom ovih arheolo{kih istra`ivawa,5 osim pografskih podloga, izra|en je Glavni projekat za{tite crkava
sredwovekovnog kulturnog sloja i sredwovekovne i objekata u manastirskoj celini od podzemnih i atmosferskih
nekropole koji su konstatovani u ranijim istra`i- voda, a kojem prethode sistematska arheolo{ka istra`ivawa.
5 Pekovi}, Pejovi} 2006, 123134; Pejovi} 2006, 119.
vawima manastirske celine,6 otkriven je i praisto-
6 Juri{i} 1963, 9; Juri{i} 1989, 37. Autor navodi U kva-
rijski kulturni sloj koji je dokumentovan sa ~etiri
dratu 27 po~eto je sa zatrpavawem posle prekopavawa slojeva
stambena horizonta kao i prate}im pokretnim arhe- ispod grobova. U ovom sloju sive peskovite zemqe nala`eni su
olo{km materijalom. Debqina praistorijskog slo- sporadi~no fragmenti praistorijske keramike. Isti sloj se
ja iznosi izme|u 0,5 i 0,6 m. prote`e i u kvadratu 38 gde je uz isto~ni profil bilo vi{e
Sa spoqne strane crkve Sv. Bogorodice, u toku fragmenata keramike. Prema fakturi grubqe zemqe, nejednako
pe~ene, sa gla~awem samo na spoqnoj strani, boje kestewasto
ovih radova, otvoreno je 13 sondi, povr{ine od pri- sme|e i prema jednom fragmentu plitke zdele sa malim gor-
bli`no 130 m, dubine do 3 m i drena`ni rov, po- wim konusom, crne boje, sloj se mo`e datirati u kasni neolit,
vr{ine od pribli`no 17 m, iste dubine, a koji se odnosno eneolit. Kvadrati 2728 i 38 u sektoru A, koji autor
prostirao severozapadno od crkve (sl. 2).7 Dimen- pomiwe u izve{taju nalaze se u severoisto~nom delu porte, u
neposrednoj blizini sonde 6/05. Prema raspolo`ivim podaci-
zije otvorenih sondi bile su uslovqene projektnim
ma iz tehni~ke dokumentacije i crte`a fragmenata, najvero-
zadatkom kao i postoje}om crkvenom arhitekturom. vatnije je u pitawu mla|i praistorijski sloj koji pripada raz-
U sondama 1/05/08, 2/05, 6/05, 7/05/08, 8/05/08 i rovu vijenom bronzanom dobu.
1/08, konstatovana je gotovo identi~na stratigrafi- 7 Sonda 1/05 zapadna strana crkve Sv. Bogorodice, unu-

ja; u sondi 5/05 su u okviru skrivnice konstatovani tra{wost apsidalnog dela starije crkve; sonda 1/08 sa spoqne
ju`ne strane apsidalnog dela starije crkve i priprate crkve Sv.
nalazi iz zatvorene celine,8 dok je u ostalim son- Bogorodice; sonda 2/05 ju`na strana crkve, jugoisto~ni ugao
dama ova stratigrafija bila poreme}ena formira- paraklisa i naosa; sonda 3/05 ju`na strana crkve, jugoisto~-
wem sredwevekovne i pozne nekropole, izgradwom ni ugao pevnice i oltarskog prostora; sonda 4/05 isto~na

72
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Arheolo{ka istra`ivawa 2005. godine


(sonde: C1, C2, C3, C4, C5, C6, C7, C8)

Arheolo{ka istra`ivawa 2008. godine


(sonde: C1/2008, C5/2008, C7/2008, C8/2008,
C9/2008; rov: P/2008)

Sl. 2. Situacioni plan manastira Gradac sa rasporedom sondi


Fig. 2. Situation plan of Gradac monastery with sondages arrangement

prate}ih objekata i ranijim radovima na rekon- ne mo`e sa sa sigurno{}u re}i jer je sa jugoisto~ne
strukciji i konzervaciji Bogorodi~ne crkve. S ob- strane, ~itavom otvorenom du`inom od 2,40 m, on bio
zirom da je otvorena i istra`ena relativno mala probijen gradwom temeqne zone. Sa severoisto~ne
povr{ina jasnu kulturnu stratigrafiju, sa ne tako strane objekat je zalazio pod severni kontrafor ol-
brojnim nalazima materijalne kulture, reprezen- tarske apside, ali se nije daqe {irio jer na toj du-
tuju slojevi iz sondi 68 i rova. Na osnovu istra- bini, u sondi 4/05 on nije konstatovan. Sa severno-
`enih objekata i pokretnog materijala, mogu}e je zapadne strane u {irewu iskopa bili smo, tako|e,
izdvojiti dva praistorijska kulturna sloja, i to iz ograni~eni kontraforom, ali sa wene druge strane
perioda s kraja ranog i razvijenog bronzanog doba.9 nije otvarana sonda te nismo bili u mogu}nosti da
Najstariji praistorijski sloj je konstatovan u otkrijemo wegove granice. Prema dobijenoj verti-
sondi 6/05 i rovu 1/08. Na relativnoj dubini od kalnoj stratigrafiji, praistorijski kulturni sloj
1,941,90 m sloj je formiran delom na prirodnoj
formaciji plo~aste sige (bigre) koja je nivelisana
slojem raskruwene sige. Na ovoj nivelaciji, na rela- strana crkve, oltarska apsida izme|u kontrafora; sonda 5/05
tivnoj dubini od 1,781,74 m, konstatovana je pod- severna strana crkve, izme|u severne pevnice, naosa i severnog
nica, najstarijih objekata, koje su formirane od paraklisa; sonda 5/08 pro{irewe, severna polovina s. 5/05;
sonda 6/05 severoisto~na strana crkve na vezi oltarske i ap-
kompaktne sige debqine od oko 6 cm. U sondi 6/05 u sidalnog dela proskomidije; sonda 7/05 zapadna strana crkve,
severoisto~nom delu objekta otkriven je elipsoid- severozapadna strana priprate i severnog paraklisa; sonda 7/08
ni otvor, jama dimenzija 0,35 h 0,31 m ~ije dno se pro{irewe; sonda 8/05 jugozapadna strana crkve, jugozapad-
zavr{avalo na prirodnoj formaciji plo~aste sige na strana priprate i ju`nog paraklisa; sonda 8/08 pro{ire-
we; sonda 9/08 severna strana crkve, uz severni paraklis;
(sl. 3). Jama je bila ispuwena ve}om koli~inom pepe- rov 1/08 u severozapadnom delu porte na vezi pro{irenog de-
la u kome su konstatovani tragovi usitwenih `ivo- la sonde 7/08 i ju`nog krila male kapije.
tiwskih (pti~ijih) kostiju i mawi komadi ugqeni- 8 Pejovi} 2006, 67.

sanog drveta. Koju je povr{inu zahvatao ovaj objekat 9 Pekovi}, Pejovi} 2006, 125; Pekovi} 2008, 24.

73
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sl. 3. Sonda 6, osnova najstarijeg stambenog Sl. 4. Drena`ni rov, osnove stambenih objekata
objekta sa jamom starijeg sloja
Fig. 3. Sondage 6, ground plan of the earliest Fig. 4. Drainage pit, ground plans of residential
residential structure with pit structures of the older layer

je sa svih strana zatvoren sredwevekovnom nekro-


polom, te je arheolo{ka situacija kao i u samom is-
kopu.10 Tako|e, nismo uspeli da zakqu~imo da li se
radi o poluukopanom ili nadzemnom objektu. Me|u-
tim, po znatnoj koli~ini pepela, gara i mawih de-
lova ugqenisanog drveta mo`e se zakqu~iti da je
wegova konstrukcija bila laka, da je ovaj stambeni
objekat nastradao u po`aru kao i to da je on bio u
upotrebi jedan kra}i period jer je ve} na relativ-
noj dubini od 1,671,64 m bila formirana nova
podnica, debqine, tako|e, od oko 6 cm. Ovome u pri-
log govori i ~iwenica da je u ovom sloju konstato-
vana i relativno mala koli~ina pokretnog arheo-
lo{kog materijala.
I u rovu 1/08,11 na gore navedenim niveletama,
konstatovane su ove dve podnice o{te}ene naknad-
nim ukopima (sl. 4). Naime, sa ju`ne strane one su
bile o{te}ene grobnim ukopom (br. 69), a sa sever-
ne sredwovekovnom otpadnom jamom.12

10 Ova situacija va`i i za naredna dva stambena objekta


u ovoj sondi.
11 [irina rova iznosila je pribli`no 1 m, kako je i pred-

vi|eno projektnom dokumentacijom, te nije postojala mogu}-


nost wegovog {irewa kako bi se konstatovale granice ovih
objekata. Isto va`i i za podnicu najmla|eg stambenog objekta
na relativnoj dubini 1,20 m.
12 Kako su arheolo{ka istra`ivawa okon~ana krajem de-
Sl. 5. Sonda 6, presek jame i podnica starijeg sloja
cembra 2008. godine, finalizacija dokumentacije je u toku, te
Fig. 5. Sondage 6, pit cross-section and floor level na ovom mestu dajemo samo fotografije delova podnica obje-
of the older layer kata konstatovanih u rovu.

74
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sl. 6. Osnove objekata u sondi 6 sa presecima


Fig. 6. Ground plans of structures in sondage 6 with cross-sections

Podnica narednog stambenog objekta, na rela- zbog nemogu}nosti pro{irewa sonde nismo otkrili
tivnoj dubini od 1,671,64 m, formirana je od ko- glavni nose}i stub, mo`e predpostaviti da su slu-
mada kompaktne sige koji je spajan sivom glinom i `ili kao potporni (sl. 9).
raskruwenom sigom. Podnice objekata na ovoj nive- Ovo najstarije naseqe je nastradalo u po`aru i
leti konstatovana je, osim u rovu 1/08 i sondi 6/05, kako se ~ini jedno vreme je bilo napu{teno jer je nad
i u sondama 7/05/08 i 8/05/08. U sondi 6/05 nasta- ovim paqevinskim slojem formiran sloj koji se sa-
vqeno je sa kori{}ewem jame, u severoisto~nom de- stojao od gline pome{ane sa usitwenom sigom, pa je
lu sonde, s tim {to je ona od dna podnice starijeg tek onda formirana podnica narednog objekta.
objekta pa do nivoa podnice novog objekta fundira- Keramika iz starijeg praistorijskog sloja na
na komadima lomqenog kamenasige i neznatno je Gradcu, a koji je dokumentovan sa dva stambena hori-
pro{irena u odnosu na stariju (sl. 5). U sloju pepe- zonta, zastupqena je uglavnom ulomcima posuda iz-
la, na podnici, konstatovane su sitnije nagorele ra|enih od slabije pre~i{}ene gline, prigla~anih
`ivotiwske kosti i komadi ugqenisanog drveta. povr{ina, a boje pe~ewa im variraju od svetlomrke
Kao i prethodni, i ovaj objekat je, najverovatnije, do tamnosive nijanse. To su prete`no ulomci posu-
bio lake konstrukcije, tako|e nastaradao u po`aru, da, lonaca ve}ih dimenzija loptastog oblika, blago
ali je bio du`e u upotrebi, na {ta ukazuje znatna nagla{enog zaravwenog ili zatalasanog oboda (T.
koli~ina pokretnog arheolo{kog materijala, `i- I/13). Na prelazu vrata u rame ili na naj{irem de-
votiwskih kostiju kao i sloj paqevine debqine oko lu trbuha obi~no su dve naspramno postavqene tra-
0,1 m (sl. 6). Na ovim niveletama u sondama 7/05/08 kaste vertikalne ili horizontalne dr{ke. [ire,
i 8/05/08, tako|e su otkrivene podnica objekta iden- takaste dr{ke su elipsoidnog, a u`e dr{ke su pra-
ti~no formirana kao i u sondi 6/05. Dok je u sondi vougaonog preseka (T. II/28). Trbusi pojedinih lo-
8/08 konstatovan samo mawi deo podnice koja se da- naca imaju i jezi~aste dr{ke, a mogu biti ukra{e-
qe prostirala ispod severozapadnog profila, u ni bradavi~astim, odnosno ~epastim ispup~ewima
sondi 7/08 je otkriven ve}i deo podnice, a koja se (T. II/1). Dna ovih posuda su debqa i ravna, a poje-
prostirala wenim ju`nim delom. Nakon uklawawa dina su i blago ispup~ena (T. II/912). U ovom slo-
grobnog ukopa (br. 35), koji se nalazio na osnovi ove ju, osim navedenih, otkrivena su i dva ulomka ma-
podnice (sl. 7), otkriveno je mawi otvor za drveni wih lonaca na ~ijem obodu i ramenu nalazi se niz
stub, pre~nika 0,15 i dubine od 0,1 m, a koji je bio udubqewa izvedenih vrhom prsta, motivom koji je,
flankiran krupnijim komadima sige. Osim ovog, najverovatnije, proistekao iz ranobronzanodopske
isto~no, na udaqenosti od 1,35 m, otkriven je jo{ tradicije (T. I/45).
jedan identi~an otvor za stub (sl. 8). Oba konusna Osim navedene, konstatovani su i ulomci kera-
otvora bila su postavqena pod uglom te se, iako mike izra|ena od pre~i{}ene zemqe sa dodacima

75
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sl. 7. Sonda 7, Sl. 8. Sonda 7,


grobni ukop 35 na podnici starijeg sloja otvor za stub i podnice objekata starijeg sloja
Fig. 7. Sondage 7, Fig. 8. Sondage 7,
tomb 35 on floor level of the older layer a column hole of the older layer structures

sitnozrnog peska, prigla~anih je povr{ina, a boja odli~no o~uvana podnica, prose~ne debqine od 8 cm,
pe~ewa varira od svetlomrke do tamnomrke i tam- popolo~ana ve}im komadima kompaktne sige. I na
nosive nijanse. Izdvajaju se delovi blagobikoni~- ovoj podnici primetni su tragovi gorewa tako da je
nih i kru{kolikih amfora, razgrnutog levkastog u pojedinim zonama siga usitwena i pome{ana sa
vrata i neznatno profilisanog oboda (T. III/13). ve}om koli~inom pepela i mawim komadima ugqe-
Tako|e, izdvajaju se i delovi posuda izra|enih od nisanog drveta. Jama koja je kori{}ena u prethodna
dobro pre~i{}ene gline, tawih zidova, sa nepro- dva objekta, u ovom nije konstatovana. U central-
filisanim, blago razgrnutim ili delimi~no zade- nom delu objekta konstatovano je ovalno udubqewe,
bqanim obodom. To su uglavnom mawi ulomci zdela odnosno, kako se pokazalo, otvor za stub koji je bio
i {oqa. Zdele su dubqe, zaravwenog oboda, maweg lev- fundiran mawim komadima kamena. Ovaj centralni
kasto razgrnutog vrata, koni~nog ili blago zaobqe- stub je probio obe podnice starijih objekata i uko-
nog trbuha i ravnog neprofilisanog dna (T. III/4). pan je do prirodne formacije plo~aste sige (sl. 10).
Na pojedinim ulomcima o~uvani su delovi traka- Ispod kontrafora oltarske apside, jugozapadno od
stih dr{ki koje obi~no povezuju rame sa vratom po- ovog stuba, konstatovan je mawi konusni otvor koji se
sude. Iz ovog sloja poti~e i deo pli}e koni~ne {o- nalazio pod odre|enim uglom u odnosu na central-
qe, zaravwenog oboda i ravnog neprofilisanog dna ni stub, odnosno bio je okrenut u pravcu oltarske
(T. III/5). apside. Od centralnog stuba on se nalazio na udaqe-
Osim keramike, iz ovog sloja poti~e i deo kame- nosti od 1,17 m, dok se podnica objekta nastavqala
ne sekire sa perforacijom, ~iji je distalni deo ob- pod kontrafor ka oltarskoj apsidi (sl. 1112). U
likovan u se~icu na kojoj su vidqivi tragovi upo- sondi 4/05 koja je otvorena uz oltarsku apsidu, na
trebe (T. III/6). Tako|e, otkriveno je i vi{e alatki ovoj relativnoj dubini, samo je uz kontrafor kon-
i odbitaka razli~itog oblika i namene izra|enih od statovan mawi deo ove podnice, du`ine oko 0,1 m,
ro`naca, kremena i kvarcita (T. III/911). U ovom gde se ona i zavr{avala. U woj nisu konstatovani
sloju su na|ena i dva fragmentovana kamena `rvwa ostaci drugih objekata. Me|utim, na relativnoj du-
izra|ena od kvarclatita, magmatskog porekla, koji bini izme|u 1,12 m i 1,25 m otkriven je konusni
poti~e sa Golije (T. III/78). otvor maweg stuba koji se nalazio u pravcu kako ma-
Naredna dva stambena horizonta pripadaju mla- weg tako i centralnog stuba objekta u sondi 6/05.
|em praistorijskom sloju. Podnica narednog stam- Imaju}i to u vidu, zakqu~ili smo da je u pitawu,
benog objekta je na relativnoj dubini od 1,50 m. Dok najverovatnije poluukopani objekat sa centralnim
je u sondi 8/08 otkriven samo ru{evinski sloj objek- stubom na koji su bili osloweni mawi stubovi, po-
ta nastradalog u po`aru, u sondi 6/05 otkrivena je stavqeni na vi{im niveletama, a da je mawi stub u

76
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sl. 9. Osnova objekata starijeg sloja i profil


u sondi 7
Fig. 9. Ground plan of the older layer structures
and profile in sondage 7

Keramika iz ovog, mla|eg sloja izra|ena je od bo-


qe pre~i{}ene zemqe sa dodacima sitnozrnog peska,
prigla~anih je povr{ina, a pe~ena je u svetlosme|im
i sme|im nijansama. Osim ove, u mawem broju, pri-
sutna je i keramika ne{to grubqe fakture koja je
zastupqena ulomcima lonaca mawih dimenzija, ko-
ji mogu biti koni~ni ili blagobikoni~ni sa zarav-
wenim ili slabo nagla{enim obodima. Pojedini
obodi dekorisani su otiscima prstiju ili zaseca-
wem (T. IV/13). Neposredno ispod oboda, nalazi se
plasti~no rebro identi~no ukra{eno (T. IV/79).
Na ramenima ovih posuda mogu biti jezi~aste dr{ke
(T. V/1). Izdvajaju se i ulomci amfora blago razgr-
nutog ili neznatno zadebqanog oboda i zaobqenih
trbuha, kao i delovi o{tro profilisanih trbuha
amfore od kojih su na pojedinim ulomcima o~uvane
trkaste dr{ke (T. IV/46). Od keramike finije fak-
ture izdvaja se vi{e ulomaka zdela. One su izra|ene
od dobro pre~i{}ene gline sa dodatkom sitnog pe-
ska, prigla~anih su povr{ina i tamnosive su boje
pe~ewa. Izdvaja se deo ravnog oboda bikoni~ne zde-
le, ulomak neprofilisanog, zaobqenog oboda zdele
sa o~uvanim delom bradavi~astog ispup~ewa kao i
samom objektu kori{}en kao potporni. Pretposta- ve}i ulomak zdele S profilacije (T. V/24). Osim
vqamo da je pre~nik objekta iznosio oko 3,60 m. bradaviastih, na pojedinim ulomcima su o~uvane i
Kako se ~ini, naseqe je tokom razvijenog doba jezi~aste dr{ke sa vidqivim tragovima oblikova-
pretrpelo prirodnu nepogodu (poplavu), na {ta upu- wa prstima (T. V/9). Dna ovih posuda mogu biti rav-
}uje debqi sloj (0,20,3 m) crne rastresite gline na ili blago nagla{ena (T. V/5). Tako|e, otkriveno
pome{an sa sitnim {qunkom i ve}om koli~inom je i nekoliko mawih ulomaka {oqa sa nagla{enim
re~nih pu`eva i {koqki. Na osnovu jednog prili~- lu~nim dr{kama koja nadvisuje ivicu oboda (T. V/8).
no tankog sloja evidentiranog u svim otvorenim son- Za razliku od prethodnog sloja, u kome su tek pojedi-
dama, na relativnoj dubini od 1,20 m, zakqu~ili ni komadi keramike dekorisani, u ovom sloju kera-
smo da je u jednom momentu naseqe bilo obnovqeno mika se, osim plasti~nim trakama sa urezom i otis-
(sl. 13).13 Potvrdu ove teze dobili smo u zapadnom cima vrha prsta, ukra{ava i nizom urezanih linija
delu porte, u rovu 1/08, u kome smo na ovoj niveleti (T. V/67). U ovom sloju na|eno je i nekoliko struga-
otkrili odli~no o~uvanu podnicu objekta, debqine
od 8 do 10 cm, a koja je formirana od ve}ih komada
kompaktne sige koji je spajan sivom glinom i ras-
kruwenom sigom.14 U dosada{wim istra`ivawima 13 Pekovi} i Pejovi} 2006, 132; Pekovi} 2008, 26.
ovo je jedini o~uvani deo podnice na ovoj niveleti. 14 Vidi napomenu 10.
Razlog tome je potpuna devastacija ovog, posledweg 15 Tako|e, postavqa se pitawe koliko su nepoznavawe si-

praistorijskog horizonta sredwovekovnim grob- tuacije i o~ito nedovr{ena istra`ivawa starijih istra`iva-
~a ovog lokaliteta, {to se da zakqu~iti iz dokumentacije, i
nim ukopima, odnosno nekropolom koja je obuhvati- sama doprinela devastaciji praistorijskih stambenih objeka-
la najve}i deo platoa koje je ovo bronzanodobno na- ta koji su ostali potpuno neevidentirani do istra`ivawa
seqe zahvatalo (sl. 14).15 2005. godine.

77
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sl. 10. Sonda 6, osnova podnice objekata mla|eg


sloja sa otvorom centralnog stuba
Fig. 10. Sondage 6, ground plan of the earlier layer
structures with central column hole

Sl. 11. Sonda 6, centralni i potporni stub


objekata mla|eg sloja
Fig. 11. Sondage 6, Central and supporting column of
the earlier layer structures

~a, od kojih je izdvajamo tri, jedan od veoma kvali- na prostoru Metohije.22 Keramika ovog sloja, kul-
tetnog bazalta i dva od ro`naca (T. V/1012). turne i hronolo{ke paralele ima i na nalazi{ti-
ma na Kosovu, odnosno nalazi{tu Fafos na kome su,
*** izme|u ostalog, otkrivene i dve urne kao i vi{e de-
lova mawih posuda, poput onih sa Gradca, datova-
Sumiraju}i rezultate dosada{wih istra`ivawa, na nih u kraj ranog bronzanog doba.23
osnovu pokretnog arheolo{kog materijala, do{li Kako je naredni sloj, na nalazi{tu Gradac, for-
smo do zakqu~ka da je praistorijsko naseqe u mana- miran tokom razvijenog bronzanog doba, evidentno je
stiru Gradac bilo nastaweno krajem ranog i tokom da ovaj stariji sloj, pripada periodu s kraja ranog
razvijenog bronzanog doba. i samog po~etka sredweg bronzanog doba.
Najstariji slojevi na Gradcu pripadaju vremenu
sa kraja ranog bronzanog doba. Iako je u neposred-
noj blizini Gradca otkriveno i istra`eno nekoliko
16 Popovi} 1999, 6365; Jevti} 1997, Pl. 2/fig. 18.
nalazi{ta poput Gradine u Pazari{tu,16 Gradine u
17 Jevti} 1997, Pl. 3/fig. 1; Pl. 9/fig. 2, 4; Stoji} 1998, 104, Pl.
Postewu17 i Gradine u Ju`cu,18 kao i vi{e lokali-
XV/15, Pl. XIV/15, 12; Stoji} 2001, 37.
teta na visoravni Pe{ter,19 pokretni materijal 18 Popovi} 1986, 115118; Stoji} 1998, Pl. XII/1, 7, 9. M. Jev-
ovog sloja nema bli`ih paralela na nalazi{tima ti} je keramiku sa gore navedenih nalazi{ta pripisao kultu-
bronzanog doba u ovom delu Srbije. Bli`e kulturno rama ranog bronzanom doba, dok je M. Stoji} svrstava u nala-
i hronolo{ko opredeqewe treba tra`iti na ne{to zi{ta brwi~ke kulturne grupe.
19 Letica 1982, 917.
udaqenijim prostorima, kao {to su kulturni hori-
20 Bogdanovi} 1986, 38, sl. 43, 58, 65, 67, 69, 199.
zonti na nalazi{tu Mili}a Brdo u Quqacima ho- 21 Juri{i}, Jordovi} 1962, 249250; Jordovi}, Juri{i} 1970,
rizont Quqaci 3.20 Analogije ovom materijalu sa 312; Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006, 113, T. XLII/5758; 181, T. HSVI;
Gradca nalazimo i u horizontu ranog bronzanog doba 224, T. SHHII, 234, T. SHH H/5.
sa lokaliteta Lazarev grad kao i vi{e lokaliteta u 22 Gara{anin 1973, 314; Gara{anin 1983b, 758.

okolini Kru{evca.21 Izvesne analogije nalazimo i 23 Srejovi} 1960, 104106, sl. 14.

78
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sl. 12. Presek najmla|eg objekta u sondi 6


Fig. 12. Cross-section of the earliest structure in sondage 6

Sl. 13. Izgled profila u sondi 6


Fig. 13. Profile of sondage 6

79
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

jezi~aste dr{ke, a koje on opredequje u sredwe bron-


zano doba na Kosovu.31
Imaju}i u vidu navedeno, kao i ~iwenicu da je
prethodni sloj formiran na samom kraju ranog
bronzanog doba, nalazi iz ovog sloja na Gradcu, bez
sumwe, pripadaju periodu sredweg bronzanog doba.
Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gra-
dac, podignuto je na elipti~noj zaravni sa ~ije ju-
`ne i jugozapadne strane su brda koja na jugozapadu
proseca duboko suvo korito potoka, a koju na zapad-
noj strani naru{ava Petrov kr{. Teren u okviru
zidova kompleksa manastira u blagom je nagibu u
pravcu jugoistokseverozapad. Sa severne strane
van granica kompleksa teren naglo ponire, a sa ju-
Sl. 14. Drena`ni rov, podnica najmla|eg `ne strane on je u ve}em nagibu ka manastirskom
praistorijskog objekta kompleksu. S obzirom da su na ovom lokalitetu za-
Fig. 14. Drainage pit, floor level of the earliest stupqeni slojevi sa ostacima stambenih objekata,
prehistoric structure a koji do sada nisu bili poznati u jugozapadnom de-
lu Srbije, kao i pokretni arheolo{ki materijal
nastao u du`em razdobqu od samog kraja ranog i to-
Keramici iz mla|eg sloja na Gradcu odgovarala kom razvijenog bronzanog doba, ovo praistorijsko
bi keramika sa vi{e nalazi{ta u Pomoravqu,24 naseqe sigurno spada u red zna~ajnih arheolo{kih
okolini Kru{evca25 i Kraqeva.26 nalazi{ta. Premda povr{inski mala i projektnom
Me|u keramikom iz ovog sloja sa Gradca, kao i dokumentacijom prostorno ograni~ena, istra`iva-
na prethodno navedenim nalazi{tima, nisu konsta- wa na ovom gradinskom nasequ pru`ila su dragocene
tovani fragmenti koni~nih zdela sa uvu~enim obo- podatke o arhitekturi stambenih objekata. Na osno-
dom, za koje je evidentno da se na centralnobalkan- vu dosada{wih, iako ograni~enih istra`ivawa,
skom podru~ju prvi put pojavquju tokom Br D i Ha pretpostavqamo da je naseqe zasnovano i obnavqa-
A1, jasno je da se ova keramika mo`e opredeliti u no u granicama dana{we porte. Objekti za stanova-
razvijeno bronzano doba. Paralele pokretnom ma- we bili situirani na sredi{wem, najvi{em delu
terijalu iz ovog sloja na Gradcu, nalazimo i na lo- platoa i taj naseobinski prostor, najverovatnije,
kalitetima na Kosovu, odnosno nalazi{tu Karaga~, nije previ{e {iren, ve} su novi objekti podizani
Dowa Brwica27 i @itkovac.28 Nalaze iz sloja 2, na mestu starih koje su poru{eni ili nastardali u
sektora 1 u Karaga~u, D. Srejovi} je svrstao u zaseb- po`aru. Ostaci ovih stambenih objekata pokazuju
nu fazu razvoja bronzanog doba na Kosovu, oprede-
liv{i je u period zapo~et neposredno nakon zavr-
{etka grupe BubawHum 3, a koji je zavr{en pre
pojave slatinske grupe na Kosovu. Me|utim, D. Sre-
24 Gara{anin 1973, 298; Gara{anin 1983a, 727; Vukovi},
jovi} je na osnovu paralela sa nalazima para}inske
grupe,29 sli~ne nalaze iz Dowe Brwice i sektora 2 Srndakovi} 1994, 34; Nikitovi} et al. 1997, 123132; Stoji},
^a|enovi} 2006, sl. 13; Pekovi} 2007, 3738.
u Karaga~u, opredelio u sredwe bronzano doba. Ke- 25 Jordovi}, Juri{i} 1970, T. 6/78; T. 7/1, 3, 4, 6; T. 8/12,
rami~ke forme koje upu}uju na period ranog bron- 45; T. 9/38; Tomi} 1980, 19; Palavestra, Bankoff 1986, 6768;
zanog doba, odnosno nalaze iz sektora 1 u Karaga~u, Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006, T. XVIII; 169, T. LXXXVI/3536; 223,
kao i nalaze iz naseobinskog sloja u Dowoj Brwici, T. CXXI/29.
26 Lokaliteti Gorelo poqe kod sela Milo~aj i Kova~i u
M. Gara{anin je opredelio u period Br B2 C, odno-
selu Jawi}i. Zahvaqujemo se koleginici T. Mihajlovi} iz Na-
sno u razvijeno bronzano doba.30 U gorwim slojevi-
rodnog muzeja u Kraqevu na uvid u materijal sa ovih lokaliteta.
ma jedne jame, na nalazi{tu @itkovac, sa nalazima 27 Srejovi} 1973, 41; Srejovi} 1960, 8590, 95, 99.
vin~anske kulture, veoma sli~ne nalazima iz Grad- 28 Tasi} 1958, 549.
ca, N. Tasi} je otkrio dve koni~ne {oqe sa po jed- 29 Srejovi} 1973, 45, sl. 6/ 16; T. 2.

nom lu~nom dr{kom koje prelaze ivice oboda i bi- 30 Gara{anin 1983b, 755756.

koni~nu zdelu razgrnutog oboda, koja je imala dve 31 Tasi} 1958, 23, sl. 78, 10.

80
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

da su oni bili solidno gra|eni i relativno pro- osnovu pokretnog arheolo{kog materijala iako ne
strani. Ulaz u objekte je bio sa ju`ne strane na kojoj brojnog, prili~no jednobrazanog i ne preterano in-
se i nalazio wihov ekonomski deo. Georadarskim struktivanog, {to je uostalom i karakteristi~no za
snimawima delova manastirskog kompleksa, za sa- naseqa ovog perioda. Uzroci ovome mogu biti sta-
da, nismo uspeli da otkrijemo tragove bedema ovog bilan period koji nastupa tokom sredweg bronzanog
gradinskog naseqa, te postoji mogu}nost da, zbog sa- doba, promena ekonomike, za~etaka transhumantnog
mog polo`aja, za wegovo utvr|ivawe nije ni bilo sto~arewa, a samim tim i prestanak potrebe za na-
potrebe. Tako|e, naseqe je jo{ krajem ranog bronza- seqem ovoga, gradinskog tipa. Naseqe na Gradcu pot-
nog doba, u jednom kra}em periodu napu{teno i po- puno je napu{teno jo{ u toku sredweg bronzanog do-
novno, tokom sredweg bronzanog doba obnovqeno ba, i kako se sada ~ini, u praistorijskom periodu
ali u mawem obimu. Ovo se mo`e zakqu~iti i na nije vi{e obnavqano.

81
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

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1986. kulture, zavedena pod 0302 br. 141/24, Beograd 2008,
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Gara{anin 1983a M. Gara{anin, Para}inska kul- vi}, Manastir Gradac praistorijsko naseqe,
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zemalja, IV: Bronzano doba, Sarajevo 1983, 727735. 2006, 123134.
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Jevti} 1997 M. Jevti}, Early Bronze Age Hillforts naseqe bronzanog doba, Arheolo{ki pregled 23
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1997, Skopje Museum of Macedonia 1997, 7385. Popovi} 1999 M. Popovi}, Tvr|ava Ras, Beograd
Jordovi}, Juri{i} 1970 ^. Jordovi}, A. Ju- 1999.
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va u Kru{evcu, period 196162, Saop{tewa IX, tite crkve i objekata kompleksa manastira Gradac
Beograd 1970, 289306. od podzemnih i atmosferskih voda, Beograd 2008.
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dnevnik arheolo{kih radova iz 1963. godine, doku- la u Donjoj Brnjici, Glasnik muzeja Kosova i Metohije
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kulture Beograd 1963, 116. Srejovi} 1973 D. Srejovi}, Karaga~ and the Pro-
Juri{i} 1989 A. Juri{i}, Manastir Gradac, blem of the Ethnogenesis of the Dardanians, Balcanica
Beograd 1989. 4, Beograd 1973, 3972.
Juri{i}, Jordovi} 1962 A. Juri{i}, ^. Jordovi}, Stoji} 1998 M. Stoji}, Lieux de trouvaille de la
Lazarev grad Kru{evac, Arheolo{ki pregled 4, Beograd cramique de type Vatin en Serbie au sud de la Save et
1962, 249250. du Danube, in Die Kulturen der Bronzezeit in dem
Kandi} 2008 O. Kandi}, Manastir Gradac, Gabiet des Eisernen Tores, Bucureti 1988, 81104
Beograd 2008. Stoji} 2001 M. Stoji}, Brwi~ka kulturna
Letica 1982 Z. Letica, Pe{ter u bronzano i grupa u Basenu Ju`ne Morave, Leskova~ki zbornik
gvozdeno doba, Starinar XXXII, Beograd 1982, 917. 41, Leskovac 2001, 1593.
Nikitovi}, Vasi}, Stoji} 1997 L. Nikitovi}, R. Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2006 M. Stoji}, G. ^a|e-
Vasi}, M. Stoji}, The Mound Necropolis LugoviBent in novi}, Kru{evac, kulturna stratigrafija praisto-
Mojsinje, Starinar XLVIII, Beograd 1997, 123132. rijskih lokaliteta u zoni stava Zapadne Morave i
Palavestra, Bankoff 1986 A. Palavestra, A. Ban- Ju`ne Morave, Beograd i Kru{evac 2006.
koff, Pozlatska reka, Arheolo{ki pregled 26, Ljubljana Tasi} 1958 N. Tasi}, @itkovac i neki problemi re-
1986, 6768. lativno hronolo{kog odnosa neolitskih i eneolitskih na-
Pejovi} 2006 E. Pejovi}, Rezultati za{tit- selja na Kosovu i u dolini Ibra, Glasnik muzeja Kosova
nih sonda`nih i revizionih arheolo{kih istra`iva- i Metohije 3, Pri{tina 1958, 549.
wa sa spoqne strane crkve Sv. Bogorodice u manasti- Tomi} 1980 E. Tomi}, Rezultati istra`ivawa
ru Gradac u 2005. godini, dokumentacija Republi~kog praistorijskih naseqa u Kru{evcu, u: N. Tasi} (ed.)
zavoda za za{titu spomenika kulture, zavedena pod Arheolo{ka istra`ivawa Kru{evca i moravske
0302 br. 120/8, Beograd 2006, 119. Srbije, Kru{evac i Beograd 1980, 19.
Pejovi}, 2008 E. Pejovi}, Projekat siste- Vukovi}, Srndakovi} 1994 P. Vukovi}, A.
matskih arheolo{kih istra`ivawa sa spoqne stra- Srndakovi}, Praistorijski arheolo{ki lokalite-
ne crkve Sv. Bogorodice i u porti manastira Gradac ti na teritoriji op{tine Para}in, Arheolo{ka
na projektovanoj trasi drena`nih kanala u 2008. g., radionica 1, Para}in 1994, 18.

82
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

Summary: MIRKO PEKOVI], Military Museum, Belgrade


EMILIJA PEJOVI], Republic Cultural Heritage Preservation Institute, Belgrade

BRONZE AGE SETTLEMENT


IN CHURCHYARD OF GRADAC MONASTERY

Key words. Gradac monastery, sondage, residential structures, bronze age, pottery.

During 2005 and 2008, a team from Republic Cultural Heritage made of quartzlathyte, a mineral found in mountain Golija (Pl.
Preservation Institute carried out preservative, sondage, archa- IIII). Analogies to this pottery are found in sites in Mili}a Brdo
eological and revision exploration of the Church of Holy Virgin in Ljuljaci, several sites in region of Kru{evac and in Kosovo
in Gradac monastery. The 2005 exploration aim was to uncover and Metohia.
geomorphology and characteristics of soil and its moisture pene- Pottery of the earlier layer is made of better refined earth
tration, to make insight in condition of ground zones, uncovering with additives of fine grained sand. It has smoother surface with
of attached structures and archaeological material, obtaining light brown colours. Distinctive items are fragments of biconical
stratigraphic data, all in purpose of obtaining data for making and S profile bowls with lingulate handles and wartlike bulges
the Main Project for preserving the Church of Holy Virgin from and fragments of cups with emphasized curved handles that
moisture. The first phase of work started in 2008, and it in- exceed the height of mouth edges. Beside this, there is also, in
cluded work on western, north-western and south-western part less numbers, pottery of rougher shapes, which mainly includes
of the church. smaller pots of conical or biconical shapes with flat or slightly
During these explorations, 9 sondages were opened and a curved edges. Some fragments are decorated with fingerprints
drainage pit, in total area of 130 m and total depth of 3 m. Be- or notches and some of them have plastic ribs and engraved
side medieval cultural layer and medieval necropolis, a prehisto- lines (Pl. IVV). This pottery from earlier layers from Gradac is
ric layer of 0.50.6 m depth was found which was documented similar to pottery from sites in Morava Basin, regions of Kru{e-
with four residential horizons as well with other belonging vac, Kraljevo and Kosovo.
archaeological material originated in period of the end of Early Explorations of these settlements, though small by explora-
Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age. tion area, gave precious data about residential architecture. Re-
Pottery from older prehistoric layer in Gradac, which was sidential structures have been situated in middle and topmost
documented with two residential horizons, mainly consists of part of the plateau and we assume that this settlement area has
fragments of pottery made of weaker, refined clay, with smooth not been expanded, but that new buildings have been built in
surfaces and with range of colour from brownish to dark grey. place of old ones. Remaining of these structures shows that they
These are fragments of dishes and larger spherical pots with two were solid and relatively commodious. Entrance, together with
vertical handles on wider part of body. Some fragments are de- economy part, was on the south side. At the end of Early Bronze
corated with wartlike bulges or recesses made with fingers. Age, settlement was abandoned, but it was reestablished in lesser
From fine pottery, there are pear-shaped amphorae with thin scale during Middle Bronze Age. Reason for this could be a stable
sides, bowls and cups. Beside pottery, in this layer there were period during Middle Bronze Age, change of economy and
also few fragments of different shapes made of Rozhnac stone, beginning of migrating cattle breeding. Gradac settlement was
flints and quartzite, part of stone axe with perforation whose completely abandoned during Middle Bronze Age and was not
upper part is shaped into secant and two fragmented millstones reestablished again in Prehistoric period.

83
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

4 5

0 3 cm

Tabla I Keramika starijeg sloja


Plate I Pottery from the older layer

84
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

3 4 5

6 7 8

9 10

0 3 cm

11 12

Tabla II Keramika starijeg sloja


Plate II Pottery from the older layer

85
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

4 5 6

7 8 911

0 3 cm

Tabla III Keramika starijeg sloja


Plate III Pottery from the older layer

86
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

1 2

5 6

8 9

0 3 cm

Tabla IV Keramika mla|eg sloja


Plate IV Pottery from the earlier layer

87
PEKOVI], PEJOVI], Bronzanodobno naseqe u porti manastira Gradac (7188) STARINAR LIX/2009

5 6 7

10

8 9 11 12

0 3 cm

Tabla V Keramika mla|eg sloja


Plate V Pottery from the earlier layer

88
ALEKSANDAR P. BULATOVI]
Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd

POREKLO I DISTRIBUCIJA BLAGOBIKONI^NIH ZDELA


FASETIRANOG ILI KANELOVANOG OBODA
SA KRAJA BRONZANOG I PO^ETKA GVOZDENOG DOBA
NA BALKANSKOM POLUOSTRVU
(prilog prou~avawu etno-kulturnih kretawa na centralnom Balkanu
krajem bronzanog i po~etkom gvozdenog doba)

UDK: 903.23"637/638"(497) e-mail: abulatovic3@gmail.com


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959089B Primqeno: 23. februara 2009.
Originalan nau~ni rad Prihva}eno: 4. maja 2009.

Apstrakt. Zdele blagobikoni~ne forme, ~iji su obod, ili ceo gorwi konus ukra{eni fasetama ili kanelurama,
kao i zdele poluloptaste forme sa uvu~enim obodom, identi~ne ornamentike karakteristi~ni su za nalazi{ta poznog
bronzanog i ranog gvozdenog doba na teritoriji Balkanskog poluostrva. Ovaj rad posve}en je toj veoma indikativnoj
formi posude, koja je obele`ila intezivna etno-kulturna kretawa na Balkanu na prelazu iz II u I milenijum pre n.e.
U prvom delu rada na~iwena je tipologija tih zdela u ciqu pra}ewa wihove geneze, evolucije i distribucije,
a zatim su navedena indikativna nalazi{ta, od Moravske, na severu, do Gr~ke, na jugu. U zavr{nici rada
razmatrano je o poreklu, hronolo{kom opredeqewu i distribuciji tih zdela, kao i o eventualnim hronolo{kim
i regionalnim razlikama izme|u wihovih pojedinih tipova, odnosno varijanti..

Kqu~ne re~i. Zdele kanelovanog ili fasetiranog oboda, ^aka grupa, Gava grupa, Egeja.

Z
dele blagobikoni~ne forme ~iji je gorwi ko- u literaturi nazivaju zajedni~kim imenom turban
nus (obod i rame) ukra{en horizontalnim i dish ili zdele tordiranog oboda, iako postoji vi-
kosim fasetama ili kosim kanelurama, kao i {e varijanti ovog tipa, koje se bitno razlikuju. Ovaj
poluloptaste zdele uvu~enog oboda, ukra{enog ho- rad }e, izme|u ostalog ukazati na osnovne tipove i
rizontalnom fasetom ili kosim kanelurama obele- varijante tih zdela, koji su evidentirani na Bal-
`ili su kraj bronzanog doba i ozna~ili po~etak kanskom poluostrvu krajem bronzanog i po~etkom
gvozdenog doba u mnogim kulturnim grupama na Bal- gvozdenog doba (prelazni period iz bronzanog u gvo-
kanskom poluostrvu. Neki autori sve varijante tih zdeno doba).
zdela nazivaju jednim imenom, zdele uvu~enog obo- Problem wihovog porekla, geneze, hronolo{kog
da, pa u literaturi ~esto dolazi do pogre{nih ili opredeqewa i rasprostrawenosti dugo je ve} prisu-
povr{nih interpretacija tih zdela, mada su one u tan u arheolo{koj literaturi. Wihov zna~aj za hrono-
najve}em broju, zapravo, blagobikoni~ne forme. Sve lo{ku i etno-kulturnu interpretaciju poznog bron-
zdele ovog tipa sa koso kanelovanim obodom ~esto se zanog, odnosno ranog gvozdenog doba na teritoriji

* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: Metalno doba u Pomoravqu (br. 147007) koji finansira Ministarstvo za nauku i
tehnolo{ki razvoj Republike Srbije.

89
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

centralnog Balkana uo~ili su mnogi autori. Jo{ je vih stilsko-tipolo{kih odlika keramike tokom ve-
W. Heurtley keramiku iz spaqenih slojeva u Vardi- likih etno-kulturnih promena na Balkanu krajem
ni i Vardaroftsi, nalazi{tima na severu Gr~ke, poznog bronzanog doba i po~etkom gvozdenog doba,
me|u kojom je bilo i zdela sa uvu~enim, koso kane- uz ostale karakteristi~ne kerami~ke forme i ka-
lovanim obodom ozna~io kao dunavsku ili lu`i~ku nelovani ornamentalni miqe, postale dominantna
keramiku (danubian pottery-lausitz ware), vezuju}i kerami~ka forma na Balkanskom poluostrvu.
weno poreklo za Podunavqe.1 U posledwe vreme je, Prilikom analize zdela, naro~ito na nalazi-
me|utim, zna~aj ovih posuda u re{avawu problema {tima gde se one najranije pojavquju, koristi}e se
vezanih za proces etno-kulturnih kretawa na terito- uglavnom pouzdani nalazi sa jednoslojnih lokali-
riji Balkanskog poluostrva krajem poznog bronza- teta, ili lokaliteta gde su one konstatovane u gro-
nog i po~etkom gvozdenog doba, ~ini se, nepravedno bovima, izolovanim kulturnim slojevima i drugim
zanemaren. zatvorenim celinama, sa ciqem da podaci o vreme-
U starijoj literaturi pomiwu se dva regiona u nu nastanka i distribucije tih zdela budu {to me-
kojima je mogla nastati ta kerami~ka forma regi- rodavniji i ta~niji.
on izme|u isto~nih ogranaka Alpa i Malih Karpata
(ju`na Moravska i dowa Austrija), u kome se razvija-
la BajedorfVelatice kultura i region gorweg Po- TIPOVI BLAGOBIKONI^NIH ZDELA
tisja (severoisto~na Ma|arska), u kome se krajem I ZDELA SA UVU^ENIM OBODOM
poznog bronzanog doba pojavila Gava kultura.2 T. Ke-
mencei smatra da su zdele koso kanelovanog (tordi- Detaqnom analizom stilsko-tipolo{kih odlika
ranog) oboda poreklom iz zapadnog dela Karpata i ovih formi zdela na podru~ju Balkanskog poluostr-
da se javqaju u periodu Br CD.3 Ve}ina autora, koji va, od wihove pojave do starijeg gvozdenog doba, kon-
se bave ovom problematikom na teritoriji Poduna- statovana su dva osnovna tipa, sa po ~etiri razli-
vqa, smatra da bi pojavu ovih zdela, ipak, pre treba- ~ite varijante (tabela 1).
lo hronolo{ki vezati za period Br D Ha A1, pre-
ma Rajnekeovoj periodizaciji.4 Tipovi:
M. Gara{anin, me|utim, zdele sa horizontalno I Blagobikoni~ne zdele i zdele uvu~enog obo-
fasetiranim obodom hronolo{ki tesno povezuje sa da, ~iji su obod ili ceo gorwi konus (obod i rame)
horizontom Medijana I, koji je datovan u period Br horizontalno ili koso fasetirani i
D Ha A1, prema Rajnekeovoj hronologiji, {to je II blagobikoni~ne zdele i zdele uvu~enog obo-
istovremeno sa periodom u kome se te posude pojav- da, ~iji su obod ili ceo gorwi konus (obod i rame)
quju na severu Ma|arske ili u Slova~koj, gde je, po kanelovani kosim kanelurama.
mnogim autorima, wihova mati~na teritorija.5 Gara-
{anin, pri tome, dopu{ta mogu}nost da je tip zdele Varijante:
sa horizontalno fasetiranim obodom nastao na te- Ia blagobikoni~na zdela sa horizontalno fa-
ritoriji Medijana kulturne grupe.6 Na lokalitetu setiranim gorwim konusom,
Hisar, u basenu Ju`ne Morave blagobikoni~ne zde-
le sa horizontalno fasetiranim obodom i ramenom
konstatovane su u stambenom objektu koji pripada
1 Heurtley 1939, 217218.
stratumu I, datovanom u period, koji, tako|e prethodi
2 Za BajedorfVelatice kulturu, koja je lokalna varijanta
periodu u kome se one javqaju u sredwem Podunavqu.7
kulture poqa sa urnama, vezuje je K. Vinski-Gasparini (Vinski-
Navedeni noviji podaci, ~ini se, zahtevaju jednu -Gasparini 1973, 36), kao i B. ^ovi}, prema kome su ove zdele
reviziju ovog problema, sa detaqnijim pristupom, u uticaj kulture poqa sa urnama Urnenfelder kultur (^ovi} 1983,
ciqu da se otkrije bli`e poreklo ovih zdela, prav- 404). Gara{anin, s druge strane, smatra da je taj tip zdela pore-
ci wihove distribucije, preciznije hronolo{ko klom sa teritorije dana{we Ma|arske (Gara{anin 1973, 309).
3 Kemenczei 1975, 4570.
opredeqewe, kao i da se konstatuju eventualne hro-
4 Ciugudean 1994, 2540; Hellebrandt-Magdolna 1990,
nolo{ke, stilske, dispozicione i druge razlike iz-
93111; Peschel 1987, 111127.
me|u razli~itih varijanti zdela ovog tipa na cen- 5 Gara{anin 1973, 309.
tralnom Balkanu. 6 Gara{anin 1973, 308309. Uporediti sa: Gara{anin 1996,
Ovaj ~lanak je poku{aj da se uka`e na ulogu tih 212213, Beil. 1/B1.
zdela koje su kao najindikativniji predstavnik no- 7 Stoji} 2001, 1920.

90
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

IIc blagobikoni~na zdela, ~iji je gorwi konus


(obod i rame) ukra{en kosim pli}im, re|e, rebra-
stim kanelurama (ugao pod kojim su modelovane ka-
nelure je obi~no mawi od 30).

Ovo su osnovne varijante zdela tipova I i II, dok


su sve ostale sli~ne podvarijante svrstane u varijan-
tu kojoj su najbli`e, odnosno najsli~nije, u stilsko-
-tipolo{kom smislu.

RASPROSTRAWENOST
I DATOVAWE ZDELA

Blagobikoni~ne zdele fasetiranog ili kanelo-


vanog oboda ili gorweg konusa evidentirane su na
teritoriji ju`nog dela sredwe Evrope, kao i na go-
tovo celom Balkanskom poluostrvu. Ovako prostra-
na teritorija na kojoj su zdele konstatovane, uz wi-
hovo razli~ito hronolo{ko opredeqewe, ukazuju na
nekoliko mogu}ih opcija wihove distribucije. U
katalogu nalazi{ta, koji sledi, navedena su samo
hronolo{ki osetqiva nalazi{ta na kojima su zde-
le konstatovane, ili nalazi{ta koja nisu hronolo-
Tabela 1. Tipovi i varijante blagobikoni~nih zdela {ki osetqiva, ali ukazuju na pravce kretawa i te-
i zdela uvu~enog oboda, ukra{enih fasetama i ritoriju rasprostirawa ovih posuda.
kanelurama
Table 1. Types and variants of slightly biconical bowls SREDWA EVROPA
ornamented with facets and channels Jedan od najsevernijih nalaza zdela tog tipa je
fragment zdele uvu~enog koso fasetiranog oboda
(varijanta IIa1) konstatovan u ju`noj Nema~koj (Jena-
Ia1 blagobikoni~na zdela sa koso fasetiranim -Amerbach). Taj tip je, me|utim, usamqen na loka-
gorwim konusom, litetu, jer dominiraju forme poluloptastih ili
Ib poluloptasta zdela uvu~enog oboda sa jednom koni~nih zdela. Autor nalazi{te datuje prili~no
horizontalnom fasetom, {iroko, od perioda Br D do Ha A2, prema Rajnekeo-
Ic poluloptasta zdela ukra{ena horizontalnim voj hronologiji.8
fasetama ispod oboda (ova varijanta nema blagobi- Te zdele su, me|utim, veoma karakteristi~ne za
koni~nu profilaciju ili uvu~en obod, ali je konsta- moravsku oblast, kao i oblast severozapadne i seve-
tovano da je tipolo{ki bliska navedenim zdelama, roisto~ne Ma|arske. U jugozapadnoj Slova~koj oba
pa je svrstana u tipologiju), tipa zdela pripadaju ~aka kulturi (Cseke), koja se
IIa blagobikoni~na zdela ~iji je gorwi konus datuje u period Br D Ha A2. Zdela tipa I konstato-
ukra{en kosim rebrastim kanelurama (ugao pod ko- vane su na nalazi{tima u Babu, Ludanicama, Do-
jim su modelovane kanelure je obi~no ve}i od 30), wem Petru i [arovcima (Bb, Ludanice, Dolny Peter,
IIa1 blagobikoni~na ili poluloptasta zdela [arovce), dok su zdele tipa II evidentirane u Ma~u-
uvu~enog oboda, ~iji je obod ukra{en kosim rebra- lincima i Nesvadima (Machulince, Nesvady). U Mar-
stim kanelurama (ugao pod kojim su modelovane ka- celovoj (Marcelova), {to je naro~ito interesantno
nelure je obi~no mawi od 30), za hronolo{ko opredeqewe pojedinih tipova zdela,
IIb blagobikoni~na zdela, ~iji je obod ukra{en
veoma kratkim i, naj~e{}e, plitkim kosim kanelura-
ma (ugao pod kojim su modelovane kanelure je obi~-
no ve}i od 70), 8 Peschel 1987, Abb. 6/4, 7/3.

91
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

Zdele horizontalno fasetiranog


oboda (varijanta Ia)
Zdele koso kanelovanog oboda
(varijanta IIa)

Spisak lokaliteta uz kartu 1


(List of sites on the map 1):

1. Aggtelek
2. Gelej
3. Igritia
4. Kspallag
5. Nagukll
6. Szihalom
7. Sajszentpter
8. Pobedim
9. Acsa
10. Tapolca
11. Hisar
12. Marcelova
13. Dolny Peter
14. Ludanice
15. [arovce
16. Machulince
17. Nesvady

Karta 1. Nalazi{ta blagobikoni~nih zdela, ukra{enih fasetama i kanelurama u periodu Br D Ha A1


Map 1. Sites with slightly biconical bowls ornamented with facets and channels in Br D Ha A1

evidentirana su zajedno oba tipa zdela (karta zi{tima Gava kulture u Potisju (DebrecenNyulas,
1/1217).9 Zdela varijante IIa, ali sa konkavno pro- Poroszl, Aponht, Nagykallo karta 1/5; karta 2/18).13
filisanim dnom, {to je, ina~e, karakteristi~no za Obe kulture se hronolo{ki opredequju u period Ha
zdele Velatice kulture, konstatovana je u kraqev- A1, dok se nekropola u Geleju (jedna zdela varijante
skom grobu u Velaticama, koji se datuje u XII vek Ia) datuje u period Br D.14 Mla|em periodu pripada-
pre n.e.10 Veliki broj zdela varijanti Ia, Ia1 i IIa ju zdele varijanti Ia i IIa iz Ne{meqa, Hotina i Mu-
konstatovan je u objektima 1/60, 11/59, III/60, 17/61 `le (Nezsmely, Chotin karta 2/2).15 Re~ je o nekropo-
i 8/62, na nasequ u Pobedimu (Pobedime) u Slova~- lama koje su datovane u period od Ha A2 do Ha B2.16
koj, koje je opredeqeno u period Br D Ha A1 (kar-
ta 1/8).11 Da se te zdele zadr`avaju i u kasnijem pe-
riodu svedo~i nekropola u Klentnicama, u ju`noj 9 Paulik 1963, obr. 10/1, 23/4, 29/2, 30/8, 24/3, 26/1, 25/7, 12.
Moravskoj, gde je u grobu 63 iz IX veka pre n.e. kon- 10 Gimbutas 1965, 247, T. 3, Fig. 217/11.
statovana zdela varijante IIa (karta 3/28).12 11 Studenkov, Paulik 1983, 107109, Tab. III/5, V/5, IX/5,

U severnoj i severoisto~noj Ma|arskoj je, tako- 11, X/3, XVIII/14.


12 Gimbutas 1965, Pl. 72/1.
|e, konstatovan veliki broj ovih zdela, koje se,
13 Kemenczei 1984, Taf. LXIX/1,15, LXXIII/9, LXXV/21, 26,
uglavnom, opredequju u Kijatice kulturu (Kyjatice),
LXXVI/2, 8, 15, LXXXIII/17, XCV/9 i dr; Kemenczei 1982, 86,
na severu Ma|arske (varijante Ia, Ib, IIa i IIa1), a
Abb. 6/1; Kemenczei 1982, 7395; Kemenczei 1989, 7396, Abb.
evidentirane su u A~i, [ihalomu, [ajli, Hangowu 8/9, 10/1.
i nekropoli u GelejKanalisu (Acsa, Szihalom, Szajla, 14 Kemenczei 1984, 96; Kemenczei 1989, 93.

Hangony, GelejKanlis karta 1/2, 6, 9; karta 2/1). 15 Nebelsick 1994, Abb. 1, 4, 10/a,b.

Tih zdela, ali u mnogo mawem broju, ima i na nala- 16 Nebelsick 1994, 310317.

92
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

NALAZI[TE / SITE Ia Ia1 Ib Ic IIa IIa1 IIb IIc


Lokaliteti ^aka kulture * * *
Gelej *
Igriti * * *
Kospallag *
Pobedim * * *
Tapolca *
Hisar, obj. 1/99, str.I *

Tabela 2. Dispozicija blagobikoni~nih zdela i zdela uvu~enog oboda ornamentisanih fasetama


ili kanelurama u periodu Br DBr D/Ha A1, prema tipovima i varijantama
Table 2. Disposition of slightly biconical bowls and bowls with inverted rim with channels and facets
in Br DBr D/Ha A1, according to the types and variants

U jugozapadnoj Ma|arskoj, u Tapolki (Tapolca) SLOVENIJA


evidentirana je zdela varijante IIa, a ista varijan- U Sloveniji su zdele tipa I evidentirane na na-
ta zdele konstatovana je u grobovima na nekropola- lazi{tima svetolucijske, qubqanske i notrawsko-
ma u Mendi (Mende) i Pecelu (Pcel), kao i u Kospa- dolewske grupe.24 U Dobovi u grobu 289, koji se da-
lagu (Kspallag) (karta 1/4, 10; karta 2/34).17 tuje u period Ha A1, tako|e je prona|ena jedna zdela
Na jugoistoku sredwe Evrope, u jugozapadnoj varijante IIa (karta 2/7).25 Ipak, u Sloveniji su zde-
Ukrajini, u horizontu Mahala IV konstatovane su le tih tipova karakteristi~ne tek za poznije faze
zdele varijanti IIa1 i IIb, koje se, ipak, datuju u ne{to prelaznog perioda, kao i za razvijeno gvozdeno doba
mla|i period, istovremen sa horizontom Mende (karta 3/78).26
III (Ha B).18 Daqe na istoku, u kerami~kom inven-
taru horizonta kanelovane keramike u Moldaviji, HRVATSKA I BOSNA
datovanom u period Ha A1B1, konstatovane su zde- U Hrvatskoj, u Martijanecu evidentirana je zde-
le varijanti Ia i Ib.19 la varijante IIa, koja se opredequje u fazu I kultur-
ne grupe Zagreb, a datuje se u period Ha A1 (karta
RUMUNIJA 2/5).27 Interesantno je {to u starijoj, viroviti~koj
U severoisto~nom delu Rumunije, u Igrici
(Igritia) evidentiran je veliki broj zdela tipova I i
II. Najbrojnije su zdele varijante Ia, zatim zdele va-
rijanti IIa i Ib (karta 1/3).20 Zdele tipova I i II evi- 17 Paulik 1962, Abb. 35/5; Kemenczei 1975, Abb. 1/5, 2/2, 3/4.
dentirane su u: Uloara de Jos (varijanta Ia), Susani 18 Smirnova 1974, Fig. 6/1,4.
(varijanta Ia), CiceuCorabia (varijanta IIa), Media, 19 Hnsel 1976, Taf. 41/13.
20 Hellebrandt Magdolna 1990, 93111, Abb. 3/2, 56, 5/14,
u svim horizontima (varijante IIa, IIa1 i IIb) i mno-
gim drugim lokalitetima u Transilvaniji (karta 2/6, 3/4, 9/8.
21 Ciugudean 1994, 2540, Fig. 2/5; Stratan, Vulpe 1977, Taf.
2930).21 U Banatu i Olteniji te zdele se javqaju re-
10/8586, 11/100, 13/123, 125; Vasilev 1980, Fig. 10/35, 15/4, 16/1;
lativno rano (Bistret, Ticvaniul Mare karta 2/25, 28), Zaharia 1965, Fig. 3/2, 68, 4/12; Gum 1993, Pl. XVIII/1, 3, 6,
a u periodu Ha B su, osim Transilvanije, karakte- XX/6, XXIV/3b, 6b, XXV/9b, XXXI/3, 6, XXXII/4, 7, XXXVI/34,
risti~ne za teritoriju cele Rumunije (kulturne 68.
22 Chicideanu 1986, 747, Abb. 35/3; Ciugudean 1994, 36;
grupe GavaMedia, Gornea, InsulaBanului, Virtop,
Gum 1995, Pl. XV/3, 8, 13, 15, 1920, 25, XVI/13; Hnsel 1976,
Cozia, Babadag i dr. karta 3/5, 11, 13).22 Intere-
Taf. 39/12, 45/1011, 46/10, 47/2, 4, 52/4, 55/67.
santno je da su u kerami~kom inventaru pomenutih 23 Medovi} 1988; Gum 1993, Pl. XLLIV.
kulturnih grupa mnogo zastupqenije zdele tipa II 24 Dular 1982, sl. 8/29, 13/18, 21/8, T. 26/251.
(naro~ito varijanta IIa). U GorneaKalaka~a grupi, 25 Gabrovec 1983, 56, T. VII/20.

me|utim, prisutni su sve varijante tipova ovih 26 Dular 1982, sl. 15.

zdela, mada su najbrojnije varijante IIa1 i IIc.23 27 Vinski-Gasparini 1983, 570572, T. LXXXVII/10.

93
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

Zdele horizontalno fasetiranog


oboda (varijanta Ia)
Zdele koso kanelovanog oboda
(varijanta IIa)

Spisak lokaliteta uz kartu 2


(List of sites on the map 2):

1. Szajla; 2. Neszmly;
3. Pcel; 4. Mende;
5. Martijanec; 6. Media;
7. Dobova; 8. Karaburma;
9. Panjeva~ki rit; 10. Sarina me|a;
11. Varvara; 12. ^itluk;
13. Medijana; 14. Hisar;
15. Stobi; 16. Kastanas;
17. Strnovac; 18. Debrecen;
19. Nyregyhza; 20. Krm;
21. Taktabj; 22. Kr`ince;
23. Lu~ane; 24. @ujince;
25. Ticvaniul Mare; 26. Opovo;
27. Mad`ari; 28. Bistret;
29. Uloara de Jos;
30. Susani; 31. Velatice.

Karta 2. Nalazi{ta blagobikoni~nih zdela, ukra{enih fasetama i kanelurama u periodu Ha A1 Ha A2


Map 2. Sites with slightly biconical bowls ornamented with facets and channels in Ha A1 Ha A2

grupi, koja se datuje u Br D, nema ovakvih zdela, ve} zdele varijanti IIa1 i IIb, koje su datovane u period
su konstatovane samo blagobikoni~ne zdele zaobqe- Ha B (karta 3/15).32
nog ramena, sa malim lu~nim dr{kama.28 Iz navede- Na Gradini kod Haxi}a konstatovan je veliki
nog mo`e se zakqu~iti da se zdele o kojima je re~ u broj zdela varijanti Ia, IIa i IIa1, koje su opredeqe-
radu, ne pojavquju na ovoj teritoriji pre perioda ne u I fazu sredwobosanske kulturne grupe (karta
Ha A1. Na lokalitetu Gradina kod Karlovca, koji je 3/32).33 Zdele varijante IIa evidentirane su i na De-
opredeqen u period Ha B1B2, konstatovana je zde- belom brdu kod Sarajeva i u slojevima Varvara C2 i
la varijante IIa i nekoliko blagobikoni~nih zdela, C3 (u sloju C3 sa zdelama varijante Ia), dok su u slo-
~iji su obodi ukra{eni vertikalnim kanelurama, ju Varvara C1 konstatovane jedino zdele varijante
raspore|enim u metope.29 Zdele varijante IIa evi- IIa1 (karta 2/11; karta 3/16).34 U Podi kod Bugojna, u
dentirane su u Novigradu na Savi, Kiringradu, gde
se datuju u Ha A, ali su zdele varijanti Ia i IIa, ka-
rakteristi~ne tek za daqsku kulturnu grupu (nekro-
28 Vinski-Gasparini 1983, 555557.
pola na lokalitetu Lijeva bara kod Vukovara i Daq), 29 Majnari}-Pand`i} 1986, sl. 3/1, 3.
koja se hronolo{ki vezuje za Ha B (karta 3/9).30 U 30 Vinski-Gasparini 1973, 36, 6667, 163164, T. 21/1, 22/
pribli`no isti period mogu se opredeliti zdele 1415, 121/2, 11, 122/7; Vinski-Gasparini 1983, 600, sl. 56.
varijanti Ic, IIa i IIb iz horizonta rane hal{tatske 31 [imi} 1984, 197215, Pl. 6/6, 10/5, 11/7.
kulture u severoisto~noj Slavoniji.31 32 Govedarica 1982, 111188.

Na podru~ju jugozapadne Bosne, na gradinama na 33 Peri} 1989, 6062, sl. 2.

obodu Livawskog i Duvawskog poqa konstatovane su 34 ^ovi} 1983, T. LXI/11, 390412.

94
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

NALAZI[TE / SITE Ia Ia1 Ib Ic IIa IIa1 IIb IIc


Horizont kanelovane * *
keramike u Moldaviji
Velatice, kraljevski grob *
Lokaliteti Kyjatice kulture * * * *
Neszmely * *
Pecel *
Mende *
Lokaliteti Gava kulture * * *
u SI Ma|arskoj
Susani *
Bistret *
Uloara de Jos *
Martijanec *
Dobova, grob 289 *
Karaburma, grobovi 108 i 115 * *
Opovo * *
Panjeva~ki rit, * * * * *
objekti iz gv. doba Ib 71% 4% 8% 9% 8%
Sarina me|a, zemunica 2 *
Varvara, slojevi C1C2 *
^itluk, objekti iz gv. doba Ib * * * *
Medijana II *
Hisar, obj. 1/99, str. III *
Kr`ince, sloj III * *
Lu~ane * * *
Mad`ari * *
Stobi *
Strnovac * * *
Kastanas, sch. 12 * * *

Tabela 3. Dispozicija blagobikoni~nih zdela i zdela uvu~enog oboda ornamentisanih fasetama


ili kanelurama u periodu Ha A1 Ha A2, prema tipovima i varijantama
Table 3. Disposition of slightly biconical bowls and bowls with inverted rim with channels and facets
in Ha A1 Ha A2, according to the types and variants

centralnoj Bosni, zdele varijante Ia1, kao i vari- uglavnom, za gava kulturu. Na lokalitetima gava kul-
jante IIb konstatovane su u sloju B, datovanom u pe- turne grupe u Banatu zdele su konstatovane u Opovu,
riod Ha A2B2 (karta 3/14).35 u grobu 20a (varijanta Ia), zatim u Vojlovici, u grobo-
vima 88 (varijanta Ib) i 133 (varijanta Ia) i na dru-
gim lokalitetima u Banatu (Perlez, Jabuka, Aradac),
SRBIJA i to podjednako zdele varijanti Ia i IIa (karta 2/26).
Ali, u celini posmatrano ove zdele su malobrojne
Podunavqe u odnosu na blagobikoni~ne neornamentisane zdele
U Podunavqu su ove zdele veoma rasprostrawe-
ne, naro~ito u ranom gvozdenom dobu, odnosno pre-
laznom periodu iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba. Zdele
tih tipova, me|utim, javqaju se i ranije, a vezuju se, 35 ^ovi} 1983, 433460, T. LXV/4, 6, LXVI.

95
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

Zdele horizontalno fasetiranog


oboda (varijanta Ia)
Zdele koso kanelovanog oboda
(varijanta IIa)

Spisak lokaliteta uz kartu 3


(List of sites on the map 3):

1. Chotn; 2. Mu`la; 3. Naszmely;


4. CiceuCorabia; 5. Media;
6. Tamaoani; 7. Notranje;
8. Podzemelj; 9. Vukovar;
10. Kalaka~a; 11. Gornea;
12. Insula Banului; 13. Virtop;
14. Pod; 15. Duvno; 16. Debelo brdo;
17. Panjeva~ki rit; 18. ^itluk;
19. Medijana; 20. Hisar; 21. Tla~ine;
22. Cepina; 23. P{eni~evo;
24. Vardarski rid; 25. Kastanas;
26. Maliq; 27. Vardina;
28. Klentnice; 29. Rugince;
30. Skopje; 31. Kr`ince; 32. Had`i}i

Karta 3. Nalazi{ta blagobikoni~nih zdela, ukra{enih fasetama i kanelurama u periodu Ha B


Map 3. Sites with slightly biconical bowls ornamented with facets and channels in Ha B

zaobqenog ramena (stariji tip zdele koji je eviden- Pomoravqe


tiran na ovoj teritoriji i u prethodnoj belegi{ U centralnom Pomoravqu tokom prelaznog pe-
kulturnoj grupi), ili zdele varijante Ic, koje domi- rioda iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba zdele tih tipo-
niraju u Banatu tokom gava kulturne grupe.36 Gava va su jedan od najzastupqenijih kerami~kih formi.
kulturna grupa u Vojvodini mo`e se opredeliti u Na sistematski istra`enom lokalitetu Paweva~ki
period Ha AB.37 rit u Jagodini (karta 2/9; karta 3/17), u najstarijim
Na nekropoli na Karaburmi konstatovane su objektima, datovanim u period Br DHa A1 konsta-
samo dve zdele tipa I (karta 2/8). U grobu 108 eviden- tovane su sli~ne zdele, ali cilindri~nog vrata i bez
tirana je zdela varijante Ib, dok je u grobu 115 kon- ornamenata (objekat 214).40 Ve} u objektu 250, opre-
statovana zdela varijante Ia. Ti grobovi su, prema deqenom u prelaz iz gvozdenog doba Ia u Ib, prema M.
ostaloj pokretnoj gra|i opredeqeni u fazu Kara- Stoji}u (period Ha A1/A2, prema Rajnekeovoj peri-
burma III, odnosno u period Ha AHa B2, prema Raj- odizaciji) konstatovana je zdela sa jednom horizon-
nekeovoj periodizaciji.38 talnom fasetom koja podse}a na zdele varijante Ib.
Na naseqima iz ranog gvozdenog doba na Kalaka-
~i i Bosutu evidentiran je veliki broj ovih zdela
(karta 3/10). Na Kalaka~i preovladavaju zdela vari- 36 Bukvi} 2000, T. 8/2, 9/1, 11/3, 12/8, 35/9, 42/9, 51/11, 63/4.
janti Ia i Ib, ali su evidentirane i zdele varijanti 37 Tasi} 1983; Bukvi} 2000; Gum 1993.
IIa i IIa1, dok su na Va{ici u Bosutu najzastupqeni- 38 Todorovi} 1977, 2223, 157.
je zdele varijanti Ia i Ib, ali su prisutne i zdele va- 39 Medovi} 1978; Medovi} 1988.
rijanti IIa i Ia1.39 40 Stoji} 2004, T. LXXXVI/23.

96
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

NALAZI[TE / SITE Ia Ia1 Ib Ic IIa IIa1 IIb IIc


Chotin II * *
Mu`la *
Klentnice *
Naszmely *
Ciceu-Corabia * *
Media * *
Gornea * * * * *
Virtop kulturna grupa * *
Tamaoani kulturna grupa * *
Slovenija * *
Vukovar, Lijeva bara * *
Belaj *
Novigrad *
Livanjsko i Duvanjsko polje * *
Pod, sloj B * *
Kalaka~a * * * * *
Panjeva~ki rit, * * * * *
objekti gv. doba Ic 75% 4,2% 8,3% 8,3% 4,2%
Medijana II i III * * *
Hisar, obj. 1/99, str.III-IV * * * *
Kr`ince, jame 1 i 2 * *
Skopsko-kumanovska oblast * * * * *
Vardarski rid, slojevi 1314 * *
Vardina *
Kastanas, sch. 119 * * *
Maliq IIId23 * *
Tla~ine kulturna grupa *
Gulubnik * * *
P{eni~evo kulturna grupa * *

Tabela 4. Dispozicija blagobikoni~nih zdela i zdela uvu~enog oboda ornamentisanih fasetama


ili kanelurama u periodu Ha B, prema tipovima i varijantama
Table 4. Disposition of slightly biconical bowls and bowls with inverted rim with channels and facets
in Ha B, according to the types and variants

U gvozdenom dobu Ib dominiraju zdele varijante Ia bqenog ramena, sa malom jezi~astom dr{kom, a u ze-
(pribli`no 70%), zatim varijante Ic (10%) i Ib i IIc munici 2, datovanoj u isti period, zdela varijante
(po 8%), dok su zdele varijante Ia1 najmawe zastu- Ia (karta 2/10). U zemunici opredeqenoj u gvozdeno
pqene (4 %).41 doba Ib, na lokalitetu Vrbica u Dragocvetu kod Ja-
I u objektima iz narednog perioda, gvozdenog godine, konstatovane su zdele varijanti Ia i Ic.43
doba Ic (pribli`no period Ha B1) najzastupqenije
su zdele varijante Ia (75%), zatim zdele varijanti
Ib i Ic (po 8,3%) i zdele varijanti Ia1 i IIc (po 41 Stoji} 2004, videti table za objekte: 101, 106/102, 121,
4,2%).42 131, 133, 134, 149, 201, 202, 205, 210, 211, 221, 224, 228, 232, 265.
Na obli`wem lokalitetu Sarina me|a, u zemu- 42 Stoji} 2004, videti table za objekte: 23, 39, 65, 72, 108,
nici 1, datovanoj u gvozdeno doba Ia (period Br D 212, 217, 220, 234, 245.
Ha A1), konstatovana je blagobikoni~na zdela zao- 43 Stoji} 1986, T. 1/1, 2/1, 6/12, 56.

97
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

Basen Ju`ne Morave riod Ha A1, ove zdele nisu evidentirane, ali su
U severnom delu basena Ju`ne Morave, na loka- konstatovane u velikom broju (uglavnom varijanta
litetu Konopqara u ^itluku kod Kru{evca, u naj- Ia, zatim Ib i IIa1) na lokalitetu Resuqa u susednom
starijim objektima (objekti 3, 5, 6 i 7, kao i najsta- selu Lu~anu (karta 2/23), gde su, prema ostalim na-
riji stratum objekta 12), datovanim u gvozdeno doba lazima, opredeqene u period Ha A1/A2.51
Ia, javqaju se zdele varijanti Ib i IIc, dok zdele va- Ti tipovi zdela su na ovim prostorima, me|u-
rijante Ia dominiraju u objektima opredeqenim u tim, veoma rasprostrawene i u drugoj polovini pre-
gvozdeno doba Ib (75%), a slede zdele varijanti Ib i laznog perioda, kao i u razvijenom gvozdenom dobu.52
IIa1, sa po pribli`no 12% (karta 2/12).44 Na Kosovu su ove zdele evidentirane u Qu{ti,
U centralnom delu basena Ju`ne Morave, na lo- Gladnicama, Vala~u i drugim lokalitetima, koji se
kalitetu Medijana kod Ni{a evidentiran je veliki ne mogu preciznije datovati.53 Indikativno je da ove
broj tih zdela (karta 2/13; karta 3/19). M. Gara{a- zdele nisu evidentirane na lokalitetima na Koso-
nin je, prema stilsko-tipolo{kim odlikama kerami- vu, koji pripadaju brwi~koj kulturnoj grupi.
ke i stratigrafiji lokaliteta (uglavnom horizon-
talnoj) odredio tri razvojna kulturna horizonta MAKEDONIJA I ALBANIJA
Medijana I, II i III.45 Prema Gara{aninu, zdele va- U severoisto~nom delu Makedonije, po jedan
rijante Ia javqaju se ve} u prvom horizontu, koji se primerak zdela varijanti Ib, Ia1 i IIa konstatovan je
datuje u period Br D Ha A1. U drugom i tre}em ho- u skeletnom grobu, pod tumulom u Strnovcu (karta
rizontu (period Ha A1 Ha B) evidentirane su, osim 2/17). Grob se, prema obliku sahrawivawa i frag-
varijante Ia, zdele varijanti IIa i IIa1.46 Nedavno je mentu mat slikane posude datuje u period Ha
na Medijani, me|utim, istra`ena pribli`no polo- A1/A2.54 U tom delu Makedonije konstatovan je ve-
vina stambenog objekta, povr{ine 78 m2, koji je liki broj zdela na lokalitetima koji pripadaju pe-
pripadao najstarijem horizontu (Medijana I, prema riodu Ha A2C (Pelince, Rugince, Skopqe, Ma-
Gara{aninu). Iako je u objektu i oko wega konstato- kre{ i mnnogi drugi karta 3/2930).55 Na ovim
van veliki broj fragmentovanih posuda, od kojih su lokalitetima najbrojnije su zdele varijanti IIc i
mnoge evidentirane in situ, nije prona|en nijedan IIa1, zatim slede varijante IIa i IIb, a samo spora-
fragment zdela tipa I ili tipa II.47 Objekat je dato- di~no se javqaju zdele varijante Ia1. Interesantno
van u period Br D, tako da se ove zdele na Medijani je da nisu konstatovane zdele varijante Ia, koje su
moraju datovati posle tog perioda, po svemu sude}i, veoma zastupqene u ovom periodu u Pomoravqu i
u horizont Medijana II. basenu Ju`ne Morave.
Kada je re~ o leskova~koj regiji, najindikativ-
niji i najintezivnije istra`en lokalitet je Hisar
u Leskovcu (karta 1/11; karta 2/14; karta 3/20). Na tom
lokalitetu je 1999. godine istra`en jedan stambeni 44 Stoji}, ^a|enovi} 2001, 4780, T. V/13, 56, X/4, 6,
objekat u kome su konstatovane zdele tipa Ia. Stambe- 13, XII/1112, 16. Objekti iz gvozdenog doba Ia su objekti 3, 5,
ni objekat je, prema stilsko-tipolo{kim osobina- 6, 7 i najstariji stratum u objektu 12, dok su objekti koji pri-
ma keramike opredeqen u period Br CD.48 Na Hi- padaju gvozdenom dobu Ib: 8, 9, 10, 11, 13 i sloj iznad jame u
saru su, me|utim, takve zdele, kao i zdele varijanti objektu 12.
45 Gara{anin 1983, 761772.
Ia, Ib, IIa1 i IIc uobi~ajene u mla|im horizontima 46 Gara{anin 1996, Beil. I/B1, B1a, B1a2, B1a3 i B1b.
(stratumi IIIV).49 47 Bulatovi} 2008, 223244.
U ju`nom delu basena Ju`ne Morave istra`eno 48 Stoji} 2001, 3435, T. VIII/12.
je nekoliko lokaliteta koji pripadaju poznom bron- 49 Stoji} 2001, T. V/1920, VI/1, XIII/12, XV/12, XIX/1;
zanom i ranom gvozdenom dobu. Na lokalitetu Piqa- Bulatovi}, 2009, 5782, Pl. I/1, 8, 9, II/13, 14.
kovac u Kr`incu kod Vladi~inog Hana, zdele vari- 50 Lazi} 2005, T. V/3, VII/1012, VIII/13, XII/1, 2, 4,

janti Ia i IIa konstatovane su u III sloju, opredeqenom XIII/16.


51 Bulatovi} 2007, 178194, 202208, T. LVIII/617.
u period Ha A1A2, dok su u jamama 1 i 2 iz perioda
52 Bulatovi} 2007, T. XVII/8, XVIII/510, LXIII/2835 i dr.
Ha B, evidentirane zdele varijanti Ia1 i IIa1 (karta 53 Gara{anin 1973, 312313; Tasi} 1959/60, 1182, T.
2/22; karta 3/31).50 VII/12.
U Kon~uqu kod Bujanovca, na kome je konstato- 54 Stankovski 2008, 135151, T. I/2, 68.
vana vertikalna stratigrafija naseqa brwi~ke kul- 55 Georgiev 1989, T. I/5, III/2, 4, 6, VII/23, X/13, XI/1, XIX/

turne grupe, ~iji je najmla|i sloj opredeqen u pe- 25 i dr.

98
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

Na nekropoli spaqenih pokojnika u Maxarima namentisane raznolikim utisnutim i urezanim mo-


kod Skopqa (karta 2/27), u kulturnom sloju su kon- tivima. Najju`niji nalazi tih zdela konstatovani
statovane zdele varijanti IIa (tri primerka) i IIa1 su na Marici i Ravadinovu (zdele varijante IIa),
(jedan primerak), koje su opredeqene u period Ha dok u evropskom delu Turske (jugoisto~na Trakija)
A1A2.56 one nisu evidentirane, ali postoje zdele uvu~enog
Na Jugozapadnoj nekropoli spaqenih pokojnika oboda, zaobqenog ramena, koje profilacijom podse-
u Stobima (karta 2/15), pored nalaza koji su u ovom }aju na zdele varijante Ib.65
periodu karakteristi~ni za Makedoniju (mat sli-
kane zdele i dr.) konstatovana je i jedna zdela vari-
jante IIa. Nekropola je opredeqena u period Ha ZAKQU^NA RAZMATRAWA
A1A2.57
Na lokalitetu Vardarski rid (karta 3/24), u Analizom tipologije blagobikoni~nih zdela
slojevima 13 i 14 sporadi~no se javqaju zdele uvu- ukra{enih fasetama ili kanelurama, kao i polu-
~enog oboda sa vertikalnim ili kosim kratkim ka- loptastih zdela sa uvu~enim obodom ustanovqena
nelurama (varijanta IIb) i zdele varijante IIa.58 su dva tipa, sa osam osnovnih varijanti zdela. Pre-
U jugoisto~noj Albaniji (karta 3/26), u horizon- ma katalogu nalazi{ta konstatovano je da su te ke-
tu Mali~ (Maliq) IIId23 (Ha BC) javqaju se zdele, rami~ke forme evidentirane na teritoriji od Mo-
koje bi se, prema profilaciji i ornamentu, mogle ravske i severne Ma|arske, do severne Gr~ke, i od
svrstati u podvarijantu izme|u varijanti IIa i IIb.59 Alpa, do Crnog Mora. Na toj teritoriji du`ine vi-
{e od 1000 km i {irine pribli`no 1000 km eviden-
GR^KO POVARDARJE tirana su ova dva tipa zdela u razli~itim varijanta-
Na nekoliko lokaliteta u dowem Povardarju ma. Prime}eno je, me|utim, da se pojedine varijante
konstatovane su zdele tipa II. U Kastanasu (karta zdela razli~ito hronolo{ki opredequju, kao i da
2/16; karta 3/25) su te zdele konstatovane od 12 slo- su karakteristi~ne za pojedine regione.
ja, i to kao varijanta IIa, kao i neka podvarijanta Najstariji nalazi zdela tipa I i II, ako izuzmemo
izme|u varijanti Ia i IIa1.60 Od sloja 11 do sloja 9 nalaze sa Hisara kod Leskovca, o kojima }e naknad-
evidentirane su iskqu~ivo zdele varijanti IIa i IIa1, no biti vi{e re~i, poti~u iz ju`ne Moravske.
dok je u slojevima 87, osim navedenih varijanti Ove zdele ~esto se stilsko-tipolo{ki vezuju za
konstatovana i varijanta IIb, koja posle 6. sloja osta- ^aka kulturnu grupu i kulturnu grupu Bajedorf
je jedina varijanta zdela tog tipa.61 Velatice. Studenikova i Paulik ukazuju da su te
U Vardarofci i Vardini (karta 3/27), u kultur- zdele nastale kao rezultat uticaja velati~ke kultu-
nim slojevima sa paqevinom javqa se kanelovana re na lokalnu ~akansku kulturu.66 Konstatovano je,
keramika, a u Vardini, u tom sloju evidentirana je me|utim, da one nisu evidentirane u lu`i~koj kul-
i zdela varijante IIa.62 Prema mikenskoj keramici, turi, a da se iste samo sporadi~no javqaju u velati-
autor je sloj na Vardaroftsi datovao u XI vek, odno- ce kulturi, kao i da se u velati~koj kulturi datuju
sno period Ha A2, dok je sloj u Vardini, prema fibu- relativno kasno u odnosu na wihovu pojavu u ^aka
li sa lukom u obliku violinskog gudala, opredeqen
u period Br D. A. Stefanovi} (Stefanovich), me|utim,
smatra da taj sloj pripada periodu Ha A2B1.63
56 Mitrevski 1992/93, Fig. 3/15, 7.
BUGARSKA 57 Mitrevski 1997, 313.
Na teritoriji Bugarske, te zdele su u upotrebi 58 Papazovska 2005, 115158, sl. 3, T. III/24, IV/2627.

relativno kasno, od perioda Ha B, a evidentirane 59 Prendi 1982, Abb. 8.


60 Hochstetter 1984, Taf. 88/34, 94/5, 76/1, 78/23.
su u horizontu `igosane keramike severne Bugarske,
61 Hochstetter 1984, Taf. 102/1, 156/34, 196/3.
P{eni~evo kulturnoj grupi, Tla~ine kulturnoj
62 Heurtley 1939, 98, 217/415418.
grupi, Gulubniku na jugozapadu Bugarske i drugim
63 Stefanovich 1973, 150151.
lokalitetima (karta 3/2123).64 Na severu Bugarske 64 Hnsel 1976, Taf. 60/1415, 66/2, 66/2, 72/14; Gotzev
konstatovane su varijante Ia i IIa, dok su u central- 1994, Fig. 7/4; Gieorgieva 2003, T. III/12,16.
nom delu i na jugu konstatovane iskqu~ivo varijan- 65 Czyborra 2005, Taf. 4/10, 8/10, 13, 14/9, 22/5, 25/1,
te IIa i IIc. U Trakiji nema mnogo ovih zdela, ali 26/1112, 28/1, 5, 7.
ima bikoni~nih zdela zaobqenog ramena, koje su or- 66 Studenkov, Paulik 1983, 107109.

99
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

kulturi (kraqevski grob u Velaticama, u kome je kon- Svi navedeni podaci ukazuju da su blagobiko-
statovana zdela tipa IIa, datovan je u period Ha A1).67 ni~ne zdele fasetiranog ili kanelovanog gorweg
U ^aka kulturi, me|utim, ove zdele su, uz zdele konusa (varijante Ia i IIa) nastale na teritoriji ju-
blage S profilacije {iroko razgrnutog oboda, do- `ne Moravske u periodu Br D i da su se ve} krajem
minantna forma zdela tokom perioda Br D Ha A1. tog perioda po~ele {iriti uz obronke Karpata, na
Preovladavaju zdele varijante Ia, ali su zastupqe- istok, ali i obodom Bakowske gore, na jug, prema
ne i zdele varijante IIa. Hrvatskoj i Sloveniji (karta 1). Ovako brzom {i-
Zanimqivo je {to u pre-~aka horizontu egzi- rewu zdela tog tipa, kao i nekih drugih kerami~kih
stiraju forme blagobikoni~nih zdela zaobqenog formi koje se javqaju sa tim zdelama, doprinele su,
ramena na ~ijem se dowem konusu nalaze mawe jezi- verovatno, lokalne zajednice, koje su pod pritiskom
~aste ili lu~ne dr{ke, koje su tipolo{ki veoma nosioca kulture poqa sa urnama (Urnenfelderkultur)
bliske zdelama tipova I i II.68 Identi~ne zdele kon- iz centralne Evrope, ubrzano prodirale prema is-
statovane su na teritoriji ^e{ke, na lokalitetima toku i jugu.
iz sredweg bronzanog doba (uweti~ka kultura, vete- Ove zajednice se nisu dugo zadr`ale na terito-
rovska kultura), kao i na lokalitetima lokalnih riji dana{we severoisto~ne Ma|arske, ve} su na-
kultura iz poznog bronzanog doba u severnoj i seve- stavile na jug, uz jugozapadne obronke Karpata, i na
roisto~noj Ma|arskoj, ali i kultura poznog bron- istok, prema Ukrajini i Moldaviji, izbegavaju}i
zanog doba na teritoriji Balkanskog poluostrva.69 mo~varnu i zabarenu prostranu Panonsku ravni-
Ove zdele su u Moravskoj i severnoj Ma|arskoj evi- cu.74 Zdele ovih tipova nisu evidentirane na loka-
dentirane u mnogim slu~ajevima zajedno sa zdelama litetima gava kulture, na severu, u jugoisto~noj
tipova I i II, ili se na zdelama zaobqenog ramena, Slova~koj, ali su takve zdele konstatovane na loka-
sa dr{kicama javqaju horizontalne fasete ili ka- litetima iz perioda Ha AB u Ukrajini i Molda-
nelure, {to potvr|uje me|usobnu evolutivnu vezu viji, {to jasno ukazuje da pomerawa stanovni{tva
ovih zdela sa zdelama tipova I i II.70 Me|utim, za nisu bila usmerena ka severu, ve} prvenstveno ka
obja{wewe porekla i evolucije blagobikoni~nih jugu i istoku.75 Relativno brzo {irewe ovih zdela
zdela fasetiranog ili kanelovanog oboda (tipovi I na jug potvr|uju lokaliteti Bistret, Susani i
i II, sa varijantama), mnogo indikativnije kerami~- Igrica (Igritia) koji se datuju u period Ha A1, dakle
ke forme su kru{kolike amfore sa lu~nim dr{kama nepun vek nakon wihove pojave u Moravskoj.
na vratu, ~iji su trbuh i rame ukra{eni horizon- U kulturama koje su obele`ile pozno bronzano
talnim fasetama, kao i duboke zdele S profilaci- doba na centralnom Balkanu ove zdele nisu konsta-
je, sa lu~nim dr{kama na ramenu ili vratu, ~iji su
trbuh i rame ukra{eni kosim kanelurama.71 Dowi
deo tih posuda potpuno je identi~an zdelama vari-
janti Ia i IIa, pa je izvesno da su ove posude u tesnoj 67 Pivovarova 1965, 107162; Rihovsky 1961; Gimbutas 1965,

tipolo{koj vezi sa zdelama koje su tema rada. Kru- 247, Fig. 217b/11.
68 Paulik 1963, 321.
{kolike amfore i duboke zdele karakteristi~ne su
69 Re~ je o kulturama Halomsros, Egyek, Berkesz-Demecser,
za kulture poznog bronzanog doba na teritoriji, od
kao i nekropoli u Alsberecki i dr. (Kovcs 1965, 6586, Abr.
jugozapadne Slova~ke, do severne Ma|arske.72 17/2, 67; Kovcs 1966/67, 2758, Fig. 11/1718, 12/3; Kemen-
Ako se uzme u obzir ~iwenica da zdele tipova I czei 1981, 6992, Abb. 8/6. Za uweti~ku (netice) i veterovsku
i II nisu evidentirane u lu`i~koj i velatice kul- (Veterovsky) kulture videti: Stuchlik, Tr~ala 1991, 225246, obr.
6/13, 7/5; Blek 1991, 247252, obr. 3/10.
turnim grupama, kao ni u kulturnim grupama poznog 70 Videti: Kemenczei 1975, Abb. 5/15; Kemenczei 1989, Abb.
bronzanog doba u Banatu i ju`nom delu Transilva- 8/9, 10/1; Hellebrandt Magdolna 1990, Abb. 5/34; Chicideanu
nije, mo`e se zakqu~iti da su one nastale na teri- 1986, Abb. 35/3.
toriji ^aka kulture u jugozapadnoj Slova~koj, ali 71 Paulik 1962, Abb. 33/1, 4, 7, 34/2, 68.

da su se veoma brzo pro{irile na istok, na lokali- 72 Kemenczei 1975, Abb. 6/34; Kemenczei 1984, Taf.

tete Kijatice kulture u severnom delu Ma|arske, a LXXXVIII/1, 6, XCIII/24.


73 Kemenczei 1984, 96; Gum 1997, 68.
da se uticaj kulturne grupe kojoj su pripadale {i-
74 Smirnova 1974, 359380; Hnsel 1976, Taf. 4142; Panon-
rio i na sever (Velatice, Jena-Amerbach i dr). U se-
ska nizija je do pre stotinak godina bila mo~varna i neuslov-
veroisto~nom delu Ma|arske te zdele se vezuju za na za naseqavawe, ~ime se mo`e objasniti nedostatak praisto-
lokalitete kulture Gava, ~iji se po~eci hronolo{ki rijskih lokaliteta u toj oblasti (Hnsel, Medovi} 1991, Taf. 1).
opredequju u period Ha A1.73 75 Demetrova 1987, 305315.

100
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabela 5. Vreme nastanka tipova i varijanti blagobikoni~nih zdela i zdela uvu~enog oboda
Table 5. Appearance time of the types and variants of biconical bowls and bowls with inverted rims

tovane.76 Na centralnom Balkanu, najstariji nalaz keramika, dok se u Kr`incu kod Vladi~inog Hana
zdela o kojima je re~ (dva fragmenta zdela varijan- one pojavquju tek u sloju III, koji je datovan u peri-
te Ia) konstatovan je u stambenom objektu na lokali- od Ha A1A2.78 Na lokalitetu Gradi{te u Kon~uqu
tetu Hisar u Leskovcu, koji je datovan u period Br kod Bujanovca, ~iji je najmla|i sloj, izuzimaju}i
CD.77 Ovo je, me|utim, jedinstven nalaz zdela ovog sloj iz perioda helenizma, datovan nalazom bronza-
tipa iz tog perioda, konstatovan tako daleko na jugu, nog srpa u period Ha A1, te zdele, tako|e, nisu kon-
u centralnom delu Balkanskog poluostrva. Mogu}e statovane.79 U Pomoravqu, u zatvorenim celinama
je da ta dva fragmenta zdela, zapravo, predstavqaju na lokalitetima Vrbica u Dragocvetu, Sarina me-
upad iz sloja iznad objekta, koji se hronolo{ki |a u Jagodini, kao i objektima na lokalitetu Pawe-
opredequje u period Ha A1A2, u kome su evidenti- va~ki rit u Jagodini, te zdele se pojavquju krajem
rani brojni nalazi zdela istog tipa. Mo`da je, s gvozdenog doba Ia (kraj Ha A1), a karakteristi~ne su
druge strane, re~ o prvim, veoma ranim prodorima tek za faze gvozdeno doba Ib i Ic, prema periodiza-
sa severa, koji su u veoma kratkom vremenskom in- ciji M. Stoji}a (Ha A2B1).80
tervalu distribuirali ove posude u basen Ju`ne Navedeni podaci ukazuju na to da su se blagobi-
Morave, ali se ni u tom slu~aju, s obzirom na peri- koni~ne zdele horizontalno fasetiranog gorweg
od u kome su se one pojavile u Moravskoj, zdele sa
Hisara ne mogu datovati pre perioda Ha A1. O te-
zi po kojoj su ove zdele (varijanta Ia) nastale na
76
prostoru centralnog Balkana ne mo`e se govoriti, Ove zdele nisu konstatovane u belegi{ kulturnoj grupi,
jer je evidentan nedostatak tih zdela na ostalim grupi @uto BrdoGirla Mare, zatim para}inskoj i brwi~koj
kulturoj grupi (Vrani} 2002; Petrovi} 2006; Krsti} 2003; Ga-
lokalitetima iz perioda Br (C) Br D na ovoj te- ra{anin 1973, 298307; Bulatovi} 2007, 3745 i dr.)
ritoriji. 77 Stoji} 2001, 3435.
U stambenom objektu iz najstarijeg perioda na 78 Lazi} 2005, 131174.

Medijani (Medijana I) nisu konstatovane te zdele, 79 Bulatovi} 1999/2000, 31.

kao ni druga, tim zdelama stilsko-tipolo{ki bliska 80 Stoji} 1986; Stoji} 2004.

101
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

konusa (varijanta Ia) pojavile na centralnom Bal- kulturne grupe Ulanci, samo sporadi~no pojavquju.
kanu tek u periodu Ha A1A2, pa je podatak da su na Izvestan broj metalnih predmeta, naro~ito ma~eva
Hisaru one konstatovane u stambenom objektu dato- sa jezi~kom, koji su proizvod sredwoevropskih ra-
vanom u period Br CD veoma neuobi~ajen. Ako ni- dionica, a konstatovani su na centralnom Balkanu,
je re~ ni o najranijim prodorima sa severa, koji, pri tako|e, ukazuje na veoma `ive kontakte izme|u kul-
tome, nisu ostavili traga u drugim delovima cen- turnih grupa sa severa i juga Balkanskog poluostrva.
tralnog Balkana, ni o upadu fragmenata zdela iz Ovi kontakti, realizovani migracijama, ~esto su bi-
sloja iznad stambenog objekta na Hisaru, onda se li nasilnog karaktera, {to najboqe ilustruju po-
ovaj fenomen jedino mo`e objasniti neadekvatnim ru{ena naseqa autohtonih kultura.83
datovawem stambenog objekta 1/99 na Hisaru, pa bi Analizom pojedinih tipova, odnosno varijanti
se, u tom slu~aju, datovawe moralo pomeriti na pe- zdela i razlikama u wihovoj dispoziciji na terito-
riod Ha A1/A2. Na`alost, u objektu 1/99 nisu kon- riji Balkanskog poluostrva i ju`nog dela sredwe
statovani metalni ili drugi hronolo{ki osetqivi Evrope, kao i wihovom datovawu, do{lo se do izve-
nalazi, pa }e tek budu}im istra`ivawima na Hisa- snih zakqu~aka (tabela 5). Konstatovano je da se
ru ova dilema biti razre{ena. najstariji nalazi tih zdela pojavquju na lokalite-
Teza o najranijim prodorima populacije sa seve- tima ^aka kulturne grupe na teritoriji Moravske.
ra koja je na Hisar mogla doneti te zdele malo je ve- Na tim lokalitetima zastupqene su iskqu~ivo va-
rovatna, jer bi, u tom slu~aju, nalazi tih zdela bili rijante Ia i IIa i u jednom slu~aju varijanta IIc, od-
evidentirani i na drugim nalazi{tima iz istog pe- nosno Ia1, koje su, uostalom, veoma sli~ne (u jednom
rioda u Pomoravqu ili srpskom delu Podunavqa. U slu~aju kose fasete, a u drugom kose kanelure). Ovi
nekropoli na Karaburmi, me|utim, zdele tih vari- lokaliteti se datuju u isti period (Br D Br D/Ha
janti (Ia i Ib) konstatovane su u dva groba, koji su A1) pa nije mogu}e utvrditi da li je neka od ovih
opredeqeni u horizont Karaburma III, odnosno Ha varijanti starija od ostalih, ali se iz navedenog
A/B.81 Sli~na situacija je i sa nalazima tih zdela mo`e zakqu~iti da su varijante Ia i IIa osnovne va-
u Banatu.82 rijante tih zdela, iz kojih kasnije proizilaze sve
Tek tokom perioda Ha A1A2 ove zdele postaju ostale varijante. U severnoj Ma|arskoj i severoza-
neizbe`an kerami~ki inventar na brojnim nalazi- padnoj Rumuniji, u periodu Br D/Ha A1, tako|e se
{tima u Pomoravqu i basenu Ju`ne Morave, a kra- pojavquju navedene varijante zdela, ali i varijan-
jem tog perioda i po~etkom perioda Ha B, i u Po- ta Ib, dok je u periodu Ha A1A2, na ovoj teritori-
vardarju. U istom periodu, u Hrvatskoj, Sloveniji ji konstatovana i varijanta IIa1. ^ini se da u tom
i Bosni, te zdele se samo sporadi~no pojavquju. periodu na teritoriji jugozapadne Slova~ke, sever-
Prema navedenim podacima, ~ini se da je u tom ne Ma|arske, kao i na lokalitetima u Sloveniji i
periodu do{lo do intezivnih migracija ka jugu, do- Hrvatskoj, gde se ove posude u periodu Ha A1A2 tek
linama Velike i Ju`ne Morave i Vardara, ~iji su pojavquju, preovladavaju zdele varijante IIa, dok su
akteri bili nosioci ovih zdela, {to, uostalom, po- sve ostale varijante zdela zastupqene u mnogo ma-
tvr|uju brojni nalazi tih posuda u ovoj oblasti. Na wem broju. Situacija je istom periodu sasvim dru-
svom kretawu ka jugu ta populacija je nailazila na ga~ija na centralnom Balkanu i jugozapadnoj Rumu-
naseqa autohtonih populacija, kao {to su nosioci niji. Na toj teritoriji preovladavaju zdele tipa I
para}inske kulturne grupe i brwi~ke kulturne gru- (varijanta Ia je daleko najbrojnija), a od zdela tipa
pe, kao i kulturne grupe poznog bronzanog doba u II pojavquju se sporadi~no varijante IIc i IIa1. Tek
Povardarju, ~ija je stani{ta palila i ru{ila (Pri- krajem tog perioda (period Ha A2), na lokaliteti-
boj, Kon~uq, Vardina, Kastanas). Osim zdela tipa I
i II, ova populacija bila je nosilac tzv. kanelovane
keramike koja }e obele`iti naredni vek, kada je re~
o kulturnoj slici u Pomoravqu, basenu Ju`ne Mora- 81 Todorovi} 1977, 2223, 132, 157.
ve i basenu P~iwe. Nosioci ove kulture, koju obele- 82 Bukvi} 2000,108115.
`ava kanelovana keramika, uspeli su da dezintegri- 83 Ma~evi sa jezi~kom poreklom su iz sredwe Evrope, gde se

{u, o~ito, ve} oslabqene kulturne grupe Para}in i datuju u Br D Ha A1, ali su nalazi tih ma~eva u periodu Ha A
evidentirani od Vnawih Gorica, na severu do Kosova i Make-
Brwica, pa je na wihovoj teritoriji kanelovana ke- donije, na jugu (Vinski-Gasparini 1983, 655, T. XCII/12, T. XCIII/1;
ramika postala dominantna u periodu Ha A2B1, Gabrovec 1983, T. II/1012; Gara{anin, Sanev, Simoska, Kita-
dok se zdele tipova I i II u Povardarju, na teritoriji novski 1971, kat. br. 207, 216; Srejovi} 1959/60, sl. 8).

102
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

ma u ju`noj i zapadnoj Rumuniji i centralnom Bal- seqa brwi~ke kulturne grupe u Vrawsko-bujanova~-
kanu pojavquju se zdele varijante IIa. koj kotlini bila ravni~arska, a da se u periodu Ha
U basenu P~iwe i Povardarju zdele tipa I poja- A1/A2 iznenada podi`u gradinska naseqa na obodu
vquju se samo u tumulu u Strnovcu (varijante Ia1 i tih kotlina (Priboj, Dubnica, Kon~uq, Kr{evica).
Ib), koji je datovan u period Ha A1A2, dok su na Ta promena topografije, odnosno dispozicije nase-
ostalim lokalitetima konstatovane iskqu~ivo zde- qa vezuje se za prvi migracioni talas, koji na ove
le tipa II. Tako|e je konstatovano da se varijanta IIb, prostore donosi zdele varijante Ia, dok se drugi mi-
koja, prema stilsko-tipolo{kim osobinama, pred- gracioni talas vezuje za ru{ewe tih naseqa i pome-
stavqa imitaciju zdela varijante IIa i IIa1 (la`ni rawe naseqa brwi~ke kulturne grupe duboko u unutra-
turban dish), pojavquje tek u periodu Ha B i to pre- {wost, na jugoistok, u oblast Dowe P~iwe. Drugi
te`no na teritoriji Makedonije i severne Gr~ke, talas se, prema nalazima zdela varijante IIa, mo`e
mada je sporadi~no evidentiran i u sredwoj Bosni, opredeliti u period Ha A2, a sude}i prema dispo-
jugozapadnoj Bugarskoj i ju`noj Albaniji (karta ziciji i broju nalaza zdela varijante IIa, wegovi no-
3/1415, 2426, 2930). sioci se nisu zadr`avali na prostoru centralnog
Navedenu dispoziciju zdela tipa I i II mogu}e je Balkana, kako su to u~inili nosioci prethodnog
jedino objasniti sukcesivnim migracijama stanov- migracionog talasa, ve} su agresivno prodirali
ni{tva, sa severa, prema jugu Balkanskog poluostr- daqe na jug, prema obalama Egejskog mora.
va. U tom slu~aju zdele varijante Ia bile bi malo Na pravac wihovog kretawa iz sredwe Evrope,
starije od zdela varijante IIa i mogle bi se poveza- obroncima Karpata i Transilvanijskih Alpa, pre-
ti sa prvim ve}im migracionim talasom sa severa, ma centralnom Balkanu ukazuju nalazi ma~eva i
koji ih je pro{irio na prostor zapadne Transilva- drugih metalnih predmeta, ~ije je poreklo iz sredwo-
nije, Potisja i srpskog Podunavqa, kao i Pomora- evropskih radionica, ili analogije metalnih pred-
vqa i basena Ju`ne Morave, u periodu Br D Ha meta iz centralnog Balkana sa predmetima konsta-
A1/A2 (karta 1). U to vreme na teritoriji severne tovanim u ostavama iz Transilvanije i Banata.
Ma|arske, pod uticajem ^aka kulture i woj srodnih Interesantno je da su u Moldaviji, u periodu
kulturnih grupa kompleksa poqa sa urnama (Urnen- Ha A1B1 konstatovane iskqu~ivo zdele varijanti
felder), sa zapada, i pod uticajem Gava kulture, sa Ia i Ic, {to se mo`e objasniti prodorom prvog mi-
istoka, nastaju zdele varijante IIa. One se, me|utim, gracionog talasa kroz karpatske klance u Moldavi-
disribuiraju tek drugim ve}im migracionim tala- ju, a kasnije i prema severu, u Ukrajinu (Mahala
som, koji u periodu Ha A1A2 prodire na jug, a kra- period Ha B).
jem tog perioda sti`e i do u{}a Vardara. Ove migra- U periodu Ha B, u Bosni, Sloveniji i Hrvat-
cije krenule su, osim prema Rumuniji i centralnom skoj, osim zdela tipa II, konstatovane su i zdele ti-
Balkanu, i ka teritoriji dana{we Slovenije i Hr- pa I, verovatno kao rezultat kulturnih uticaja sa
vatske, pa se tako mo`e objasniti prisustvo iskqu- severozapada Balkanskog poluostrva, ili uticaja
~ivo zdela varijante IIa i nedostatak zdela varijante iz Podunavqa, dolinama Save i Bosne.
Ia na prostoru Hrvatske i Rumunije u tom periodu Zdele tipa II (naro~ito varijanta IIa) u periodu
(karta 2). Ha BC postaju dominantan tip zdela na celokupnoj
Da je re~ o najmawe dva ve}a migraciona talasa teritoriji Balkanskog poluostrva. Prostiru se od
ukazuje podatak da su zdele varijante Ia postale zna- Ukrajine i Crnog mora (Kozia, Tla~ine i druge kul-
~ajan deo kerami~kog inventara u Pomoravqu i ba- turne grupe sa ovog prostora), do Jadranskog mora i
senu Ju`ne Morave u periodu Ha A1A2, dok u Ma- od centralne Evrope, do Egejskog mora. U Troji ni-
kedoniji, na lokalitetima iz istog perioda ta su konstatovane zdele tipova I i II, pa se pretposta-
varijanta zdela uop{te nije konstatovana.84 U Ma- vqa da se wihovi nosioci, iako su sasvim izvesno
kedoniji su evidentirane zdele varijante IIa, ma- bili akteri migracija na centralnom Balkanu, ne
hom kao pojedina~ni nalazi, a ne kao uobi~ajen deo
kerami~kog inventara, ali tek u narednom periodu
(Ha A2B), dakle u pretpostavqeno vreme drugog
migracionog talasa. Promena topografije naseqa 84 Zdele varijante IIa prvi put se pojavquju na centralnom
krajem bronzanog i po~etkom gvozdenog doba u ju- Balkanu u horizontu Medijana III (Ha B) i na Kalaka~i, koja se
`nom delu basena Ju`ne Morave, potkrepquje ovu datuje u isti period (Gara{anin 1996, Beil. 1/B1a, B1a3; Medovi}
teoriju. Naime, konstatovano je da su najstarija na- 1988).

103
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

mogu dovesti u vezu sa ru{ewem naseqa Troja VIIb2 naseqa iz tog perioda u Vrawsko-bujanova~koj ko-
(karta 3).85 tlini i Povardarju.
U periodu Ha BC zdele oba tipa (naro~ito va-
rijanta IIa) postaju neizbe`an deo kerami~kog in-
ZAKQU^AK ventara gotovo svih kulturnih grupa na Balkanskom
poluostrvu, {to se mo`e objasniti {irewem kul-
Uvidom u nalaze blagobikoni~nih zdela i zdela turnog uticaja novog stilskog trenda, mada je mogu}e,
uvu~enog oboda, ukra{enih kanelurama ili faseta- s obzirom na to da je to vreme poznato po brojnim
ma, sa vi{e indikativnih nalazi{ta iz poznog bron- migracijama, maweg ili ve}eg inteziteta, da su mi-
zanog i ranog gvozdenog doba na teritoriji Balkan- gracije jedan od uzroka {irewa ove kerami~ke for-
skog poluostrva i ju`nog dela sredwe Evrope, do{lo me u isto~ne, ju`ne i zapadne delove Balkanskog po-
se do nekoliko zakqu~aka. luostrva u periodu Ha B.
Ustanovqeno je da se te zdele najpre pojavquju na Nosioci pomenutih migracija, koje su se odvi-
teritoriji jugozapadne Slova~ke i severozapadne jale u najmawe dva ve}a migraciona talasa, kojima
Ma|arske u periodu Br D, a da se, zatim, sa svoje ma- su zdele dospele na Balkansko poluostrvo, svakako
ti~ne teritorije vrlo brzo, ve} u periodu Br D/Ha A1, su akteri istorijski poznatih migracija iz tog pe-
{ire na istok, na teritoriju severoisto~ne Ma|ar- rioda, koje se nazivaju Dorska, odnosno Egejska se-
ske i severozapadne Rumunije. Taj prvi talas {ire- oba. Pretpostavqeni pravac ove migracije ve}im
wa, u te krajeve je, naime, doneo samo zdele varijante se delom podudara sa pravcem distribucije zdela
Ia, koje su se tokom perioda Ha A1, pro{irile i daqe tipa I i II. Migracije koje su ra{irile zdele tipo-
na jug, u centralne delove Balkanskog poluostrva, va I i II pokrenute su na teritoriji ju`nog dela
pa se mo`e zakqu~iti da su te zdele malo starije od sredwe Evrope, ali su inicirane nosiocima Urnen-
ostalih varijanti. U periodu Br D Ha A1, u sever- felder kulturnog kompleksa iz sredwe Evrope, {to
noj Ma|arskoj, pod uticajem Gava kulture, sa jedne se ogleda u nekim kerami~kim oblicima, koji su
strane i ^aka kulture, sa druge strane, pojavquju se evidentirani zajedno sa zdelama tipa I, a poti~u iz
i zdele varijante IIa (turban dish), koje su, novim ta- kultura Urnenfelder kompleksa, ali i brojnim me-
lasom migracija distribuirane na istok, kao {to je talnim nalazima, koji su proizvod sredwoevrop-
to bio slu~aj i sa prethodnim talasom migracija, ali skih radionica. Zanimqivo je da se te zdele mogu
i na jug, Bakowskom gorom, na teritoriju dana{we pratiti do severozapadne obale Egejskog mora, ali
Hrvatske i Slovenije, gde su u periodu Ha A1/A2 da nisu evidentirane u ju`noj Trakiji i Troji, iz
konstatovane iskqu~ivo zdele varijante IIa. ~ega se mo`e zakqu~iti da wihovi nosioci nisu do-
Nosioci zdela varijante Ia zadr`ali su se na {li do Troje, pa je tako krajwe neizvesno wihovo,
prostoru Pomoravqa i basena Ju`ne Morave, {to eventualno, u~e{}e u ru{ewu naseqa koje pripada
potvr|uje veliki broj tih zdela, ali i drugih kera- sloju VIIb2.
mi~kih formi tog stilsko-tipolo{kog obrasca, ko- Ove migracije su, me|utim, pokrenule lan~anu
ji dominira na ovom prostoru od perioda Ha A1/A2. reakciju etni~kih kretawa na Balkanu, koje }e pro-
Tek u drugom migracionom talasu, koji je sa severa uzrokovati mnoge etno-kulturne promene na ovoj te-
Balkana do{ao na centralni deo Balkanskog polu- ritoriji i dovesti do formirawa novih kulturnih
ostrva (period Ha A2), pojavquju se prve zdele vari- grupa, koje }e obele`iti razvijeno gvozdeno doba.
jante IIa (Medijana, Kr`ince). Te zdele su, me|utim, Koliko su zdele ovog tipa, naro~ito varijante IIa,
posebno karakteristi~ne za Makedoniju i dowe Po- ostavile dubok trag u kulturama gvozdenog doba
vardarje, gde uop{te nisu konstatovane zdele vari- centralnog Balkana, ukazuje podatak da su se sirvi-
jante Ia. Nosioci drugog talasa migracija, sa zdela- vali ove varijante zadr`ali na ovom prostoru i ne-
ma sa tordiranim obodom (varijanta IIa), bili su koliko vekova kasnije, u poznim fazama perioda Ha
znatno agresivniji, o ~emu svedo~e mnoga spaqena C (VI/V vek pre n.e.).

85 Na tablama sa iscrpnom kerami~kom gra|om iz tog slo-

ja nema zdela tipa I ili II (Blegen, Boutler, Caskey, Rawson 1958).

104
Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

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Aleksandar P. BULATOVI], Poreklo i distribucija blagobikoni~nih zdela (89108) STARINAR LIX/2009

Summary: ALEKSANDAR P. BULATOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

ORIGIN AND DISTRIBUTION OF SLIGHTLY BICONICAL BOWLS


WITH FACETTED OR CHANNELLED RIM FROM THE END OF BRONZE
AND THE BEGINNING OF IRON AGES ON THE BALKAN PENINSULA
(contribution to the study of ethnic and cultural movements in southeast Europe
at the end of Bronze and the beginning of Iron Ages)

Key words. Bowls with faceted or channeled rim, ^aka group, Gava group, Aegean.

Slightly biconical shaped bowls, the upper cone (rim and the Balkan Peninsula (Ha A2 period). These bowls, however, are
shoulder) of which is decorated with horizontal and slanted facets particularly characteristic of Macedonia and lower Povardarje,
or slanted channels, as well as semi-globular bowls of inverted rim where variety Ia bowls were not stated at all. The second migra-
decorated with horizontal facets or slanted channels are charac- tion wave representatives, with turban dish bowls (variety IIa),
teristic of the end of Bronze Age and mark the beginning of Iron were much more aggressive as witnessed by many burned settle-
Age in many cultural groups within the Balkan Peninsula. ments from that period in the VranjskaBujanova~ka Valleys
Problem of their origin, chronology and distribution is pre- and Povardarje.
sent in archaeological literature for a long time. Many authors During Ha BC periods, bowls of both types (particularly
perceived the significance of this ceramic shape for the chrono- variety IIa) became inevitable part of ceramic inventory of nearly
logical, ethnic and cultural interpretation of the Late Bronze, all cultural groups in the Balkan Peninsula, which could be
that is, of the Early Iron Ages within the territory of the Balkans. explained by the spread of cultural influence of the new stylistic
Pottery from the burned layers in Vardina and Vardaroftsa sites trend, though, however, it could be possible that migrations,
in the north of Greece, among which there were bowls with in- which at the time were numerous and of greater or lesser inten-
verted, slanted channeled rim, was designated way back by W. sity, were one of the spreading causes of this ceramic shape into
Heurtley as Danubian pottery or Lausitz ware, connecting its the east, south and west parts of the Balkan Peninsula in the Ha
origin with the Danube Basin. B period.
A number of conclusions have been reached upon the study Representatives of the mentioned migrations, which were
of finds of slightly biconical bowls and bowls of inverted rim, carried out in at least two larger migration waves, bringing along
decorated with channels or facets, from several indicative sites bowls to the Balkan Peninsula, are protagonists of historically
from Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages within the Balkan Penin- known migrations from that period, known under names of
sula and south part of the Middle Europe. Doric and Aegean migrations. The assumed direction of these
It has been stated that the bowls appear first within the migrations coincides mainly with the distribution direction of
southwest Slovakia and northwest Hungary in the Br D period, bowl types I and II. Migrations spreading the bowl types I and
to spread very fast, already in the Br D/Ha A1 period, from its II started in the south part of the Middle Europe, but were initi-
home territory to the east, to the northeast Hungary and north- ated by the representatives of the Urnenfelder cultural complex
west Romania. Namely, this first spreading wave into these ter- from the Middle Europe, as observed in certain ceramic shapes,
ritories brought along only variety Ia bowls, which were further stated together with type I bowls and originating from cultures
distributed to the south, during the Ha A1 period, to the central of the Urnenfelder complex, and in numerous metal finds, which
parts of the Balkan Peninsula and consequently it can be con- were produced in Middle European workshops. It is of interest
cluded that these bowls are somewhat older than other varieties. to point out that bowl movements could be followed up to the
In the period Br D Ha A1, in north Hungary, under the influence northwest shores of the Aegean Sea, but they are not stated in
of Gava Culture, on one hand, and ^aka Culture, on the other, the south Trace and in Troy, thus imposing conclusion that their
appear also variety IIa bowls (turban dish), distributed to the representatives did not reach Troy. Consequently, their possible
east with a new migration wave, in the same manner as was the participation in destruction of VIIb2 layer settlements is utterly
case with the first migration wave, but also to the south, along uncertain.
the Bakonjska Range, to the present day Croatia and Slovenia, The migrations, however, started chain reaction of ethnic
where, in the Ha A1/A2 periods, were stated exclusively variety movements in the Balkans, causing many ethnic and cultural
IIa bowls. Representatives of the variety Ia bowls remained in changes within this territory which will lead to creation of new
the Pomoravlje region and Ju`na Morava Basin, as confirmed cultural groups to mark the developed Iron Age. To what extent
by a large number of these bowls and also by other ceramic bowls of this type, particularly variety IIa, left deep trace in the
shapes of that stylistic and typological pattern, prevailing within Iron Age Cultures in the central Balkans, is shown in the fact
this region in the Ha A1/A2 periods. First variety IIa bowls that survivals of this variety remained within these regions even
(Mediana, Kr`ince) appear only during the second migration several centuries later, in late phases of the Ha C period (VI/V
wave coming from the north of the Balkans to the central part of century BC).

108
RASTKO VASI]
Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd

BELE[KE O GLASINCU HRONOLOGIJA


KNE@EVSKIH GROBOVA

UDK: 903.5"638"(497) e-mail: rvasic@f.bg.ac.rs


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959109V Primqeno: 3. februara 2009.
Originalan nau~ni rad Prihva}eno: 4. maja 2009.

Apstrakt. Kne`evski grobovi gvozdenog doba predstavqaju jedan od posebnih fenomena u arheologiji,
koji je stalno u `i`i interesovawa arheolo{ke nauke. Obi~no se datuju u kraj VI i po~etak V veka pre n.e.
Govore}i o hronologiji kne`evskih grobova na Centralnom Balkanu, autor analizira wihovu pojavu u svakom
od podru~ja ove oblasti: na Glasina~koj visoravni, Srbiji, Kosovu i Metohiji, Crnoj Gori i severnoj Albaniji,
i konstatuje da se oni mogu datovati izme|u sredine VII i sredine IV veka pre n.e., shodno kulturnoj
i dru{tveno-ekonomskoj situaciji u svakoj oblasti.

Kqu~ne re~i. Centralni Balkan, kne`evski grobovi, Glasinac, Zapadna Srbija, Kosovo i Metohija,
Crna Gora, Albanija.

K
ne`evski grobovi gvozdenog doba predstav- sti, pa je stoga nedavna izlo`ba Srebro Ilira i
qaju jedan od posebnih fenomena u arheo- Kelta na Centralnom Balkanu u Hohdorfu u Ne-
logiji, koji je stalno u `i`i interesovawa ma~koj dobro poslu`ila da se o ovim nalazima vi-
arheolo{ke nauke, kako zbog ~estih novih otkri}a, {e ~uje u evropskoj arheologiji2.
tako i zbog daqih rasprava o onim ve} poznatim. U evropskoj nauci, pa i kod nas, postavqa se
Tema ovog na{eg priloga odnosi se na ovu drugu gru- pitawe da li su na pojavu ovih kne`evskih grobova,
pu tekstova o kne`evskim grobovima, gde }emo se ~iji se prilozi sastoje od ve}e koli~ine zlata, sre-
ukratko pozabaviti datovawem kne`evskih grobova bra i importovanih predmeta iz Gr~ke i Italije,
na Centralnom Balkanu. uticale prevashodno ove veze sa kulturnijim sre-
Najva`niji kne`evski grobovi, ako se sme re}i, dinama na jugu i zapadu i uvezeni predmeti iz tih
na|eni su u zapadnoj Evropi, u Nema~koj i Francu- oblasti, ili je to bio jedan neizbe`an dru{tveno-
skoj, ali se oni javqaju i u drugim delovima starog ekonomski proces, do koga bi do{lo u svakom slu~aju,
kontinenta, pa tako i na Centralnom Balkanu, i to
prete`no u isto~noj Bosni, na Glasina~koj viso-
ravni i u jugozapadnoj Srbiji, mahom oko U`ica, 1 Benac, ^ovi} 1957, 35 ff.; ^ovi} 1979; Palavestra 1984;
^a~ka i Novog Pazara. O na{im kne`evskim grobo- Govedarica 2002; Babi} 2004, uz pojedina~ne monografije o po-
vima je dosta pisano1 ali se ~ini, da su uprkos tome jedinim od wih.
ostali relativno nepoznati {iroj evropskoj javno- 2 Silber der Illyrer 2004.

* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: Metalno doba u Pomoravqu (br. 147007) koji finansira Ministarstvo za nauku i
tehnolo{ki razvoj Republike Srbije.

109
Rastko VASI], Bele{ke o Glasincu hronologija kne`evskih grobova (109117) STARINAR LIX/2009

ali ~iji se rezultati ne bi manifestovali na tako gromili i Bjelosavi}ima. Grob iz Talina I,1/1888
eklatantan na~in, bez pomenutih veza sa jugom? Na sa kopqem, fibulom i kowskom opremom18, sli~nom
ovo pitawe mislim da je veoma dobro odgovorio na{ onoj iz Osova i ^itluka, svakako je jedan od istak-
kolega Blagoje Govedarica3, zala`u}i se za drugu nutih grobova na ovom lokalitetu ali se ne mo`e
opciju, s ~im se u potpunosti sla`em. S tom premi- porediti po zna~aju i bogatstvu sa dva gore pomenu-
som na umu, bi}e jasniji i neki stavovi, izneti u ta groba i svrstati i kne`evske sahrane.
ovom prilogu. Sve zajedno, mo`e se re}i da se tipi~ni kne`ev-
ski grobovi javqaju na Glasincu od sredine VII do
druge polovine VI veka, odnosno ne{to du`e od jed-
GLASINAC nog veka, da je najstarija kne`evska porodica vero-
vatno ona na Ilijaku, da se potom sna`ewem glasi-
Pregled kne`evskih grobova centralnog Balka- na~ke visoravni javqaju nove jake zajednice i novi
na po~e}u sa Glasina~kom visoravni4. U glasina~ke kne`evi na vi{e strana, i, kona~no, da je knez sa
kne`evske grobove obi~no se ubrajaju na osnovu bo- Arareve gromile posledwi zna~ajni poglavar na
gatih priloga u grobovima, posebno ma~eva, bronza- ovom prostoru. I posle druge polovine VI veka `i-
nog defanzivnog oru`ja, bronzanog posu|a i kne`ev- vot u pojedinim delovima visoravni se intenzivno
skih insignija, tri groba iz nekropole u Ilijaku nastavqa, ali nijedna od tih grupa nema onaj zna~aj
II,1; III,9, XIII,1, datovana u VII vek5, dva groba iz ne- i mo} kao one ranije.
kropole u Brezju, I,1.2/1895, datovana u kraj 7 ili Ipak, ne bih `eleo da se ujedem za jezik i da me
po~etak 6 veka6, jedan grob iz Osova II,1/1897, i je- nova otkri}a demantuju. Iako je politi~ki i vojni
dan iz ^itluka I,5/1892, datovani u po~etak VI ve- zna~aj Glasinca u V veku opao u mnogom pogledu, gro-
ka7, i grob iz Arareve gromile (I,1) koji pripada bovi sa svetlim oru`jem su postojali i u tom peri-
tre}oj ~etvrtini VI veka.8. Bronzano posu|e na Gla- odu oba pomenuta ilirska {lema pripadaju mla|oj
sincu javqa se i u grobovima iz VI veka u Bjelosavi- varijanti, dok, s druge strane, veliki broj humki
}ima9, Potpe}inama XVII,1/189210 i Brankovi}ima
V,1/189611, od kojih bi samo prvi mogao da se even-
tualno identifikuje kao kne`evski grob, dok su dru- 3 Govedarica 2002.
ga dva relativno siroma{na u prilozima. Tako|e za 4 Benac, ^ovi} 1957; ^ovi} 1979; Vasi} 2003.
jedan broj metalnih i kerami~kih importovanih po- 5 Fiala 1895, 6 ff.; Benac, ^ovi} 1957, T. XVXX. Kne`evski
suda iz druge polovine V veka u ^itlucima V,1/1892 grob iz Ilijaka III,9 datuje se obi~no u kraj VIII ili po~etak
moglo bi se pomi{qati da su pripadali kne`evskom VII veka pre n.e. (^ovi} 1979, 147; Govedarica 2002, 318 ff. Abb.
grobu12. Fragmenti bronzanih ilirskih {lemo- 2), ali na osnovu pojasne kop~e sa laticama ne bi mogao biti sta-
riji od sredine VII veka (Benac, ^ovi} 1957, Tab. 16,1). B. ^ovi}
va kasnije varijante na|eni su u nekropolama Soko-
je kasnije prihvatio ovaj kasniji datum. Up. ^ovi} 1987, 602.
lacTaline I,1/1895 i Rusanovi}i VIII,1/189513, 6 Ibid., T. XXIII/IV.
opet bez ve}eg broja priloga. Istina zajedno sa {le- 7 Ibid., T. XXVI/XXXII.
mom u grobu u Rusanovi}ima je na|eno 12 fibula, 8 Ibid., T. XL/XLI.

ali grobovi sa ovolikim brojem fibula na Glasin- 9 Naziv Bjelosavi}i se odnosi na ~etiri prva tumula koje

cu nisu retki i ne ukazuju automatski na kne`evski je istra`ila austrijska vojska 1880 g i koji se nalaze izme|u
status pokojnika. Grob iz Zagra|a sa zlatnom apli- Kule i Bjelosavi}a (Hochstetter 1881). B. ^ovi} je ovu grupu
ozna~io kao tumule blizu mosta na Re{etnici. Zna~ajni su po
kom u obliku vepra, sli~nom onoj iz Atenice, sadr- tome {to su u centralnom grobu prvog iskopanog tumula na|e-
`i dosta priloga, ali ne toliko da bi mogao pripa- na bronzana kolica sa pticama, danas u Prirodwa~kom muzeju
dati tipi~nim kne`evskim grobovima14. Kona~no u u Be~u, nalaz kakav nije ponovqen u toku slede}ih 110 godina
eventualne kne`evske grobove mogli bi se uvrstiti istra`ivawa na Glasincu.
10 Fiala 1893, 157 ff.
grobovi, datovani u VI vek, iz Ilijaka XIX,115 i 11 Fiala 1899, 27 f.
Osova I,1/189716 na osnovu ve}eg broja grobnih 12 Fiala 1893, 133 ff.
priloga, me|u kojima se isti~u dve masivne naru- 13 Fiala 1897, 4, 14.
kvice sa dvaputa prekr{tenim krajevima, za koje je 14 Fiala 1899, 51.
B. ^ovi} uz skiptre i bojne sekire pretpostavio da 15 Fiala 1895, 18.
bi mogle biti mogu}a oznaka kne`evskog statusa17. 16 Fiala 1899a, 38.

Ovakve masivne dvaput ukr{tene narukvice javqaju 17 ^ovi} 1979, 162.

se u ^itlucima I,5/1892, Osovu II,1/1897, Ararevoj 18 Truhelka 1889, 36 ff.

110
Rastko VASI], Bele{ke o Glasincu hronologija kne`evskih grobova (109117) STARINAR LIX/2009

nije jo{ istra`en, pa se ne mo`e iskqu~iti mogu}- grobu. Sa~uvane bronzane dr{ke gr~kih posuda, ko-
nost da se jednog dana otkrije jedan kne`evski grob, tla i hidrije, iz ovog tumula tako|e upu}uju na prvu
mla|i i u prilozima siroma{niji od onog u Ararevoj ~etvrtinu VI veka pre n.e., {to bi sve zajedno uka-
gromili, ali svakako sa insignijama koje bi ukazi- zivalo na ve}i broj uvezenih bronzanih posuda u
vale na takav rang pokojnika. okolinu U`ica po~etkom VI veka pre n.e. U grobu
kne`evog ili knegiwinog {titono{e sa ju`ne stra-
ne kamenog prstena21 na|eni su tobolac sa skitskim
SRBIJA strelicama i figurina kowa koja je najverovatnije
bila ukras na nekoj bronzanoj faleri, kakve se jav-
Na teritoriji Srbije, i to u jugozapadnoj Srbi- qaju u kne`evskom grobu u Artandu u Ma|arskoj22.
ji, tri kne`evske nekropole se izdvajaju od ostalih U istom grobu u Artandu je na|ena i jedna spartanska
nalaza: Pilatovi}i, po svojoj arhitekturi, Ateni- hidrija, datovana u kraj VII ili po~etak VI veka, koja
ca, po pogrebnom ritualu i Novi Pazar, po svom bo- se mo`e vezati za spartansko posu|e u Pilatovi}i-
gatstvu u zlatu, srebru i gr~kim importovanim ma iz istog vremena i ukazivati na put kojim je sti-
predmetima. gla do Ma|arske23.
Kne`evska humka u Pilatovi}ima kod U`i~ke Kne`evska nekropola u Atenici kod ^a~ka24
Po`ege19 monumentalnih je razmera i ima masivni sastoji se od dve humke, jedne ve}e i druge mawe. U
venac sastavqen od tri kamena prstena. U okviru ve}oj humci, humci II, sahrawena je mu{ka osoba,
humke su otkrivena ~etiri groba, tri unutar prste- knez, uz slo`eni pogrebni ritual, dok su u mawoj,
na i ~etvrti, na jugu, sa spoqne strane. U sredini humci I, sahraweni knegiwa, u centru humke, i mla-
humke spaqeni grob sa ostacima oru`ja od gvo`|a i |a mu{ka osoba sa strane. Svi grobovi su spaqeni,
egipatskim skarabejem je mu{ki, u istom nivou se zajedno sa jednim brojem priloga, koji su zbog toga
nalazi jedan de~iji grob sa skromnim prilozima, o{te}eni u prili~noj meri, ali se uprkos tome mo`e
dok je tre}i grob na ne{to uzdignutoj platformi zakqu~iti da su bili veoma brojni i bogati u svim
grob odrasle `enske osobe sa bogatim prilozima u grobovima i da su se sastojali od oru`ja, zlatnog i
nakitu, keramici i bronzanom posu|u. Ovaj posled- srebrnog nakita, ko{tanih ukrasa, gr~kog bronzanog
wi grob se mo`e jedini datovati na osnovu priloga, posu|a, keramike, kowske opreme, kultnih i ritual-
naro~ito fibula, u sredinu ili po~etak druge polo- nih predmeta itd. Na osnovu priloga u grobovima,
vine VI veka pre n.e. Zanimqivo je ista}i da bron- pre svega etrurske kutije sa reqefnim ukrasima, mo-
zano posu|e u grobu fiala, narebrena zdela i bazen `e se zakqu~iti da je kne`eva humka starija od kne-
odgovaraju po obliku posu|u na Glasincu u Ilija- giwine i da se datuje negde u sam kraj VI ili po~etak
ku, Osovu i ^itlucima i datuju se najkasnije u po- V veka, dok bi se knegiwina humka, na osnovu broj-
~etak VI veka, {to zna~i da je knegiwa sahrawena sa nih paralela u materijalu sa Novim Pazarom, kojih
posu|em koje je dobila nekoliko decenija ranije. nema u kne`evom grobu, mogla datovati jednu ili
Pretpostavqa se na osnovu nivoa sahrawivawa da dve decenije kasnije. Sa dosta verovatno}e se mo`e
je spaqeni grob s oru`jem grob kneza stariji od pretpostaviti da je ta knegiwa vladala jedno vreme
`enskog groba knegiwinog, koja je tako nasledila posle smrti supruga. U sva tri groba na|eni su osta-
na vlasti svog supruga i sama vladala jedno vreme. ci gr~kih bronzanih posuda na osnovu kojih se mo-
Koliko dugo ne mo`e se re}i, jer tek detaqnim objav- `e uz rezerve pretpostaviti {ta su bili u kne`e-
qivawem kompletnog materijala iz ove humke mo}i vom grobu mo`da jedan dinoskrater, jedan kotao i
}e mo`da da se ka`e ne{to vi{e i o ovom pitawu. jedan podanipter, u knegiwinom grobu hidrija i po-
U vezi s Pilatovi}ima treba skrenuti pa`wu danipter a u grobu princa tawir ili mawi kotao25.
na fragmentovanu bronzanu figuru le`e}eg lava,
koji je na|en u istom nivou sa kne`evim grobom, na
osnovu ~ega se pomi{qa da je mogao biti prilog u 19 Zotovi} 1985, 88100; Vasi}, u: Stibbe 2003, 119122.
kne`evom grobu20. Prema stilskim karakteristi- 20 Vasi}, u: Stibbe 2003, 121, Fig. 79.
kama on bi pripadao kraju VII ili po~etku VI veka 21 Zotovi} 1985, 9798.
pre n.e., a ne kasnijem periodu, kako se ranije mi- 22 Parducz 1965, Fig. 10,3; Pl. 7,2.
slilo, i bio bi blizak spartanskim radionicama 23 Stibbe 2003, 98, Fig. 72.
tog vremena, pa je na taj na~in hronolo{ki istovre- 24 Djukni}, Jovanovi} 1965.
men sa bronzanim posu|em, na|enim u knegiwinom 25 Vasi}, u: Stibbe 2003, 124.

111
Rastko VASI], Bele{ke o Glasincu hronologija kne`evskih grobova (109117) STARINAR LIX/2009

Oblik i veli~ina vaqkaste dr{ke u posledwem gro- V veka pre n.e., ali je pitawe da li bi se mogao oka-
bu ne odgovaraju krateru, dok se izrezana figura ve- rakterisati kao kne`evski.
pra od zlatnog lima pre mogla nalaziti na {lemu Na ovom mestu bi trebalo re}i nekoliko re~i o
ili jo{ verovatnije kao ukras na odelu, kao i druge srebrnim pojasevima tipa Mramorac. Iako na sva
aplike. pitawa u vezi sa ovim neobi~nim predmetima nisu
Polo`aj na{e vladarke je bio delikatan. Posle dati odgovori, ipak se wihova pojava u Srbiji, zahva-
mu`evqeve smrti, mo}nog i uva`enog vladara, ona quju}i gr~kim putuju}im majstorima i kori{}ewu
se na{la ugro`ena od jugozapadnih suseda ~ija je lokalnih resursa srebra u V veku, da relativno za-
snaga i mo} sve vi{e rasla. Kada se uporedi sadr- dovoqavaju}e objasniti. Na|eni su u bogatijim, naj-
`aj priloga u wenom grobu i priloga u kne`evskoj verovatnije `enskim, grobovima, koji se ne mogu sma-
grobnici iz Novog Pazara26 nailazi se na mnoge pa- trati za kne`evske, s obzirom da je prate}i materijal
ralele koje ne mogu biti slu~ajne. ]ilibarske perle uz ove pojaseve prili~no siroma{an. Smatramo ta-
predstavqaju skroman izbor iz velikog repertoara ko|e da ih treba datovati iskqu~ivo u V vek, s ob-
novopazarskih perli, ogrlica od staklenih perli i zirom da je jedini primerak od zlata, onaj iz Novog
ukrasi na ode}i od zlatnog i srebrnog lima isto ta- Pazara, koji bi predstavqao jedan od najstarijih,
ko, srebrna lu~na fibula sa pravouglom nogom iden- datovan u prvu ~etvrtinu V veka.
ti~na je onima iz Novog Pazara i predstavqa strani Nedavno na|eni tumul u Velikoj Krsni29 sa pri-
elemenat u Atenici, koji nije imao neku funkciju lozima u nakitu, oru`ju i bronzanom posu|u, pred-
jer ateni~ka knegiwa nije koristila fibule na svo- stavqao bi na neki na~in mu{ki pandan `enskim
joj ode}i. Kona~no bronzana hidrija je ista po veli- grobovima sa srebrnim pojasevima, koji po svojim
~ini kao novopazarska, jedino bez figuralnih ukra- karakteristikama jasno govori da je ovde sahrawen
sa. Sve to su mogli biti darovi na{oj vladarki, ne jedan iz nove generacije gospodara rata, ~iji ugled,
bi li je privoleli na savez sa novopazarskim kne- broj podanika i veli~ina teritorije nisu mo`da
`evima, mo}nim, ambicioznim i opasnim. I ona je, bili onako veliki kao kne`eva s kraja VI veka,
kako se ~ini, prihvatila ovu ponudu jer je do~ekala onih iz Atenice ili Novog Pazara, ali su wihova
da bude sahrawena mirno i dostojanstveno sa svim mo} na odre|enom prostoru, kao i `eqa za vla{}u i
svojim dragocenostima. plenom, mogu}e bile i ve}e.
[to se ti~e kne`evske humke u Novom Pazaru, Od ostalog defanzivnog oru`ja i bronzanog po-
o woj se ne mo`e re}i mnogo. Ilirsko-gr~ko blago iz su|a sa teritorije Srbije, sem onog ve} pomenutog,
Novog Pazara27 predstavqa priloge jednog kne`ev- treba tako|e navesti dva ilirska {lema mla|e va-
skog groba, verovatno `enskog, koji se sastoje od rijante, jedan iz Ra`ane kod Kosjeri}a30 i drugi iz
gr~kog bronzanog posu|a, keramike, nakita od zlata, Trstenika (sl. 1)31, prvi na|en u grobu sa kopqem
srebra i bronze, stakla i vi{e hiqada }ilibarskih bez drugih priloga, drugi slu~ajan nalaz, koji su
perli, od kojih su mnoge figuralno obra|ene. Kako najverovatnije pripadali obi~nim ratni~kim gro-
se humka na{la ispod Petrove crkve, istra`ivawa bovima. Kada je re~ o ilirskim {lemovima sa ovog
su bila ograni~enog obima, utvrdila su da je re~ o prostora, treba pomenuti da je 2003 g. u pesku na
spaqenom grobu i otkrila delove grobne konstruk- obali Tami{a, severno od Gavojdije, u Temi{var-
cije, ali su mnoga pitawa ostala otvorena. Sam ma- skom okrugu, na|en ilirski bronzani {lem iskovan
terijal govori da je re~ o osobi velikog bogatstva i od jednog komada lima sa figuralnim ukrasima od
mo}i, bronzani nakit jasno ukazuje na veze sa Gla- belog metala na ~elu i paragnitidama. Datovan je
sincem, pa se mo`e pomi{qati da se radi o glasi-
na~kim kne`evima koji su svoju vlast po~etkom V
veka ra{irili na ovom prostoru. Datovawe groba u 26 Mano-Zisi, Popovi} 1969.
prelaz prve u drugu ~etvrtinu V veka ~ini nam se 27 Mano-Zisi, Popovi} 1969.
najprihvatqivije. 28 Srejovi}, Vukadin 1988.
29 Podatke o ovom grobu dobio sam od kolega Adama Crno-
Od ostalih nalaza pomiwemo tzv. blago iz Kru-
{evice kod Ra{ke blizu Novog Pazara28, kako je na- brwe i Borislava Jovanovi}a, kojima se ovde najlep{e zahva-
qujem. Bilo bi veoma korisno da ovaj zna~ajan nalaz bude {to
zvano slu~ajno otkri}e ve}e koli~ine srebrnog i pre objavqen i ne do`ivi sudbinu nekih na{ih drugih otkri-
zlatnog nakita i dve posude, kerami~kog skifosa i }a, koja su objavqena vi{e decenija kasnije ili jo{ uvek nisu.
bronzanog kr~aga. Nalaz je mogao predstavqati pri- 30 Zotovi} 1985, T. 20, 7.

loge nekog bogatog `enskog groba iz druge ~etvrtine 31 Gara{anin 1973, T. 111.

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Sl. 1. [lem iz Trstenika


Fig. 1. Helmet from Trstenik

aproksimativno u VIV vek pre n.e.32 Ovo nije jedi- Posebno je zanimqiv veliki tumul iz Romaje
ni ilirski {lem na|en na teritoriji Rumunije, ali kod Prizrena sa vi{e od 30 grobova, sa prilozima
na osnovu figuralnih ukrasa na wemu, mo`da bi se u oru`ju, keramici i s malo nakita, {to ne ~udi s
moglo pomi{qati da je vlasnik {lema bio neka obzirom da je nedostatak nakita karakteristika
ugledna li~nost iz tog vremena.33 grupe RomajaPr~evo. Posebno su bogati grobovi 1,
Knemide ukra{ene iskucavawem, sli~ne onima 5, 9 i 17, koji sadr`e dvosekle sekire (1, 5, 17), ko-
u kne`evskim grobovima u Ilijaku na Glasincu, na- mandnu palicu (9) kao i gr~ki import keramiku
|ene su u Zabrwici u dolini Pobla}nice, u humci (1, 5), umbo (17) i dvosekle ma~eve (5, 9), pa bi na
XIII,5, zajedno sa ma~em, no`em, dva kopqa, brusom osnovu toga mogli biti smatrani za glavarske. U ko-
i jednom iglom, {to tako|e jasno ukazuje da je re~ o me je od ovih grobova bio sahrawen primus inter pa-
ratni~kom grobu s kraja VII veka pre n.e.34 Ostaci res, ne bi se moglo re}i. Grob 9 sadr`i neku vrstu
dve fiale sa vertikalnim rebrima na lokalitetu komadnog {tapa, grob 1 se nalazi u samoj sredini
Rogu{ica u Sredwoj Dobriwi kod U`ica, bez odre- humke, ali se na osnovu toga ne mogu izvu}i neki de-
|enih grobnih celina,35 mogu se na osnovu materi- finitivni zakqu~ci. Mogu}e je u krajwoj liniji da
jala u ovom tumulu datovati okvirno u VI vek pre je re~ jednostavno o ratni~kim grobovima, nekim
n.e. Nijedan od ovih nalaza, me|utim, ne indicira bogatijim, drugim siroma{nijim, pri ~emu bi odgo-
postojawe nekog kne`evskog groba. vor ko je od wih, ako je uop{te bio, po rangu va`ni-
ji od ostalih, mogao da se dobije tek istra`ivawem
drugih tumula sli~nog sastava.37
KOSOVO I METOHIJA Sa ove teritorije poti~e tako|e i nekoliko ko-
mada gr~ke arhajske plastike delova bronzanih
Sa teritorije Kosova i Metohije, kao kne`evski
okarakterisani su grobovi iz Pe}ke Bawe kod Pe-
}i, jedan mu{ki, drugi `enski, na|eni u jednom razo- 32 Medelet, Cedica 2004.
renom tumulu. Do sada nisu detaqno objavqeni i ne 33 Posledwe o ilirskim {lemovima, v. Ble~i} 2007.
pru`aju mogu}nosti za neke preciznije analize. Re~ 34 Nekropola u Zabrwici nije publikovana. Na podacima
je o grobovima sa bogatim prilozima u importovanoj zahvaqujem kolegi Savi Derikowi}u.
keramici, oru`ju izme|u ostalog tu su tri ilirska 35 Vasi} 1997, 53 f., Fig. 3.

{lema mla|e varijante srebrnom nakitu i kowskoj 36 Silber der Illyrer 2004, Kat. Nr. 4958.

opremi, koji se datuju u prelaz VI u V vek pre n.e.36 37 Djuri}, Gli{i}, Todorovi} 1975.

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sudova trka~ica iz Prizrena, ogledalo iz Jawe-


va38 koji su mo`da pripadali nekim bogatijim
grobovima koji bi se mogli smatrati za kne`evske.
Ovu pretpostavku iznosimo sa velikom rezervom jer
su uslovi nalaza ovih predmeta nesigurni.39

CRNA GORA

Na teritoriji Crne Gore vredna pomena je ne-


kropola pod humkama na lokalitetu Lisijevo Poqe u
selu Dowe Luge kod Berana40. U jednom razru{enom
tumulu, iz koga je materijal naknadno sakupqen, na-
|en je brojan bronzani nakit, kerami~ki sudovi: sud Sl. 2. [lem iz Kli~eva
sa dve dr{ke ra|en rukom i kr~ag ra|en na vitlu,
Fig. 2. Helmet from Kli~evo
dva kopqa, i obiqe }ilibarskih perli od kojih su
mnoge bile figuralno oblikovane. Na osnovu naki-
ta, pre svega tipova fibula, koje su dosta sli~ne oni- ma je sli~an ilirskim {lemovima iz Sindosa kod
ma iz kne`evske humke u Pilatovi}ima, ovaj materi- Soluna, pa se sa sigurno{}u mo`e datovati u po-
jal bi mogao da se datuje u tre}u ~etvrtinu VI veka sledwu ~etvrtinu VI veka pre n.e.43
pre n.e. Na to na neki na~in ukazuju i obra|ene }ili-
barske perle koje su druk~ije i arhai~nije od onih
u Novom Pazaru, pa se mogu smatrati ne{to stari- SEVERNA ALBANIJA
jim od ovih. Pretpostavqeno je da su se u humci na-
lazila dva groba, jedan mu{ki i drugi `enski, {to U Severnoj Albaniji nema kne`evskih grobova
je sasvim mogu}e. Me|utim, ne bismo se slo`ili sa iz VII i VI veka pre n.e. Nekropole oko Kuksa: Kru-
dosta proizvoqnom podelom nakita na dva dela, na me, Knete, Bardok i Cinamak nisu dale nijedan iz-
mu{ki i `enski, nego nam se ~ini verovatnije da su razito bogat grob koji bi se mogao ozna~iti kao kne-
mu{kom grobu pripadala kopqa, a `enskom celoku- `evski. Iz Cinamaka poti~e ilirski {lem, gr~ka
pan nakit, i da bi taj `enski grob mogao predstav- keramika i zlatan i srebrni nakit ali, sude}i pre-
qati grob jedne lokalne knegiwe. Dve {iroke ukra- ma onom {to je objavqeno, ne u velikoj koli~ini44.
{ene narukvice, koje su hronolo{ki starije od U nekropolama u dolini Mati na|eno je nekoliko
ostalog nakita i ne uklapaju se u drugu polovinu VI knemida, tzv. glasina~kog tipa, koje su na~iwene,
veka, govorile bi upravo o postojawu starinskog kako je dobro uo~eno od prvobitnih oklopa, no pri-
nakita me|u prilozima, {to bi odgovaralao jednom lozi u tim grobovima u nekropolama u Urake i Ka-
kne`evskom grobu. Kasnija istra`ivawa dva mawa rice sa ma~evima, kopqima, keramikom i kowskom
tumula na istoj nekropoli41 otkrila su jedan broj opremom govore samo o ratni~kim a ne o kne`evskim
grobova sa prilozima u nakitu i oru`ju, ne tako bo-
gatim, kao u onom, ranije pomenutom, no me|u koji-
ma su se nalazili i delovi gr~kog bronzanog posu|a
38 Stibbe 2003, 97 ff.
iz prve polovine V veka, koji ozna~avaju kontakte 39 Menada iz Tetova iz severozapadne Makedonije, kao
sa jugom. paralela, sigurno poti~e sa nekog bronzanog suda. Taj sud je po
Od ostalih nalaza u Crnoj Gori treba tako|e svemu sude}i na|en u jednom bogatom grobu, koji je sadr`ao ta-
pomenuti tumul iz Kli~eva kod Nik{i}a sa vi{e ko|e ilirski {lem i knemide up. Stibbe 2003, 97, fig. 68.
40 Srejovi}, Markovi} 1981.
grobova, koji sadr`e {lem (sl. 2), knemide, ma~eve i
41 Markovi} 1997.
kopqa, i uz to relativno malo nakita, pa }e najvero-
42 @i`i} 1979. Na mogu}nosti da ovde objavim {lem sa
vatnije biti re~ o ratni~kim a nikako o kne`evskim
ovog lokaliteta srda~no zahvaqujem koleginici Zvezdani Vu-
grobovima.42 Posebno zanimqiv je ilirski {lem sa {ovi}-Lu~i}.
ovog lokaliteta koji se ne mo`e svrstati ni u sred- 43 Za paralele u Sindosu, Sindos 1985, kat. br 121 (grob
wu ni u mla|u varijantu ovih {lemova, nego pripa- 20), 199 (grob 25), 211 (grob 59), 240 (grob 115), 452 (grob 62).
da prelaznom periodu u wihovom razvoju. U detaqi- 44 Albanien 1988, No. 69, 84, 90, 94, 96, 97, 98.

114
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grobovima45. Isto se mo`e re}i za ratni~ki grob iz ke visoravni, oli~eni u nekropoli u Ilijaku. Kra-
Borove, u jugoisto~noj Albaniji, koji sadr`i jedan jem VII i po~etkom VI veka kne`evski grobovi su i
ilirski {lem rane varijante, ma~, kopqa i kerami- daqe poznati sa Glasinca ali se javqaju u ve}em bro-
ku, i kao i prethodni grobovi ne mo`e se datovati ju na razli~itim delovima visoravni. U severoza-
pre kraja VII veka pre n.e.46 padnoj Bugarskoj je tako|e na|en grob koji bi odgova-
Kne`evski grob u pravom smislu te re~i otkri- rao po zna~aju pomenutim glasina~kim grobovima.
ven je u Albaniji u Bel{u kod Elbasana, sa bogatim S druge strane u jugozapadnoj Srbiji i severnoj Alba-
prilozima u oru`ju, bronzanom posu|u, gr~koj kera- niji se u to vreme ne javqaju kne`evski grobovi nego
mici i nakitu od zlata i srebra, od kojih se neki ratni~ki, mogu}e grobovi vo|a mawih ratobornih
komadi mogu datovati u VI vek, ali sam grob prema grupa ~ija je mo} bila ograni~ena. U sredinu i po-
keramici i fibulama ne bi mogao da bude stariji ~etak druge polovine VI veka datuju se kne`evski
od sredine IV veka.47 grobovi iz Arareve gromile na Glasincu, iz Pila-
tovi}a kod Po`ege i Lisijevog Poqa kod Berana,
koji po svojim karakteristikama govore da je re~ o
SEVEROZAPADNA BUGARSKA kne`evima, ~iji su mo} i bogatstvo bili znatni i
poznati bli`im i daqim susedima. Vrhunac uspona
Iako i ovde, kao i kod materijala iz Albanije, kne`eva ovog prostora demonstriraju grobovi iz
ne raspola`em potpunim podacima, slobodan sam Novog Pazara, Atenice, i Pe}ke bawe koji se datuju
da sa ove teritorije istaknem jedino glavarski mu- u kraj VI i prvu ~etvrtinu V veka pre n.e. U kasnijim
{ki grob iz Sofronijeva na Dunavu koji pokazuje decenijama V veka javqa se vi{e bogatih grobova,
neke paralele u karakteru materijala sa glasina~- npr. grob iz Velike Krsne, koji bi mogli biti kne-
kim kne`evskim grobovima i mo`e se datovati u `evski ali koji se po mo}i i bogatstvu ne mogu po-
kraj VII veka pre n.e. Grobne priloge sa~iwavaju ke- rediti sa prethodnom generacijom. Tek negde sredi-
ramika, oru`je, nakit, kowska oprema i jedna bron- nom IV veka grobovi u Bel{u u Albaniji i Vraci u
zana fiala, sli~na onima sa Glasinca.48 Bugarskoj ozna~avaju nove bogate kne`evske pokope,
Bogati vladarski grobovi pod humkama otkri- nastale u novim dru{tveno-politi~kim uslovima.
veni su na ovom prostoru u Vraci i datuju se u sre- Ovde prikazana slika bila je uslovqena odre-
dinu IV veka pre n.e.49 |enim dru{tveno-ekonomskim kretawima, u koja na
ovom mestu ne bih ulazio i ostavio bih tu raspravu
za neku drugu priliku, ili, jo{ boqe, mla|oj gene-
ZAKQU^AK raciji istra`iva~a me|u kojima }e svakako neki
biti zainteresovani za ovu problematiku. Glavni
Ovaj hronolo{ki pregled kne`evskih grobova ciq ovog priloga jeste da se uka`e da ne treba, kad
na Centralnom Balkanu dopu{ta izvesne zakqu~ke, je re~ o kne`evskim grobovima, i}i linijom maweg
koje istina, treba prihvatiti uslovno jer svakim otpora i primeniti ~arobnu formulu u wihovom
danom novi nalazi mogu da izmene sliku koju imamo datovawu kraj VI i po~etak V veka pre n.e. kako je
o ovom pitawu, ali s druge strane, u ovom trenutku to uobi~ajeno da se ~ini, nego svaki ovakav nalaz tre-
smo u mogu}nosti da govorimo samo o onom {to nam ba detaqno prou~iti i utvrditi koliko je to mogu}e
je poznato, pa to i ~inimo. ta~niji datum, jer kao {to se iz na{eg izlagawa da
Sredinom VII veka pre n.e. kne`evski grobovi u zakqu~iti kne`evski grobovi su se na na{oj teri-
pravom smislu te re~i su poznati samo sa glasina~- toriji javqali tokom ~itavih trista godina.

45 Islami 1981.
46 Albanien 1988, 218 ff.
47 Albanien 1988, 244 ff.
48 Nikolov 1965, 175 ff.
49 Torbarov 1999.

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143169. Beograd 1979. Nikolov 1965 B. Nikolov, Trakijski pamet-
^ovi} 1987 B. ^ovi}, Glasina~ka grupa, u: Prai- nici v Vra~ansko, Izv. Arh. Inst. Sofija 28, 1965,
storija jugoslavenkih zemalja V, Zeljezno doba, 1987, 163201.
575643. Palavestra 1984 A. Palavestra, Kne`evski grobovi
Djukni}, Jovanovi} 1965 M. Djukni}, B. Jova- starijeg gvozdenog doba na Centralnom Balkanu, Beo-
novi}, Illyrian Princely Necropolis in Atenica, Archae- grad 1984.
ologia Iugoslavica VI, 1965, 125. Parducz 1965 M. Parducz, Graves from the
Djuri}, Gli{i}, Todorovi} 1975 N. Djuri}, J. Gli- Scythian Age at Artand (County Hajdu Bihar), Acta
{i}, J. Todorovi}, Praistorijska Romaja, BeogradPri- Arch. Acad. Scient. Hung. 17, 1965, 171231.
stina 1975. Silber der Illyrer 2004 Silber der Illyrer und
Fiala 1893 F. Fiala, Die Ergebnisse der Untersuc- Kelten im Zentralbalkan. Katalog izlo`be, Hochdorf,
Enz 2004.
hung prhistorischer Grabhgel auf dem Glasinac im
Sindos 1985 Sindos, Katalog izlo`be, Thessaloniki
Jahre 1892, Wiss. Mitt. Bos. Herz. I, 1893, 126168.
1985.
Fiala 1895 F. Fiala, Die Ergebnisse der Untersuc-
Srejovi}, Markovi} 1981 D. Srejovi}, ^. Marko-
hung prhistorischer Grabhgel auf dem Glasinac im
vi}, A Find from Lisijevo Pole near Ivangrad (Montene-
Jahre 1893, Wiss. Mitt. Bos. Herz. III, 1895, 338.
gro), Archaeologia Iugoslavica XX/XXI, 1981, 7079.
Fiala 1897 F. Fiala, Die Ergebnisse der Untersuc-
Srejovi}, Vukadin 1988 D. Srejovi}, O. Vu-
hung prhistorischer Grabhgel auf dem Glasinac im
kadin, Blago iz Kru{evice, Ra{ka ba{tina 3,
Jahre 1895, Wiss. Mitt. Bos. Herz. V, 1897, 328.
1988, 714.
Fiala 1899 F. Fiala, Die Ergebnisse der Untersuc-
Stibbe 2003 C. Stibbe, Trebenishte. The Fortunes
hung prhistorischer Grabhgel auf dem Glasinac im of an Unusual Excavation, Roma 2003.
Jahre 1896, Wiss. Mitt. Bos. Herz. VI, 1899, 832. Stoji} 2007 M. Stoji}, Zwei neue Gurtel aus Edel-
Fiala 1899a F. Fiala, Die Ergebnisse der Unter- metall vom Typ Mramorac aus Batinac in Serbien, Pra-
suchung prhistorischer Grabhgel in Sdostbosnien historische Zeitschrift 82/1, 2007, 5165.
(anschliessend an den Glasinac) im Jahre 1897, Wiss. Torbarov 1999 N. Torbarov, Mogilanskata
Mitt. Bos. Herz. VI, 1899, 3361. mogila. Istorija na prou~vaneto. Grobna soder`a-
Gara{anin 1973 M. Gara{anin, Praistorija nija. Katalog, Izvestija na muz. na severozapadna
na tlu SR Srbije, Beograd 1973. Balgarija 27, 1999, 3171.
Govedarica 2002 B. Govedarica, Zwischen Truhelka 1889 C. Truhelka, Die Nekropolen von
Hallstatt und Griechenland: die Frstengrber in den Glasinac in Bosnien. Bericht ber die im Herbste 1888
frhen Eisenzeit des Mittelbalkans, Godi{njak. Centar vorgenommenen Ausgrabungen, Mitt. Anthr. Ges. Wien
za Balkonolo{ka ispitivanja XXXII/30, 2002, 317328. 19, 1889, 445.
Hochstetter 1881 F. Hochstetter, Ueber einen Vasi} 1988 R. Vasi}, Ein neuer spthallstattzeit-
Kesselwagen aus Bronze aus einem Hgelgrab von Glasi- licher Silbergrtel vom Typ Mramorac, Arch. Korre-
nac in Bosnien, Mitt. Anthr. Ges. Wien 10, 1881, 289298. spondenzblatt 18/1, 1988, 4347.

116
Rastko VASI], Bele{ke o Glasincu hronologija kne`evskih grobova (109117) STARINAR LIX/2009

Vasi} 1997 R. Vasi}, The Early Iron Age Regio- Zotovi} 1985 M. Zotovi}, Arheolo{ki i etni~ki
nal Groups in the U`ice Area, Balcanica XXVIII, 1997, problemi bronzanog i gvozdenog doba Zapadne Srbije,
4562. Beograd U`ice 1985.
Vasi} 2003 R. Vasi}, Bele{ke o Glasincu. @i`i} 1979 O. @i`i}, Grobovi ilirskih
Hronolo{ka i teritorijalna pitawa, Balcanica ratnika Kli~evo kod Nik{i}a, u: Sahrawivawe
XXXII/XXXIII, 2003, 736. kod Ilira, 205218, Beograd 1979.

Summary: RASTKO VASI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

NOTES ON GLASINAC THE CHRONOLOGY


OF PRINCELY GRAVES

Key words. Central Balkan, princely graves, Glasinac, West Serbia, Kosovo and Metohija,
Montenegro, North Albania.

Princely graves of the Iron Age represent a particular phenome- outstanding warrior graves are known, belonging possibly to
non in archaeology, which is constantly the subject of interest. the chiefs of smaller warlike bands, whose power was limited.
They are usually dated to the end of the 6th and the beginning of Princely graves from Arareva gromila on Glasinac, Pilatovi}i
the 5th century. The author discusses the chronology of princely by Po`ega and Lisijevo Polje by Berane date to the beginning of
graves in the Central Balkans and analyses their appearance in the second half of the 6th century, and according to their charac-
each part of this territory: on the Glasinac plateau, in Serbia, teristics represent princes, whose power and wealth were consi-
Kosovo and Metohija, Montenegro, North Albania and Nord- derable and known to the neighbours. Culmination of the rise of
west Bulgaria. He concludes that they date from the middle of the princes in this region was demonstrated by the graves from
the 7th to the middle of the 4th century, depending on the cultural Novi Pazar, Atenica, and Pe}ka banja, which date to the end of
and socio-economic situation in the respective area. the 6th and the first quarter of the 5th century. Some decades
In the middle of the 7th century princely graves in the true later there are several rich graves, e.g. the recently discovered
sense of the word were known only on the Glasinac plateau, in grave from Velika Krsna, which could belong to a prince, but can
the Ilijak necropolis. At the end of the 7th and in the beginning not be compared with the wealth of the previous princely gene-
of the 6th century they still appear on Glasinac, though in greater ration. In the middle of the 4th century, new rich princely burials
number and in various parts of the plateau. In northwest Bulgaria are seen in the graves in Belsh in Albania and Vratsa in North-
a grave dating to the second half of the 7th century was found, west Bulgaria. Their appearance was conditioned by a new socio-
which would, according to grave goods, correspond to the Gla- -political climate. All this proves that one should be cautious
sinac princely graves. On the other hand, there are no princely when dating the princely graves in this region to the end of the
graves in Serbia and north Albania from that time but some 6th/beginning of the 5th century BC.

117
ANDREJA MAVER, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Archaeology, Ljubljana
HARALD MLLER, University of Natural Resources and Applied Life Sciences,
Institute of Applied Geology, Vienna
IGOR RI@NAR, Geolo{ke ekspertize Igor Ri`nar s.p., Ljubljana

ROMAN CAPITALS FROM SIRMIUM


(SREMSKA MITROVICA, SERBIA)

UDC: 904:73"652"(497.113) e-mail: andreja.maver@ff.uni-lj.si


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959119M Received: January 21, 2009
Original research article Accepted: May 4, 2009

Abstract. The article brings a detailed formal analysis of the Roman capitals from Sirmium, in the light of the stone analysis
conducted on the material at the Museum of Srem and elsewhere in Sremska Mitrovica. The capitals dot the historical
development of the town from the first half of the 2nd century until the 4th century. First made of regional limestone,
they were later joined by those of limestone and marbles of distant source, whereby different stones in capitals coexisted almost
throughout the towns development. This was certainly the situation during the flourishing times of the late 3rd and the 4th century,
when Sirmium, as one of the four capitals of the Roman Empire, stood within several formal circles of capitals.
The plain-leaved capitals tie it to the rest of Pannonia, the Corinthianizing capitals to the provinces to the east and south,
while part of the Asiatic capitals, the largest group, tie it to the wider area of the Mediterranean.

Key words. Sirmium, Roman period, Roman architecture, Corinthian capitals, Corinthianizing capitals,
Corinthian Asiatic capitals, marble analyses.

he Roman capitals from Sirmium, particularly selected six capitals. After a hiatus of several decades,

T those of the Corinthian order, have attracted


much attention on the part of the researchers of
the citys Roman architecture or of the form of capitals
capitals again came to the forefront, together with other
architectural elements, through papers by Miroslav
Jeremi} (1993; 1995; 2002b and others). He published
in this and the neighbouring regions. This is with good additional capitals and provided general definitions of
reason, since the collection of capitals is notable, where- formal groups, parallels and dating. Christine Ertel (1997;
by its importance lies not only in the formal wealth and 2005) provided a historical overview of the capitals and
the diversity of material used for their production, but some bases from Sirmium in excerpts, while Kiss (1987)
also in the information it provides concerning the mentioned most of these capitals in his overview of the
quarrying, trade routes and workshops of architectural architecture in Pannonia.
elements in the broader region. Inevitably, this collection The unsystematic approach to the capitals in the past,
continues to grow with new excavations taking place in however, did not reflect the true wealth of this architec-
the city. tural element in form and quantity; neither did it provide
The first author to dedicate special attention to the more than a limited number of detailed studies of indivi-
capitals from Sirmium was Ivanka Nikolajevi}-Stojko- dual capitals or their formal groups. In recent years, the
vi} (1957; 1969). She first met with the capitals when project entitled Stone Use in Roman Towns. Resources,
dealing with the early Byzantine architecture in the Transport, Products and Clients. Case Study Sirmium,
Republic of Macedonia. She later wrote a short article headed by Bojan Djuri}, provided a systematic survey
especially on the capitals from Sirmium, in which she of all the stone materials used at Sirmium, including
provided a detailed formal analysis as well as date for the those used for the capitals. Equipped with the already

119
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

published information and encouraged by the new narrows downwards. These differences, however, can
findings, I estimated that the capitals from Sirmium hardly lead us to assume uses in different architectural
deserved renewed attention, which I will pay in the complexes.
paper below. The closest formal parallel for these capitals can be
The aim of the paper is to provide a formal analysis found at Asseria (modern Podgra|e near Benkovac,
of each capital as well as its parallels, place within formal Croatia), dating to the Trajanic period.2 The upper curve
groups and date. Furthermore, it aspires to explore the of the helices, the shape of the palmette, shape and de-
formal, material and chronological features of these coration of the caulicules (although they are more oblique
capitals in order to bring them in relation with the de- on the Sirmium capitals) indicate that this parallel is
velopment of the Roman town in general. Having said closest of all. Other analogies come from Aquileia, Pula
that, the aim has two limitations. On the one hand, the and Trieste, but also Salona.3 These are earlier and con-
analyses of the Mediterranean white marbles performed firm the observations of earlier models for these capitals
up to this point have proved inconclusive and await made by Nikolajevi} (1969) and Jeremi} (2002b). The
further analyses and checking of results. On the other earliest date for the Sirmium capitals was the Flavian
hand, the formal analysis and analogies of a part of the period, proposed by Nikolajevi}, who tied the capitals
Asiatic type Corinthian capitals made of Mediterranean and the Forum to the new status of Sirmium as colonia
marbles raise some chronological questions, the answe- Flavia Sirmium.4 This is a very tempting interpretation
ring of which surpasses the boundaries of this paper. and one that the parallels, particularly from Aquileia,
would not refute. However, the small finds from the
systematic excavation that took place on Site 29,5
EARLY CORINTHIAN CAPITALS where these capitals had been uncovered, revealed a
chronological span that began with the 2nd century. This
The earliest group of capitals so far known from would offer an indirect evidence of a date ante quem
Sirmium are the normal Corinthian capitals that came to non for the capitals, but would also come close to the
light in the area at the presumed early Forum.1 They date of the Asseria capitals (Trajanic period). The upper
came to light already at the end of the 19th century in the limit, on the other hand, is more elusive and the broad
vicinity of the later baths (so-called Licinius Baths), date, proposed by Ertel (first half of the 2nd century),6
the construction of which in the early 4th century de- cannot reliably be refuted or narrowed. Nevertheless, the
stroyed the earlier architecture on that spot. I documented FlavianTrajanic date of the closest parallels from the
five capitals, the size, form and find-spot of which point eastern Adriatic coast favours the date of the Sirmium
to the same large, public building. capitals into the Trajanic period.
The five normal Corinthian capitals (SRM 47, 48, 60, These five capitals were all made of limestone, more
493 and 606) bear two rows of independent acanthus precisely Lithotype I as defined by Ri`nar and Jovano-
mollis leaves of eight leaves per ring on the kalathos. vi} for Sirmiums material.7 As to the lithotype variants,
The caulicules grow at a sharp angle from behind the two are made of Ic (SRM 47 and 48), one of Ib (SRM 60)
central leaf of the second ring. The stem of the caulicule
is fluted and the collar spirally decorated. Above the
central leaf of the second row rises a leaf that resembles
most closely that of a palmette. Corner volutes and heli-
1 All capitals are individually presented in the catalogue below.
ces grow from calyces that stem from the caulicules. Both
2 A pilaster capital that formed part of the main entrance gate
volutes are plain, their eyelets protruding. They are
into the town, built in the time of Trajan: Liebl, Wilberg, 1908,
broad and slightly flattened against the kalathos. The 3536, Abb. 12, as well as a capital from the Forum: Liebl, Wilberg,
abacus is moulded and decorated at the lower edge with 1908, 4750, Abb. 26.
fluting with crescent base. The capitals were part of 3 For Aquileia: Scrinari 1952, 2831, nos. 20, 21; for Pula and

approximately 5.5 m high columns. Trieste: Scrinari 1956, 2123, nos. 11 and 16, particularly the capitals
Besides the common traits there are also slight formal from the Monte Zaro theatre. As for Salona, I refer to the capital now
at the east entrance into the amphitheatre.
differences in the rendering of the leaves. The capital of 4 Nikolajevi} 1969, 656.
SRM 60, for example, has a sunken midvein. The same 5 Milo{evi} 1994, 2526.
feature can be observed also on the leaves of SRM 606. 6 Ertel 2005, 311. Jeremi} (1995, 142, 146, Fig. 2) proposes a
The capitals of SRM 47 and 493 have a midrib, as does date of the early 2nd century or the time of Trajan.
the capital of SRM 48, but the midrib on the latter 7 Ri`nar, Jovanovi} 2006, 140.

120
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

and one of Ia (SRM 493).8 All of these lithotypes of low relief, placed between the leaves of the first ring.
limestone are presumed to be of regional origin, more Only the spaces between individual lobes are carved
precisely to have been quarried at the Dardagani Quarry deeper. The leaves are independent. They are not rendered
near Zvornik (north-eastern Bosnia) and thus imported fully organically, but do not show the geometric forms
from the province of Dalmatia via the Sapna, Drina and and the distinct chiaroscuro tendency, which are charac-
Sava Rivers to Sirmium. The regional origin of stone teristic of later Asiatic capitals. Corner volutes and helices
also points to a regional, if not local production. Having have canales and are fully developed and not flattened
said that, the formal details reveal that the origin of against the abacus. The leaf range hardly exceeds half
craftsmen must surely be comparable, if not identical to the capital height. All these formal observations would
those that produced the above-mentioned capitals at speak for a rather early date of this capital within the
Pola, Asseria and Salona. Asiatic range. The closest parallel can be found at the
Another early capital was found at Site 47 during Agora of Corinth, connected with the temple built by
excavation that took place there in 1972, whereby the Commodus.10 Another parallel is a capital kept at the
uncovered remains pointed to a building of public cha- Museo Nazionale Romano in the Baths of Diocletian,
racter in the central part of the Roman town. A public dated towards the end of the 2nd century11 or the second
character of the building is indicated also by the size of third of the 2nd century.12 It shows all the details listed
the capital. The small finds from this site start at the end above for SRM 397, the only difference being in the
of the 1st century AD, which provides the date ante quem rendering of the corner volutes and helices, which is
non for the capital,9 while formally the capital very much slightly more abbreviated than on the capital from Sir-
nears those from Site 29 discussed above. mium. Due to the dates proposed for the paralleled
capitals, I am inclined to date the capital to the end of
the 2nd century. This date can, unfortunately, not be
FRAGMENTS OF CORINTHIAN CAPITALS aided by find data.
There is a fragment that shows roughly comparable
The Museum of Srem keeps numerous fragments of form and isotopic values as the above-discussed capital
Corinthian capitals that are too small to enable any pre- of SRM 397, namely SRM 340. Its original location is
cise determination as to the form and consequently the unknown. It resembles the capital of SRM 397 in a
time frame. These are SRM 109, 114, 212, 213, 521, 578, comparable low-relief leaves, in second-ring leaves
577, 579, 580, 584, 587, 590 and 599, whereby some growing out of a stem placed between the leaves of the
could also be of the Composite order. first ring and in the spaced between individual lobes
Of these, the white marble fragment of SRM 521 being of the same size and form (Fig. 4). They also share
deserves special mention. It was uncovered at Site 47. the same number of lobes and folioles within them. How-
Considering the height of the abacus, it is larger than ever, the capital of SRM 340 shows a deeply carved
any other capital found in Sirmium and must thus have midvein of the third foliole of the medial lobe, which is
formed part of a public building at the Forum. not the case with the leaves of SRM 397. Also, the stem
for the second-row leaves is higher in SRM 340 and the
fragment shows much poorer workmanship. In light of
CORINTHIAN ASIATIC CAPITALS the above, I can propose a date that is roughly in the same
frame as SRM 397.
This is the most numerous and varied group of capi-
tals from Sirmium and covers an impressive span in
time as well as material. 8 The capital of SRM 606 is not kept at the Museum of Srem as
The earliest Corinthian capital of the Asiatic type are the other four and was located very late in the process of writing
found at Sirmium is that of SRM 397 (Fig. 3). It is a nor- this paper. For that reason, its material has not yet been precisely
mal Corinthian capital with acanthus spinosus leaves. It identified.
9 Milo{evi} 1994, 2526.
was made of fine-grained white marble (Figs. 1, 2).
10 Scranton 1944. This parallel was pointed out to me by John
Individual folioles have roundly pointed tips and are
J. Herrmann (Dept. of Classical Art, Museum of Fine Arts Boston)
sunken at the vein. The capital is further characterised by and Fulvia Bianchi, for which I sincerely thank them. Fulvia Bianchi
relatively shallow lines defining the foliage, particularly mentioned another parallel from Sparta.
at the lower ends of the second-ring leaves. The latter 11 Lupi 1984, XXIV, 6, 536.

grow from triangularly shaped stems, executed in very 12 Pensabene 1986, 306.

121
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

SRM PROVENANCE 18O 13C COLOUR GRAIN SIZE ODOUR


65 -3,75 2,37 light grey fine
69 -1,99 3,46 light grey fine
79 Pohorje -14,37 0,94 white-light grey medium
80 Pohorje -11,54 1,16 white medium-coarse
81 Pohorje -8,66 0,96 white fine-medium
82 Pohorje / Gummern -6,55 0,71 white medium-coarse
83+523 Pohorje -8,76 1,12 white medium-coarse
107 -10,7 0,98 yellowish fine
108 -10,83 0,73 yellowish fine
109 -1,96 1,8 light grey fine-medium 2
110 -9,71 1,36 yellowish fine
114 Pohorje / Gummern -6,13 0,73 white medium-coarse
191 -5 2,49 white fine
235 -10,23 1,31 light grey fine
243 Pohorje / Gummern -6,06 0,55 light grey medium
245 Pohorje -9,82 0,85 white medium-coarse
247 Pohorje / Gummern -6,53 0,98 white-light grey medium-coarse
280 -2,42 1,82 light grey fine-medium
283 -2,6 1,78 light grey medium 2
285 -4,23 0,81 light grey fine
318 -12,54 0,77 light pink fine
337 -2,35 3,41 light grey fine
340 -4,66 -1,43 white fine
350 Pohorje / Gummern -7,12 0,79 white medium-coarse
352 Pohorje -8,44 0,68 white medium-coarse
355 -2,4 3,45 light grey fine
397 -4,42 2,56 white fine
521 -2,17 1,72 white fine
524 -2,29 3,39 white fine-medium
525 -4,18 1,41 light grey fine
526+527+528 -1,95 3,19 light grey fine
529+533 Pohorje / Gummern -6,38 0,86 light grey medium
530 -1,17 2,64 light grey medium

Fig. 1. Results of the isotopic analyses


Sl. 1. Rezultati izotopskih analiza

Next is the capital of SRM 69, uncovered at Site 4. served. The surface of the capital is poorly preserved, but
It is a Corinthian capital with acanthus spinosus leaves, nevertheless reveals traces of chisel finish on the leaves.
made of light grey fine-grained marble (Figs. 1, 2). The As for the context of the find, the publication of Site 4
kalathos shows two rings of independent leaves. First- reveals that fragments of Corinthian capitals were found
ring leaves have three lobes, lower, medial and apex, of at different places in the peristyle.13 It is unclear from
which the latter is quite luscious. The second-ring leaves
show only the tips of the folioles of the medial lobes and
the apex, they grow from stems carved high between 13There is also a photo of one of them, but it is not that of SRM
the leaves of the first-ring leaves. As for the caulicules, 69 (Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1971, 42, T. XV, 50). In fact, that fragment
they are in the form of triangular knobs. The upper part shows contiguous leaves of the leaf range. I was unable to find the
of the kalathos as well as the abacus has not been pre- fragment on that photo among the material kept at the museum.

122
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

4.5
13C
4
MARBLE CAPITALS SIRMIUM
337 69 528 3.5
355 527
524
526 3
397
530 2.5
191 65
GUMMERN
280 2
POHORJE 283 109
110 521 1.5
235
80 83 523
525
107 247
529 1
79 81 114 285
318 243
108 245 352 350 82 0.5

18O POHORJE 0
-20 -18 -16 -14 -12 -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 0
-0.5

A -1
POHORJE 340
-1.5

-2

-2.5

-3

-3.5

Fig. 2. Isotopic fields of the marble quarries and samples


Sl. 2. Izotopska poqa kameneloma mermera i uzoraka

the publication to which constructional phase these Among the best preserved Asiatic capitals is one
belonged, though it is stated that they are earlier than uncovered at the hippodrome, namely SRM 355 (Fig.
Constructional phase III dated to the middle of the 4th 5). Based on the common form, material and, most
century.14 Constructional phase I, when a building of
public character was erected, is dated to the beginning
of the 3rd century and Phase II to somewhere around the
middle of the 3rd century.15 As for parallels, they are not Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1969, 268.
14
15
Parovi}-Pe{ikan (1971, 4243) mentions the possibility of
rare. However, their dating varies.16 The unfortunate
a basilica. Jeremi}, on the other hand, recently published an article
absence of corner volutes, helices and abacus, but more (2006b, 173176), in which he places the villa extra muros (thus villa
importantly the precise knowledge of its find-spot di- suburbana) and the edifice of the second constructional phase under-
minishes the certainty of dating. Nevertheless, the con- neath the later peristyle as possibly of a cult character, but does not
mention the Corinthian capitals in connection with this edifice. Prior
structional activity at Site 4 leads me to refute the pos-
to Constructional phase I, a necropolis extended in this area.
sibility of a 2nd-century date and orientates me rather to 16 According to Pensabenes typology, the capital would be
the first half of the 3rd century.17 closest to Types 3 or 6, dated from the Severan period to the second
Broadly resembling the capital of SRM 69 in inde- quarter of the 3rd century and from the Severan period to the mid-
pendent leaves of the leaf range is the fragment of SRM 3rd century, respectively (Pensabene 1986). According to Fischers
typology, on the other hand, the capitals would belong to Type II,
280, also made of light grey fine-grained marble. The
dated from Hadrian to Antoninus Pius (Fischer 1990, 4143, 55).
medial lobe of the first-ring leaves, however, shows five 17 There is a very close parallel to this capital published by
folioles. The lines are deeply drilled. Lalovi} (1993, 213, no. 57), for which she writes that it was found at
The fragment of SRM 283 is very poorly preserved, Gamzigrad (Romuliana) and cites ^anak-Medi} (1978) as reference.
but the form does indicate an Asiatic capital. It was found However, the description of this capital and the photo beside it do
not match and the cited publication does not include this particular
at Site 29, though it is not clear whether it belonged to the capital either in the catalogue or in the photos. Therefore, I am at a
phase of the large baths (identified with Licinius Baths) loss as to where this capital was actually found or, if it was found at
or to earlier phases, to public buildings at the Forum. Gamzigrad, where is it published and how is it dated.

123
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 3. Asiatic Corinthian capital, now standing on a


public fountain at Matija Hu|i, Sremska Mitrovica
(SRM 397)
Sl. 3. Azijatski korintski kapitel, sada na ~esmi
kod Matije Hu|i, Sremska Mitrovica (SRM 397)

importantly, size, it is reasonable to assume that the beneath the lower folioles is not deepened. The leaf
capital of SRM 65 shared its location. Both are normal range is high and pushes the volutes against the abacus.
Corinthian capitals with two rings of the leaf range, Neither corner volutes nor helices are perfectly round,
caulicules shaped as triangular knobs, double calyces, but slightly horizontally elongated. Calyces are double,
plain corner volutes and helices. First-ring leaves have whereby the inner foliole of the inner part resembles in
three lobes (three folioles in the lower lobes, four in the curve that of the helices. The abacus is moulded and not
middle lobe and five in the apex), whereby the two lower fully flat, but rather curved. The lip of the kalathos is
folioles of the lower and of the central lobes are conti- also curvy. These structural irregularities appear on other
guous. The leaves are touching by producing geometric capitals of the same type, but also on other capitals of light
forms. The second-ring leaves have only the upper two grey fine to medium-grained marble (SRM 69, 280, 283,
lobes or the medial lobe and the apex. The second-ring 337, 526+527+528).
leaves grow from the mass of the kalathos and its bottom As for the date of the capitals in question, Nikolaje-
folioles form a roughly oval space, whereby the mass vi} proposed the first quarter of the 4th century,18 while
Jeremi} proposed for SRM 355 a wider time frame,
namely the first half of the 4th century.19 Jeremi} is also
Fig. 4. Asiatic Corinthian the author that brings the information as to the find con-
capital (SRM 340) text of SRM 355, namely that it formed part of the
Sl. 4. Azijatski northern range of the stand of Sirmiums hippodrome.
korintski kapitel Parallels for these capitals are abundant and can be found
(SRM 340) across the Mediterranean as well as inland. They were
treated by numerous authors.20 According to Pensabenes
classification, the capitals belong to Type 15, dated to the
time of the Tetrarchy and the first Constantinian period.21

18 Nikolajevi} 1969, 657658.


19 Jeremi} 1995, 146, Fig. 1.
20 Heilmeyer 1970; Pensabene 1986; Fischer 1990; Freyberger

1990 and others.


21 Pensabene 1986, 313316.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 5. Asiatic Corinthian capital from the hippodrome


(SRM 355)
Sl. 5. Azijatski korintski kapitel sa hipodroma
(SRM 355)

Fig. 6. Asiatic Corinthian capital from the hippodrome


(SRM 355), detail of the leaf range
Sl. 6. Azijatski korintski kapitel sa hipodroma
(SRM 355), detaq listova

According to the typology put forward by Fischer, they hippodrome, the construction of which is dated between
would belong to Type IIIDc.22 His chronological frame 312/313 to 324,25 however, the most obvious date for
for the type, however, begins considerably earlier; he the capitals would be the first quarter of the 4th century,
writes that it is most typical of the Severan period and is and not earlier.
tied to Proconnesian marble. The parallel from Romes The capitals of SRM 65 and 355 have a parallel at
hippodrome has also been dated into the Severan Sirmium in the capital of SRM 337, also made of light
period.23 Fischer adds further on that capitals of Types grey fine-grained marble. Its find spot is not known and
IIIV generally appear to the mid-3rd century, but also the capital does not help in clearing the chronological
at the end of the 3rd and even in the beginning of the 4th issue brought about by the two capitals mentioned above.
and writes: Die Forscher sind sich im allgemeinen The same goes for the fragments of SRM 526+527+528.
darber einig, da einige Kapitelle des 4. Jhs. n. Chr.
solche des 2. Jhs. n. Chr. nachahmen, doch werden im
allgemeinen die dazwischenliegenden zweihundert
Jahre nicht bercksichtigt.24 As for the latter, the capitals 22 Fischer 1990, 4445.
of 65 and 355 do not appear as imitations, but rather as 23 Freyberger 1990, 126, no. 303, Taf. 45b.
constituent members of the said type. In view of the 24 Fischer 1990, 52.
definition by Jeremi} that the capital of SRM 355 formed 25 The publication by Popovi} and Ochsenschlager (1976) does

part of the northern range of the stand of Sirmiums not mention this type of capitals.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 7. Asiatic Corinthian capital (SRM 285)


Sl. 7. Azijatski korintski kapitel (SRM 285)

Fig. 8. Asiatic Corinthian capital (SRM 285),


detail of the leaf range
Sl. 8. Azijatski korintski kapitel (SRM 285),
detaq listova

The capital of SRM 285 differs from those mentioned and the capital of SRM 285 in that the latter only has
above in that it only has one ring of leaves on the kalathos one ring of leaves on the kalathos. Whether this points to
(Fig. 7). The leaves are contiguous and form geometric a later date, I am as yet unable to say, also in view of the
figures. They are divided into three lobes (the lower chronological discrepancy revealed by the capitals of
ones are poorly preserved), whereby three of the four SRM 65 and 355 as well as the absence of find data.
folioles of the medial lobe touch. The particular feature The Asiatic Corinthian capitals of Sirmium were also
of this capital is the so-called Zungenblatt between the of limestone. One such is the pilaster capital of SRM
calyces, which is plain. A further distinguishing feature 300. It did not form part of a single pilaster, since the
is the rather plump folioles, but also that the sunken mid- leaves on the right side continue and suggest a double if
vein is very thin and the leaves show very narrow chan- not triple capital, thus standing at corner or terminal
nels (Fig. 8). Furthermore, the general workmanship on position of a wall. Formally, it is a normal Corinthian
the leaves is different from the one observed on the capital of the Asiatic type. It has two rings of contiguous
capitals of SRM 65 and 355, which is paralleled by the acanthus spinosus leaves, whereby the first-ring leaves
use of different marble (Figs. 1,2). As for the date, Ni- are poorly preserved and only the apices are visible. The
kolajevi} proposed a date into the beginning of the 4th second-ring leaves have three lobes, of the lower lobes
century on the basis of a parallel from Salona.26 The only the tips of single folioles are visible and medial
closest parallels I could find, however, come from the
Near East. They were treated by Fischer under Type IV,
particularly IVCb, broadly dated to the 2nd and 3rd cen-
turies.27 The type is seen as a direct continuation of Type 26 Nikolajevi} 1969, 658.
III. There is a difference, however, between Type IV 27 Fischer 1990, 4648, 55.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

lobes have four folioles. Caulicules are summarily carved


and are barely visible between the second-ring leaves.28
Growing out of them are double calyces as well as plain
corner volutes and helices. Both volutes are carved only
on the front, while they are absent on the right side. Its
original location is not known, which makes its dating
more difficult. It does, however, show a complete struc-
ture (with helices), which may point to an earlier date in
comparison to the capital of SRM 593 treated below. It
is made of limestone of a distant source, namely Litho-
type IIa.
The capital of SRM 593 is made of Neogene lime-
stone of Lithotype II (b). It is a free Corinthian capital
with two rings of contiguous acanthus spinosus leaves in
the leaf range. Caulicules are absent and bipartite calyces
with slightly concave corner volutes grow from between
the leaves of the second ring. The corner volutes do not
run in a continuous curve, but first grow towards the
abacus and just before touching it slightly change the
direction to then run underneath it almost horizontally. Fig. 9. Asiatic Corinthian capital (SRM 583)
The capital was found immured into a wall of the Impe- Sl. 9. Azijatski korintski kapitel (SRM 583)
rial Palace and is dated on the basis of this context to the
second half of the 3rd century. This is in agreement with
the formal analysis, although the latter could also allow
for a slightly later date as the absence of helices suggests parallels in much later capitals. One such capital was
a date from the second half of the 3rd century through to found at Lopata (FY Republic of Macedonia),31 which
the DiocletianConstantinian period.29 shows several similarities to SRM 604, particularly in the
The Asiatic Corinthian capital of SRM 604 is of shape of the corner volutes and disposition of folioles.
smaller dimensions and probably does not represent a There are, however, also differences, namely that the
constructional element, but rather an element of interior foliage in SRM 604 is carved in lower relief and the
furnishing or division. It is a free Corinthian capital with capital from Lopata is devoid of calyces. The Lopata
two rings of contiguous acanthus spinosus leaves, stylized capital is dated to the first half of the 5th century. Further
corner volutes pushed against the abacus and calyces, parallels, more distant, can be found at Ostia.32 The two
of which the inner folioles lean towards the stem of the capitals in question were found at the port and show a
central motif. Helices and caulicules are absent. The practically identical structure, shape of the corner volutes
central motif has a stem. The capital is further characte- and abacus, with slight differences in the disposition of
rized by dense foliage with very little space between the folioles. Pensabene dated them from the end of the
individual folioles, of which the tips are touching and 4th to the first third of the 5th century. On the basis of the
sometimes even running into each other (folioles of the shape and curve of the corner volutes and the folioles as
medial and lower lobes of the first-ring leaves). The well as the absence or presence of structural parts, the
first-ring leaves have three lobes, two folioles in the lower capital of SRM 604 is not unlike the above-described
lobe, three in the medial lobe, while the second-ring
leaves have the apices and tips of a pair of folioles of the
medial lobes sticking almost vertically from behind the
28
apices of the first-ring leaves. It is made of limestone of Its shape indicates the collar of a caulicule.
29 Fischer 1990, 5355.
distant source, Lithotype II, and was uncovered at Site 70,
30 Popovi} 1989; Popovi} 2003, 187191; Jeremi} 2006b,
where a statio beneficiarii with a Temple of Iuppiter was
170173; Dautova-Ru{evljan, Vujovi} 2006, 79, 110, no. 166.
uncovered.30 Four constructional phases were identi- 31 Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 35, sl. 13; Lil~i 2002,
fied at that site, spanning from AD 157 to 235. This date 607609.
frame, however, does not correspond with the formal 32 Pensabene 1973, 105106, 252, nos. 383, 384, Tav. XXXVIII,

analysis of the capital. The above-observed form has who cites parallels in the coastal regions of the Mediterranean.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 10. Asiatic Corinthian capital (SRM 588)


Sl. 10. Azijatski korintski kapitel (SRM 588)

SRM 593. I would estimate, though, that the capital of about two thirds of the first ring of leaves are preserved.
SRM 604 is later. In view of the earlier-dated archaeolo- The fragment shows a pronounced geometric shape of the
gical context in which the capital was found, however, contiguous leaves, where the foliole of the lower lobe and
the final judgement on the capitals date can only be the lower foliole of the medial lobe form a star (the so-
given after a detailed analysis of the remains at Site 70. called stella di fogliette motif). This feature indicates
It is worth noting at this point that another Late Roman a late date, possibly the 4th (second half) or even the 5th
capital was uncovered at the same site, namely a plain- century. Fragments of one or several very similar frag-
leaved capital of SRM 591. ments were uncovered in 2006 during the excavations at
A small fragment of an acanthus spinosus leaf the same site.33 These fragments show not only the leaf
(SRM 207, from Site 47) is significant in this collection range, but also the tips of the abacus with corner volutes
of Asiatic capitals because it shows that the regional lime- and calyces. The folioles shaped into a star have a good
stone of Lithotype I c from the Dardagani Quarry, was parallel in a pronouncedly elongated normal Corinthian
also used in their production. capital from Szentendre (Ulcisia, later Constatia Castra,
The use of regional limestone is further proven by Pannonia), which is completely preserved and dated to the
the Asiatic capital of SRM 583 (Fig. 9). It was made of 4th century.34 Another parallel is kept at the Antiquarium
Lithotype III and uncovered at Site 1a (the Imperial Pa- in Carthage.35 This capital also shows a pronouncedly
lace). The lower lobes have two folioles and the medial elongated form, though the upper part is quite different
lobes three, two of which touch. The lines are deeply from the capital from Szentendre, but comparable to the
drilled, though not on all folioles equally. One of the foli- fragments uncovered at Site 1a in 2006. The capital from
oles in each lobe is carved deeply, while others are flat, Carthage is dated as late as the 5th6th century AD. Pa-
without sunken midveins. This rendering of the leaves rallels are far and far apart, but the material for the Sir-
ties it to the workshop that produced the Corinthia- mium example is limestone of regional origin, namely
nizing capitals for the hippodrome (see below). Only the Lithotype III, brought from the Dardagani Quarry.
lower half of the capital is preserved, with two rings of
contiguous acanthus leaves. The contiguous leaves and,
more importantly, the similarity of the leaves with the
ones on the Corinthianizing capitals from the hippo-
33 I would like to thank Zorka Pejovi} from the Institute for the
drome leads me to set this capital into roughly the same
Protection of Cultural Monuments in Sremska Mitrovica for kindly
time, that is the first quarter of the 4th century. offering me the material on view and for allowing me to discuss it
The last in the series of Asiatic capitals from Sirmium in this article.
discussed in this article is SRM 588 uncovered at Site 1a 34 Kiss 1987, 31, 135, cat. no. XIV,2, Taf. 49,5.

(Fig. 10). It is a fragment of the leaf range, of which only 35 Pensabene 1986, 409, fig. 50b.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 11. Asiatic Corinthianizing capital from


the hippodrome, now in the Banca Intesa office,
Sremska Mitrovica (SRM 603)
Sl. 11. Azijatski korintiziraju}i kapitel
sa hipodroma, sada u zgradi Banca Intesa,
Sremska Mitrovica (SRM 603)

The Imperial Palace (Site 85) yielded in recent


excavations further Asiatic Corinthian capitals, which 36 Jeremi}, Popovi} 2004, 281288; Jeremi} in this issue of

will certainly expand the formal range.36 Starinar.


37 They are usually referred to as the capitals with four leaves

or four-leaved capitals. I find the use of the four leaves in the name
of the type an easily recognizable, but not a precise or comprehen-
CORINTHIANIZING ASIATIC CAPITALS37 sive enough term. Pensabene, on the other hand, writes of capitelli
corinzieggianti dinflusso asiatico (Pensabene 1973, 159, 250). Co-
By far the most extensive group of capitals from rinthianizing signifies a capital that either imitates or approaches the
Corinthian capital. However, taking into consideration the defini-
Sirmium are the Corinthianizing Asiatic capitals. They tion of a Corinthian capital provided by Ginouvs (1992), there is no
are also the most frequently cited capitals from this Ro- reason not to determine these capitals as Corinthian proper, since
man town.38 They began to be unearthed at the end of the they possess all the elements stated in the description. I initially opted
19th century and are mostly kept in Sremska Mitrovica. for the name Corinthian capitals of reduced structure (Djuri}, Davi-
dovi}, Maver, Mller 2006), which I still consider to be most correct.
At present, seventeen capitals are kept at the Museum Nevertheless, in order to avoid confusion with yet another name for
of Srem (SRM 45, 46, 64, 67, 68, 71, 73, 216, 243, 274, an already discussed type, I decided to adopt the term Corinthianizing,
289, 350, 352, 356, 515, 529+533, 592, 601, 602),39 one together with the specification that it is Asiatic Corinthianizing
is kept in the Banca Intesa not far from the mentioned Asiatic capital.
38 Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62, Fig. 19; Nikolajevi}
museum in Sremska Mitrovica (SRM 603) and five at
1969, 658659, Figs. 4, 5; Popovi} 1963, 6465, T. XXVIII,5; Po-
the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia.40 povi}, Ochsenschlager 1975, 6061, T. I. 2; Popovi}, Ochsen-
The capitals show a reduced form of the Corinthian schlager 1976, 163, 170, Taf. 28, 2; Kiss 1987, 133; Jeremi} 1995,
capital (Fig. 11). The kalathos bears four large acanthus 142, Figs. 4,5; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel, 2005, 314, Fig. 5; Djuri}, Da-
vidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109, Fig. 5; Djuri}, Davidovi},
leaves. These are contiguous on most capitals; there is a Maver, Mller 2007. I was not able to identify precisely the nine
slight gap on the capital of SRM 602, while a similar gap capitals most frequently mentioned in literature.
can be observed on some of the capitals made of marble 39 SRM 243 probably formed the same capital as with SRM

(on SRM 529+533 and SRM 601). The leaves have a 529+533 and fragment SRM 216 could have chipped off one of the
other capitals.
prominent midrib. They represent the leaf range.41 The 40 For those in Zagreb see Brun{mid 1911, 6668, nos. 528532.
corner volutes grow out of a lanceolate stem placed cen- 41 They do not represent calyces, as the position of the leaves
trally between two leaves. They are quite broad and plain, underneath the corner volutes might indicate. This is proven by a
with their eyes projecting slightly. Helices and calyces fragment found at Ostia, which shows two large leaves and rising
are absent. The abacus shows the same moulding on all between them caulicule, calyces and above them corner volutes (Pen-
sabene 1973, 90, no. 279 and also no. 280). A further proof of a simi-
capitals, while its central motif varies, even within the
lar sort may be found at Salona, where a capital shows a much more
same capital, whereby two equal motifs often appear on stylized, but nevertheless similar structure with four large leaves,
two contiguous sides. Some flowers have a stem of the caulicule, calyces and corner volutes (Kautzsch 1936, 13, Taf. 2,19).

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 12. Asiatic Corinthianizing capital


from the hippodrome (SRM 350)
Sl. 12. Azijatski korintiziraju}i
kapitel sa hipodroma (SRM 350)

central motif running in a more or less straight line down Fig. 13. Asiatic Corinthianizing capital from the
the kalathos to the caulicule. This common form, how- hippodrome, detail of the leaf range (SRM 602)
ever, shows differences in detail, particularly in the shape Sl. 13. Azijatski korintiziraju}i kapitel sa
and rendering of the leaves. There are also slight diffe- hipodroma, detaq listova (SRM 602)
rences in the shape of the corner volutes, some are more
oblique (for instance on SRM 46, 352) and others more
vertical (SRM 45, 68, 603 and others). To return to the
leaves, the main differences concern the edge of the
leaves, individual folioles and the depth of the lines
between the folioles. Most capitals have three lobes
(lower, medial and apex) with five folioles in the lower,
four folioles in the medial lobe and seven in the apex.
There is one exception to this form (SRM 352, made of
marble), which shows four lobes, with five folioles in
the lower two lobes and four in the third. Furthermore,
the leaf edge is usually defined by the tips of the folioles,
while some capitals have a defined edge of the leaf mass,
within which the tips are carved (Fig. 12). Such capitals
are SRM 243, 350, 352, 529+533 and 601, which are in
fact all the capitals of this type made of marble, but also
the capital of limestone Lithotype IIb (SRM 73). The
third point of difference is in the depth of the relief. The
lines are carved most deeply in the capitals made of lime-
stone Lithotypes Ia (SRM 67, 68, 289, 515, 592) and Ic
(SRM 45), while the foliole tips on these capitals are very
poorly preserved. The lines are slightly less deep on the
capitals made of limestone Lihotype Ib (SRM 46, 64, 71,
274, 356, 603), where the tips are mostly well preserved.
This would indicate that the differences were caused by
the characteristics of the material, an observation that is
confirmed by the depth of carving on the capitals made
of either limestone Lithotype II or of marble, where the

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

relief is considerably lower. A feature in common to all the 4th century.48 Apart from Sirmium, they were unco-
the capitals regardless of the material is that one foliole vered, for example, at Konjuh (Dardania / Dacia Medi-
in each lobe is carved very deeply and the other ones pra- terranea),49 Stobi (Macedonia Secunda),50 Singidunum
ctically flat (Fig. 13). This is usually the third foliole of the (Moesia Superior),51 Gamzigrad / Romuliana (Moesia
lower lobe, the third of the medial lobe and the second of Superior),52 Sarmizegetusa (Dacia),53 Potaissa (Dacia),54
the apex. It is thus difficult to talk of acanthus spinosus but also at Ostia.55 Apart from the latter, the distribution
proper. However, considering the parallels for the capitals in the period stated concentrates across the Balkan Penin-
and the fact that some folioles are sunken at midvein, sula, as was established already by previous authors.56
the capitals are those defined as the Asiatic type. In spite of the analogous structure, the rendering of the
As already mentioned above, the capitals of this leaves on the paralleled capitals is different, since the
formal group surpass the material limitation of a single leaves there are clearly those of acanthus spinosus, where
stone. Most appear in limestone, more precisely Litho- every folioles is carved to be sunken at the midvein. The
type I, which had been subdivided into three subtypes Sirmium capitals show flat folioles. A strikingly similar
on the basis of the material from Sremska Mitrovica.42 rendering of leaves was observed on the capital of SRM
Five capitals appear in Ia (SRM 67, 68, 289, 515, 592), 583 from Site 1a (limestone, Lithotype III). It can also
five in Ib (SRM 46, 64, 71, 274, 356) and two in Ic (SRM be observed on a pilaster capital from Osijek (Mursa),
45, 216). This is a regional stone, which was brought to though the capital structure there is more complete.57
Sirmium from the Dardagani Quarry in modern Bosnia Moreover, this particular rendering of folioles, some
and Herzegovina, near Zvornik, along the Sapna, Drina almost flat and others sunken at the midvein, can be
and Sava Rivers. Another limestone lithotype was also seen on one of the Corinthianizing Asiatic capitals from
documented in this group, namely Lithotype IIb, which Ostia, made of lunense.58 It is true that the rendering is
was used to make a small capital of SRM 73. The origin
of this stone is to be sought farther away, possibly some-
where in Pannonia, whence it could have come to Sirmi-
um via the same water routes used to transport Eastern 42 Ri`nar, Jovanovi} 2006, 139152.
Alpine marble.43 The third material is marble, more pre- 43 Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 105.
44 The capital of SRM 243 probably formed a whole with that
cisely white Eastern Alpine marble, used to make at least
of SRM 529+533.
three44 capitals (SRM 243 and 529+533, 350, 352).45 45 Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 115116.
The size of the capitals varies considerably, from 46 Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1975, 170; Jeremi} 1995, 142,
around 30.5 to 50.5 cm in height, from 22 to 47 cm in Fig. 4, 5; Ertel 2005, 314315, Abb. 5.
abacus width and from 18 to 39 cm in lower diameter. 47 Jeremi} (1995, 142) dates these capitals to the very beginning

If we take capitals with comparable lower diameters as of the 4th century. Ertel (2005, 314315) also dates the capitals to
the basis, from 36 to 39 cm, the abacus width also shows the beginning of the 4th century.
48 See also, for instance, Milea, Brbulescu 1972, 481; Pensa-
comparable values (from 44 to 47), but not the height,
bene 1973, 159162, Tav. LXILXIII.
which still varies from 40.5 to 50.5 cm. This points to 49 Lil~i 2002, 580581, 1050.
the use of these capitals in various positions or levels. 50 Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 11, Fig. 21; Lil~i 2002,
The location of at least nine of these limestone capitals 856.
is known to be the hippodrome, where they were found 51 Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 63, Fig. 20.

among the ruins of a round corridor and originally be- 52 ^anak-Medi} 1978, 64, 183, cat. no. 13, sl. 45, 47 (found

longed to a colonnade that supported the roof over the in the first gallery of the western gate of the later fort, dated to the
4th century).
highest stand.46 Jeremi} writes that the marble capital 53 Alicu, Pop 1979, 2932, Pl. 435.
of SRM 352 was also found at the hippodrome, which 54 Milea, Brbulescu 1972, 479480, nos. 19, 2224, Figs. 16,
opens up the possibility that all of the capitals of this 1921 (dated to the 3rd century).
form formed part of the hippodrome. The construction 55 Pensabene 1973, 159162, 250251, particularly the capital

of the hippodrome is dated most probably between 312 under no. 660.
56 Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} (1957, 659) writes that they seemed
and 313 during the presence of Licinius or during the
later stays by Constantine between 316 and 324, which to be much in vogue in the regions of the Danubian limes, while Kiss
(1987, 133) states that they were widely known across the Balkan
gives the date into the first quarter of the 4th century AD Oriental regions.
for the capitals.47 57 Pinterovi} 1978, T. XLVIII, 1.
Corinthianizing Asiatic capitals of the particular form 58 Pensabene 1973, 160, nn. 660, Tav. LXII (the capital is of

of the capitals from Sirmium appear from the 3rd and into unknown provenance).

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

less pronounced there than at Sirmium or Mursa, the


general form of the kalathos is slightly different and the
caulicules are missing. Nevertheless, the capital from
Ostia appears to stand in some close connection with
the Corinthianizing Asiatic capitals from Sirmiums
hippodrome.
The particular rendering of the leaves on the
Corinthianizing Asiatic capitals from Sirmium brings
up the question of workshop. It is easy to imagine that
a workshop was set up to meet the demands of the
construction of the hippodrome, possibly also other
buildings that were being put up at the end of the 3rd and
the first half of the 4th centuries in Sirmium (Imperial
Palace, the so-called Licinius Baths). An observation
that strengthens the hypothesis of a Sirmium-based work-
shop is the material used to make the capitals in question,
which included regional limestone, distant-source lime-
stone and distant-source marble. The diversity of the Fig. 14. Plain-leaved Corinthian capital, now in front
origin of stones and the specific rendering of the leaves, of the Slobodan Baji} Baja elementary school,
coupled with the fact that Pannonia, as the probable Sremska Mitrovica (SRM 605)
source of one of the limestone and the province of transit Sl. 14. Punolistni korintski kapitel,
for the marble, does not know the capitals of this form,59 sada ispred osnovne {kole Slobodan Baji} Baja,
leads me to conclude that the specific form of leaves Sremska Mitrovica (SRM 605)
does, in fact, point to a workshop active in or around
Sirmium at least during the first quarter of the 4th
century. The capital of SRM 583 from Site 1a suggests vertically the first third, after which it begins to curve out-
that its production was not limited to the hippodrome wards. The capital is made of Lithotype Ib. The closest
and the pilaster capital from Mursa might even suggest parallels for this capital can be found at Gamzigrad, which
export of its products or masters. There is another obser- show slight differences in the leaves (narrower) and the
vation to be made concerning the masters of the Corinthi- corner volutes, the eyes of which are projecting, and
anizing capitals of Sirmiums hippodrome, namely that does not have the bead at the standing surface.61 ^anak-
certain formal features tie them to the masters working Medi} brought them into connection with the other
on limestone capitals of Diocletians Palace at Split. Corinthianizing capitals from the same gallery, dated to
The most prominent of these features is certainly the the 4th century. This is also a date proposed for the ca-
lanceolate stem.60 pital of SRM 72, which is without a known find spot.
The material from Sirmium includes another
Corinthianizing Asiatic capital, but it differs from the
above-mentioned in the form of the acanthus leaves and PLAIN-LEAVED CORINTHIAN CAPITALS
the shape of the kalathos (SRM 72). The leaves are
those of acanthus spinosus, with three folioles in lower The stone material of Sirmium includes also a num-
and medial lobes, all sunken at the midvein. The midveins ber of Corinthian capitals with plain leaves, which all
of folioles are carved either as lines or as channels. The show a structure where the leaf range takes up a dominant
corner volutes rise in a regular curve from behind the part of or almost the entire kalathos.
leaves. Caulicules, calyces and helices are absent. The
leaves are independent, but are joined at the lower
folioles of the lower lobes by a round bead. The corner
volutes are separated above the leaves by a spiral cordon. 59 Kiss 1987; Ertel 1991.
The abacus is moulded, whereby the moulding continues 60 See Mateti}-Poljak 2009, 202210.
across the semicircular central motif. The kalathos does 61 ^anak-Medi} 1978, 8283, 205206, cat. no. 48, sl. 52, 53,
not show a steady widening towards the abacus, as is who cites that a similar capital is kept at the National Museum at
observed on the capitals from the hippodrome, but rises Zaje~ar.

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The capital that stands at the beginning of the chro- which are relatively comparable in size, and the other is
nological range of these capitals is now on display in SRM 82, which is considerably larger. As for the mate-
front of the elementary school of Slobodan Baji} Baja rial, they are all made of Eastern Alpine marble. The
in Sremska Mitrovica (SRM 605; Fig. 14). It was made villa suburbana is dated to the mid 4th century and with
together with shaft and base, of limestone (total height it the capitals.67 The closest parallel to these capitals,
over 1.25 m).62 It has four large independent plain leaves particularly to the low first ring of the plain leaves, can
with a carved midvein and cleft apex on the kalathos. again be found in Pannonia, more precisely at Intercisa,
Between each pair is a plain caulicule with a plain collar, also dated to the beginning or the first half of the 4th
out of which grows a pair of broad corner volutes. The century,68 which broadly matches the date provided by
kalathos has a projecting lip. The abacus is plain, as is the architectural context at Sirmium.
the central motif. The find spot of this capital is not The capital of SRM 83+523 was found either at the
known. The parallels I could find for this capital, in above-mentioned villa suburbana or at the Imperial Pa-
Pannonia,63 indicate that this capital, through the number lace.69 It shows a kalathos dominated by the leaf range
and shape of the leaves as well as the shape of the cauli- in two rings. The leaves of the first ring are contiguous,
cule, dates roughly to the second half of the 3rd century while the second-ring leaves continue one into the other
and less likely further into the 4th century. without separation. The corner volutes and helices are ra-
The Museum of Srem keeps another plain-leaved dically reduced and flattened against and into the abacus,
capital made of limestone, more precisely of Lithotype I which is plain. Its date is broadly the first half of the 4th
(SRM 591). It is of smaller size and was found at Site 70 century, while its material is the same as for the capitals
(statio beneficiarii and the Temple of Jupiter).64 It has a from the villa suburbana, that is Eastern Alpine marble.
single ring of plain leaves with cleft apices, above which A completely preserved Corinthian capital with plain
rise corner volutes as well as helices. The latter are only leaves was uncovered at Site 85.70 In its structure it is
indicated with a carved line with a rounded tip on the most similar to capitals of SRM 82 and 79, both from
kalathos. Caulicules are missing. In the space above the the villa suburbana (Site 4) dated to the mid-4th century.
leaf range and between the corner volutes there is some An interesting feature of this marble capital is a rosette
mass left, but this cannot be interpreted as calyces, since that adorns one side between the leaves of the second
it bears no formal resemblance. The abacus is plain with ring and a stylized rosette or dot with a cross that adorns
two preserved stemless central motifs, differently deco- the side contiguous to it.
rated. I was not able to find close parallels for the capital.
The general form, but particularly the leaf range, how-
ever, leads me to date it roughly to the 4th century.
At least four Corinthian capitals with plain leaves 62 The column is broken in two and both halves are stuck into
(SRM 79, 80, 81, 8265) were uncovered at Site 4 and the ground, whereby I could not determine how deep into the earth
formed part of the peristyle of a villa suburbana.66 They are the fragments inserted.
63 Ertel 1991, 80, Taf. 46 (Sopianae A), 8384, Abb. 3 (Aquin-
do not show the exact same form. In fact, of the four ca-
pitals only two share the same structure, namely SRM cum Museum 6), 84, Plan 1 (Gorsium 1).
64 Ertel (2005, 313, Abb. 4) speaks of Site 4.
80 and 81. Their kalathoi are composed of two rings of 65 For the capital of SRM 82, it is not certain that it was found
contiguous plain leaves, whereby the first ring is consi- at Site 4. The field inventory made for the excavation at Site 1a (part
derably lower than the second one. Helices are absent, of the Imperial Palace) in 1960 gives a drawing of a capital fragment
while the radically reduced corner volutes are flattened that very much resembles our SRM 82 (no. 55, 29.X.1960, de-
against and into the plain abacus. SRM 79 also shows two scribed as a stone capital with nine lotus leaves all around), even the
dimensions roughly match (H. 27, diameter 28).
rings of plain leaves with cleft apices, but the second 66 Parovi}-Pe{ikan (1971, 1544), but also all other authors
row is composed of only four leaves (the first ring has until very recently, writes of villa urbana. Recent publication (Jeremi}
the standard eight). The corner volutes are carved in very 2006b, 174), however, rectifies the location of the city walls, where-
low relief, while the semicircular feature between them by the villa stands just outside them and is thus a villa suburbana.
67 Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1969, 267268; Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1971,
might represent the caulicule. The kalathos and the
42; Jeremi} 1995, 143; Ertel 2005, 312313.
abacus are not separated. Of the capital of SRM 82 only 68 Ertel 1991, 71, Taf. 45 (Intercisa 1) and 7677, Taf. 46 (Inter-
the lower half is preserved, but resembles most that of cisa 265).
SRM 79 with eight plain leaves in the first and four 69 Villa suburbana: Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1971, sl. 48; Ertel 2005,
larger leaves in the second ring. The capitals show two Abb. 3. Imperial Palace: Jeremi} 1995, Fig. 8.
size groups. One is composed of SRM 79, 80 and 81, 70 Jeremi} 2009, 488, Fig. 18.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

The fragment of SRM 524 is even more stylized than corners of the abacus and the smaller four leaves stand
the capitals discussed above, since the corner volutes are in front of them, one on each side of the abacus. The
represented by an incised line on the abacus. The fragment latter are not contiguous. The leaves are decorated with
shows the tip of the abacus and tip of a leaf, which is horizontal lines along their lengths. The upper rim of the
plain. However, it is not to exclude the possibility that kalathos underneath the lip is decorated with a sort of a
the capitals otherwise had carved leaves, but not on the dentil, though enclosed both above and beneath. The
sides hidden from view. As opposed to the capitals abacus is a moulded square slab. Its original location is
mentioned above, the marble it is made of did not come not known.
from the Eastern Alps (Figs. 1,2).
The Museum of Srem also keeps a Corinthianizing
capital with plain leaves, uncovered at the basilica of St. COMPOSITE CAPITALS
Sinerotes. It is a marble capital with four large independent
leaves of the leaf range, between which corner volutes The Sirmium stone material revealed two capitals
rise without indicated caulicules. The kalathos and abacus of the Composite order, both made of limestone.
are not separated. This capital shows a structure compa- The first one (SRM 585) is made of Lithotype Ib.
rable to the Corinthianizing capitals from the hippodro- Its kalathos has a single row of plain leaves, a plain fillet,
me, but even more reduced. The capital is dated to the stylized palmettes on the echinus and volutes with spirals.
middle of the 4th century,71 which is confirmed also by Its original location is unknown. Its date is roughly the
the date of an almost identical capital from a Roman Late Roman period.
villa at Magyarfalva.72 The second, fragmented Composite capital is made
A very similar structure can be found on the capital of Lithotype III and was found at Site 47 (SRM 586;
of SRM 247, made of Eastern Alpine marble. The diffe- Fig. 15). The capital did not stand independently, which is
rence is that the leaves on this capital have a midvein indicated by two roughly carved protrusions on one side.
carved. Further difference might also have been visible The kalathos has probably a single ring of contiguous
on the abacus, but that is not preserved. Nevertheless, the acanthus leaves. Their folioles are not arranged in lobes,
similarities between these two capitals, on the one hand, but appear in an odd-pinnate form.75 The echinus takes
and the similar structure to the one shown by the Corin- the form of a double row of a thick torsade, separated by
thianizing Asiatic capitals from the hippodrome, would a line. The volutes have a rosette in the centre and pairs
lead me to date this capital roughly to the mid-4th century. of corner volutes have a double row of a thick torsade,
There are further three Corinthian capitals with plain separated by a line, between them. The main compara-
leaves from Sremska Mitrovica, which are kept at the tive feature on this capital is the form of the leaves. It
Archaeological Museum in Zagreb.73 One of them (no. can be observed on a number of fragments found at
534) is a flattened normal Corinthian capital and should Sirmium, on cornice fragments,76 and other capitals
be dated roughly to the 3rd century, while the other two from sites 1a (Imperial Palace) and 47 (building at the
(nos. 533 and 541) show a reduced structure and are later, Forum). The capital dates to the Late Roman period.
probably both from the 4th century.

DISCUSSION
LEAF CAPITALS
The earliest Roman capitals known from Sirmium,
The Museum of Srem also keeps leaf capitals, which, Pannonia, are made of regional Neogene limestone.
as opposed to Corinthian capitals, are devoid of volutes. Since the town was devoid of either on-site or local
One such capital is that of SRM 245. It shows a sources of stones, the adjacent region to the south of it,
simple structure of eight plain leaves on the kalathos,
topped by a plain square abacus. The closest parallels to
this one are again to be found in Pannonia,74 which date
it roughly to the 4th century. It was made of Eastern 71 Jeremi} 1995, 143, Fig. 9.
Alpine marble. 72 Kiss 1987, 18, Taf. 30,5. Further similar capitals were found
The second leaf capital is that of SRM 582. The at Villen (Ertel 1991, Abb. 9).
kalathos consists of a single row of leaves, which appear 73 Brun{mid 1911, 6869, nos. 533, 534 and 541.

in two sizes the larger four leaves rise towards the 74 Kiss 1987, 23, Taf. 40,3; Ertel 1991, 8687, Abb. 8.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 15. Composite capital (SRM 586)


Sl. 15. Kompozitni kapitel (SRM 586)

in the province of Dalmatia, provided the material, de- of new buildings. The architectural remains dated to
fined more precisely as Lithotype I. It was transported this period continue to be scarce. They do, however, in-
to town via river routes, always downstream (the Sapna clude the earliest marble capital, which formally suggests
the Drina the Sava). This was, in fact, the earliest a date into the late 2nd century. It is a Corinthian capital
stone documented to have been used at Sirmium for of the Asiatic type and inaugurates the long line of
architectural purposes and continued to be in this use at Asiatic-type capitals from Sirmium, on the one hand,
least until the mid-4th century.77 Together with the and testifies to the burgeoning production of this capital
material connection with the province of Dalmatia, the type in the centres of Asia Minor, on the other. The se-
closest parallels for these early capitals from the first half cond half of the 3rd century represents the earliest date
of the 2nd century, used in a public architecture at the when the Asiatic form appears transplanted into local
Forum, can also be found in Dalmatia, with wider paral- stones in Sirmiums wider regional or provincial frame.
lels further in the Adriatic region (Aquileia, Trieste, The second half of the 3rd century also inaugurates
Pula, Salona). The formal relations are also confirmed, for Sirmium a period of rise and of a concentrated pre-
for instance, by the stelae from Sirmium made of Litho- sence of Roman emperors, the latter necessitated by the
type I, which have closest parallels in the Domavia area wars with the tribes on the Danubian frontier. Sirmium
(modern Gradina near Srebrenica).78 The route via was known as the native city of many emperors from
Domavia along the Drina is, of course, well known for the 2nd to the 4th century; from the later half of the 2nd
another reason. Namely, the Drina valley was of great until the end of the 4th century sources indicate that em-
importance for the mineral resources, which were ex- perors stayed in Sirmium on different occasions and for
ploited, under the supervision of an imperial procurator various periods of time. Sirmium was probably the seat
(for Pannonian and Dalmatian silver mines), at least
from the time of Marcus Aurelius onwards.79
These earliest capitals in Sirmium cannot be
directly connected with the change of the status of 75 The leaves show a developed form of acanthus spinosus.
Sirmium in the Flavian period, when it became colonia However, the leaves on a capital from the museum of Savaria (Kiss
Flavia Sirmium.80 This change is believed to be brought 1987, 15, Taf. 29,3), on the other hand, show a form that nears that
about by Domitians war in the Danubian basin, where of a palmette.
76 Jeremi} 2006b, Figs. 18, 19, 28.
Sirmium served as a military base in the hinterland of
77 For the range of products from various stones documented
the frontier.
in Sirmium see Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006.
From that time onwards, Sirmium entered upon a 78 Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 105.
period of peace that lasted, except for a brief interruption 79 Wilkes 1969, 125.
under Marcus Aurelius, until the 30s of the 3rd century.81 80 Colonia Flavia Sirmium / Sirmiensium / Sirmiatium; for a
In connection with that it is difficult to say whether im- historical overview of Sirmium see Mirkovi} 1971 and 2004.
perial presence necessitated or incited the construction 81 Mirkovi} 1971, 2633.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

of the praetorian prefect of Illyricum. From the time of pushed from the Tetrarchy to the Severan period. In view
the Diocletians reform of the provincial system, Sirmium of the find context, however, this new dating hardly
became the seat of the governor of the province Pannonia seems acceptable in the case in question. Furthermore, a
Secunda, as well as the seat of some high-ranking mili- problem of the same sort can be perceived with other
tary commanders of Illyricum.82 Corinthian Asiatic capitals of the said marble from Sir-
There were at least three important buildings being mium.89 It is true that their find contexts are either com-
erected in this time, the Baths of Licinius (Imperial Baths), pletely unknown or offer only a very broad chronological
the hippodrome and the Imperial Palace. The column ca- support. Nevertheless, dating most of them to a time
pitals of the Imperial Baths are historically most famous, prior to the end of the 3rd century, the flourishing period
since they were mentioned in written sources.83 A parti- that witnessed repeated presence of Emperors at
cularly important find in connection with these is the in- Sirmium, is not an obvious choice. This would also sig-
scription on a votive altar from the Island of Bra~, which nify that the great building activity documented for the
provides evidence of a continued connection between Tetrarchy in written sources, but more importantly
Sirmium and the Dalmatian coast, which existed for ca- through architectural remains across town, was not re-
pitals from the second half of the 2nd to at least the 4th flected in capitals. Outside Sirmium, a situation very
century.84 This complex is usually identified with the much similar can be observed at Gamzigrad (Romuliana),
large baths uncovered at Site 29, though there is no direct built by Emperor Galerius.90 In view of this, a more
evidence to support this. Moreover, no capital could detailed study of the capitals of the Tetrarchy, both in the
positively be tied to the phase of this bath complex.85 Balkans as well as across the Empire, is a desideratum.
Quite a different state of capital preservation is true For the time being, however, this chronological question
of the hippodrome, to which at least 18, but possibly as must remain unanswered.
many as 25 capitals can be attributed. They are all The picture offered by the Corinthianizing Asiatic
Asiatic, whereby two are normal Corinthian and others capitals from the hippodrome is different. Although the
Corinthianizing. If the formal appearance of capitals is
heterogeneous, the provenance of stone is even more so
and reveals four different sources. One is regional, that
82 Mirkovi} 2004, 150.
is the Dardagani Quarry for limestone of Lithotype I.
83 Mirkovi} 1971, 37, note 219a.
The other three are distant: presumably Pannonia for 84 On the interpretations of the inscription from Bra~ (Brattia;
limestone of Lithotype II (b),86 Eastern Alpine marble CIL III 10107) see: Nikolajevi} 1969, 654655, note 8; Jeremi} 1995,
and light grey fine to medium-grained marble of Mediter- 141. This text is not without ambiguities. Nevertheless, the votive
ranean provenance, whereby the latter was used to make altar was found at the limestone quarry, which is believed to have
the normal capitals. There is yet another observation been exploited in roughly the same period for the construction of
Diocletians Palace at Spalato. The altar was set up by a soldier who
that points to a heterogeneous nature of the hippodrome sought to recommend himself to Hercules at the beginning of a
at Sirmium. While the Corinthianizing capitals reveal a (apparently) daunting task connected with the capitals for the Baths
general form that is spread across the Balkans, the nor- of Licinius at Sirmium. This points to the material for the said baths
mal Asiatic capitals belong to the type that was spread really coming from Bra~. In connection with the inscription, I would
like to thank Milan Lovenjak (Faculty of Arts, University of Ljub-
across the empire.87 Concerning the possibility of a
ljana), who helped me with the reading of the text and also drew
single team producing both types of capitals, I am of the attention to the absence of the letter M in the terminal votive formula,
opinion that it is not possible. The form, structural irre- which could indicate that the task had been begun (cum insisterem),
gularities, visible chisel finish and material of the but not finished.
85 The Bra~ limestone was not identified among the stone ma-
Corinthian capitals are those observed on the same type
terial from Sirmium.
capitals across the empire. On all of these points, the 86 Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107, 122.
Corinthianizing capitals differ. I would much sooner 87 See Pensabene 1986; Ward-Perkins 1992.
believe that the Corinthian Asiatic capitals either came 88 In connection with the latter possibility the case of Diocle-
to Sirmium as finished products or that masters tians Palace at Split should be mentioned, where Mateti}-Poljak
travelled with the material to the location of use.88 states for the Corinthian Asiatic capitals of imported marble used in
As mentioned above, the hippodromes Corinthian the mausoleum that on relve un ou deux chapiteaux de la meilleure
qualit et les autres de qualit moyenne. Les premiers ont, vraisembla-
Asiatic capitals of light grey fine to medium-grained blement, servi de modle pour toute la srie qui a t fabriqu sur
marble, in literature generally believed to be Proconne- place dans des blocs de marbre imports (2009, 230).
sian, raise chronological questions. They have numerous 89 SRM 69, 280, 283, 337, 526+527+528.

parallels across the Empire, the dating of which has been 90 ^anak-Medi} 1978; Srejovi} 1993.

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general form is present across a broader area, the parti- made of Lithotype II, the origin of which is also to be
cular structure and shape of the Corinthianizing Asiatic sought in Pannonia. The absence of Lithotypes I and III
capitals from Sirmiums hippodrome has parallels in among these capitals might also prove telling in this
the wider lower Danubian region (provinces of Moesia respect and place the production in question completely
Superior, Macedonia Secunda, Dardania / Dacia Medi- outside Sirmium or its vicinity.
terranea, Dacia). The rendering of the leaves, however, The abundance of capitals from the late 3rd and the
is particular even within this Danubian group. A further th
4 century mirrors the generally prosperous period of
important aspect of the Corinthianizing capitals is their the town. It also reflects the intra and interprovincial
material. The three different materials, coupled with the connections of Sirmium during this period, where it
specific rendering of the leaves, point to a workshop that stood within several formal circles, which were either
was set up at Sirmium at least during the construction of overlapping or separate. There is the group of plain-
the hippodrome. The capital of SRM 583 from the leaved capitals, which leans towards Pannonia to the
Imperial Palace indicates that the masters of this work- north as its main concentration. The group of Corinthi-
shop were not limited to working for the hippodrome, anizing capitals extends across areas to the east and south
while the capital with comparable leaves from Mursa of Sirmium, in other provinces, whereby the capitals
even indicates that they were not limited to working for from Sirmium show a unique characteristic. It is the
Sirmium alone. The existence of a workshop at Sirmium Corinthian capitals of the Asiatic type and Mediterranean
is corroborated by a semi-product of a capital now kept stone that show by far the widest distribution and pro-
at the Museum of Srem. The hippodrome workshop vide material evidence, on a state level, of the importance
used various stones of regional or distant sources. In view that Sirmium gained through the presence of Emperors
of the fact that this particular type of Corinthianizing and the status of one of the capitals of the Empire, since
capital is not known in either Pannonia other than Sir- they point to a production that enveloped large parts of
mium and in Noricum (presumed origins of limestone the Roman state. Sirmium witnessed a continual use of
Lithotype II and of the Pohorje and Gummern marbles) the Asiatic capital type of Mediterranean marble, which
or in north-eastern Dalmatia (origin of limestone Litho- appears to have ceased somewhere in the middle of the
type I), I presume that all these materials came to Sirmi- 4th century. The capitals from Sites 47 and 1a, on the
um either in blocks or in a rough state of semi-finish and other hand, point to a late building activity that turned
were worked to their final shape in the workshop at to regional sources of stone, most notably to Lithotype
Sirmium. The three materials, however, illustrate well III. For these, formal analysis does not provide reliable
the trading routes for stone within which Sirmium was evidence of their date to either the end of the 4th or even
set. It also shows that the trading routes do not match the 5th and 6th centuries.93 An answer to this question
the areas of formal parallels. might be provided by the study of the specific strati-
The plain-leaved capitals from the Imperial Palace graphic positions of these capitals. In that sense, the
as well as Site 4 were made of Eastern Alpine marble. integral treatise on the architecture of Sirmium that is
This is the earliest marble so far documented at Sirmium, being prepared by Miroslav Jeremi} is a publication
which was coming to Sirmium in various forms (fune- that is eagerly expected.
rary altars, stelae, sarcophagi and others) since the end
of the 1st century by way of the Danube. This route corre- Acknowledgements
sponds well to the formal analysis, since the nearest and We would first like to thank Bojan Djuri}, who
most suitable parallels for these capitals can be found included us into the project and thus opened up the path
northwards in the province of Pannonia. The plain-leaved that led to Sirmiums capitals. Sincere thanks go also to
capitals of Sirmium go to confirm the observation made Jasmina Davidovi} from the Museum of Srem, who
by Ertel on a specific Pannonian production in the 3rd tirelessly helped in gathering data on the capitals. Spe-
and 4th centuries.91 The production of the above-menti- cial thanks go also to Slobodan Maksi} for his photo-
oned altars, stelae and sarcophagi of Eastern Alpine graphic contribution.
marble is supposed to be near the quarries in western
Pannonia Superior and southern Noricum.92 As far as the
location of production is concerned, the plain-leaved
capitals do not show the same picture, since they point 91 Ertel 1991, 107.
to a production somewhere in Pannonia. This is con- 92 Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 115117.
firmed by the two limestone plain-leaved capitals, both 93 Popovi} 1971, 130; Jeremi} 2006a, 43.

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CATALOGUE SRM 64 (LT Ib)


Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 43.545; W.a. 47;
Diag.a. 80; lower 34/38.5. First quarter of the 4th c.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: MS.
Diag.a diagonal width of the abacus; References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62; Niko-
F original location; lajevi} 1969, 658659; Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1976, 170;
H height; Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel 2005, 314315;
H.l height of leaf range; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109,129.
K current location;
MS Museum of Srem; SRM 65 (light grey fine-grained marble)
SM Sremska Mitrovica; Normal Asiatic Corinthian capital. Kalathos with two
W.a width; rings of contiguous acanthus spinosus leaves, eight in each
diameter. ring. Caulicules shaped as triangular knobs, out of which
grow bipartite calyces with flat corner volutes and helices.
SRM 45 (LT Ic) Stemless central motifs vary in form. Moulded abacus. H.
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 49.550.5; W.a. 46; 51; W.a. 4849; lower 38. First quarter of the 4th c.
Diag.a. 74; lower 33.5/37. First quarter of the 4th c. F: SM, the hippodrome, north range of the stand (?).
F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: MS. K: MS.
References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62; Niko- References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 656657; Jeremi} 1995,
lajevi} 1969, 658659; Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1976, 170; 142; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 125.
Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel 2005, 314, Fig. 5;
Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109, 127. SRM 67 (LT Ia)
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. Resting surface broken off.
SRM 46 (LT Ib) H. 38; W.a. 4445; Diag.a. 7778. First quarter of the 4th c.
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 41.5; W.a. 44; Diag.a. F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: MS.
78.5; lower 34/38. First quarter of the 4th c. References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62; Niko-
F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: MS. lajevi} 1969, 658659; Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1976, 170;
References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62; Niko- Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel 2005, 314315;
lajevi} 1969, 658659; Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1976, 170; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109,129.
Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel 2005, 314315;
Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109, 127. SRM 68 (LT Ia)
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 50.5; W.a. 46; Diag.a.
SRM 47 (LT Ic) 75; lower 39. First quarter of the 4th c.
Normal Corinthian capital. H. 62; H.l. 34; lower 54. F: SM, southern city wall, Trench 150 A, extension.
Trajanic. K: MS.
F: SM, Site 29, probably from the hypothetical Forum. References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62; Niko-
K: MS. lajevi} 1969, 658659; Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1976, 170;
References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 655; Jeremi} 1995, 142; Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel 2005, 314315;
Jeremi} 2002b, 21, sl. 3; Ertel 2005, 311; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109,129.
Maver, Mller 2006, 107,127.
SRM 69 (light grey fine-grained marble)
SRM 48 (LT Ic) Asiatic Corinthian capital. Kalathos with two rings of
Normal Corinthian capital. H. 46.5; W.a. 61. Trajanic. free acanthus spinosus leaves (probably eight in each ring).
F: SM, Site 29, probably from the hypothetical Forum. Caulicules shaped as triangular knobs, second-ring leaves
K: MS. grow from triangular stems. Upper third of the capital broken
References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 655; Jeremi} 1995, 142; off. H. 50; H.l. 35; lower 4244. First half of the 3rd c.
Jeremi} 2002b, 21, sl. 3; Ertel 2005, 311; Djuri}, Davidovi}, F: SM, Site 4. K: MS.
Maver, Mller 2006, 107,128. References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006,
117,125, Fig. 12.
SRM 60 (LT Ib)
Normal Corinthian capital. H. 63; H.l. 35; W.a. 59; SRM 71 (LT Ib)
lower 53. Trajanic. Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 41; lower 34/38.
F: SM, Site 29, probably from the hypothetical Forum. First quarter of the 4th c.
K: MS. F: SM, waterworks in Janka ]melika Street. K: MS.
References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 655, fig. 1; Jeremi} 1995, References: Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel
142, Fig. 2; Jeremi} 2002b, 21, sl. 3; Ertel 2005, 311; Djuri}, 2005, 314315; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006,
Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107, 128. 107109, 129.

138
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

SRM 72 (LT Ib) F: SM, Site 4 (?). K: MS.


Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. Kalathos with four in- References: Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1969; Jeremi} 1995,
dependent acanthus leaves. Lower folioles of the lower lobes 143; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 114115, 125.
are connected with a bead. Pair of slightly convex corner
volutes grows between the leaves on each side. Corner volu- SRM 83 + 523 (Pohorje)
tes separated by a vertical cordon. Stemless semicircularly Corinthian capital with plain leaves. Kalathos with two
shaped central motif. Moulded abacus. H. 33; W.a. 34; lower rings of plain leaves, eight per ring. Leaves of the upper ring
31.533. 4th c. separated from the plain abacus by flattened and stylized
F: unknown. K: MS. corner volutes and helices. H. 32; W.a. 34; Diag.a. 58.5;
References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 659660, fig. 6; Djuri}, lower 28. First half of the 4th (Imperial Palace) or mid-4th c
Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 109,129. (Site 4).
F: SM, Imperial Palace / Site 4. K: MS.
SRM 73 (LT IIb) References: Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1969; Parovi}-Pe{ikan
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. Standing surface broken 1971, 42, sl. 48; Jeremi} 1995, 143, Fig. 8; Ertel 2005, 312,
off. H. 17 (estimated total H. 21); W.a. 2223; Diag.a. 41. Abb. 3; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 114115, 125.
First quarter of the 4th c.
F: SM. K: MS. SRM 107 (yellowish fine-grained marble)
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, Ionic capital, fragment of the volute with pulvinus, de-
107109, 129. corated with pointed water leaves, and part of the echinus,
where only the angle palmette is visible. Bedding surface
SRM 79 (Pohorje) preserved. H. 10; inner 2526.
Corinthian capital with plain leaves. Kalathos with a F: SM. K: MS.
single ring of eight plain independent leaves with cleft apices. References: unpublished.
Above them calyces, also with cleft apices, and stylized corner
volutes. Central motif is a plain semicircle. Kalathos runs SRM 108 (yellowish fine-grained marble)
without interruption into the plain abacus. H. 31; H.l. 11; Ionic capital, fragment of the central part of the pul-
W.a. 3034; Diag.a. 54.5; lower 27. Mid-4th c. vinus, decorated with pointed water leaves, with the body of
F: SM, Site 4. K: MS (field no. 553/68). the capital between the standing and bedding surfaces. H. 12;
References: Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1969; Jeremi} 1995, H standing-bedding surface 9; inner 2225.
143; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 114115, 125. F: SM, Site 35. K: MS.
References: unpublished.
SRM 80 (Pohorje)
Corinthian capital with plain leaves. Lower part not pre- SRM 109 (light grey fine to medium-grained marble)
served. Upper part has a ring of contiguous plain leaves with Corinthian capital, fragment of the (concave) corner
cleft apices that are separated from the plain abacus by fully volutes and part of the calyx. H. 20; W. 26.
flattened corner volutes, central leaves touch the central motif F: SM, Site 47. K: MS, no inv. no. (field no. 88/47).
directly. H. 18; W.a. 33; Diag.a. 58. Mid-4th c. References: unpublished.
F: SM, Site 4. K: MS (field no. 236/62).
References: Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1969; Jeremi} 1995, SRM 110 (yellowish fine-grained marble)
143; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 114115, 125. Ionic capital, fragment of the echinus, decorated with a
single egg-and-dart and angle palmettes. Body of the capital
SRM 81 (Pohorje) between the standing and bedding surfaces preserved. H. 9;
Corinthian capital with plain leaves. Kalathos with two inner 21.
rings of contiguous plain leaves with cleft apices, eight leaves F: SM, Site 35. K: MS.
per ring. Upper ring of plain leaves separated from the plain References: unpublished.
abacus by fully flattened corner volutes, central leaves touch
the central motif directly. H. 35; W.a. 35; Diag.a. 61; lower SRM 114 (Pohorje / Gummern)
26.5. Mid-4th c. Corinthian capital, fragment of outer volutes with the
F: SM, Site 4. K: MS (field no. 273/62). abacus. H. 19; W. 22.
References: Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1969, 267, sl. 1g; F: SM, Site 47. K: MS (field no. 50/47).
Parovi}-Pe{ikan 1971, 42, sl. 47; Jeremi} 1995, 143, Fig. 6; References: unpublished.
Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 114115, 125.
SRM 191 (white fine-grained marble)
SRM 82 (Pohorje / Gummern) Ionic capital, fragment. Volute with a plain pulvinus. H.
Corinthian capital with plain leaves. Lower half preser- 14; W. 20.
ved. Single ring of eight contiguous plain leaves. H. 28; H.l. F: SM, Site 31. K: MS.
19; lower 35. Mid-4th c. References: unpublished.

139
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

SRM 207 (LT Ic) SRM 274 (LT Ib)


Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of an acanthus spi- Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 40. First quarter of
nosus leaf. H. 10. the 4th c.
F: SM, Site 47. K: MS (field no. 28/47). F: SM, the hippodrome ?. K: MS.
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006,
110, 131. 107109, 132.

SRM 212 (LT Ic) SRM 280 (light grey fine to medium-grained marble)
Corinthian capital, fragment. Tip of the abacus with the Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of the leaf range.
tips of the volutes and calyx. Corner volutes separated by a First ring of acanthus spinosus leaves. Beginning of a leaf of
twisted cordon. H. 17; W. 23. the second ring is visible. H. 44; W. 40.
F: unknown. K: MS. F: SM. K: MS.
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, References: unpublished.
110, 131.
SRM 283 (light grey medium-grained marble)
SRM 213 (LT III) Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of the leaf
Corinthian capital, fragment. Tips of the volutes and range. Part of a ring of leaves with triangular knobs of
calyx. H. 12.5; W. 13.5. caulicules between them, out of which grow calyces. H.
F: SM, Site 47. K: MS. 44; W. 51.
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, F: SM, Site 29. K: MS.
110, 131. References: unpublished.

SRM 216 (LT Ic) SRM 285 (light grey fine-grained marble) (Figs. 7, 8)
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital, fragment of the upper Normal Asiatic Corinthian capital. Resting surface
part of the kalathos and the abacus with stemmed central broken off. Kalathos with a single ring of contiguous
motif. H. 18. acanthus spinosus leaves. Caulicules shaped as knobs and
F: SM, southern city wall. K: MS. bear calyces, out of which grow plain volutes and helices.
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, Palmettes grow above the tips of the acanthus leaves of the
107109, 131. leaf range. Palmettes on two contiguous sides are carved and
on the other two plain. Plain corner volutes and helices.
SRM 235 (light grey fine-grained marble) Moulded abacus. H. 35; H leaf range 20; W.a. 34; Diag.a. 55;
Ionic capital, fragment (?). Volute with pulvinus. Standing lower 25.
and bedding surfaces preserved. H. 12. L. 20, W. 14. F: SM. K: MS.
F: SM. K: MS. References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62, Fig.
References: unpublished. 18; Nikolajevi} 1969, 658, Fig. 3.

SRM 243 (Pohorje / Gummern) SRM 289 (LT Ia)


Asiatic Corinthianizing capital, fragment of the upper Asiatic Corinthianizing capital, fragment. H. 17.5; W.a.
part. Probably formed a whole with SRM 529+533. H. 19; 32; Diag.a. 49. First quarter of the 4th c.
W.a. 29; Diag.a. 45. First quarter of the 4th c. F: SM, the hippodrome ?. K: MS.
F: SM. K: MS. References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006,
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109, 132.
108, note 16, 117.
SRM 300 (LT IIa)
SRM 245 (Pohorje) Normal Asiatic Corinthian pilaster capital. H. 30; W.a.
Leaf capital with plain leaves, fragment. Kalathos with 40.
eight plain leaves, plain abacus. H. 17; W.a. 35. 4th c. F: unknown. K: MS.
F: SM. K: MS. References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006,
References: unpublished. 109, 133, Fig. 6.

SRM 247 (Pohorje / Gummern) SRM 318


Corinthianizing capital with plain leaves. Four leaves Ionic capital, fragment. Pulvini decorated with pointed
with midrib carved in two lines that widen towards the tip. water leaves. Echinus decorated with egg-and-dart and
Outer volutes grow from between the leaves. Abacus not angle palmettes. H. 13; H. standing-bedding surface 9; inner
preserved. H. 18.5; lower 14. Mid-4th c. 23.5.
F: SM. K: MS. F: SM, Site 1a. K: MS (field no. 286/60).
References: unpublished. References: Jeremi} 1995, 143.

140
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

SRM 337 (light grey fine-grained marble) SRM 493 (LT I a)


Normal Asiatic Corinthian capital. Resting surface Normal Corinthian capital. H. 63; H.l. 34; lower 48.
broken off. Kalathos with two rings of contiguous acanthus Trajanic.
spinosus leaves, eight per ring. Caulicules shaped as knobs. F: SM, Site 29, probably from the hypothetical Forum.
Bipartite calyces, out of which grow plain volutes and K: MS.
helices. Moulded abacus with central motifs. Helices on one References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 655, fig. 1; Jeremi} 1995,
side tied with a thin band, no band on the side opposite, 142, Fig. 2; Jeremi} 2002b, 21, sl. 3; Ertel 2005, 311; Djuri},
contiguous sides not preserved. H. 55; H.l. 32; lower 44. Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107; Djuri}, Davidovi},
F: SM. K: MS. Maver, Mller 2007.
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 117.
SRM 515 (LT I a)
SRM 340 (white fine-grained marble) (Fig. 4) Asiatic Corinthianizing capital, fragment. H. preserved
Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment. One ring of 40; lower ca 32. First quarter of the 4th c.
acanthus spinosus leaves preserved. H. 27; lower 36. F: SM, southern city wall (the hippodrome ?). K: MS
F: SM. K: MS. (field no. 453, JB/155).
References: unpublished. References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2007.

SRM 350 (Pohorje / Gummern) (Fig. 12) SRM 521 (white fine-grained marble)
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. Resting surface broken Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of the abacus and
off. H. 29; W.a. 41.5; Diag.a. 65; lower 30/34. First quarter tips of the calyx and corner volutes. Moulded abacus, concave
of the 4th c. corner volute. H. 27; H. abacus 10 (complete height ca 70).
F: SM, the hippodrome ?. K: MS. F: SM, Site 47. K: MS.
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, References: unpublished.
107108.
SRM 524 (white fine to medium-grained marble)
SRM 352 (Pohorje) Corinthian capital with plain leaves, fragment of the tip
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. Two perpendicular lines of the abacus and calyx. Corner volutes carved onto the
visible on the bedding surface, running from central motif to abacus, the moulding of which is indicated with a carved
central motif. H. 34; W.a. 3435; Diag.a. 6164.5; lower line. H. 10.5; H. abacus 6.
24/28. First quarter of the 4th c. F: SM. K: MS.
F: SM, the hippodrome. K: MS. References: unpublished.
References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62;
Nikolajevi} 1969, 658659, Fig. 5; Jeremi} 1995, 142, Fig. SRM 525 (light grey fine-grained marble)
5; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107108. Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of an acanthus
spinosus leaf of the leaf range. H. 12.5.
SRM 355 (light grey fine-grained marble) (Figs. 5,6) F: SM, Site 4. K: MS (field no. 244/1962).
Normal Asiatic Corinthian capital. H. 53; W.a. 52; References: unpublished.
Diag.a. 86; H.l. 33; lower 36. First quarter of the 4th c.
F: SM. K: MS. SRM 526 + 527 + 528 (light grey fine-grained marble)
References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 656657, Fig. 2; Jeremi} Asiatic Corinthian capital, three fragments of the
1995, 142, Fig. 1; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, leaf range with contiguous acanthus spinosus leaves. H. 14;
117. 45.
F: SM, southern city wall (SRM 528). K: MS.
SRM 356 (LT I b) References: unpublished.
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 45; W.a. 44; Diag.a.
79; lower 31/37. First quarter of the 4th c. SRM 529 + 533 (Pohorje / Gummern)
F: SM, the hippodrome ?. K: MS. Asiatic Corinthianizing capital, two fragments. Probably
References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62, Fig. forms a complete capital with SRM 243. H. 30.5; W.a. 29;
19; Nikolajevi} 1969, 658659; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Diag.a. 45, lower 18. First quarter of the 4th c.
Mller 2006, 107109, Fig. 5; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, F: SM. K: MS.
Mller 2007. References: unpublished.

SRM 397 (white fine-grained marble) (Fig. 3) SRM 530 (light grey medium-grained marble)
Normal Asiatic Corinthian capital. H. 43; H.l. 32; W.a. Ionic capital, fragment of the volute with pulvin, deco-
45; Diag.a. 70; lower 33. Late 2nd c. rated with pointed water leaves. H. 11; W. 16.
F: SM. K: MS. F: SM, Site 1a. K: MS.
References: Kiss 1987, Abb. 114. 5; Ertel 2005, Abb. 1. References: Jeremi} 1995, 143.

141
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

SRM 577 (LT III) prolonged angle palmettes. Moulded abacus, central motif
Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of an acanthus leaf, poorly preserved. H. 22; W.a. 20; Diag.a. 36, lower 16.
possibly the spinosus type. H. 14. F: SM. K: MS.
F: SM, Site 47. K: MS (field no. 23/47). References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 110,
References: unpublished. Fig. 8.

SRM 578 (LT III) SRM 586 (LT III) (Fig. 15)
Corinthian or Composite capital, fragment of the tip of a Composite capital, two fragments. Kalathos with a
schematically carved leaf (possibly acanthus spinosus). H. 17. double ring of contiguous acanthus spinosus leaves. Echinus
F: SM, Site 47. K: MS (field no. 78/47). composed of a double row of a thick torsade separated by a
References: unpublished. line. Volutes with a central rosette. Central motifs decorated
with a plant motif. H. preserved 27; W.a. 22; W. ledge 18.5.
SRM 579 (LT III) F: SM, Site 47. K: MS (field nos. 69/47 and 80/47).
Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of a schematically References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006,
carved leaf (possibly acanthus spinosus). H. 11. 110.
F: SM, Site 47. K: MS (field no. 30/47).
References: unpublished. SRM 587 (LT I a)
Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of moulded abacus
SRM 580 (LT I) and corner volutes. Surface poorly preserved. H. 11.
Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of a leaf. H. 9. F: SM. K: MS.
F: SM, Site 47. K: MS (field no. 37/47). References: unpublished.
References: unpublished.
SRM 588 (LT III (Ic)) (Fig. 10)
SRM 581 (LT III) Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of the leaf range.
Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of the H. preserved 9; lower 20. 4th 5th c.
moulded abacus, corner volutes and tips of the calyx, which F: SM, Site 1a. K: MS (field no. 179/60).
is an acanthus spinosus leaf. H. 13.5. References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006,
F: SM. K: MS (field no. 555). 109.
References: unpublished.
SRM 590 (LT III)
SRM 582 (LT I c (III)) Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of the calyx. H. 20.
Leaf capital. Kalathos with a single row of leaves in two F: SM, Site 59. K: MS.
sizes. The larger four leaves rise towards the corners of the References: unpublished.
abacus and the smaller independent four stand in front of them,
one on each side of the abacus. Leaves decorated with vertical SRM 591 (LT I)
lines. Dentil underneath the lip of the kalathos. Abacus is a Corinthian capital with plain leaves, two fragments. H.
moulded square slab. H. 23; W.a. 28; Diag.a. 37; lower 16. 26; lower 20. 4th c.
F: SM. K: MS. F: SM, Site 70. K: MS.
References: Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, References: Ertel 2005, 313, Abb. 4; Djuri}, Davidovi},
109110, Fig. 7. Maver, Mller 2006, 109.

SRM 583 (LT III) (Fig. 9) SRM 592 (LT I a)


Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of the leaf range. Asiatic Corinthianizing capital, fragment. H. 44.5; lower
Two rings of contiguous acanthus spinosus leaves. H. 23; 32/36. First quarter of the 4th c.
lower 22. First quarter of the 4th c. F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: MS.
F: SM, Site 1a. K: MS (field no. 36/60). References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62; Nikola-
References: unpublished. jevi} 1969, 658659; Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1976, 170;
Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98; Ertel 2005, 314; Djuri},
SRM 584 (LT II) Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, 107109.
Corinthian capital, fragment of the tip of a leaf, probably
calyx. H. 6. SRM 593 (II (b))
F: SM. K: MS. Asiatic Corinthian capital, fragment of the upper half
References: unpublished. and a small part of the leaf range. H. 23; W.a. 30. Second half
of the 3rd c.
SRM 585 (LT I b) F: SM, Site 1a. K: MS.
Composite capital with plain leaves. Kalathos with a References: Jeremi} 1995, 142, Fig. 3; Djuri}, Davidovi},
single ring of contiguous plain leaves. Echinus shows large, Maver, Mller 2006, 109.

142
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

SRM 600 (marble) SRM 604 (limestone)


Corinthian capital with plain leaves. Kalathos with a Free-style Corinthian capital of the Asiatic type, two
single ring of eight plain independent leaves with cleft api- fragments. H. 20.5; H.l. 12.5; W.a. 20; lower 14.
ces. Above them calyces, also with cleft apices, and stylized F: SM, Site 70. K: MS (no. 2124).
corner volutes. Central motif is a plain semicircle. Kalathos References: Dautova-Ru{evljan, Vujovi} 2006, 79, 110,
runs without interruption into the plain abacus. Stylized no. 166 (catalogue entry by Jeremi}).
rosettes on contiguous sides between calyces. H. 50; H.l. 19;
W.a. 39; Diag.a. 64; lower 36. 4th c. SRM 605 (limestone) (Fig. 14)
F: SM, Site 85. K: SM, on site. Corinthian capital with plain leaves. Capital was made
References: Jeremi} 2009, 488, Fig. 18. together with a plain shaft and Attic-Ionic base (total column
height at least 1.25 m). H. 24; H.l. 13.5; W.a. 22; Diag.a. 38;
SRM 601 (marble) lower 19. Second half of the 3rd 4th c.
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital, fragment of the standing F: SM. K: SM, Slobodan Baji} Baja elementary school.
surface and part of the kalathos. H. 15; lower 29/33. First References: unpublished.
quarter of the 4th c.
F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: MS. SRM 606 (limestone)
References: unpublished. Normal Corinthian capital. Abacus poorly preserved. H.
61; H.l. 30; lower 48. Trajanic.
SRM 602 (limestone) (Fig. 13) F: SM, Site 29 (?), probably from the hypothetical Forum.
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 49; W.a. 4546; Diag.a. K: SM, Stari [or, garden behind the villa of the Manigodi}
74; lower 34/37. First quarter of the 4th c. family.
F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: MS. References: Nikolajevi} 1969, 655; Jeremi} 1995, 142;
References: Nikolajevi}-Stojkovi} 1957, 62; Niko- Jeremi} 2002b, 2021.
lajevi} 1969, 658659; Popovi}, Ochsenschlager 1976,
170; Jeremi} 1995, 133; Ertel 1997, 98, Taf. 19,4; Ertel SRM 607 (limestone)
2005, 314, Fig. 5; Djuri}, Davidovi}, Maver, Mller 2006, Normal Corinthian capital. Kalathos with two rings of
107109. independent acanthus mollis leaves, eight in each ring. Plain
corner volutes and helices flattened against the kalathos,
SRM 603 (limestone) (Fig. 11) growing from organic fluted caulicules with spirally deco-
Asiatic Corinthianizing capital. H. 40.5; W.a. 44.5; rated collars. Bipartite calyces. Palmettes grow on top of the
lower 35/39. First quarter of the 4th c. apices of the second-ring leaves. Abacus poorly preserved.
F: SM, the hippodrome ? K: Banca Intesa, Kralja Petra H. 60; W.a. 70; Diag.a. 107; lower 42. First half of the 2nd c.
I, SM. F: SM, Site 47. K: SM, at Hotel Srem.
References: unpublished. References: Jeremi} 2002b, 1924, sl. 1, 2.

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

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MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

Rezime: ANDREJA MAVER


Univerzitet u Qubqani, Filozofski fakultet,Odeqewe za arheologiju, Qubqana
HARALD MILER
Univerzitet za prirodne resurse i wihovu primenu u nauci, Institut za primewenu geologiju, Be~
IGOR RI@NAR
Geolo{ke ekspertize Igor Ri`nar s.p., Qubqana

RIMSKI KAPITELI SIRMIJUMA


(SREMSKA MITROVICA, SRBIJA)

Kqu~ne re~i. Sirmijum, rimski period, rimska arhitektura, korintski kapiteli,


korintizirani kapiteli, korintski kapiteli azijatskog tipa, analiza mermera.

Bogata zbirka rimskih kapitela Sirmijuma je u pro{losti litotipa II, zatim isto~noalpski mermer i svetlosivo fi-
vi{e puta bila predmet prou~avawa stru~waka za rimsku no do sredwezrnast mermer mediteranske provenijencije,
arhitekturu grada ili stru~waka za rimske kapitele u ovoj koji je kori{}en posebno za izradu korintskih kapitela.
i susednim oblastima. Na kapitele je ponovo skrenuta pa- Jo{ jedno zapa`awe potvr|uje heterogen karakter sirmijum-
`wa kroz projekat Stone Use in Roman Towns. Resources, skog hipodroma. Ako korintizirani kapiteli pokazuju
Transport, Products and Clients. Case Study Sirmium, kojim uop{teni oblik koji je pro{iren prostorom Balkana, azi-
rukovodi dr Bojan \uri}. Ovim projektom je omogu}en si- jatski korintski kapiteli pripadaju tipu koji je prisutan
stematski pregled svih kamenih materijala prisutnih u u ~itavom carstvu. Oni su stigli do Sirmijuma ili potpu-
Sirmijumu, pa i onih od kojih su bili izra|eni kapiteli. no izra|eni ili su ih putuju}i majstori kamenoresci izra-
Najraniji kapiteli iz Sirmijuma su izra|ivani od re- dili na mestu upotrebe.
gionalnog neogenog kre~waka (litotip I). Po{to sam grad Korintski kapiteli sa Hipodroma, ra|eni od svetlo-
nema lokalnih izvora, kamen je bio vodenim putem dono- sivog finog do sredwezrnastog mermera, koji se u litera-
{en iz susedne provincije Dalmacije. Pored materijala, i turi navodi kao Prokone{ki mermer, otvaraju va`na hro-
najbli`e formalne paralele poti~u iz ove provincije, da- nolo{ka pitawa. Ovi kapiteli imaju brojne paralele po
tovane u prvu polovinu 2. veka, mada se analogije mogu na- celom carstvu, i wihovo datovawe je pomereno iz doba te-
}i i {ire na jadranskom podru~ju (Aquileia, Trieste, Pula, trarhije u period Severa. Takvu ranu dataciju, me|utim,
Salona). Ovi najraniji kapiteli ne mogu se direktno pove- mesto nalaza u slu~aju sirmijumskog Hipodroma ne podr-
zati sa promenom statusa grada u flavijskom razdobqu, ka- `ava. Nadaqe, isto va`i i za druge azijatske kapitele iz
da je postao colonia Flavia Sirmium. istog mermera u Sirmijumu. Iako je, istina, kontekst me-
Sirmijum je zatim u{ao u period mira koji je trajao, sta nalaza ili kompletno nepoznat ili pru`a samo veoma
izuzev{i kratak period pod Markom Aurelijem, do tre}e {iroku hronolo{ku podr{ku, ipak je datovawe svih wih u
decenije 3. veka. Ostaci arhitekture iz tog vremena su pri- vreme znatno pre kraja 3. veka, tj. pre perioda procvata i
li~no retki. Me|u wima je najraniji mermerni kapitel da- prisutnosti imperatora u Sirmijumu, te`e prihvatiti. To
tovan u kraj 2. veka. Re~ je o korintskom kapitelu azijat- bi zna~ilo, da se velika gra|evinska aktivnost, koja je za
skog tipa, koji otvara dugu liniju kapitela ovog tipa u grad u doba tetrarhije poznata u pisanim izvorima i osta-
Sirmijumu, potvr|uju}i i procvat produkcije toga tipa u cima arhitekture, ne pokazuje u kapitelima. Izvan Sirmi-
centrima Male Azije. Druga polovina 3. veka predstavqa juma, sli~na situacija mo`e biti konstatovana i u Gamzi-
najraniji datum kad se azijatski oblik u Sirmijumu poja- gradu (Romuliana).
vquje izra|ivan u tzv. lokalnom kamenu. Sasvim druga~iju sliku pru`aju korintizirani azi-
U doba tetrarhije u Sirmijumu su podignuta bar tri jatski kapiteli sa Hipodroma. Mada je op{ta forma ovih
va`na gra|evinska kompleksa, naime Licinijeve ili car- kapitela prisutna na {irokom podru~ju, wihova speci-
ske terme, hipodrom i carska palata. Istorijski su najvi- fi~na struktura i oblik ukazuje na paralele u {irom pro-
{e poznati kapiteli sa carskih termi, po{to se pomiwu u storu Podunavqa (provincije Moesia Superior, Macedonia
pisanim izvorima, mada se nijedan kapitel iz sada{we Secunda, Dardania/Dacia Mediterranea, Dacia). Me|utim, iz-
zbirke ne mo`e pozitivno povezati sa tim termama. rada lista sirmijumskih kapitela i u ovoj grupi se izdvaja.
Sasvim druga~iji stepen o~uvanosti pokazuju kapite- Posebno va`an je i materijal od kojeg su izra|eni, naime
li hipodroma, najmawe 18 ali mo`da ~ak i 25 kapitela se kre~wak litotipa I iz kamenoloma Dardagani, kre~wak li-
mo`e povezati sa ovim lokalitetom. Svi su azijatskog tipa, totipa II(b) iz udaqenog, za sada nepoznatog panonskog izvo-
dva korintska, a ostali korintizirani. Provenijencija ra i isto~noalpski mermer. Kamen, zajedno sa specifi~nom
kamena je heterogena i ukazuje na ~etiri razli~ita izvora. izradom lista ukazuje na radionicu, koja je bila aktivna u
Jedan je regionalni, naime kamenolom Dardagani za kre~wak Sirmijumu barem u vreme gradwe hipodroma. Tako|e jedan
litotipa I. Ostala tri su: verovatno Panonija za kre~wak kapitel sa carske palate, sa sli~nom izradom lista, ukazuje

147
MAVER, MLLER, RI@NAR, Roman Capitals from Sirmium (119148) STARINAR LIX/2009

da majstori ove radionice nisu bili ograni~eni samo na Obiqe kapitela kasnog 3. i 4. veka reflektuje procvat
hipodrom, a drugi sli~an kapitel iz Murse, da verovatno Sirmijuma. Tako|e pokazuje i intra te interprovinciajalne
nisu bili ograni~eni ni samo na Sirmijum. Majstori hi- veze grada u tom periodu. Grupa punolistnih kapitela se ve-
podromske radionice su koristili razli~it kamen regi- `e za severni deo Panonije kao mesta wihove ve}e koncentra-
onalnog ili udaqenog porekla. cije. Grupa korintiziranih kapitela se {iri na podru~ji-
Punolistni korintski kapiteli sa carske palate i ma isto~no i ju`no od Sirmijuma, premda kapiteli gradskog
Lokaliteta 4 bili su izra|eni od isto~noalpskog mermera. hipodroma pokazuju specifi~an oblik listova. Korintski
To je i najranije do sada dokumentovan mermer Sirmijuma, kapiteli azijatskog tipa i mediteranske provenijencije po-
koji je putem reke Dunav stizao u grad u razli~itim oblici- kazuju naj{iru distribuciju i pru`aju materijalni dokaz o
ma od kraja 1. veka pa nadaqe. Dunavski put odgovara for- va`noj ulozi grada na dr`avnoj nivou, koju je Sirmijum do-
malnoj analizi kapitela po{to se najbli`e i najboqe pa- bio zbog ponavqanog prisustva imperatora i statusom jednog
ralele mogu na}i u Panoniji severozapadno od Sirmijuma. od glavnih grada carstva, po{to govore o produkciji koja je
Punolistni kapiteli potrv|uju posebnu panonsku produk- obuhvatila velike delove Rimske dr`ave. Sirmijum je svedok
ciju 3. i 4. veka. Proizvodwa se nije doga|ala u Sirmijumu kontinuirane upotrebe azijatskog tipa kapitela od medite-
ili wegovoj blizini, {to sa jedne strane pokazuju dva ka- ranskog mermera, koja je izgleda okon~ana negde polovinom
pitela izra|ena od kre~waka litotipa II, ~iji izvor je, 4. veka. Kapiteli sa Lokaliteta 47 i 1a, sa druge strane, uka-
pretpostavqa se u Panoniji, a sa druge strane da za ove ka- zuju na jo{ kasniju graditeqsku aktivnost koja se okrenula
pitele uop{te nije kori{}en kre~wak litotipa I i III. regionalnom izvoru kamena, najvi{e kre~waku litotipa III.

148
MIROSLAV VUJOVI]
University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Archaeology, Belgrade

A NEWLY-DISCOVERED ROMAN ALTAR


FROM SUR^IN

UDC: 904:726.591"652"(497.11) e-mail: mvujovic@f.bg.ac.rs


930.2:003.071=12402(497.11) Received: January 27, 2009
DOI: 10.2298/STA0959149V Accepted: May 4, 2009
Original research article

Abstract. The paper publishes the recent discovery of a Roman altar built into the Church of St Petka at Sur~in,
Greater Belgrade. From the palaeographic features of the inscription and the dedicants gentile name, the altar has been dated
to the second half of the second century. Examination of the published epigraphic corpuses reveals the existence of yet another,
fragmented, altar from Sur~in, and the author draws attention to an error in its publication. The paper offers an overview of
the portable archaeological finds from Sur~in which suggest an early Roman settlement (first century) in the ager of Bassianae.

Key words. Sur~in, altar, Pannonia Inferior, Church of St Petka, Aelius Marcianus, epigraphy.

D
uring the restoration works on the Orthodox Apart from the 4.5-cm-tall first-line letters, the rest are
church of St Petka at Sur~in, Greater Belgrade, 3.5 cm in height. The inscription reads:
the removal of plaster from the wall to socle
height to prevent capillary action exposed an inscribed I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) | Ael(ivs) Mar | cianvs| pro se
Roman stone altar built into the west wall 70 cm left of e |t svis | v(otum) p(osvit) l(ibens) m(erito)
the portal (figs. 1 and 2).1 The altar is carved of yellowish
sandstone (H. 71.5 cm, W. 37 cm, D. 30 cm). Its upper The form of the altar is that of votive arae with
part is wider and decorated with an elaborately moulded plinths decorated in relief combining the ara design with
architrave (H. 14.5 cm) surmounted by an ornamental corner acroteria and voluted cushions. In that sense, the
band (H. 8.5 cm) with volutes at the corners and a central closest analogy is the altar of the veteran Iulius Ianuarius
pediment with a stylized rosette or wreath in the middle from Ruma, also dedicated to Jupiter and dated to the
and a triangular motif on either side. The topside of the second century.2
altar shows a concavity 12 cm wide and 8 cm deep (fig.
4). The altar being embedded in the wall, its lateral sides
are not visible, while its 19-cm-high base is also elabo-
rately moulded. 1 I want to express my gratitude to Mr. Neboj{a \oki} who
The five-line Latin inscription is executed in capitals draw my attention to this find.
within a square inscription field 29 cm x 29 cm (Fig. 5). 2 Dautova-Ru{evljan 1983, 21 (104), T. 18/ 2.

* The article results from the project: Urbanization and Transformation of the City Centers of Civil, Military and Residential Character in the
Region of the Roman Provinces Moesia, Pannonia and Dalmatia (no. 147001) funded by Ministry of Science and Technological Development
of the Republic of Serbia.

149
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 1. Roman altar from the Church of St Petka Fig. 2. Position of the Roman altar built into the Church
at Sur~in of St Petka at Sur~in
Sl. 1. Rimski `rtvenik iz crkve Sv. Petke Sl. 2. Polo`aj rimskog `rtvenika uzidanog u crkvu
u Sur~inu Sv. Petke u Sur~inu

Some clues as to the date of the inscription are of- while palaeographic features of the inscription favour
fered by its palaeographic features as well. The carefully the second half of the second century.
chiselled letters in evenly arranged lines show empha- The Church of St Petka at Sur~in is a baroque-style
sized triangular serifs on the upright and oblique strokes. one-nave building with a semicircular apse on the east
The letter M shows the first and fourth uprights, and the end and a choir chamber with a three-storey bell-tower
oblique second and third strokes meeting at the base- on the west (Fig. 6). It was built on an earlier church site
line. The regular shape of the letter O is typical of the in 1770, which is probably when the altar was built into its
first and second centuries. The oblique lines of the letter west wall.4 The first known reference to Sur~in churches
A are symmetrical and equal in length, while the letter dates from the first half of the eighteenth century. An
E has equal crossbars of medium length. The letter S is overview of the churches in the Eparchy of Srem (Syr-
distinctive inasmuch as its curves end in triangular serifs, mia) states that until 1732 the village of Sur~in had a
which may suggest the first decades of the third century small wattle church with a roof covered with shingles.
as the date of the inscription.3 By order of the ecclesiastical authorities, it was replaced
The ligature at the beginning of the first line is in 1773 with a wooden one which lasted until 1778,
formed by joining the initial three letters of the gentile which is to say that it was still standing at the time of the
name Aelius in such a way that the crossbars added to construction of the existing church.5
the second oblique stroke of the letter A produce E
within which L is emphasized by extending the lower
crossbar. Yet, most clues as to its date come from the 3 Petrovi} 1975, 108120.
presence of the emperor Hadrians gentile name which 4 Vujovi} 1973, 327334
suggests the terminus post quem for setting up the altar, 5 Vujovi} 1973, 329.

150
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 3. Relief decoration of the


Roman altar
Sl. 3. Detaq reqefnog ukrasa
rimskog `rtvenika

It seems quite certain that the reuse of the Roman ments of architectural sculpture were usually built into
altar for the new church was not merely caused by its the church foundations and wall bases, as shown by the
being a suitable piece of building material. The use of monuments built into the church of St Luke at Kupino-
Roman stone spolia for Christian churches was not vo.6 In some cases, ancient spolia were reused with the
uncommon in Serbia. As a readily available and ready- obvious intention to take advantage of their decorative
for-use material, Roman gravestones, altars and frag- effect, as shown by the monastery church of Nimnik near
Kurja~e7 and the Trinity Church at Nova Varo{.8 Roman
gravestones from Ulpiana were built into the founda-
Fig. 4. Topside of the Roman altar tions of Gra~anica, a fourteenth-century endowment of
King Milutin of Serbia.9 It is worthy of note that Roman
Sl. 4. Detaq gorwe povr{ine rimskog `rtvenika spolia were used as supports for the altar tables in Gra-
~anicas side chapels. Thus the base of the altar table in
the northern chapel shows two fragments of Roman
monuments, one of which still bears a portion of an in-
scription. The upper slab of the altar table in the southern
chapel is supported on a cubic Roman altar mounted
upside down, as evidenced by its fragmentarily preser-
ved inscription. 10
Roman arae, stelae and fragments of sarcophagi in
church contexts can also be seen functioning as grave-
stones, as evidenced by the altar in the nearby Monastery
of Fenek.11 Their presence in a churchyard or a monastic
enclosure is sometimes an expression of reverence for

6 Brun{mid 1900, 198199.


7 Spasi} 1998, sl. 2, 3
8 Jovanovi} 2001.
9 ]ur~i} 1999, 69, sl. 39, 98.
10 ]ur~i} 1999, 5152.
11 The Roman ara reused as a gravestone in the eighteenth

century can be seen west of the chapel of St Petka in the Monastery


of Fenek; Vujovi} 1973, 367, fig. 18.

151
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

the name of Nedeljko Milo{ev, died 22 October 1732,


which is the time the old wattle church was still in place.14
The slab must have been transferred from the old church
or churchyard and built into the existing church in the
second half of the eighteenth century.15 The assumption
that the altar of Aelius Marcianus was transferred from
the original village church raises the question as to the
purpose it had had in a Christian place of worship. What
seems most plausible is that the Roman monument had
functioned as the base of the altar table (or as the altar
table itself?) and was then built into the west wall of the
newly-built church in 1770.
Considering that the altar is mentioned neither in
the detailed publication devoted to the Sur~in church16,
nor in the lists of archaeological sites compiled between
the early 1900s and the 1970s17, it probably was hidden
under plaster both at the time the interior was frescoed in
1811 and at the time of interior restorations undertaken in
0 10 20 cm the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.18
The ancient name of Sur~in is unknown, as is its
status. It seems likely that it had the rank of village (vicus)
Fig. 5. Votive inscription on the Roman altar or agricultural estate (villa rustica) which grew in the
from the Church of St Petka at Sur~in vicinity of a pre-Roman settlement, as suggested by
Sl. 5. Votivni natpis sa rimskog `rtvenika comparatively plentiful La Tne finds.19 The modern
iz crkve Sv. Petke u Sur~inu village of Sur~in is situated in south-eastern Srem, 20 km
west of Belgrade (Map 1). In Roman times Sur~in would
have been located between the main road Taurunum
BassianaeSirmium and the river Sava in the south, in
an earlier place of worship or burial, of sacral conti- the administrative area of Bassianae. Modern Sur~in is
nuity, as shown, for example, by a Greek inscription in about 32 km southeast of Bassianae, whose area was
the churchyard of the Monastery of Tresija on Mt bounded by the Sava and Danube rivers on the south
Kosmaj.12
As for the Sur~in altar, it seems that the original
intention was to make it accessible to the eye of the
12
beholder, which is suggested by the fact that it was built IMS I, 150, 150.
13 It seems significant to mention a similar case of reuse.
into the wall at the church floor level with its front
Brun{mids notes about the archaeological finds from Kupinovo
facing outward and so that the inscription was placed in
refer to the church of St Luke and the gravestone of a decurio of
the right position rather than annulled by rechiselling or Bassianae built into the niche where the fire for censers burns;
inverting. This is additionally corroborated by the see Brun{mid 1900, 198.
presence of a semicircular recess (H. 83 cm, W. 66 cm, 14 Vujovi} 1973, 334, sl. 12.
15 The canonical visitation reports that refer to the construction
D. 30 cm) in the wall immediately above the altar. The
topside of the altar with a circular cavity functions as its of the wooden church in the 1730s directly confirm the common pra-
ctice of transferring church furnishings from an older to a newly-built
base (Figs. 2 and 4). What the purpose of the recess or church, the wooden one in this case. I express my gratitude to Pro-
the altar itself in the new context might have been is not fessor Bransilav Todi} for his suggestions and information about
quite clear, but there is no doubt that the reused monument the construction and appearance of the earlier churches at Sur~in.
16 Vujovi} 1973, 327334
was handled with special care.13 It should be noted that
17 Potur~i} 1902, Brun{mid 1909, 232238; Vuli} 1930;
the Church of St Petka offers yet another example of
Gara{anin 1951, 220.
reuse, but this time of a much later monument dating 18 Vujovi} 1973, 331332.
from a period shortly before the church was built: a 19 For the prehistoric finds from Sur~in see Potur~i} 1902,
funerary slab of white stone built into the floor of the 2329; Brun{mid 1902, 71; Hoffiler 1906/7, 194200, fig. 4; Gara-
western portal, which bears an inscription containing {anin 1951, 789.

152
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

Fig. 6. Plan and cross-section of the Church of St Petka


at Sur~in (after Vujovi} 1973)
Sl. 6. Osnova i presek crkve Sv. Petke u Sur~inu
(prema: B. Vujovi} 1973.)

0 1 2 3 4 5 10 m

and east sides. Sur~in sits on a high loess ridge which by the canals Galovica and Jar~ina presumably dug as
extends east to west from the Danube at modern Zemun. early as Roman times. In Roman times the surroundings
The soil there is exceptionally fertile but waterlogged, of Sur~in were covered with dense oak groves, a relic of
especially in the lower-lying parts that stretch south of which is modern Boj~inska [uma (Boj~in Wood). They
the ridge towards the Sava floodplain. For agriculture in were gradually cleared for arable land, good-quality
that part of Srem to be successful it was necessary to timber and fuel, necessary for the growth of farming
undertake extensive land drainage works, as evidenced estates, crafts and trade.

153
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

Map 1. The Bassianae area


and the location of modern-day Sur~in
(after Du{ani} 1967)
Karta 1. Teritorija Basijana
i polo`aj dana{weg Sur~ina
(prema: Du{ani} 1967)

The portable archaeological finds of a Roman date craftsman has been dated to a period between the last
from Sur~in are mostly known from the reports that A. decade BCE and the middle of the first decade CE.23 To
Potur~i} and other local trustees sent to the then respon- the same period belongs the fragmented casserole handle
sible museum in Zagreb, and from the texts of J. Brun{mid showing the relief of a flying Eros influenced by Ale-
and V. Hoffiler who published some artefacts acciden- xandrian bronze work.24 Sur~in has also yielded a bronze
tally discovered when ploughing fields.20 Despite the fact casserole with a circular opening on the flattened handle
that the Sur~in area has not been the subject of systematic and the mark of P. Ansius Epaphroditus, a Capuan mas-
archaeological survey and that no architectural remains ter of the second half of the first century.25 In addition
of a Roman settlement have been registered, some finds to the abovementioned bronze vessels, discovered on an
corroborate the assumption that there may have been an
estate with an agriculture-based economy, such as a frag-
mented sandstone upper millstone, fragmented storage
20 Potur~i} 1902; Brun{mid 1902; Brun{mid 19101911;
jars, a lead-filled bronze steelyard weight.21 A few finds
Hoffiler 19031904; Hoffiler 19061907, 198200.
of bronze vessels manufactured in Roman toreutic work- 21 Potur~i} 1902, 235; Brun{mid 19101911, 107, sl. 704.
shops have been dated to as early as the turn of the Com- 22 Potur~i} 1902, 234; Brun{mid 19101911, 107, br. 704.
mon Era. From the north-Italian bronze workshops comes 23 Petrovszky 1993, 160, N. 15.1, Taf. 41.
the fragmented handle of a bronze casserole stamped with 24 Hoffiler 19031904, 112.
the mark of Norbanus and decorated with an ornament in 25 Hoffiler 19031904, 99, sl. 33, Hoffiler 19061907,

the form of a swans head.22 The output of this Aquileian 199200, sl. 4.

154
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

Early Imperial necropolis, an early Romanization of the bearing the inscription: |Cornvt(vs) |V(otum) s(olvit)
area is indicated by isolated coin finds, to mention but l(ibens) m(erito) was first recorded by Josip Brun{mid.28
the large bronzes of the empress Agrippina, one bronze It was discovered in 1909 in front of the house of a
and two silver coins of Hadrian, and silver coins of the Cveja Milju{ of Sur~in and transferred to the Archae-
empress Sabina.26 ological Museum in Zagreb. The inscription has since
An exception in the archaeologically unexplored sur- been published several times, but with an error in cita-
roundings of Sur~in is the site of Kaludjerske livade tion to which we would like to draw attention.29
(Monks Meadows) situated on the edge of a marsh with- The altar from the Church of St Petka at Sur~in in-
in the village boundaries of Jakovo and Sur~in, where a dicates an intensified Romanization of the local popula-
Roman settlement has been partly explored. The earliest tion, which had begun in the early second century, a
evidence of occupation such as semi-sunken dwellings time when Bassianae was granted the rank of municipium
with kilns and a pottery production based on La Tne confirmed by the emperor Hadrian.30 As the dedicatory
traditions suggest that the Roman agricultural estate grew inscription contains no reference to the dedicants occu-
on the site of an earlier native settlement. The agricul- pation or status, whether he was a military or a civilian
tural iron tools discovered inside Roman-period struc- remains unknown. Since his name contains no pre-
tures suggest the agricultural character of the Roman Roman onomastic traces, Aelius Marcianus was likely
settlement, while the coin finds indicate its continuity one of the second-generation natives who probably
from the first to the fourth century.27 inherited Roman citizenship, which suggests the middle
The Sur~in area has yielded few Roman epigraphic or second half of the second century as the most likely
monuments. A fragmented altar (40 cm x 56 cm x 42 cm) date of the altar.

26 Potur~i} 1902, 232, 234.


27 Petrovi} 1996, 1332; Crnobrwa 1996, 3336.
28 Brun{mid 1910/11, 336, sl.744.
29 After Brun{mid, the inscription was published in CIL III

under no. 15137, and then again by A. [a{el and J. [a{el (1986, no.
3005), but without any reference to CIL III; moreover, their erroneous
assignment of the CIL number (15137) to an altogether different
inscription, discovered in Zemun (IlJug. 3003), is a potential source
of confusion.
30 Du{ani} 1967, 6781; Milin 2004, 255.

155
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Brun{mid 1900 J. Brun{mid, Arheolo{ke bilje- Petrovsky 1993 R. Petrovsky, Studien zu rmi-
{ke u Dalmaciji i Panoniji, VHAD IX, 1900, 181201. schen Bronzegefssen mit Meisterstempeln, Klner
Brun{mid 1902 J. Brun{mid, Prethistorijski pred- Studien zur Arhologie der Rmischen Provinzen 1,
meti iz srijemske `upanije, VHAD VI, 1902, 6886. Buch am Erlbach 1993.
Brun{mid 19101911 J. Brun{mid, Kameni spo- Potur~i} 1902 A. Potur~i}, Izve{taji muzejskih
menici Hrvatskoga narodnog muzeja u Zagrebu, VHAD poverenika i prijatelja, Sur~in, VHAD n.s. VI, Zagreb
XI, Zagreb 19101911, 37106. 1902, 232238.
Vujovi} 1973 B. Vujovi}, Crkveni spomenici Ru{evljan 1983 D. Ru{evljan, Rimska kamena
na podru~ju grada Beograda, Saop{tewa Zavoda za plastika u jugoslovenskom delu provincije Donje Pano-
za{titu spomenika kulture grada Beograda 13, Beo- nije, Novi Sad 1983.
grad 1973. Spasi} 1998 D. Spasi}, Svetiwa manastira
Gara{anin 1951 M. Gara{anin, D. Gara{anin, Nimnika od legende do mita, Glasnik SAD 14,
Arheolo{ka nalazi{ta u Srbiji, Beograd 1951. 1998, 315325.
Du{ani} 1967 S. Du{ani}, Bassianae and its Ter- Hoffiler 19031904 V. Hoffiler, Antikne bronsa-
ritory, Archaeologica Iugoslavica 8, 1967, 6781. ne posude iz Hrvatske i Slavonije u Narodnom muzeju
Jovanovi} 2001 V. S. Jovanovi}, Rimski nad- u Zagrebu, VHAD VII, 19031904, 98123.
grobni spomenici u Novoj Varo{i, VESTIGATIO Hoffiler 1906 V. Hoffiler, O nekim rimskim stari-
VETVSTATIS, Aleksandrini Cermanovi}-Kuzmanovi} nama, nabavljenim za muzej godine 1906, VHAD IX,
od prijateqa, saradnika i u~enika, Beograd 2001, 19061907, 194200.
221234. Crnobrwa 1996 N. Crnobrwa, Rimski novac
Milin 2004 M. Milin, Bassianae, Situla 42, 2004, sa lokaliteta Kalu|erske livade u Sur~inu, Go-
253268. di{wak grada Beograda XLIII, 1996, 3336.
Petrovi} 1996 B. Petrovi}, Rimski metalni ]ur~i} 1999 S. ]ur~i}, Gra~anica, istorija
nalazi sa lokaliteta Kalu|erske livade u Sur- i arhitektura, Beograd 1999.
~inu, Godi{wak grada Beograda XLIII, 1996, 1332. [a{el 1986 A. [a{el, J. [a{el, Inscriptiones Latinae,
Petrovi} 1975 P. Petrovi}, Paleografija Situla 25, 1986.
rimskih natpisa u Gorwoj Meziji, Beograd 1975.

156
Miroslav VUJOVI], A newely-discovered Roman Altar from Sur~in (149157) STARINAR LIX/2009

Rezime: MIROSLAV VUJOVI]


Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Odeqewe za arheologiju, Beograd

NOVI RIMSKI @RTVENIK IZ SUR^INA

Kqu~ne re~i. Sur~in, `rtvenik, Pannonia Inferior, crkva Sv. Petke, epigrafika.

Tokom radova na restauraciji pravoslavnog hrama Sv. Pet- se da je rimski `rtvenik nije iskori{}en samo kao pogo-
ke u Sur~inu otkriven je rimski `rtvenik sa natpisom (sl. dan gra|evinski materijal ve} da je imao posebnu namenu.
1, 2) ra|en od `u}kastog kre~waka (dimenzije: 71,5 x 37 x 30 Ugra|en je sa lica i u nivou poda crkve tako da nije negi-
cm). U gorwem delu `rtvenik je pro{iren i ukra{en vi{e- ran preklesivawem ili obrtawem, ve} postavqen pravilno
struko profilisanim arhitravom iznad koga se nalazi sa o~iglednom namerom da bude vidqiv. Ovo dodatno pot-
ukrasna traka na uglovima dekorisana volutama (sl. 3). Na krepquje postojawe polukru`ne ni{e ostavqene u zidu ne-
gorwoj povr{ini vidqivo je udubqewe {irine 12 cm i du- posredno iznad `rtvenika (sl. 2, 4). Najizvesnijom se ~ini
bine 8 cm (sl. 4). Bo~ne strane `rtvenika ugra|ene su u ma- mogu}nost da je rimski spomenik sekundarno bio iskori{-
su zida tako da nije izvesno da li na wima ima reqefnih }en u prvobitnoj crkvi od pletera kao baza ~asne trpeze ko-
predstava. Baza `rtvenika, visine 19 sm, tako|e je vi{e- ja je pri izgradwi nove crkve uzidana u wen zapadni zid.
struko profilisana. Anti~ki naziv eventualnog naseqa na mestu dana{weg
Natpis je izveden latinskom kapitalom u pet redova Sur~ina nije poznat, kao ni wegov status. Ono je verovatno
(sl. 5). Visina slova u prvom redu iznosi 4.5 cm, dok su slo- imalo status sela (vicus) ili poqoprivrednog dobra (villa
va u ostalim redovima visoka 3.5 cm. Tekst glasi: rustica) koje se razvilo u blizini nekog predrimskog naseqa
o ~emu svedo~e relativno brojni nalazi iz latenske epohe.
I(ovi) O(optimo) M(aximo) | Ael(ivs) Mar | cianvs| pro se e|t svis Selo Sur~in sme{teno je u jugoisto~nom Sremu, 20 km zapad-
| v(otum) p(osuit) l(ibens) m(erito) no od Beograda (karta 1). U vrema rimske dominacije on se
nalazio izme|u rimskog puta TaurunumBassianaeSirmium
Paleografske karakteristike natpisa daju izvesne ele- i reke Save. U administrativnom pogledu ovo podru~je pri-
mente za datovawe `rtvenika. Slova su klesana u pravilno padalo je teritoriji Basijana (Bassianae) od kojih je Sur-
postavqenim redovima, precizno i sa nagla{enim trouga- ~in udaqen oko 32 km ka jugoistoku.
onom serifima na vertikalnim i kosim crtama. Slovo M Rimski epigrafski spomenici na teritoriji Sur~ina
izvedeno je sa vertikalnom prvom i ~etvrtom crtom dok se su veoma retki. Zabele`en je samo jo{ jedan fragmentovani
kosa druga i tre}a crta susti~u na dowoj liniji reda. Kod `rtvenik sa natpisom: |Cornvt(vs) |v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)
slova O uo~ava se pravilan ku`ni oblik karakteristi~an m(erito) koji prvi publikuje Josip Brun{mid a ubrzo potom
za natpise 1. i 2. veka. Kose crte slova A postavqene su si- biva zaveden i u CIL III pod brojem 15137. Isti `rtvenik
metri~no i podjednake du`ine a slovo E poseduje jednake kasnije objavquju A. i J. [a{el (IlJug, 3005.) ne navode}i,
popre~ne crte umerene du`ine. Specifi~an je oblik slova me|utim, pomen ovog spomenika u pomenutom korpusu latin-
S sa lu~nim crtama zavr{enim trougaonim serifima koji skih natpisa. Naprotiv, wegov redni broj (CIL III, 15137)
bi mogli da opredele natpis i u prve decenije 3. veka. oni }e prilo`iti uz drugi natpis iz Zemuna (IlJug, 3003),
Ligatura na po~etku drugog reda sastavqena je spaja- {to ne odgovara istini i mo`e dovesti u zabunu.
wem tri po~etna slova genitilnog imena Aelius. Izvedena @rtvenik iz crkve Sv. Petke u Sur~inu svedo~i o in-
je dodavawem horizontalnih crta na drugoj kosoj crti slova tenzivnijem procesu romanizovawa lokalnog stanovni{tva
A ~ime je dobijeno slovo E u kome je, produ`avawem dowe koji je zapo~eo u prvim decenijama 2. veka a to je i vreme
horizontale, nagla{eno i slovo L. Najvi{e indicija za kada Basijane dobijaju status municipijuma potvr|en od
datovawe daje pojava genitilnog imena cara Hadrijana ko- cara Hadrijana. Kako u natpisu posvete nije zabele`ena
ja ukazuje na terminus post quem za podizawe `rtvenika iz profesija niti status dedikanta, ne mo`emo biti sigurni
Sur~ina. Prema paleografskim odlikama teksta on bi se da li se radilo o vojniku ili civilnom licu. Budu}i da u
najpre mogao opredeliti u drugu popovinu 2. veka. wegovom imenu nema tragova prerimske onomastike, mo`e-
Crkva Sv. Petke u Sur~inu izgra|ena je u baroknom mo predpostaviti da je Elije Marcijan pripadao drugoj ge-
stilu kao jednobrodna gra|evina sa polukru`nom apsidom neraciji stanovnika autohtonog porekla koja je status
na isto~noj strani i pripratom sa horom i zvonikom na za- rimskog gra|anina dobila naslednim putem, te se i sam `r-
padu (sl. 6). Podignuta je 1770. godine na mestu starijih tvenik najpre mo`e datovati u sredinu ili drugu polovinu
crkava, a to je i vreme kada je uzidan i sam `rtvenik. ^ini 2. veka.

157
VOJIN NEDELJKOVI]
University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of the Classics

THE CASE OF ILBulg 248:


A LA RECHERCHE DES NOMS PERDUS

UDC: 930.2:003.071=12402(497.2) e-mail: vnedeljkovic@sezampro.rs


821.12402-193.6 Received: January 27, 2009
DOI: 10.2298/STA0959159N Accepted: May 4, 2009
Original research article

Abstract. The author proposes a new reading of the Roman epitaph from Ld`ane near Lovech, Bulgaria.
Much of his interpretation of this heavily fragmented text is about various possibilities and relative probabilities of restitution
of its lost parts. Beside battered phrases and trivialities the epitaph seems to relate a rather extraordinary case of death
in the marital bed, not without connexion to the myth of Atalante as told by Ovid in the Metamorphoses. The author
also suggests that the few palpable oddities of language and style may have had their motive in as many puns intended
on the (now mostly lost) personal names of the deceased and her family members.

Key words. Roman Epigraphy, Latin Verse Inscriptions, Epitaphs,


The Language of Latin Poetry.

I
n the early years of the 20th century the remains of The interior or the mausoleum was a square room
a Roman mausoleum were discovered in the (44 m) with the ceiling decorated in relief (the pattern
village of Ld`ane (Ld`ane) in northern consisted of floral/faunal motifs). Of the marble plates
Bulgaria, near the location of the ancient town of Melta, that once covered the walls one is preserved, bearing an
modern Lovech (Love~). It was1 a square-based struc-
ture (88 m) with thick walls (2 m) built of large blocks
of limestone. In the eastern wall there was a doorway 1 As described by Seure 1916, 3649.
framed with two pillars on the outside. Of the archi- 2 Discussed by Seure 1916, 3718. The upper line has been
trave, which was decorated in relief, an inscribed read as MATPONASACMARIT, with the abbreviation hesitatingly
fragment remains (ILBulg 247): ]MATPONASACMARIT[--- resolved as either sac(erdos) (Filov (see n. Error: Reference source
not found below), followed by Gerov in ILBulg) or sac(rum) (Seure
|---]TERRENO ET LAPIDE[---. This inscription makes it safe
1916, followed by Gerov in Romanity 2, 378, no. 382). Judging
to assume in spite of the uncertainties2 that the by the photograph in ILBulg, there may be another dot after the S,
mausoleum belonged to a woman called Matrona and which would permit us to read Matrona s(ibi) ac marit[o --- : for
her husband (and possibly to their family and descen- the abbreviated s(ibi) outside formulas such as sibi et suis or sibi
vivus, cf. e.g. CIL 5.3684, 3844, AE 1979.452, 1993.963; for the use
dants), the assumption being corroborated by the fact
of ac (instead of the more frequent et) in similar contexts, ILS 1289
that beneath the northern wall two pedestals were marito dulcissimo ac sibi, CIL 14.5146 sibi ac Iulio Seget[o.
found, together with headless fragments of two statues 3 On examining their facture Seure concluded that these must

a male and a female figure.3 have been ready-made generic figures with portrait heads fixed upon.

* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: Anti~ki natpisi na tlu Ilirika: kriti~ko izdavawe i interdisciplinarna istra-
`ivawa epigrafskih spomenika (br. 147003) koji finansira Ministarstvo za nauku i tehnolo{ki razvoj Republike Srbije.

159
Vojin NEDELJKOVI], The Case of ILBulg 248: A la recherche des noms perdus (159173) STARINAR LIX/2009

inscription, which may well not have been the only one. Siste, viator, iter, animum[que intende sepu]lchro,
And there was another room below, the hypogeum, in et lege quam dure sit mihi v[ita d]ata.
which stood at least three sarcophagi.4 Ipso immarcebam caro florent[e] marito,
The inscription5 from the upper room of the in (quartum decimumque) annum. Mors mihi saeva fuit.
Ld`ane mausoleum is a marble tabula ansata broken v.5 [Nam d]isceptarunt fata ne pia esse patri
into pieces but preserved up to more than a half of its nec mat[ri possem] te[ne]r(a)e, pi(a)e faemin(a)e, cast(a)e.
original size. The bigger, left-hand part consists of four Pro piet[as! inter pr]imas satiavi fata superba;
contingent fragments, with two more pieces reaching nomine v[...............................] rest(i)t[ue]bar(?).
the right-hand border and the upper-right corner of the Qui nunc quam sci[s raptam, illa sed] ab impia fata
inscriptional field. The original dimensions of the plate v.10 disceptata die, ut n[ondum coniuncta] marito
were about 30 39 3 cm. There are 15 lines of text in crudelis thalamos post mor[tem invita] reliqui,
Latin, the preserved portion amounting to more than two teque ro[go], comis dolea[s]: tibi pulch[rius illud],
thirds of the original extent. The carving is equal and the quod mea virginitas mort[al]i somn[o abolevit];
letters read well despite their being rather small (varying isque tuas cineres aurea ter[ra teget].
around 1 cm of height) and occasionally ligatured. v.15 [Ast hoc tantum vos] ego nunc moneo, (o) genitore[s]!
I am reading from the photograph given in ILBulg:6 [Quid fletis? nam fata potest quis] rumpere? Nemo.

(in the upper pits of the ansae) D || M ||


Of this text Seure admitted that no proper translation
1 siste viator iter animu[---]lchro could be given, which is why he chose to set out its
et lege quam dure sit mihi v[---]a ta ipsum meaning in rather wide terms. According to his expla-
margebam florenti caro m[---]ito in XIIII nations,11 the daughter of Matrona and husband died at
annum mors mihi saeva fuit [---]isceptarunt the age of fourteen, having been engaged to a man but
5 fata ne pia esse patri nec mat[---]TEMRE yet unmarried, or, more probably, married so shortly
pie faemine caste pro piet[---].rimas before her death that she hadnt had time to become her
satiavi fata superba nomine[---] mans woman; whence the kind of consolation she now
restt..[---]bar qui nuncquam sc[---]
ab impia fata disceptata die ut n[---]
10 marito crudelis thalamos post mor[---]
reliqui teque rog com.s dolea tibi pulc.[---] 4 As he sorted the fragments by their facture and ornament,
quod mea virginitas mort[---]i somn[---] Seure identified what he referred to as the Sarcophagus of the
isque tuas cineres aurea terr[---] Winged Genii, the Pan Sarcophagus, and the Sarcophagus of
Hercules Labours.
ego nunc moneo genitore[---]
5 Described and provisionally published by B. Filov (B.
15 .umpere nemo [?---]
Filov) in the Izvesti na Blgarskoto arheologi~esko dru-
`estvo 3 (1912), 322, with a facsimile (Fig. 252). Edited with sup-
This is the epitaph of a young female (the age of plements and a commentary by Seure 1916, 378ff., no. 150 (with
fourteen is mentioned in ll.34) whose parents were Filovs facsimile reproduced as Fig. 48); whence AE 1916.122. Re-
vised and republished by Gerov as ILBulg 248 (with a photograph).
alive at the time of her death (cf. l.14, l.5) and who was
The monument and the inscription are thought to date from the 2nd
married (cf. the mention of a husband in l.10 and or 3rd century (Seure 1916, 370; 2nd century, Gerov, Romanity 2,
probably l.3). This last observation, common enough in 378, no. 382).
an epitaph, becomes remarkable in view of the phrase 6 This is reproduced here as Fig. 1. Note, however, that on Fig.

mea virginitas occurring in l.12. While it is true that use 1 the two top-right fragments have been relocated where they belong
(which is the position they occupy on Filovs facsimile), while their
of virgo to refer to a young married woman is not entirely shaded image has been left where the original photograph has them.
strange to the language of Latin poetry,7 the actual term 7 Cf. Verg. Ecl. 6.47 and Hor. Carm. 3.11.35.
virginitas does, by all accounts, imply and mean virgi- 8 To prove this Latin verse inscriptions are as good as any

nity.8 Its present occurrence, then, will not only call for text: see Fele & al. 1988, s.vv. virginitas, virgo.
9 Cf. Bojad`iev 1983, 57: le texte est si mutil que le sens
an explanation but could also serve as a clue.
Clues, indeed, are much needed if we are to advance en demeure obscur.
10 Seure 1916, 380. Note that his bracketing does not quite
beyond isolated remarks towards a veritable reading of
follow the system that prevails today. From this point on I shall be
the epitaph. This has not been fully achieved, despite using the prefix v., vv. for lines of verse, as opposed to l., ll.
several good observations and a valuable attempt at re- for lines of text.
stitution by Seure:10 11 Seure 1916, 386.

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Fig. 1. The Ld`ane epitaph, ILBulg 248


Sl. 1. Nadgrobnik iz Laxana kod Lov~a, ILBulg 248

offers to her husband: let his grief be calm (comis),12 reopen the file and look for more insight into the form
since he will have done better without the joys of a union and meaning of the Ld`ane epitaph.
which would have left him regretting his loss (v.12).
The rest of the epitaph Seure deemed to be all pad-outs
and banalities: death was particularly cruel to the de-
ceased (v.4), who died among the first of her generation 12 In Seures opinion the locution comis dolea[s] would be an
(v.7) and did not live to fulfil the last duty to her parents error of signification, as the adjective comis stands for the adverb
comiter, this, again, being an equivalent of the more normal leniter
(vv.56); but destinys verdicts can only be recognized for
(Seure 1916, 381).
what they are (vv.1516); her young husband will also 13 Believing (as many did then and some do today; see Wolff
die one day (v.14). Fashionwise, this whole composition 2000, 589) that the ancients must have had handbooks of epitaph-
would be a cento of lines and halflines that are found writing for the use of whoever needed funerary formulas and/or
elsewhere in funerary poetry;13 these would have been verse, Seure suspected imitation of models even at v.7 satiavi fata
superba, v.11 crudeles thalamos post mortem reliqui, v.16 fata
forced into an awkward unity, inconsistencies of syntax potest quis rumpere? nemo (Seure 1916, 3835). In fact, all these
and metre bearing witness to the process.14 Seure also places not only are unparalleled in our sources but also show some
seems to assume that at least two mistakes were made remarkable features that I shall discuss later in this article.
14 E.g. in v.6 pie faemine caste Seure reckons that the actual
by the stonemason (florenti caro for caro florente in v.3;
omission of inter in v.7). dative preserves the scansion of a nominative which would have
stood in the model (pia femina casta); in v.11 reliqui he thinks that
The general picture drawn by Seure must be true the verb looks back to v.10 ut and supposes that the unexpected
it looks probable that the parents of the deceased were indicative mood comes from the model.
the same persons who owned the mausoleum, and I am 15 Cf. Ulp. Dig. 50.17.30 nuptias non concubitus sed

convinced by what Seure suspected of the girls marriage, consensus facit.


16 My impression is that, as the text goes on, his supplements
too.15 Yet when it comes to details, Seures restitution
become ever less plausible. It should be noted, though, that Seure
of the epitaph does not seem wholly acceptable,16 and, never thought it possible to arrive at anything exact in the way of
more importantly, his understanding of some of the pre- supplement for the longer lacunae that appear towards the end of
served portions was arguably wrong. I propose, then, to the text (Seure 1916, 381).

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*** aspicere, legere20 to convey the two ideas of looking at


the monument and reading the inscription; and, with
The beginning of ILBulg 248 goes along with no less quam indigne in v.2, a harsh elision on the monosyllable.
than six epitaphs from Buechelers collection:17 In face of these shortcomings the author of ILBulg 248
acted judiciously. He replaced the tu qui formula in
CLE 1083 (Capua)
v.1 with another conventional interpellation21 which
[tu] qui praeteriens spectas mortis monu[mentum
not only scanned more easily but also permitted him to
aspice quam i]ndigne sit data vita mihi:
drop the hypotaxis, put et at the beginning of v.2 and use
quattuor anno[
lege, the right word, to fill up the first dactyl. Similar
in qu]into scande[ns] deposui heic animam.
1084 (Venafrum)
considerations seem to lie behind the substitute he gave
tu qui praeteriens legis hoc mortis monumentum for quam indigne. CLE 1541 with quam misere proves
aspice quam indigne sit data vita mihi: that indeed a substitute was desired; but while quam
XV annorum quint[o] dulcissima vixsi, misere was an easy solution that flatly missed the point,
in sexto et decem ascendes deposui hanc anima. the alternative that we find in ILBulg 248, quam dure
1539 (Segusio) how cruelly, clearly preserved the sense by giving
tu qui praeteriens spectas monimentum meum, even more relief to the original idea: the adverb dure
aspice quam indigne sit data vita mea: was distinctly unpoetical,22 but it was again the right
annorum septem vixi dulcissima patri,
octavo ingredies animam deposui meam.
1540 (Rome)
tu qui stas et spectas mortem monimenti mei 17 Two of these were already pointed at by Seure 1916, 384.

aspice quam ind[i]gne sit data mihi: Another epitaph, the badly mutilated CLE 2082 from Ostia, is best
vixi annis VI, in VII escendens animam deposui meam. left aside as an instance on which this very clich was applied by
the modern editor: see Lommatzsch ad loc. (he was aware of the
1541 (Rome)
Ld`ane epitaph, too).
tu qui praeteries spectas mortis monimentum meum 18 Which was not always the case. In CLE 1540 the clich was
aspice quam misere sit data vita mihi: misconstrued instead of having been given life, the deceased
annorum VIIII vixi dulcissima parentibus meis, was now given death, and this in turn seems to be the reason why
in X ascendens anima deposui meam. in v.1 we have the words see the death of my memorial instead of
1542 (Luca) the memorial of my death the accusative mortem was needed
to support the intended prolepsis (mortem aspice quam indigne sit
tu [q]ui s[tas atque spectas] m[o]nimentum meum
data mihi). The whole confusion was maybe due to contamination
[aspice quam indign]e sit data vita m[ihi]: with another clich, the one we have e.g. in CLE 1007 praeteriens
[quinque] annos sui [ pare]ntes, quicumque legis consiste viator et vide quam indigne raptus inane
sextu[m annum insce]ndens anim[am deposui mea]m. querar.
19 One may note that in spite of the location of the plate, which

All of these are from Italy, and all stood on childrens was inside the mausoleum, the epitaph itself preserves the fiction of
a travellers passing by the grave. However, as we have no clue to
graves, the eldest being a girl of fifteen in CLE 1084;
who the author was, we cannot take it for granted that he was aware
none were married. In all cases the initial distich draws of the actual form of the monument or the exact location in which
the attention of the passer-by to the fact that the deceased his verse would be displayed.
20 With one of these, aspicere, the original intention may have
had been given life under one outrageous condition,
that of dying soon. The second distich always contains been to draw the readers attention to an image of the deceased
(look how I was given life = look at me: I was given life)
a sentence amounting to this, Having lived for n years rather than the inscription itself. Of the six Italian epitaphs cited
I died at the age of n+1, and always the child was about above, this condition is maybe met by CLE 1083 (infra cernitur
to step up to his or her next year of age (the verb used persona stans, Buecheler ad loc.).
21 For tu qui and other forms of interpellation in the epitaphs,
is scandere or one of its compounds) when death came
see Conso 1996, 299.
which event is invariably referred to as giving up the 22 In classical and classicizing Latin prose the adverb dure is
ghost (animam deponere). unfrequent and mostly confined to the notion of expressing oneself
It appears that the author of the Ld`ane epitaph not roughly or harshly (cf. e.g. Cic. Phil. 12.25, Quint. Inst. 1.5.67).
only understood this clich properly18 but also felt he The sense we are dealing with here appears in post-classical prose,
could improve on it. The instances of the model he was e.g. Sen. Ep. 82.2 male mihi esse malo quam molliter; male nunc
sic excipe quemadmodum a populo solet dici: dure, aspere, laboriose;
adopting19 were not without flaws: there was the uneasy id. Dial. 1.4.12 quid mirum si dure generosos spiritus deus temptat?
ending of the initial hexameter, mortis monumentum; numquam virtutis molle documentum est; Plin. Ep. 1.15.3 dure
the less-than-logical distribution of the verbs spectare, fecisti; Dig. 35.2.54 quod videndum ne dure constituatur. The word

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word. In the other half of v.2 we find sit mihi vita data,
as opposed to sit data vita mihi, which is in the other is virtually non-existent in poetry, Senecas own Thy. 3145 istud
epitaphs. Now anyone with a taste for the elegances of quod vocas saevum, asperum, agique dure credis et nimium impie
bearing an obvious resemblance to his prose passage cited above.
Latin verse would have felt that this new word order de- 23 Seure 1916, 382.
graded the pentameter quite perceptibly, but the author 24 For the number, Seure 1916, 383, insisted on a verbal reso-
of ILBulg 248 was reasoning along different lines: as he lution and gave in quartum decimumque annum: together with the
was making his words meet his sense as closely as subsequent mors mihi saeva fuit this would make v.4 into a hyper-
possible, he found it appropriate to move the pronoun metric pentameter. But there is no necessity to do so; it may be
mihi to a position of lesser prominence. safely assumed that the number stands ametrically.
25 The actual spelling margebam (unduly ignored by Gerov in
The first distich, then, appears to show that whoever
ILBulg) used to be invoked by Romanists discussing the etymology
wrote the Ld`ane epitaph had a conscious approach to of merg in Romanian (from Latin mergere: REW, no. 5525; cf.
the model he had chosen. The insistence on the logical Bourciez 1967, 202 c). However, its opposition to the subsequent
and the quest for the right word give the impression of florenti (see below) suggests that it does represent marcere, not
mergere. Seure had his own reasons for believing the same: to him,
someone who may have been no wizard of Latin verse
the form margebam not only had an a for e (but note that ar for er
but certainly knew what he was doing as he aimed to is in fact a common feature of Vulgar Latin) and displayed a faulty
produce a meaningful text on the stone. This is why I conjugation (intransitive active instead of the expected passive
find no reason to believe, as Seure did,23 that the author which is exactly what the Romanists had been looking for to
connect the Romanian word back to mergere: submerge > sink
of the epitaph did not have Latin as his first language.
> disappear > go away > go), but was also deprived of any
The second distich (vv.34, ll.24) is where my complement (one should have expected immergebar in mortem or
reading of ILBulg 248 begins to part from Seures. The sim.) (Seure 1916, 381 n. 1). It is difficult to say whether margebam
photograph reads ipsum, not ipso, and there seems to be for marcebam represents anything more than a casual misspelling.
no way out of taking this ipsum to look forward to Phonetically, rc > rg is not easily supported (see Vnnen 1982,
1048; B. Lfstedt 1961, 13849), and the parallels are meagre: cf.
annum in l.4. With ipsum marcebam in XIIII annum,24 DVulg 143 (3rd-century Gaul; see Pirson 1901, 66) Vergelleses, i.e.
I take it that instead of following the clich closely by Vercellensis, in an inscription which is otherwise full of errors; yet
saying I lived for thirteen years and died as I became the same word with the same feature stands in ILS 2483 (Egypt
fourteen, our epitaph has it this way: I withered all under Augustus) C. Vibius C. f. Ani(ensi tribu) Verg(ellis).
26 For mentions of fatal illness in the epitaphs, see Lattimore,
along to my fourteenth year of age. Marcebam25 sug-
153.
gests a lingering illness; it appears that the girl was 27 Do these words mean that the girl died a particularly ugly
chronically feeble.26 Note the imperfect tense, which death that made a gruesome impression on those who witnessed it?
leaves us yet exspecting until the perfect comes with the (For one such impression cf. Pass. Perp. Fel. 7.5 (a seven-year old
point: mors mihi saeva fuit, I met a ferocious death.27 boy) facie cancerata male obiit ita ut mors eius odio fuerit omnibus
hominibus.) The adjective saevus does often qualify physical suffering
The words ipsum in XIIII annum make it seem that she
(pain, e.g. Pac. trag. 267, Lucr. 5.997; disease, Luc. 9.62930, Tac.
died on her fourteenth birthday.28 The verb marcere, Ann. 2.69; thirst, Sen. Tro. 583; hunger, Luc. 4.94). But death can
which often adds the implication of inactivity or even also be saeva in itself. This is the underlying idea in Tac. Ann. 13.17
apathy to the notion of feebleness,29 stands here in tradunt crebris ante exitium diebus illusum isse pueritiae Britannici
Neronem, ut iam non praematura neque saeva mors videri queat:
obvious contrast to what comes immediately after it.
clearly no ugly death is meant here; a premature death is saeva by
Florenti was taken by Seure to be part of an ablative that fact alone and is apt to cause indignation (cf. CLE 69 pueri
absolute, caro florente marito, and the actual wording virtus indigne occidit, quoius fatum acerbum populus indigne tulit).
florenti caro marito had to be a mistake one way or In CLE 980 immatura iacent ossa relata mea: saeva parentibus
another.30 It is true that Latin verse inscriptions some- eripuit Fortuna m[eis] me nec iuenem passast ulteriora frui, the key
words are conspicuously the same as in the Tacitus passage cited
times exhibit traces of spoiled hyperbatons,31 but in this above. It is no wonder, then, that the same idea appears within the
case caution is needed. On the one hand, the avoidance scheme of the unfinished year, CLE 1058 cum mihi bis quinos
of hyperbaton, by which the original word order would annos mea fata dedissent, undecumum me non licuit perducere
have degraded into what is found on the stone, cannot annum saevos Pluto rapuit me ad infera templa. In Christian epi-
taphs the epithet saeva often accompanies the mors that is vanquished
explain the actual form florenti in place of the by Christs faith; cf. ILCV 267, 991, 1312. An interesting case is
(supposedly) original florente (care for the metre could ILCV 170 iaces casu prostrata ruinae, heu dulcis coniunx
hardly be invoked in view of the subsequent car). The clausisti subito crudeli funere vitam sed tibi non potuit mors haec
other question is one of purpose. Why should we be told tam saeva nocere: de meritis veniens nam tua vita manet: here the
actual ferocious death under the ruins is dubbed crudele funus;
specifically that, while the poor girl was ill, her husband the subsequent mors haec tam saeva is a variation of the same, but
was healthy? Is it all about mentioning the fact of their in a context where the narrative has given way to a sort of
marriage? This cannot be the only motive, since the contemplation.

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husband reappears in l.10 anyway. As we look for a lies overcome by the sleep of death. And may it [the mortalis
possible answer we may do well by reading the text as somnus] once cover your own ashes with earth of gold.
we have it. Assuming that the phrase florenti caro marito
was always there in its actual form, nothing prevents us As for the details, the impersonal construction of
from taking florenti as a dative, not ablative,32 and the dolere followed by a dative of person (doleat tibi quod
text seems to make enough sense as it stands. The dative instead of doleas quod) is well attested as something of
would be one of (dis)advantage, to be taken with marce- a colloquialism.36 For pulch[ra futura] virginitas I
bam: I withered before the eyes of my dear husband, a rely on CLE 1517 vitam brevem puellae, crescebat
vigorous man. This would still be the sort of truism we modo que futura pulcra multorumque amor. The
have wondered at; but marcebam florenti caro marito supplement mort[al]i somn[o] is almost certain in this
can also mean I withered before the eyes of my dear context (with mort[---]is omn[---] we dont seem to
husband Florens. The sentence, then, would be aimed come at anything); for the eternal sleep of death cf. CLE
at producing a double entendre, and the motive for 1997 hic tumulata silet aeterno munere somni.37 At the
mentioning the husbands vigour would have been no end of v.13 I supply somn[o sepulta est] as a stereotyped
other than to neatly communicate his name. phrase.38 The image of someones ashes being covered
The possibility of taking Florenti as the husbands
name was briefly considered by Seure: Je soupconne,
sans pouvoir en apporter la preuve33 Much of what
I have to say from this point on should be taken with the 28 This inference looks natural in view of the very prominent

same caveat, as I will be putting forward a construct position the word ipsum is given, standing at the beginning of the
largely based on my own suspicions. What is certain, distich and waiting for the rest of its phrase to come. The meaning
of ipsum here is the one that the pronoun normally has in phrases
though, is that allusions to and puns on personal names
like triennio ipso minor (Cic. Brut. 161) or decem ipsos dies (id. Fam.
are not uncommon in Latin verse inscriptions.34 In their 2.8.3); see OLD, s.v., 8c.
authors and readers eyes they were not inappropriate; 29 For examples see OLD, s.v., 3.

even to us, as far as one can judge, they are not always 30 Seure 1916, 385.

absurd or tasteless: one has only to remember the delight- 31 For a particularly clear example among many, see Hernndez

ful epitaph of T. Statilius Aper, CLE 441:35 There you Prez 2001, 12 (on CIL 2.7.478).
32 The present participle in Latin was just about the last type
lie, you kind-hearted boar (innocuus aper), stricken not
of a 3rd-declension word to be affected by the vulgar confusion
by the Virgins wrath I will argue that in the case of between e and i in the ablative: the ending e persisted as a feature
ILBulg 248 it is possible to follow this path beyond the that could set apart a genuine participle from what was to be taken
one mention of Florens maritus at v.3. This will ultima- as an adjective (or a noun) see Leumann 1977, 438, and Stotz,
tely lead me to the hypothesis that the name game was HLSMA 4, VIII 35.9. The ablative absolute may still stand,
participle or no participle, as florenti may simply be the ablative of
an important aspect of the Ld`ane epitaph as a whole. florens the adjective (cf. OLD, s.v.); but my point is that florenti
does not have to be an ablative here.
33 Seure 1916, 386 n. 1. He was also aware of the difficulty
***
with the participle ending (see Note Error: Reference source not
At present, however, let me adopt what I should call the found above).
34 See Wolff 2000, 1045, and Hernndez Prez 2001, 558.
order of probability and discuss the least difficult places
Classic examples from Latin literature are Cic. Rosc. Am. 124
first, rather than proceed line by line. The text as we (nomen aureum Chrysogoni) and Ver. 2.121 (ius verrinum); for a
have it admits the conclusion that the epitaph ended negative appreciation of the latter cf. Tac. Dial. 33.1.
with two distinct messages to the living. The first began 35 = Courtney 1995, no. 176, with a bibliography ad loc.
36 Cf. e.g. Ter. Ph. 132 tibi quia superest dolet, Brut. ap. Cic.
with teque rogo at l.11, and the other was the one which
has the words ego nunc moneo genitore[ at l.14. For ad Brut. 25.6 dolet mihi quod tu nunc stomacharis, Sen. Nat.
4b.13.3 nobis dolet quod solem emere non possumus, Pass. Perp.
vv.1214 (ll.1113) I propose the following reading with Fel. 6.5 doluit mihi casus patris mei, and on the other hand Cic. Vat.
supplements: 31 quis non doluit rei publicae casum?, Caes. Civ. 1.9.2 doluisse se
quod populi Romani beneficium sibi extorqueretur. See Khner/
v.12 Teque rog(o), com[e]s, dolea(t) tibi, pulch[ra futura] Stegmann 1976, 2.276; Krebs/Schmalz 1905, s.v. dolere. Seures
quod mea virginitas mort[al]i somn[o sepulta est], unconvincing reading dolea(s) tibi is a mark of deference to the
isque tuas cineres aurea ter[ra tegat. correct usage.
37 For similar uses of another word for sleep see Fele & al.

And I beseech you, my lifes companion, to feel sorry that 1988, s.v. sopor.
my virginity, which was about to become full of beauty, now 38 Cf. Lucr. 1.133, 5.974, Verg. Aen. 2.265, Quint. Decl. 272.13.

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with golden earth (v.14) is known from CLE 1308 = ILS found in ll. 5 and 9), but he was almost certainly wrong
8132 quisque huic tumulo possuit ardente lucernam, illius in supplying the phrase rumpere fata, which does not
cineres aurea terra tegat. According to Buecheler ad loc., have the sense he credited it with (change destiny),
ardentem lucernam adponunt parentantes (monumento but rather the opposite (cut short a mortal life).44 This
meo mensibus lucernam accendant dig. XL 4, 44):39 is why I prefer to supply fatorum legem;45 other supple-
the idea is that the goodness of whoever makes a grave ments are possible, though.46
shine with light should once be rewarded with a burial The previous line of verse (v.15) should be an hexa-
shimmering with gold.40 In ILBulg 248 the original mo- meter, the beginning of which is easily restored, vosque
tivation is disappeared, but the wish remains may the being parallel to the beginning of the first message (cf.
husband once receive a burial equal to his loyalty and v.12 teque); for the rest cf. CLE 1494 vos ego nunc moneo
grief. The term comes in the epitaphs typically refers to etc.47 This, however, is the point where the calculation
wives rather than husbands;41 consequently teque rog(o) we attempted a moment ago yealds one significant
com[e]s42 in l.12 should mean I, your lifes companion, result: if v.16 is to begin immediately after genitore[s],
beseech you, which, however, is inconsistent with the then v.15 must be an unfinished hexameter line. The
apparent need to identify the one to whom the request (te fact is that unfinished lines of verse are not uncommon
rogo) goes: we must therefore accept comes as a voca- in the inscriptions and cannot always be reduced to
tive and masculine here. This particular detail puts a errors committed by the stonemasons. Nevertheless, our
mark of inferiority on the person of the husband;43 which v.15 might be an instance of this type of error. As already
sort of inferiority, one can only guess, but we may relate observed by Seure, the carving of ILBulg 248 is such
this to the observation that the healthy young man Florens that the letters become more and more condensed as the
had married a sick daughter of wealthy parents, and that, text goes on48 but then suddenly there comes a point
notwithstanding the marriage, the girls burial took place
in her parents mausoleum.
The other message goes to the parents (genitores)
of the deceased. The lacuna in l.13 cannot hold as much 39 For lamps lit on graves cf. also ILS 8366 and 8368, and see

text as was proposed by Seure it cannot contain both Toynbee 1971, 63.
40 The parodic occurrence of cuius cineres aurea terra tegat in
the ending of v.14 and the whole first half of v.15. This
an erotic graffito from Ostia, Courtney 1995, no. 94e, suggests that
means that we have the caesura of v.15 coming between the formula was known and used rather more widely than we would
moneo and genitore[s]; and, if this is true, the next infer from the extant epitaphs.
lacuna (the one in l.14) occupies such a position that the 41 Cf. CLE 96, 110, 516, 1187; markedly so in 1432 thalami

subsequent [r]umpere nemo (l.15) cannot possibly be tumuliq(ue) comis; a surviving wife referring to herself in 2099 dulcis
vita fuit tecum, comes anxia lucem aeternam sperans hanc cupit esse
the ending of v.15. Again, these words cannot constitute
brevem.
the beginning of v.16, since there does not seem to be 42 The actual form of the word may have been com[i]s as well,
room enough for v.16 to stretch out thereafter. It is cf. CLE 439, 1409, 1432.
therefore necessary to take the words r]umpere nemo as 43 Note that even the use of comes for wife is rather uncom-

belonging to the second hemistich of v.16, to be supplied mon outside the epitaphs. Literary texts show a clear preference for
with a final word which must have stood in l.15 at roughly coniux or consors, presumably because comes was all but a blunt
statement of inferiority cf. OLD, s.v., 2: a companion, friend,
the same distance from nemo as is the one between nemo comrade (often in an inferior capacity or of humbler rank).
and the foregoing r]umpere. Now if the final hemistich 44 Cf. CLE 1156 Parcae crudeles, nimium properastis rumpere
begins with a dactylic word, then it must be the latter half fata mea, with an obvious reliance on clichs like ruperunt fila
of a pentameter, and we shall have to supply an iambic sorores or ruperunt stamina Parcae or tuos/meos mors ruperit annos,
word at the end, while the first half of the pentameter which is by far the most common use of rumpere in the epitaphs
(see Fele & al. 1988, s.v.).
must be covered by the lacuna in l.14. I propose, then, 45 Cf. CLE 386 invida .. fati lex, 432 vota supervacua fletusque
to read vv.1516 (ll.1315) as follows: .. naturae leges fatorumque arguit ordo, 1021 fati quod lege neces-
sest, 1278 fati .. lege, 1530 A fatorum lege.
v.15 Vosque] ego nunc moneo, genitore[s: 46 E.g. Parcarum legem, cf. CLE 428 and 1160; or even aeter-
fatorum legem r]umpere nemo [potest.
nam legem, cf. CLE 104.
And I remind you too, my parents: no one can break the 47 Parataxis after moneo also in CLE 627 alios mone: vita brebis

law of destiny. est and 1231 qui legitis, moneo: vivite, mors properat, as well as in
the clich vivite victuri/mortales/felices, moneo, mors omnibus instat
Seure was perhaps right in suspecting that the lacuna (485, 486, 803).
contained another mention of fata (two previous being 48 Seure 1916, 379.

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where the carver realizes that there is more than enough v.3), and the couples thalami, i.e. their attempt to con-
space for the remaining text, after which he expands the sume their marriage, proved so cruelly wrong (crudeles)
content of the last line rather widely. It may be conjectu- that it resulted in the girls death.
red that the sudden appearance of extra space was due to Restitution along these lines is suggested primarily
omission of text, the omitted segment being the original by the repeated mention of the husband (we already
ending of v.15. This must have contained text which know of him from v.3), now taking part in an event
was both omissible without crippling the sentence and which was brought about by fate55 and caused the girls
susceptible to being left out by a saut du mme au mme leaving the cruel bedroom.56 But there may be more
something like this: to it. There is the story of Atalanta and Hippomenes,
famously told by Ovid in Metamorphoses 10:57 the
v.15 Vosque] ego nunc moneo, genitore[s, vosque, parentes
couple meet their fate after Hippomenes is overcome
The word parentes would have meant not parents by an untimely desire for sex in the temple of Cybele:
but relatives (a sense not uncommon in post-classical concubitus intempestiva cupido occupat Hippomenen
and later Latin usage),49 but since parentes and genitores (Ov. Met. 10.68990). Atalanta, however, had been aware
could also be, and usually were, synonyms,50 the omis-
sion here would have been caused by both the form and
the meaning of the two words.
49 For epigraphic instances of this usage cf. e.g. ILS 1581 and
2777.
*** 50 In the epitaphs this is normally the case. In literature, geni-

tores parents is attested in Late-Republican poets, perhaps


Seures restitution of the segment going from l.9 ab replicating tokhe(j) (Lucr. 2.615; Catul. 63.59), but later disappears
impia fata to l.11 reliqui develops the theme of the from high poetry and is also unfrequent in the epitaphs, which
unconsumed marriage and at the same time provides a mostly have it along with parentes as a means of elegant variation
(cf. CLE 168, 742, 1994). (The use of genitor in the singular is
miniature account of the immediate circumstances that another matter see Krebs/Scmalz 1905, s.v., and cf. e.g. CLE 507
led to the girls death. Seures supplements, however, fall genitor tuque optima mater, 682 haec mater et genitor conscribunt
short of conviction. No matter how we understand the carmina.)
51 Seure 1916, 381 and 384. The subjunctive in diem statuere
phrase thalamos reliqui, it is difficult to conceive an action
being performed by the agent reluctantly after her quo aliquid fiat and similar turns is not of the sort which could
easily be dropped in favour of an indicative (see Hofmann &
death, post mor[tem invita. As for the clause expected Szantyr 1965, 6423, and Stotz, HLSMA 4 IX 111.30), and Seure
after disceptata die ut, with reliqui we are rather badly was right in not trying to justify ut reliqui simply as a vulgarism.
served (Seure explained this away by supposing that the 52 See above, p. 163 and n. 28.

entire v.11, although unparalleled in the epitaphs or 53 I have proposed n[imis blanda above, but n[imis grata is

elsewhere, was adopted from a model in which the verb possible too (cf. Ov. Rem. 6.738): the latter would rather put the
initiative down to the husband.
stood correctly in the indicative).51 It looks more natural 54 For the term cf. e.g. Plin. Nat. 28.46 accessu febrium, Gel.
to satisfy the ut by supplying a verb in the lacuna that 4.2.13 morbum et vitium distare quod vitium perpetuum, morbus
covers the end of l.9 and take the subsequent thalamos cum accessu decessuque sit.
reliqui as the main clause. The text could then run like this: 55 I take ab impia fata to be a neuter AccPl rather than a

feminine AblSg: cf. l.7 satiavi fata superba, and see Lfstedt
v.9 ab impia fata 193342, 1.49 and 2.374. The epigraphic occurrences of the
disceptata die ut n[imis essem blanda] marito, feminine fata (which is postulated by the Romance reflexes) are all
in the plural, e.g. ILS 3760 (dedication) Fatabus, CIL 2.89 quai
crudelis thalamos post mor[bi accessum] reliqui.
(i.e. cui) Fate concesserunt vivere anis XXXXV (on which Carnoy
On a day that wicked fate had chosen for me to be overly 1906, 227). For the accusative after ab in verse inscriptions cf. CLE
1830, 1943, 2115; for some further occurrences of abAcc in
charming to my husband, I passed away from the cruel
epigraphic texts see ILS 3, p. 865.
bedroom after an onset of disease. 56 The key word here, thalami, is notoriously used in poetry

to mean sex (marital or otherwise). In most cases this is sufficiently


It would seem that the marriage went unconsumed suggested by using bedroom in translation, although the
until the fateful day which may have been her metonymy sometimes goes a step further, e.g. Mart. 7.58.5 deseris
imbelles thalamos mollemque maritum. The sporadic appearance of
fourteenth birthday, as vv. 34 appear to suggest52 on
AccPl is in the epitaphs, as crudelis for crudeles here, is labelled
which the girl decided or agreed53 to satisfy her archaism by Marin Bigorra 1952, 52. Some prose inscriptions
husband. This effort on her part provoked an accessus have it too (see Pirson 1901, 1189, and Carnoy 1906, 219).
morbi,54 an acute aggravation of her chronic disease (cf. 57 The prose rendering of the same is Hyg. Fab. 185.

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ever since her girlhood that her marriage someday The lacuna in v.6 (l.5) and the few letters beyond it
would bring misfortune; prior to the fateful race that are perhaps best left as they stand. Seures idea was that
would make her Hippomenes wife, she tries to dissuade TEMRE meant tenerae, but such a spelling is in fact diffi-
him by delivering an impeccable piece of oratory, the cult to account for granted that the form is syncopa-
sum of which is this: ted,63 the M for n still remains unexplained. Moreover,
it would be startling to find the epithet tenera attributed
dum licet, hospes, abi, thalamosque relinque cruentos:
coniugium crudele meum est. (6201)
to the mother rather than to the dead girl herself. The
epitaphs often have tenera aetas, teneri anni, tenerum
I believe that this line of Ovid was the model for corpus, tenera membra etc., to the point that the quali-
crudeles thalamos relinquere in ILBulg 248: the author fication tener seems virtually reserved for the young
appears to have used the very words that he found in the deceased.64 Another hypothesis would be that the muti-
best-known literary version of a myth whose central lated part of l.5 contained the name of the mother: nec
motif, love-making at the wrong time, closely corres- mat[ri ---]te M(a)tr(on)e, pie faemine caste; the woman
ponded to the real case he was illustrating. From his called ta Matrona would of course be the one whose
point of view, the fact that Ovids thalamos relinquere name appears on the architrave of the mausoleum.65
now described a very different reality not the act of Still, to take MRE as a contractive abbreviation looks
shying away from a marriage but the one of dying in the much too forced, the more so as the hedera at the end of
marital bed was a legitimate and agreeable effect of the line proves there was no lack of space.66
the transference he had made.
***
***
With l.6, v.7, we come to the point where the right-hand
The central part of the epitaph begins with the old and fragments of the inscription offer just a few more
much-favoured topos of the natural order of human letters; from l.7 on only the left part remains, so that any
deaths reversed58 the girl died too early to be able to
bury her own parents:
v.5 [Sic d]isceptarunt fata, ne pia esse(m) patri 58 For the origin an diffusion of this topos, see Lier 190304,
nec mat[ri ] TEMRE pie faemine caste. 4.
59 Cf. e.g. CLE 417 sic denique fata tuler[unt], 490 sic fata
Fate decided that I should never perform the [last] duty dederunt, 1339 sic rerum natura iubet, sic temporum ordo, 2156 sic se
to my father or my mother [] a pious and virtuous woman. fata ferebant; for the cataphora, 382 sic tulerat fatus, non exsuperasse
parentes.
60 The only exception being Sil. 16.186 disceptentque armis
At the beginning of v.5 I propose [sic d]isceptarunt terrarum uter imperet orbi.
fata, ne eqs., rather than the less idiomatic nam eqs. (as 61 E.g. Cic. Ver. 5.183, Mil. 23, Fat. 46; its occurrence in Leg.
supplied by Seure).59 The main interest, however, lies in 2.21 suggests that the usage was ancient.
the occurrence of disceptare here and again later (v.10). 62 More generally, disceptare as a popularized technicality

This verb seems entirely absent from CLE: in this appears to have had some currency in Late Latin. The Vulgate offers
a number of examples of disceptare, disceptatio in contexts where
respect the verse inscriptions comply with the usage of
contendere, contentio would have been preferred in Classical Latin.
high poetry, in which neither disceptare nor disceptatio 63 As are the reflexes of tenerum in Western Romance: see
is anywhere to be found.60 What is more, ILBulg 248 e.g. REW, no. 8645.
has the unpoetic disceptare in a derived meaning which, 64 See Fele & al. 1988, s.v.

while attested in classical Latin prose, belonged to the 65 ILBulg 247; see above, p. 00.
66 One may further speculate that the both hederae in ILBulg
judiciary-administrative jargon based on the primary
sense of looking into, and arbitrating in, a quarrel or 248 (ll. 3 and 5) were used to label ametric places in the text; if so,
their position at line-ends would be incidental. This would explain
lawsuit, it acquired the more general sense of determi- why space was used sparingly in l.5 (cf. the ligatured AT before the
ning, ruling, or deciding.61 The unexpected occurrence lacuna) only to finish with a hedera. To my knowledge, however,
of a word from this register62 in an epitaph sheds more the use of hederae with this specific purpose is unparalleled. (Not
light on the personal profile of the author: with his close enough comes the interesting and yet unnoticed role of
hederae in an inscription from Capidava, IScM 5.31 sibi et
apparent belief that the solemnity of what he had to say coniugi sue posuit titulum vibus vixit annis item coniux annis
would be improved with a bit of bureaucratese here and avete: the two latter hederae were seemingly meant as placeholders
there, he must have been of the half-educated kind. for numerical data to be inserted when the time came.)

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attempt at restitution becomes more difficult and less plain the choice of the other word, satiare, which is un-
definitive. A lucky circumstance, though, is that of the paralleled in the epitaphs. Satiare fata, if taken literally,
vv.811 the beginnings and endings are preserved. Here makes for an odd picture.72 True, if we assume that sati-
is how I read v.7: are here means fulfil, accomplish, realize (a figurative
sense occasionally found in Late Latin),73 then satiavi
v.7 pro piet[ate lacr]imas satiavi fata superba,
fata would mean I fulfilled my fate (viz. by passing
Instead of [doing this] duty [of mine], I sated the arrogant away); but the doubt remains whether we can take the
fate with tears, verb mataphorically and still allow for the double accu-
sative. The literal interpretation, therefore, looks more
with an obvious connection to vv.56: the girl was probable, with a further suspicion that, if the author built
forced to give her parents pro pietate lacrimas, tears an awkward sentence around a bizarre expression and
instead of pietas. Pro pietate is a phrase typical of did so in the middle of a text for which he was relying
many tomb inscriptions in prose and verse, mostly on commonplace ideas and ready formulas, he must have
within the formula pro pietate posuit, [this monument] had some strong motive to depart from the conventional.
dutifully erected by. The pietas in this phrase is Judging by the extant beginning of v.8 (nomine),
normally the one shown to the dead by the living; but this segment of the epitaph is where the name of the
as, on the other hand, the inscriptions very often call the deceased was given. For this line and the next I venture
dedicatees pientissimi, it is no wonder that pro pietate to propose the following restitution:
was sometimes taken to mean in return for his/her
pietas, referring to the deceased.67 This sort of shift v.8 nomine [quae Satia genitori Eva]restt[o voca]bar,
makes it easier to accept pro pietate in ILBulg 248 in the qui nuncquam sc[eleratus erat, quoad] eqs.
sense that it apparenly has, instead of being pia.68 I was called Satia by my father Evarestus, who had never
After pro pietate lacrimas one anticipates praestiti been wretched until the moment when
or the like.69 What comes instead is an unexpected turn.
It looks as if two consecutive ideas had been squeezed
together to form an indistinct unity. What would
67
normally be worded like this, (parentibus) pro pietate E.g. CIL 13.8650 nepoti suo pro pietate sua f. c.
68 Seure took pro to be exclamative, whence pro piet[as; after
praestiti lacrimas quibus fata superba satiavi, became
which he supposed that an originally hypermetric verse had been
pro pietate lacrimas satiavi fata superba. To say
curtailed by the carver: inter pr]imas satiavi fata superba (he
lacrimas fata satiavi (literally I sated Fate tears) offered per lac]rimas as an alternative, though: Seure 1916, 382,
instead of using the ablative (lacrimis, with tears) n.1). I find pro piet[ate preferable to pro piet[as not only in view of
was not impossible. The double accusative was an the stereotype mentioned above, but also because of this: the
occasional solution for the ever-present dilemma normal (and very common) use of the exclamative pro in the
epitaphs is the one equivalent to What a this is!: cf. e.g. CLE
concerning the choice of a direct object for a number of 501 pro dolor, 750 pro nefas, 1061 pro superum crimen, fatorum
different verbs: the possibility of saying, for instance, culpa nocentum, 1535 A pro scelus infandum detestandumq(ue)
complere vas aqua and also complere aquam gave rise legenti. In this respect the epitaphs again seem to follow the post-
to constructions which are ultimately similar to the classical literary usage, in which the presence, rather than the
absence, of the thing mentioned after pro is what causes the
English feed somebody something: e.g. alqm alqd indignation: e.g. Sen. Suas. 7.11 pro facinus indignum, Flor. Epit.
nutrire (cf. Soran. 1.87), potare (cf. Iren. lat. 2.33.2), 1.36 (3.1.9) pro dedecus; contra, Sen. Dial. 11.17.4 pro pudor
curare (cure, cf. Aug. Civ. Dei 22.8), alqd alqd imperii.
69 Phrases like supremum officium praestare are often found in
perfundere (cf. Apic. 6.9.13), perunguere (cf. Orib. lat.
Eup. 4.64 (Aa)).70 In the inscriptions we have CIL the epitaphs (see Fele & al. 1988, s.v. praestare). In pro pietate
lacrimas praestiti the direct object lacrimas would be standing p
5.1863 titulum immanem montem Alpinum ingentem koinou cf. CLE 826 nomen titulus praestat suisque dolorem.
litteris inscripsit and especially CLE 737 qui tantum 70 Cf. Svennung 1935, 22631. For the very wide diffusion of

properasti matris foedare senectam senilemque aetatem the double accusative in Late Latin see also Bonnet 1890, 5256.
tantos onerare dolores.71 71 Lfstedt 193342, 1.250.
72 The similarity with Apul. Met. 11.1 fato iam meis tot
So, with satiavi fata superba the sentence suddenly
tantisque cladibus satiato is only superficial. In Apuleius,
turns towards the topic of fatal destiny. The motive for
cladibus fatum satiare means to live through many calamities,
this may appear straightforward the author of the after which his hero finally arrives at a spes salutis.
Ld`ane epitaph simply liked to talk about destiny (he 73 E.g. Cypr. Op. et el. 5 ni .. operum accessione satientur

mentions fata three times). This, however, does not ex- (deprecationes).

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This would mean that the oddities of v.7 were there before the lacuna the choices are few: qui nuncquam
to prepare the ground for the subsequent pun on the sc[ierat leaves us in want of an accusative object (a
personal name, satiavi~Satia. For the name, cf. AE subordinate clause would be too clumsy for the space),
1982.677 (Satia Maxsuma), CIL 8.7710 (Satia Ruf( )), and it is difficult to see how this could be provided
13.2125 (Satia Heliane).74 The rest of my supplements without really vexing the idiom; on the other hand,
is based on the assumption that qui at the beginning of sceleratus is a genuine tombstone word,79 and with
v.9 refers back to some male person mentioned in v.8. qui nuncquam sc[eleratus erat in v.9 we come fairly close
This person is very probably the father. As already to the required sense.
shown, there is a strong possibility that both the husband My next point is about a mere, or even faint, possibi-
and the mother of the deceased were mentioned by lity. Suppose that the supplement I have proposed for v.9
name in v.3 and v.6 respectively; the fathers name is correct: the middle section of the epitaph then reads:
would now, so to speak, conclude the list of mourners. I was called [name] by my father [name], who had never
Genitori would be a dative of the agent, looking for- been sceleratus until one day, the day that wicked fate had
ward to vocabar: my father used to call me Satia.75 In chosen for me to be overly charming to my husband, I passed
the epitaphs the mention of the parents as the callers of away from the cruel bedroom after an onset of disease. (vv.811)
the name is often purely conventional; a well-known
early example of this is CLE 52, in which the name of Now why should the very natural idea of a fathers
the deceased is thus introduced: nomen parentes nomina- being shaken by his daughters death be put in words in
runt Claudiam.76 Both this wording and the one I have such an oblique manner, by saying that he had not been
supplied for ILBulg 248 may appear strange; as Matteo devastated before that event? This again is an oddity,
Massaro puts it, there was little point in referring to a not unlike the two that we have seen previously the one
gentile name as specifically given or used by the with sating ones fate in v.7 and especially the one
parents: a parental couple in which the male partner was with the girls being ill while her husband was healthy
a Claudius could not help calling any daughters in v.3. With the supplement genitori Eva]restt[o in v.8,
Claudia.77 However, other examples suggest that this
point should not be pressed too far. Take CLE 98: after
D. M. Xanthippes sive Iaiae C. Cassius Lucilianus
74 The name Gesatia (Gisatia, Cisatia, Isatia), which is even
alumnae dulcissimae, a carmen begins by restating the
better attested in the inscriptions, should also be borne in mind; the
name of the deceased; a section follows by way of a
pun would then be somewhat less pronounced.
laudatio, and the epitaph closes on these lines: 75 An adnominal ablative of origin (Satia, genitore Evaresto)

Quam, si qua pietas insitast caelestibus, would be less probable. Sporadically found ever since Archaic
Latin (e.g. Pl. Asin. 499 Periphanes Rhodo mercator dives, Caes.
viventi ingenio soli et luci reddite
Civ. 1.24.4 N. Magius Cremona; see Lfstedt 193342, 1.297, and
altoris memorem, quem parentes dixerant, Hofmann & Szantyr 1965, 105), this construction seems confined
cum primum natust, Lucilianum Cassium. to indicating the land or city of origin. An exception, at least in
terms of frequency, is the tribus within the full-name formula (e.g.
There was no need here to restate any names, and ILS 2149 T. Iulius T. f. Voltinia Paternus), but texts like ILBulg
even with the names the epitaph could have finished off 248 cannot seem to have been modelled on this.
76 A further example in CLE 384 Samnis sum genere,
a whole line earlier (altoris memorem Luciliani Cassii
Proculam dixere parentes; also in many Greek epitaphs, e.g.
would have done nicely); the parents of the altor had Vrilhac 197882, no. 70 u*j ^g genmhn 'Agapwmnou, me
nothing to do with the fact that his name appeared on a migeisa Kou/nta tken Qaler ^ndukwj d_ trfontej
third persons tombstone, but they ended up there none- 'Ate/mhtn m' ^klesan, 79 Hrfilon d' ^kloun me patr ka<
theless, as the man whom his parents had called Luci- ptnia mthr, 123 onoma d' ^n tokessi f/loij kklht'
'Asirchj. The whole thing can be traced back to an Homeric
lianus Cassius as soon as he was born was building a
scheme, cf. Il. 9.561562 tn d_ tt' ^n megroisi patr ka<
lasting memory not so much to his alumna as to himself. ptnia mthr 'Alkunhn kaleskon, Od. 8.550 ep' nom' tti
Back to the Ld`ane epitaph, any attempt at filling the se keiqi kleon mthr te patr te, 9.3667 Otij ^mo/ g'
lacuna which opens after who never (qui nuncquam noma: Otin d me kiklskousi mthr d_ patr d' lloi
pntej ]tairoi.
sc[, end of l.8)78 has to be based on what comes after the 77 Massaro 1992, 95.
lacuna: a day chosen by fate etc. The text in its present 78 For the not uncommon spelling nuncquam cf. e.g. CLE
state still allows us to grasp the general sense: the father 161, 1107, 1171, 1988 (twice).
has never been as utterly devastated by anything as he 79 Common in prose and verse inscriptions alike: cf. e.g. CIL

is now by his daughters death. With sc[ immediately 6.9961, 15160, 21899, ILCV 4191, 4191A, CLE 1569, 1994.

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I propose to explain this last quirk as another pun on a This division appears to be the underlying factor
personal name. It is conceivable that the girls father when it comes to the form of the epitaph. The most salient
had a cognomentum dubbing the bearer a good man;80 formal feature of ILBulg 248 is the sporadic appearance
it is in this sense that he might be called numquam of pentameter lines in a composition consisting mainly of
sceleratus (never wicked, or Never Wicked); he be- hexameters. This phenomenon occurs in quite a number
came sceleratus, wretched, only after he lost his of epitaphs and is usually attributable to the authors
daughter. A pun based on the two meanings of scele- inability to compose proper elegiacs.82 In the Ld`ane
ratus is actually attested in one of Martials epigrams, epitaph, however, the pentameters do not seem to come
9.15 inscripsit tumulis septem scelerata virorum se chaotically.83 It rather looks as if the first section was
fecisse Chloe. quid pote simplicius?: the candidness composed in elegiacs and the second in hexameters,
of the seven-time widow appears in the fact that the while in the third section each of the two pentameters
tombs of her husbands are all inscribed with the words marks the finale of its own message. The whole scheme
Chloe coniunx scelerata fecit.81 is alien to the classical canons of verse composition, but
I still do not believe that the author simply wanted to
*** write elegiacs throughout but could not do it properly.84
On the contrary, I think that in ILBulg 248 the pentameters
Let us now take a wider look at the text again. The Ld`a- were used on purpose.
ne epitaph seems to consist of three sections. The first
(vv.14), without being purely generic, follows a clich ***
and is marked by the predominance of the conventional:
As he worked on the restitution of the Ld`ane epitaph,
v.1 Siste, viator, iter, animum[que intende sepu]lchro,
Seure visibly followed one important rule: any text he
et lege quam dure sit mihi v[ita d]ata.
Ipsum marcebam Florenti caro m[ar]ito
was proposing to bridge the lacunas had to be
in XIIII annum: mors mihi saeva fuit.
prosodically correct. This is unquestionably a sound
principle, but its application in this case proved
The middle section (vv.511) concentrates on the contrary to its purpose, which of course is probability of
specific with an obvious leaning towards the narrative.
This is where all the key persons come into sight (let me
emphasize that in making them appear under their
names my intention has been to point at an interesting 80 For the name Evarestus cf. CIL 6.13088, 17299, 17300,
possibility without ever thinking it could be made into 10.2328. Another name, Euchrestus, would also do in the context
a probability), while some expressions and images that and is actually attested more frequently. There is, however, the
first came as vague hints to an untold reality acquire a additional problem of the beginning of l.8, which alone in ILBulg
248 cannot be made to coincide with the beginning of a word
fuller meaning in the scene of the girls death:
(Seures rest(i)t[ue]bar does not seem to fill the gap; my own first
v.5 [Sic d]isceptarunt fata, ne pia esse(m) patri idea was Restt[uta voca]bar, which again requires too much space).
It is therefore necessary to conclude that the name was divided
nec mat[ri---] TEMRE pie faemine caste. between l.7 and l.8, in which case the smoother division,
Pro piet[ate lacr]imas satiavi fata superba, Eva]|restt[o, looks preferable to Euch]|restt[o. For the spelling -stt-
nomine [quae Satia genitori Eva]restt[o voca]bar; cf. ILS 8223 damnas estto, AE 1988.195 postterisq(ue), and
qui nuncquam sc[eleratus erat, quoad] ab impia fata especially AE 1996.1221 (Siscia, third century) 'Opttata
v.10 disceptata die ut n[imis essem blanda] marito, Klisttoj Krtta.
81 Zarker 1966, 150.
crudelis thalamos post mor[bi accessum] reliqui. 82 See e.g. Marin Bigorra 1952, 1689, and Courtney 1995,

no. 27. See also n. Error: Reference source not found below.
The third section (vv.1216), with its two apostro- 83 For some similar cases see Galletier 1922, 2878.
phes and messages of a rather common sort, is smoothly 84 Seure 1916, 382. According to Seure, the main reason for

but not very tightly connected to the previous: such derailments was that the authors tended to reuse lines of
verse they found elsewhere, so that sometimes a stolen hexameter
v.12 Teque rog(o), com[e]s, dolea(t) tibi, pulch[ra futura] was used to convey an idea for which, in the actual context, a
quod mea virginitas mort[al]i somn[o sepulta est], pentameter was needed, or vice versa; in other words, the correct
handling of elegiacs required a degree of versatility hardly
isque tuas cineres aurea ter[ra tegat.
achievable to those who heavily depended on external (and
v.15 Vosque] ego nunc moneo, genitore[s: disparate) models. This is a clever explanation, but I do not think it
fatorum legem r]umpere nemo [potest. should be unreservedly applied to the case of ILBulg 248.

170
Vojin NEDELJKOVI], The Case of ILBulg 248: A la recherche des noms perdus (159173) STARINAR LIX/2009

the restitution. As one examines Seures supplements light syllables. This presupposes the wrong quantity of
one cannot help noticing that the least fortunate the accented syllable in piette, which, again, is
solutions appear wherever he refused to hypothesize the paralleled by ^sse actually standing in v.5.91
features that, apart from being sufficiently attested
elsewhere in the epitaphs, were already present in the ***
preserved portions of ILBulg 248 itself: the possibility
of granting an ametrical status to numeric or onomastic Those are the details that complete the picture of the
data, and, more importantly, the acceptance of certain Ld`ane epitaph. In many aspects, including vocabulary,
incorrect prosodies. It looks neither arbitrary nor grammar, versification, and even invention, this epitaph
unfounded to assume, in view of v.5 pa,85 that in v.12 clearly deviates from classical literary usage. Yet there
too cm[e]s is the substantive, not the adjective, despite are palpable limits to this deviation. The author obviously
the quantity; or to supply somn[ in v.13, with the knew some good poetry and was relatively skilful in
wrong quantity of the ultima, after actually seeing car putting his models into use. To claim that he composed
employed in v.3, faemine in v.6, and disceptat in v.10. his little poem in the style of the Augustan poets92 may
On the other hand, the quantity of the pretonic syllable be an overstatement, but it would be even more wrong
was handled correctly by the author even in some to think of the Ld`ane epitaph as a prime example of
delicate positions, cf. v.3 Flrenti, v.11 crdelis; this ineptitude set in stone. If nothing else, it represents a
may be incidental; still, it is the reason why the coherent whole the segmentation is logical, the first-
restitution of sepulta est at the end of v.13 should be person strategy is consistently carried out, and, as far as
preferred to anything like spita est.86 In the supplied one can see, some ingenuity was invested in the arrange-
part of v.9 I have used the standard spelling quoad only ment of the conventional data. No reader accustomed to
to avoid confusion; what I really assume is the Latin literary texts can help recalling how much poetry
monosyllabic form of this word spelt in any of the was superior to this, and how far; but the comparison is
attested fashions (quad, quod, quot etc.).87 unfair. The testimony of Latin epigraphy reminds us
As far as metre is concerned, the main difficulty lies that the scale of literary (and/or sub-literary) value and
in the first half of v.7, pro piet[ate lacr]imas. My achievement was longer than we usually assume, and
supplement here is based on what the size and context there are a great many epitaphs which, by any fair
of the lacuna seem to suggest or even impose, with little measure, must rank inferior to this one.
or no regard for the metre. On the assumption that the
supplement is correct, the faultiness of v.7 would not
consist simply in erroneous syllable-quantities. The
whole first half of this line would have to be scanned 85 However, see n. 91 below.
pr piette lacrims, with the second ictus falling on 86 For somno sopitus cf. Nep. Dio 2.5, Verg. Aen. 1.180,
two syllables (tate). In verse inscriptions this is no Phaedr. 3.10.31, Curt. 8.3.9, 6.22, 9.30, Plin. Nat. 2.223 and 11.185.
strange phenomenon;88 one may even argue that it is 87 See Fele & al. 1988, s.v. quoad, and Mihescu 1978, 317.

attested more frequently than is usually admitted. There 88 To resolve the first half of a dactyl is an occasional licence

is, for example, the case of CLE 1988, v.21 quid crura? which the verse inscriptions share with the early dactylic poetry: cf.
Enn. var. 36 Mitylenae est pecten, 42 melanurum turdum (and also
Atalantes status illi comicus ipse, which once elicited
Ann. 490 capitibus nutantis, according to Drexler 1967, 85; alterna-
the following explanation: This line is a real monster tively (e.g. Leumann 1977, 91) a syncope is assumed in cap(i)tibus,
it has seven feet and can be scanned only under the for which cf. the hexameter ending facilia faxeis in CLE 248).
double condition of allowing the ultima in status to 89 Galletier 1922, 301.
90 Neither is there really a reason to follow Lommatzsch ad
lengthen before the caesura and making the ultima of
crura into a long syllable too, with the hiatus left open loc.: lege Atlantes.
91 Seure scanned the latter part of v.5 as n pia sse patr,
before Atalantes, etc.89 As a matter of fact, the line
making it into the second half of a pentameter, in which case neither
contains no incorrect prosodies but only an anapaest in pa nor ^sse would be true. I find Seures scansion unconvincing,
the second foot before the caesura it scans qud since (1) the line would then amount to a half-hexameter plus half-
crur(a) talants, i.e. 1 2 3, and it continues pentameter (a structure unparalleled in ILBulg 248) and (2) at pia
esse it leaves an hiatus open before the ictus, while in the extant
normally (status lli cmicus pse).90 Similarly I
portion of ILBulg 248 the only hiatus, that in v.10 die ut, is duly
assume that in v.7 of ILBulg 248 the words pro piet[ate eliminated even though it occurs under the ictus, where it could
lacr]imas metrically stand for 1 2 3, have been easily left open.
with the second foot having its first half resolved in two 92 Gerov, Romanity 2, 378, no. 381.

171
Vojin NEDELJKOVI], The Case of ILBulg 248: A la recherche des noms perdus (159173) STARINAR LIX/2009

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Svennung 1935 J. Svennung, Untersuchungen zu Vrilhac 197882 A.-M. Vrilhac, Paidej {wroi:
Palladius und zur lateinischen Fach und Volkssprache, posie funraire, 12, 'Aqhnai.
Uppsala etc. Wolff 2000 E. Wolff, La posie funraire pigra-
Toynbee 1971 J. M. C. Toynbee, Death and Bu- phique Rome, Rennes.
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tino volgare, transl. by A. Grandesso Silvestri, Bologna3.

Rezime: VOJIN NEDEQKOVI]


Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Odeqewe za klasi~ne nauke

EPITAF ILBulg 248:


U POTRAZI ZA IZGUBQENIM IMENIMA

Kqu~ne re~i. Rimska epigrafika, latinski natpisi u stihu, epitafi, jezik rimske poezije.

Ovaj ~lanak posve}en je ~itawu i tuma~ewu jednog davno se saop{tava da je on, nasuprot svojoj nesretnoj supruzi, bio
objavqenog ali malo razja{wenog rimskog nadgrobnog nat- zdravstvuju}i. Mesta najte`a za tuma~ewe nalaze se u
pisa u stihu, ~iji su zna~ajni fragmenti svojevremeno na- sredi{wem segmentu, ~ija bi sadr`ina bila ova: iza nekih
|eni u oblasti Lov~a (Bugarska). Autor ~lanka predla`e neobi~nih, po sebi te{ko obja{wivih sklopova, koji bi se
ovakvo ~itawe: mo`da mogli motivisati, opet, kalamburima zasnovanim
na izgubqenim imenima pokojnice, wenog oca i mo`da maj-
st. 1 Siste, viator, iter, animum[que intende sepu]lchro,
ke, dolazi ne{to kao minijaturan izve{taj o smrti mlade
et lege quam dure sit mihi v[ita d]ata.
`ene ~ija bi hroni~na bolest bila eskalirala u bra~noj
Ipsum marcebam Florenti caro m[ar]ito
posteqi pri (prvom?) poku{aju konzumacije braka, na dan
in XIIII annum: mors mihi saeva fuit.
wenog ~etrnaestog ro|endana; ta ~udnovata pri~a iz stvar-
5 [Sic d]isceptarunt fata, ne pia esse(m) patri nog `ivota ispri~ana je ne bez izvesnog oslonca na mit o
nec mat[ri---] TEMRE pie faemine caste. Atalanti kako ga je ispri~ao Ovidije u Metamorfozama.
Pro piet[ate lacr]imas satiavi fata superba, Zavr{ni segment sastoji se od dveju poruka koje pokojnica
nomine [quae Satia genitori Eva]restt[o voca]bar; upu}uje mu`u odnosno roditeqima; tu, kao pri po~etku,
qui nuncquam sc[eleratus erat, quoad] ab impia fata imamo posla sa ove{talim formulama.
10 disceptata die ut n[imis essem blanda] marito, Prevod epitafa restituisanog na ponu|eni na~in bio
crudelis thalamos post mor[bi accessum] reliqui. bi ovaj: Zastani, putni~e, i obrati pa`wu na ovaj grob, i
Teque rog(o), com[e]s, dolea(t) tibi, pulch[ra futura]
pro~itaj pod kakvim mi je surovim uslovom bilo dato da
quod mea virginitas mort[al]i somn[o sepulta est],
`ivim. Svom dragom mu`u Florentu [Cvetku] ja sam ve-
isque tuas cineres aurea ter[ra tegat.
nula ta~no do u ~etrnaestu godinu. Smrt mi je bila svire-
15 Vosque] ego nunc moneo, genitore[s:
pa. Sudbina je odredila da se ne odu`im ocu niti majci
fatorum legem r]umpere nemo [potest.
dobroj i ~ednoj `eni. Umesto toga, ja sam oholu sudbinu na-
sitila suzama: imenom Sacija [Sita] nazivao me je moj
^ini se, naime, da je taj epitaf, i {to se sadr`ine i otac Evarest [Dobrica], koji nikad nije bio zlehud, sve
{to se metra ti~e, ra{~lawen na tri relativno odelita dok, na dan koji je nemilostiva sudbina odredila da se isu-
segmenta. Prvi segment, koji po~iwe zazivawem putnika- vi{e umilim svome mu`u, po nastupu bolesti ne preminuh
prolaznika, oslawa se najpre na jedan kli{e poznat iz ne- iz okrutne bra~ne posteqe. Tebe pak molim, saputni~e moj:
koliko drugih spomenika (koji su, me|utim, svi iz Italije), nek ti bude `ao {to moje devi~anstvo, koje se razvijalo u
a iza toga doznajemo za mladu pokojnicu koja je, hroni~no lepotu, le`i ukopano smrtnim snom. On nek i tvoj pepeo
boluju}i, jedva dovenula do ~etrnaeste, i za wenog mu`a, pokrije zlatnom zemqom. A sad velim i vama, roditeqi: za-
na ~ijem se imenu smesta zasniva jedan kalambur kojim nam kon sudbine niko ne mo`e prekr{iti.

173
DRAGANA GRBI]
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Odeqewe za istoriju, Beograd

IZ EPIGRAFSKE BA[TINE ANTI^KE DOKLEJE:


JEDAN NATPIS POSVE]EN
NEPTUNO PERICULORUM ABSOLUTORI

UDK: 930.2:003.071=12402]:726.1(497.16) e-mail: ddgrbic@f.bg.ac.rs


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959175G Primqeno: 23. januara 2009.
Kratko saop{tewe Prihva}eno: 4. maja 2009.

Apstrakt. U ~lanku je popravqeno ~itawe i ponu|ena nova interpretacija nedavno objavqenog natpisa
posve}enog Neptunu, koji nosi do sada neposvedo~eni atribut Absolutor periculorum. Izneta su zapa`awa o aspektima
Neptunovog kulta, o poreklu dedikanta i poslovnim italskim porodicama u provinciji Dalmaciji. Tuma~e se veze
Dokleje sa primorjem i severnom Italijom.

Kqu~ne re~i. Neptun, Absolutor periculorum, Petronii, Dalmacija, Dokleja, trgovina, plovidba.

U
neposrednoj blizini centra anti~ke Do-
kleje, na levoj obali Zete, u pravcu Spu`a, 1 Vu~ini} 2007, 197: ispod mjesta zvanog Laze Radevi}a,

Stevo Vu~ini} je 2003. godine iz korita udaqenog 3 kilometra od mosta na rijeci Zeti, na Vrani}kim
Wivama, u pravcu Spu`a; ibid. 201202: natpis sa dve foto-
reke izvadio anti~ki `rtvenik sa natpisom.1 Ara je
grafije spomenika. U vezi sa ~itawem autor se bio konsulto-
dobro o~uvana, izra|ena je od belog kre~waka, 61,5 vao sa R. Ho{ekom sa Karlovog univerziteta u Pragu.
h 33 h 21 cm; natpisno poqe, bez okvira, 29 h 25 cm, 2 Uz aru je na|en i drugi pokretni materijal. Prema oba-

postavqeno je na profilisanoj osnovi, sa fronto- ve{tewu koje je autor dobio, vlasnici susednog poseda nai{li
nom ukra{enim rozetom i akroterijama.2 su na razli~ite anti~ke ostatke jedne ili vi{e gra|evina. Deo
tog materijala nekoliko arhitektonskih elemenata me{ta-
Natpis je zanimqiv i zahteva poseban osvrt, ni su iskopali 2007. godine, a Vu~ini} ih je objavio u istom
naro~ito {to ga izdava~ nije dobro pro~itao ni ~lanku (ibid. 197201). Autor tako|e izve{tava da se prilikom
protuma~io. Prenosim, najpre, ~itawe objavqeno u postavqawa telefonskih stubova uz dana{wi put, nai{lo na
prvom izdawu:3 tragove puta koji bi mogao biti rimski. Sistematska iskopa-
vawa bi svakako pru`ila jasniju predstavu o izgledu i karak-
teru lokaliteta.
Neptuno | sacrum p|ericulo rui|nae Absolu V(5)|tori 3 Tekst natpisa je u ed. princ. objavqen u tri razli~ite
Petro|5nius Aspe|r v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) a(nimo). varijante, sa izvesnim nedoslednostima. Minuskulna tran-
skripcija doneta je bez odgovaraju}ih zagrada i oznaka za kraj
Tekst zauzima celu povr{inu natpisnog poqa; reda: Neptuno sacrum pericolo ruinae Absolu V(5) tori Petronius
Asper votum solvit libens animo. Redovi i razre{ewa skra}enica
redovi 2 i 5 uvu~eni su za polovinu slovnog mesta, su u na{em tekstu ozna~eni prema majuskulnoj transkripciji
dok su redovi 7 i 84 simetri~no uvu~eni u sredinu. za koju se izdava~ odlu~io, kako bi se mogao pratiti komentar
Slova su visoka 3,34 cm, u posledwem redu 2,5 cm, koji sledi.

* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: Anti~ki natpisi na tlu Ilirika: kriti~ko izdavawe i interdisciplinarna istra-
`ivawa epigrafskih spomenika (br. 147003) koji finansira Ministarstvo za nauku i tehnolo{ki razvoj Republike Srbije.

175
Dragana GRBI], Iz epigrafske ba{tine anti~ke Dokleje (175180) STARINAR LIX/2009

nejednakog oblika i veli~ine, sa kratkim serifima. mora.15 Brojni su spomenici toga tipa posve}eni
Na osnovu paleografskih odlika natpis se mo`e Neptunu i morskim bo`anstvima u naseqima na
datovati u drugu polovinu II ili po~etak III veka. kopnu,16 naro~ito na trgova~kim pravcima;17 doklej-
Prema objavqenom tekstu natpisa sledi da su ska bi se ara mogla prikqu~iti ovoj grupi. Zavet je
na kraju reda 3 urezana slova VI, dok bi na po~etku
reda 4 stajala trostruka ligatura: NAE, {to izda-
va~ ~ita kao ruinae.5 Me|utim, slovo V na kraju tre- 4 Tekst je ordinisan u osam, a ne u sedam redova, kako se
}eg reda urezano je sasvim uz ivicu natpisa i nema navodi u ed. prin.
vidqivog traga slova I (~ak ni u ligaturi), dok je na 5 Vu~ini} 2007, 202. Autor daje i alternativno ~itawe
po~etku reda 4, kako se na fotografiji jasno vidi, redova 34: ERICVLOPV|MAABSOLV.
urezano slovo M. Horizontalna crta, koja se izda- 6 Takvo ~itawe ne odgovara logici natpisa.

va~u u~inila kao ligatura, zapravo je o{te}ewe ko- 7 Lewis, Short 1975, s.v. absolvo, D.
8 Cassiod. Var. XI, praef. 3: absolutor alieni; up. Georges
je polazi od razmaka izme|u slova i ide do sredine
sredwe vertikalne haste slova M,6 kakvo se uo~ava 1879, 30, s.v. absolutor. der Freisprecher, oslobodilac; za
druge potvrde vidi: ThLL I, 182, 549. Javqa se u latinskom
i u redu 5 izme|u slova E i T. Zatim, na kraju reda prevodu himne Akatista, koji se datira u 825. god. Dom Michel
4 vidqivo je jedno slovo V; nema osnova za pretpo- Huglo, Lancienne version latine de lHymne Acathiste, Le Muson.
stavku iznetu u editio princeps da je lapicida ozna~io Revue dtudes Orientales 64, 1951, 2761, Absolutor hominum.
9 BMC I, str. 214, br. 110 (Neron); Mattingly 1920, 38; (up.
peti red natpisa. Takvo obele`avawe redova nije
na primer: Tac. Ann. XV 64; XVI 35); up. Barbieri, Diz. Ep.,
svojstveno latinskoj epigrafici. Slova M (u redo-
866891, s.v. Liberator; 'Eleuqrioj. Na isti na~in je izvedena
vima 2 i 4) i drugo N u redu 1 su razvu~ena. Primet- i Servator, vidi: Lewis, Short 1975, s.v., II, Jupiter (npr. Plin. NH
no je, daqe, da su kose crte slova R izostavqene u XXXIV 8. 19. 74); Swtr, vidi: Liddle, Scott, Jones 1969, s.v.,
drugom i tre}em redu. Predla`em, stoga, slede}e zna~ewe A, 2 Zevs, i 2b. drugi bogovi, Strab. IX 1. 15; Posejdon
sa epitetom Swtr: Hdt. VII 129. 2. Za Jupiterov epitet uz Nep-
~itawe:
tuna vidi: IMS II 38: Neptuno | Conservator(i); Up. nat-
pis: CIL XI 4639 (AE 1985, 364). Up. Cook 1925, 582, 786, 7968,
Neptuno | sacrum p|ericuloru|m Absolu|tori Petro|5nius za Zevsove atribute uz Posejdona.
Aspe|r v(otum) s(olvit) | l(ibens) a(nimo). 10 CIL XIV 3558 (InscrIt 4/1, 69; ILS 3292): Neptuno | Adi-

utori | sacrum | M(arcus) Aemilius | Flaccus q(uaestor). Za tuma~e-


we vidi: Wissowa 1902, 252 sa nap. 6; Weinstok 1935, col. 2534.
Aru je posvetio Petronije Asper Neptuno peri- 11 Vu~ini} 2007, 203.
culorum Absolutori. Takva epikleza, po mome znawu, 12 Kao primer mo`e se uzeti ~uveni natpis jednog de~aka
pojavquje se ovde prvi put, {to predstavqa najza- koji se udavio u Qubqanici: in flumen periit Hemona (CIL III
nimqiviji element ovog natpisa. Iako se re~ abso- 3224).
lutor, izvedena od absolvere u zna~ewu osloboditi, 13 Prvi izdava~ ne prepoznaje plural.

izbaviti,7 sre}e tek u pozno-anti~kim kwi`evnim 14 Pretwe od gusarskih (hajdu~kih?) napada kao i prirod-

tekstovima,8 wena upotreba na ovome mestu se}a ne ne neprilike karakteristi~ne su za jadransku obalu: Hor. Carm.
III 9. 22; up. Dell 1967, 350351 sa nap. 29. O trgovini, plovid-
druge dobro posvedo~ene epikleze. Po zna~ewu i bi i wenim opasnostima, vidi primere koje navodi Rostovtzeff
obrazovawu, epitetu absolutor bi odgovarala imenica 1926, 536, nap. 30: CIL III 5824 i CIG 18247. Up. natpis iz
liberator izvedena istim sufiksom od liberare Dowe Mezije, Nove, AE 1989, 635, r. 46: pericu|lo maris
kao i servator. Obe se upotrebqavaju kao Jupiterove li|beratus
15 Wissowa 1902, 252 i nap. 6 sa primerima; zatim, natpis
epikleze.9 Neptun bi sledstveno bio oslobodilac
iz Tuskula, AE 1940, 1 (AE 1948, str. 33, 82): Neptuno Reduci |
od opasnosti. Kao bliska analogija mo`e da po- L(ucius) Porcius | Severinus | v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito).
slu`i jedan spomenik iz Tibura, na kojem Neptun ^esto se, u tom smislu javqa u zajednici sa Tempestates; up. CIL
nosi epitet Adiutor.10 X 66426644; Wissowa 1902, 252. Up. npr. Plaut. Stich. III 1. 13
Prvi izdava~ je pretpostavio da je Asper podi- (4025): Quom bene re gesta salvos convortor domum, / Neptuno
grates habeo et Tempestatibus; / simul Mercurio, qui me in merci-
gao natpis nakon spasewa od davqewa u Zeti, ili moniis / iuvit lucrisque quadruplicavit rem meam; Naev. 3. 2 ; 2. 21;
pak od davqewa u moru.11 Verovatnije je, me|utim, da Ovid. Ep. XIII 125130.
bi to bilo izri~ito pomenuto.12 I plural pericula 16 Weinstok 1935, col. 2534; CIL V 5258; 5279, Komo; CIL

ukazuje da posvetu treba shvatiti u op{tijem smi- III 4124 (RIU 291); 10219. Up. natpis: AE 2004, 1671 (Africa
Proconsularis, Sufetula): Neptuno | regi pelagico | Augusto
slu.13 To bi mogle biti opasnosti u vezi sa plovid- 17 Na primer: CIL III 3778, Nauport: Neptuno | Aug(usto)
bom, koja je podrazumevala i neizvesnost i razne sacr(um) | L. Servilius L. f. | Vel(ina) Sabinus | aedem | et porticum
rizike.14 Stoga je bilo uobi~ajeno da se Neptunu za- fecit | pecunia sua. Up. CIL III 3841, 5197, 10765. Wissowa 1902a,
vetuje prilikom odlaska na more ili na povratku sa 206; Weinstok 1935, col. 2525.

176
Dragana GRBI], Iz epigrafske ba{tine anti~ke Dokleje (175180) STARINAR LIX/2009

veze izme|u Severne Italije i dalmatinskog pri-


morja, zatim i naseqa i gradova u unutra{wosti.29

18 Za takve posvete vidi: Wissowa 1902, 253; Wissowa

1902a, col. 206.


19 Polo`aj Dokleje, koja je sa tri strane oivi~ena rekama

(Mora~a, Zeta i [iralija) dozvoqava pretpostavku da je tu


postojao kult, mo`da i hram, nekog vodenog bo`anstva, up. npr.
IMS II 61 Neptunov hram u Viminacijumu. Treba imati u vidu
natpis: Vuli} 1931, 50, br. 113 (ILJug 1850), prona|en u sekun-
darnoj upotrebi u turskom utvr|ewu u Spu`u: Nynph|is(!) Augg
(ustis) | sacrum M(arcus) S(---) M(---) | cum suis. Spomenik je mo-
gao je poticati iz bli`e okoline Dokleje. Za kultnu zajednicu
Nimfa i Neptuna vidi: Wissowa 1902, 253 (i nap. 2 i 3),
Wissowa 1902a, col. 206.
20 Moglo se raditi o kompozitnoj opasnosti morske i

re~ne plovidbe.
21 Za vezu izme|u trgovaca i Neptuna vidi instruktivne

paralele: natpis CIL III 10430 = ILS 3095, I(ovi) O(ptimo)


M(aximo) | Iunoni | Neptuno | Marti L(ucius) Val(erius) | Italus opt|imo
colle|gio negot|iantium | d(onum) d(edit); Mcsy 1974, 125; zatim,
posveta Neptunu iz Neviodunuma u Gorwoj Panoniji, ~iji je
dedikant rob trgovca iz severne Italije, vezuje se tako|e za
saobra}aj rekom: CIL III 14354, 22, Medus | C(ai) Trotedi |
negotiator(is servus) | Neptuno | Oviano | ---; Mcsy 1974, 136.
Trotedius je severnoitalski gentilicij, Mcsy 1959, 160; up.
bele{ku uz AE 2003, 1195 (R. Curtis, Phoenix 38/2, 1984, 149,
nap. 14).
22 Za kognomen Asper: Kajanto 1965, 265; OPEL I 187.
23 Wilkes 1969, 232, i nap. 4.
Sl. 1. Ara posve}en Neptunu 24 Alfldy 1969, 109. Gentilno ime se javqa i u kombina-

ciji sa doma}im imenima, radi se o me{awu italskih i doma-


Fig. 1. Altar dedicated to Neptune
}ih porodica, up. CIL III 2097a; 2619. O Petronijima u Dalma-
ciji vidi i: Wilkes 1969, 303.
25 Npr. CIL III 24617; 8525; 8799; ILJug 2159.

mogao biti podignut nakon uspe{nog zavr{etka 26 Npr. Jader: CIL III 2950; 10009; 10010; Epetij: CIL III

putovawa18 pri postoje}em svetili{tu ili na sim- 8525 (IIIIvir) i 8552.


27 Npr. Skardona CIL III 2802 (augur); Alvona CIL III 3058
boli~nom mestu.19
(= 10069), Aserija CIL III 9935; Rider CIL III 2772 (legionar);
Dedikant natpisa, Petronius Asper, mogla bi biti
Burnum CIL III 14321, 26; u podru~ju oko Kowica (Lisi}i}i,
li~nost koja je ~esto izlo`ena morskoj 20 plovidbi: Ceri}i): CIL III 14617, 1 i ILJug 87. Za Petronije u Naroni
trgovac, poslovni ~ovek i sl.21 Wegovo zanimawe, vidi ni`e, tekst i napomene 29 i 30.
dodu{e, nije zabele`eno, ali na takvu pretpostav- 28 Dobar primer da su poslovni qudi kojima je plovid-

ku navodi i nomen ~ije brojne potvrde ukazuju na to ba ~esto bila sastavni deo delatnosti igrali zna~ajnu ulogu u
`ivotu gradova, ne samo u ekonomskom ve} i u dru{tvenom,
da je Asper22 mogao imati poslovne i porodi~ne ve- najzad administrativnom smislu, pru`a natpis Flavija Lon-
ze sa Primorjem. Taj gentilicij uglavnom nose Ita- gina iz Dirahija, koji se, nakon uspe{nog bavqewa pomorskom
lici, doseqavani u Dalmaciju u du`em vremenskom trgovinom, prihvatio municipalnih du`nosti, Praschniker
periodu,23 ili wihovi oslobo|enici.24 U velikom Schober 1919, str. 45, 57 i 57a, redovi 911; Rostovtzeff 1926,
536; up. Wallace-Hadrill 1999, 244 d., 272274: za op{te primed-
broju Petronii se javqaju u Saloni25 i drugim primor-
be o ulozi municipalne elite u ekonomskom `ivotu gradova;
skim gradovima Dalmacije,26 ali je ime izuzetno zatim, Humphries 1998, o uzajamnim vezama izme|u trgova~kih
dobro posvedo~eno i u gradovima po unutra{wosti mre`a i {irewa kulta.
te provincije.27 Natpisi svedo~e da su dalmatin- 29 Alfldy 1965, 184187. Za veze stanovni{tva Dokleje

ski Petroniji ~esto zauzimali polo`aje u gradskim sa drugim gradovima provincije vidi na primer: CIL III 12695
(= Sticotti 1913, str. 170, br. 26) M(arco) Flavio T(iti) f(ilio) Quir(ina)
upravama, zatim, da se radi o imu}nijim qudima, | Frontoni sacerd(oti) | in coloni(i)s Naron(a) | et Epidauro IIvir(o)
koji su se verovatno bavili trgovinom.28 Takve su i(ure) d(icundo) | Iulio Risin(i)o IIvir(o) | quinq(uennali) pont(ifici)
porodice odr`avale `ive i kompleksne ekonomske in col(onia) | Scodr(a) IIvir(o) i(ure) d(icundo) quinq(uennali)

177
Dragana GRBI], Iz epigrafske ba{tine anti~ke Dokleje (175180) STARINAR LIX/2009

Sa opeka na|enih u Naroni, saznajemo da su severno- Imaju}i u vidu rasprostrawenost ovog gentil-
italski Petroniji poslovali u tome gradu; u pitawu nog imena u provinciji, doklejski Petroniji nisu
je C. Petronius Aper,30 vlasnik severnoitalske fabri- izvesno bili povezani upravo sa porodicom iz Naro-
ke opeka Epidiana,31 koji bi se mo`da mogao dovesti u ne, mada bi to bila privla~na pretpostavka. Sigur-
vezu sa nekoliko li~nosti poznatih sa dva naronska no je, ipak, da se radi o Italicima ili domorodcima
natpisa.32 Oni su mogli biti poslovno i druga~ije povezanim sa italskom porodicom. S tim je u skla-
prisutni i u vi{e gradova, naro~ito u prometnim du pretpostavka da se Asper bavio trgovinom {to
centrima poput Dokleje, gde je ovaj gentilicij zabe- podrazumeva putovawe morem i/ili transport vred-
le`en na jo{ jednom natpisu:33 --- | Domno e|t ne robe u unutra{wost.34 Za to govori i posveta
Domn(a)e P|etronia Va|lentina | v(otum) l(ibens) s(olvit). Neptunu, spasiocu, koju je podigao.35

| flam(ini) --- | praef(ecto) fabr(um) | pleps(!) | ex aere conlato;


zatim, Claudia Q. f. Probilla sa doklejskog natpisa CIL III 12707
posvedo~ena je i u Naroni (CIL III 1877); Alfldy 1965, 144145;
Wilkes 1969, 261.
30 Patsch 1922, 118. Up. Wilkes 1969, 501. Za opeke ove

fabrike, ~iji najve}i broj poti~e sa istarske obale (X regija


Italije) vidi: CIL V 116 ak, C. Petroni Apri Epidian(a); up. CIL
IX 6078, 130; CIL XI 6680, 1, ab. U Dokleji je poslovawe sever-
noitalske fabrike opeka posvedo~eno pe~atnim natpisima Q.
Clodius Ambrosius (CIL III 2314, 5; Sticotti 1913, 5; 66); Patsch
1922, 114115; CIL V 8110, 70; 144. up. Wilkes 1969, 499504.
31 Epidiji se javqaju i u Dokleji, kao doma}e stanovni{tvo

i oslobo|enici (Alfldy 1969, 83, sa potvrdama). Verovatno je


da su u vezi sa nekim od severnoitalskih Epidija.
32 S wima je izvesno povezan Petronije sa natpisa: Patsch

1907, 97, 3, sl. 47 (ILJug 1876); zatim, ukoliko je ~itawe dobro,


me|u ostalim li~nostima natpisa CIL III 8451 (= 14623, 2)
javqa se ime Petronije Aper. Bili su, kako se vidi, u gradskoj
upravi Narone.
33 Sticotti 1913, 158, 8, sl. 104 (crte`); ILJug 1827. Prona-

|en je, prema Stikotiju, na imawu na obali reke [iralije,


van gradskih zidina, u okolini Bjelovine dakle, blizu
mesta nalaska Asperovog natpisa. Paribeni (Paribeni 1903,
374, br. 1) je ~itao redove 12: Iunoni domn(a)e. ^itawe prvog
reda, koje daje Stikoti (Sticotti 1913, 158), zatim i [a{eli,
tako|e nije sigurno. Naime na crte`u se vide tragovi slova
koje bi moglo biti S, ali za potrebe ovog ~lanka bitno je ime
dedikanta, stoga zadr`avamo prethodno ~itawe.
34 Patsch 1922, 116.
35 Nema osnova za pretpostavku prvog izdava~a (Vu~ini}

2007, 203) da je Neptun doklejskog natpisa izjedna~en sa japod-


skim Bindom.

178
Dragana GRBI], Iz epigrafske ba{tine anti~ke Dokleje (175180) STARINAR LIX/2009

BIBLIOGRAFIJA:

Alfldy 1965 G. Alfldy, Bevlkerung und Gesell- Patsch 1922 C. Patsch, Historische Wanderungen
schaft der rmischen Provinz Dalmatien, Budapest im Karst und an der Adria I. Herzegowina einst und
1965. jetzt, Wien 1922.
Alfldy 1969 G. Alfldy, Die Personennamen in Praschniker Schober 1919 C. Praschniker A.
der rmischen Provinz Dalmatia, Heidelberg 1969. Schober, Archeologische Forschungen in Albanien und
Cook 1925 A. B. Cook, Zeus. A Study in Ancient Montenegro. Schriften der Balkankommission. Anti-
Religion, III, Cambridge 1925. quarische Abteilung VIII, Wien 1919.
Dell 1967 H. Dell, The Origin and Nature of Rostovtzeff 1926 M. Rostovtzeff, Social and
Illyrian Piracy, Historia 16, 1967, 344358. Economic History of the Roman Empire, Oxford 1926.
Georges 1879 K. E. Georges: Ausfhrliches latein- Sticotti 1913 P. Sticotti, Die rmische Stadt Do-
isch-deutsches Handwrterbuch. Band 1, Leipzig 1879. clea in Montenegro. Schriften der Balkankommission.
Humphries 1998 M. Humphries, Trading gods in Antiquarische Abteilung VI, Wien 1913.
northern Italy, u: Trade, Traders and the Ancient City, H. Vuli} 1931 N. Vuli}, Anti~ki spomenici
Parkins C. Smith, 20324, London and New York 1998. na{e zemqe, Spomenik LXXI, Beograd 1931, 4259.
Kajanto 1965 I. Kajanto, The Latin Cognomina, Vu~ini} 2007 S. Vu~ini}, Ara posve}ena Nep-
Helsinki 1965. tunu i nekoliko nalaza sa anti~kog lokaliteta na
Lewis, Short C. T. Lewis, C. Short, A Latin Lazama Radevi}a, Istorijski zapisi. Organ Isto-
Dictionary, Oxford 1975. rijskog instituta Crne Gore i Dru{tva istori~ara
Liddle, Scott and Jones H. G. Liddle, R. Scott and Crne Gore (Organ de lInstitut historique et de la
H. S. Jones, A GreekEnglish Lexicon, Oxford 1968. Socit dhistoriens de la RS de Montngro) LXXX,
Mattingly 1920 H. B. Mattingly, Some Historical 14, Podgorica 2007, 197203.
Roman Coins of the First Century A.D., JRS 10 (1920), Wallace-Hadrill 1999 Wallace-Hadrill, Elites
3741. and trade in the Roman town, u: City and Country in the
Mcsy 1959 A. Mcsy, Die Bevlkerung von Pan- Ancient World, edd. J. Rich, A. Wallace-Hadrill, London
nonien bis zu den Markomannenkriegen, Budapest 1959. New York 1999.
Mcsy 1974 A. Mcsy, Pannonia and Upper Weinstok 1935 St. Weinstok, Neptunus, RE
Moesia. A history of the middle Danube provinces of the XVI(1935), col. 25142537.
Roman Empire, London Boston 1974. Wilkes 1969 J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia, London
Paribeni 1903 R. Paribeni, Inscrizioni Romane di 1969.
Doclea e di Tusi, Bullettino della Commissione arche- Wissowa 1902 G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus
ologica comunale di Roma, 374379. Roma 1930. der Rmer, Mnchen 1902.
Patsch 1907 C. Patsch, Zur Geschichte und Topo- Wissowa 1902a G. Wissowa, Neptunus, W. H.
graphie von Narona. Schriften der Balkankommission. Roscher (Hrsg.), Ausfhrliches Lexikon der griechischen
Antiquarische Abteilung V, Wien 1907. und rmischen Mytolhogie, III1, col. 202207.

179
Dragana GRBI], Iz epigrafske ba{tine anti~ke Dokleje (175180) STARINAR LIX/2009

Summary: DRAGANA GRBI]


University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History, Belgrade

INSCRIPTION DEDICATED TO NEPTUNE


FROM THE TERRITORY OF ANCIENT DOCLEA

Key words. Neptune, Absolutor periculorum, Petronii, Doclea, Dalmatia, trade, navigation.

A new votive inscription from the territory of Doclea has re- berator, attested late in the narrative sources e.g. Cassiod. Var.
cently been published. The reading of the text needs revision, and XI, praef. 3, should be close to the Jupiters epithets Liberator
consequently, reinterpretation. The inscription should be read as or Servator. The dedication could be connected with a suc-
follows: cessful ending of a journey, possibly after being exposed to
maritime perils: the dedicator may well be a person engaged in
Neptuno | sacrum p|ericuloru|m Absolu|tori Petro| 5nius Aspe|r trade and businesses that involve transmarine voyage. His name
v(otum) s(olvit) | l(ibens) a(nimo). Petronius Asper implies the connection with the large group
of Italian settlers in Dalmatia, whose presence is attested in the
Neptunes attribute periculorum Absolutor appears here for province all through the Principate. Such relations are illustrated
the first time. The noun Absolutor, i.e. he who absolves, li- in the light of other Dalmatian examples.

180
DAMIEN GLAD
Universit Paris I Panthon-Sorbonne, UMR 8167, Paris

L'ETAT CENTRAL ET LE RAVITAILLEMENT


DES GARNISONS FRONTALIERES
(284641 AP. J.-C.)

UDC: 904:35.07(37)"02/06" e-mail : damien.glad@free.fr


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959181G Recu : le 15 janvier 2009.
Travail scientifique original Accept : le 4 mai 2009.

Rsum. Les troupes frontalires cantonnes sur le limes danubien lpoque romaine tardive et protobyzantine sont-elles
autonomes ou indpendantes de ltat central pour leur approvisionnement? Trop souvent encore, la vision dune arme
dcadente aux frontires de lEmpire persiste dans lhistoriographie militaire pour lpoque romaine tardive et protobyzantine.
Cette article permet de reconsidrer cette vision dsute opposant les soldats-paysans frontaliers ceux de larme centrale
via une approche conceptuelle base sur lopposition du couple centre et priphrie.

Mots clefs. Arme, centre, priphrie, approvisionnement, limes, notitia dignitatum.

D
ans lhistoriographie militaire, la dfense en Lutilisation du binme centre et priphrie
avant est oppose la dfense en profondeur applique larme na plus eu lieu depuis 1989. Outre
tandis que larme centrale soppose celle des louvrage fondamental de C. R.Whittaker qui met en
frontires, les soldats professionnels de larme centrale vidence lopposition de statut entre une arme centrale
sopposant ds lors aux soldats-paysans frontaliers. et une arme aux frontires1, il faut citer la contribution
Larme est effectivement organise en fonction du ter- de B. Bartel qui propose une premire synthse archolo-
ritoire et des besoins territoriaux locaux le plus souvent gique pour la Msie Suprieure2. A lexception de ces
imposs par le type dennemi prsent proximit. deux contributions, les recherches ont jusqualors t
Besoins qui peuvent ncessairement fluctuer au fil des centres sur les frontires de lEmpire romain, l o se
migrations et du remplacement des ennemis par des trouvent les forteresses, les zones de contacts, dchanges
adversaires aux techniques de combat diffrentes. Ces et de conflits. Le territoire central de lEmpire, savoir
besoins priphriques ne correspondent pas forcment le pourtour Mditerranen, na fait lobjet que de recher-
aux besoins et surtout aux capacits impriales dont la ches ponctuelles et les travaux des chercheurs locaux,
vision est plus globale tant dans le temps que dans focaliss sur les forteresses priphriques, sont peu dif-
lespace et lon a vu durant la crise politique du IIIe s., fuss, lexception des fouilles multinationales. Notre
maintes et maintes fois, la priphrie se rebeller contre tude se recentrera donc sur la pninsule des Balkans et
un centre administratif incapable dendiguer les probl- sur Byzance avec lobjectif dtudier le processus de ra-
mes rcurrents de la priphrie, voir accuser de sen vitaillement des armes par lEtat pour dterminer si les
dsintresser au profit des territoires centraux. garnisons des provinces priphriques sont dpendantes

* Larticle prsente les rsultats des travaux entrepris sur le projet : Larmement romain tardif et protobyzantin dans la pninsule balkanique
(284641) : Hritage, adaptation et innovation. Universit Paris I Panthon-Sorbonne, UMR/8167. Paris.

181
Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

de lEtat central ou autonomes et si lmergence dune tinople bien que la ville ne soit pas clairement mentionne.
arme de soldats-paysans frontaliers de plus en plus Nous pensons que ceux dIllyrie devaient tre Thessa-
loigns de leur mission initiale se vrifie. lonique bien que nous ne disposons daucun tmoignage
ce sujet.
Ainsi, au IVe sicle, il y a trois fabricae pour le dio-
LES FABRICAE : CENTRALISATION cse de Thrace : Constantinople, Andrinople et
ET HIRARCHISATION Marcionopolis. Pour le diocse dIllyricum, on compte
quatre fabricae Thessalonique, Horreum Margi,
Nous disposons de peu de donnes en archologie Ratiaria, Naissus auxquelles nous rajoutons la capa-
pour tudier la question de lapprovisionnement des cit dapprovisionnement de la fabrica pannonienne de
garnisons frontalires. En revanche, les sources histori- Sirmium. Il nest pas possible dy voir une hirarchie
ques, et notamment la notitia dignitatum, nous apportent des diocses mais bel et bien un nombre de fabricae
quelques lments de rponses quil est fondamental proportionnel au territoire couvert par le diocse. En re-
dvoquer avant de prsenter les donnes archologiques. vanche, il est possible didentifier une hirarchie entre
A partir de la fin du IIIe sicle, Diocltien met en place les fabricae. Les plus importantes sont places dans des
de nombreuses rformes politiques et conomiques dans centres primaires, des cits fortifies, qui abritent larme
le cadre dune rorganisation territoriale. Ces rformes centrale, larme daccompagnement de lEmpereur
administratives eurent un impact immdiat sur limplan- Sirmium et Thessalonique, puis Constantinople
tation des structures de productions. Si celles-ci sont partir de Thodose. Ces fabricae produisent certainement
marques, durant le Haut-Empire, par la runion des tous types darmes6. En ralit, larme centrale nest
sites militaires et des sites de production sur un mme pas cantonne uniquement dans chacune de ces cits
lieu, dans les camps frontaliers, la rforme ttrarchique mais galement dans les forteresses aux alentours. De
marque labandon de ce systme dapprovisionnement mme, des fabricae dont la nature des productions nest
et de production par le Haut Commandement au profit pas prcise sont prsentes dans les centres secondaires
de la bureaucratie civile rcemment mise en place. Les de Naissus et de Ratiaria, lieux de passage de certains
nouvelles manufactures dEtat sont effectivement places Empereurs, alors que les autres manufactures, dans des
sub dispositione viri illustris magistri officiorum3. De centres de moindres importances, sont spcialises
mme, des procuratores gynaeceorum et linyfiorum, un essentiellement dans la production de boucliers et
Magistri lineae uestis, qui supervisent la production et darmures. Toutes ont en commun dtre dans des cits
lapprovisionnement en vtement de laine ou de lin, et un fortifies situes, le plus souvent, prs des frontires et
comes metallorum per Illyricum, supervisant lapprovi- sur des nuds de communication la fois terrestres et
sionnement en mtaux dans le diocse dIllyrie, sont fluviaux (Fig. 1).
placs sub dispositione viri illustris comitis sacrarum Dautre part, si lon superpose la carte de rpartition
largitionum4. des fabricae celle des provinces, nous nous apercevons
Ainsi, la gestion de lapprovisionnement et la pro- que les provinces les plus priphriques, cest--dire les
duction de lquipement sont centralises et confies plus frontalires, sont toutes munies dune fabrica :
ladministration civile dans des capitales dcentralises lexception de la Scythie et de la Thrace qui sont les
en rgion plus prs des thtres doprations militaires deux provinces les plus souvent attaques au IVe sicle.
que Rome. Effectivement, la menace des usurpateurs Nous ne pensons pas que labsence de fabricae dans ces
poussa le pouvoir central inventer un nouveau systme provinces soit une consquence de ces attaques sinon
de production sous le contrle des services impriaux et comment expliquer la prsence dune fabrica en Msie
du pouvoir central : lancien systme permettant trop Seconde tout autant confronte aux barbares. Il est
facilement aux usurpateurs de squiper tout en tant
suffisamment proche des frontires pour rpondre aux
besoins. La notitia dignitatum mentionne sept fabricae 1 Il est galement fondamental de lire les nombreuses contri-
pour le territoire qui nous intresse. A cette liste, certaine-
butions recueillies dans Rowlands et al. 1987.
ment valable pour le dbut du IVe sicle, il faut ajouter 2 Bartel 1989.
des fabricae Constantinople comme nous en informe 3 Notitia Dignitatum, Or. XI.
une loi sur les barbaricarii du code thodosien5. Le bar- 4 Notitia Dignitatum, Or. XIII.

baricariorum mentionn par la Notitia dans le diocse 5 Codex Theodosianus, X, XXII, 1.

de Thrace illustre peut-tre ces barbaricarii de Constan- 6 Bien que la nature exacte des productions ne soit pas prcise.

182
Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

CENTRE PRIMAIRE

CENTRE SECONDAIRE

CENTRE TERTIAIRE

FABRICA

Fig. 1. Carte de rpartition des fabricae et des centres dapprovisionnement dans les Balkans (dessin D. Glad)
Sl. 1. Karta rasprostrawenosti radionica i centara za snabdevawe na Balkanu (crte` D. Glad)

cependant surprenant que des cits majeures comme stique global7. Nous mettons effectivement ici une
Philippoupolis ou Diokletianopolis naient pas abrit de hypothse qui mriterait dtre vrifie par le lancement
structures de productions tatiques. de prospections archologiques en Grce, notamment
Plus en retrait, Thessalonique est un centre majeur, en Thrace dans la montagne Pange, dans les Rhodopes
rsidence dEmpereurs de Galre Thodose, qui sert de et dans la plaine de Philippes dont Archibald Dunn a dj
centre de conqute et de reconqute tant pour Constantin, mis en vidence le potentiel avec des mines dfendues,
avant les batailles de Chrysopolis et de Gallipoli, qu durant notre intervalle chronologique, par des forteres-
Thodose aprs la dfaite dAndrinople. Thessalonique ses ce qui, selon nous, sintgrent dans une logistique
est certainement suffisante pour approvisionner les ter- lchelle pninsulaire.
ritoires occups aujourdhui par la Grce, la Macdoine A travers la liste des manufactures pour la partie
et lAlbanie plus en retrait des frontires. Cela ne signifie orientale de lEmpire, on constate une relative autonomie
pas pour autant que les provinces centrales sont dlaisses des provinces frontalires leur permettant dquiper ou
par rapport aux provinces priphriques. Il est mme de rquiper les troupes frontalires. Les manufactures
probable que ces rgions eurent en revanche la mission disposes Constantinople, Thessalonique et Sirmium
dextraire les matires premires avant de les envoyer ont pour fonction dquiper les troupes de larme cen-
aux fabricae qui les transformaient en produits finis, mais trale dont la diversit dquipement se retrouvait certa-
les recherches archologiques sur ce thme sont trop inement dans la diversit des produits de ces fabricae.
peu dveloppes pour pouvoir laffirmer dautant que Ainsi, la disposition des manufactures darmes en Illyrie
des mines taient galement situes dans les provinces
munies dune fabrica.
Mais si tel tait le cas, on assisterait alors une
spcialisation des provinces au sein dun systme logi- 7 Dunn 2004.

183
Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

tmoigne de la mise en place par le pouvoir central supposer lexistence dateliers de production darmes
dune logistique dapprovisionnement hirarchise et dans les forteresses frontalires en dehors du systme
essentiellement situe dans les provinces priphriques des fabricae impriales avant linstallation des fdrs
proximit immdiate des thtres militaires. goths. Nanmoins des tmoignages dactivit de recy-
clage du mtal sont indniables.
Un dpt de plusieurs fragments de casques
LE MAINTIEN DACTIVITS dcouvert lors de fouilles menes en 1909 dans la pice
MTALLURGIQUES DANS LES I du btiment K proximit immdiate du camp
GARNISONS FRONTALIRES militaire dIntercisa tmoigne certainement de ce type
dactivit12. Cette notion de recyclage se retrouve
Il demeure important de relativiser limportance galement dans la cit fortifie de Nicopolis ad Istrum.
que lon accorde trop souvent aux fabricae qui Dans le secteur P, savoir dans la tour rectangulaire, ont
correspondent au rseau dapprovisionnement officiel t dcouverts plusieurs fragments dcailles darmures
en armes. Il est clair quun march parallle clandestin dcoupes en vue dtre recycles. Lune dentre elle
tait en place comme lindiquent les lois rptition vient de la priode 1 de la tour, date par de la cramique
interdisant le commerce darmes avec les barbares. La et des monnaies de la fin du IIIe s. la seconde moiti
raffirmation du monopole dEtat jusqu une loi du IVe s., tandis que toutes les autres cailles provien-
justinienne laisse galement penser que ce march nent de la priode 2, date par 44 monnaies de cuivre
parallle constituait une concurrence dimportance8. En datant majoritairement de la fin du IVe et du dbut du
effet, on constate que la ville dOstie, par ltude des Ve s. jusqu la destruction de la cit par les Huns entre
mosaques de la place des corporations, accueillait le 440 et 450. Mme si lon suppose que lcaille dite de
sige des marchands darmes. Du juriste Paul, dans le la priode 1, date en ralit, pour des raisons de tapho-
Digeste9, jusqu Charlemagne dans les Capitularia nomie, de la priode 2, il est clair quun rseau parallle
Regum Francorum, en passant par la loi de Justinien, la aux structures officielles est prsent au cur des forte-
vente de fer, de mtal et darmes aux Barbares sera stri- resses frontalires leur procurant, ainsi, une relative
ctement interdite sous peine de mort. Rien en revanche, autonomie qui se maintient jusquau dbut du VIIe s.,
lexception de la loi de Justinien, ne permet de penser comme latteste la dcouverte de nombreuses lamelles
que des marchands darmes ne pouvaient vendre leurs darmures entasses dans un atelier de forgeron dcouvert
productions aux soldats impriaux et plus particulire- dans la forteresse de Svetinja (Serbie). La couche strati-
ment ceux cantonns aux frontires. graphique est date par une monnaie de lEmpereur
Larme est pragmatique et lon favorise, du moins Maurice13. Rappelons quune enclume, un marteau et peu
Vgce le conseille, le recrutement de personnels aux despace suffisent pour une activit de forge mineure et
aptitudes manuelles10. Effectivement, les artisans du la nature mme de larmement romain tardif et proto-
mtal, et plus gnralement ceux des arts du feu, mais byzantin avec la diffusion des casques composites parti-
galement les artisans du cuir et du bois ainsi que des cipent cette dynamique. Il est effectivement simple et
chasseurs sont vivement recherchs contrairement aux rapide de navoir changer quune pice endommage,
mtiers de bouche. Suite la conscription, qui favorisera lment de casques ou darmures, pour larmement roma-
ce type de profil, les conscrits serviront alors comme no-byzantin tandis que larmement antrieure, tels les
ouvriers-soldats dans les fabricae. Dj, au Haut-Empire, casques calotte forge et les bustes moules, ncessitait
le personnel se constituait de militaires qui assuraient une main-duvre qualifie et un matriel de forge im-
des tches de production et de rfection. Lauteur du posant au sein des garnisons.
Strategikon raffirme le besoin de recruter des soldats
aux aptitudes manuelles au dbut du VIIe sicle11. La
mise en place des fabricae impliquant le retrait des struc-
8 Novellae LXXXV,1.
tures de production des camps pour les installer dans des
9 Digeste, XXXIX, 4, 11.
cits fortifies, stratgiquement situes sur des nuds
10 Vgce, De Re Miltari, I7 : On fera bien, au contraire, de
de communications terrestres et fluviaux, permettant un
prfrer les forgerons, les charpentiers, les bcherons et les chas-
ravitaillement rgulier et centralis, na pas mis fin, en seurs de btes fauves. James 1988, 278280.
ralit, lexistence de petits ateliers au sein des for- 11 Mauricius, Strategikon, XII, B7.

teresses. Ces ateliers neffectuent cependant que des 12 Thomas 1973, 104109.

tches mineures de rparation, rien ne permettant de 13 Bugarski 2005, 161177.

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Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

LAUTOGESTION DES FDRS LES GARNISONS BYZANTINES


ET LANNONA MILITARIS
La prsence de nombreuses scories, de moules de
fontes comme dans les forteresses de Kalna, de Gradi{te, Les rares tmoignages archologiques notre dis-
dOre{ac, de Smorna et de Taliata permet didentifier position confirment lintrt de lEtat central pour ces
galement des ateliers de productions mtallurgiques provinces priphriques. La construction de rsidences
associables le plus souvent aux fdrs de lEmpire. Des impriales fortifies trs loignes de Rome et proche
centres mtallurgiques de lpoque ttrarchique, sans lien des zones de tensions priphriques en tmoigne. Il est
avec les fdrs, ont cependant t fouills Krakulu intressant de constater que les archologues croates ont
Yordan dans le Nord-Est de la Serbie14, Stojnik ainsi dcouvert un aqueduc Split dont la capacit de dbit,
qu Gamzigrad15 et [arkamen16. Si lensemble de ces trop importante pour les besoins de la rsidence daprs
structures sinscrit dans un programme imprial gnral, les chercheurs, serait idale pour le traitement de la
ces structures permettent une autonomie des provinces laine. Les fouilleurs ont notamment mis en vidence
frontalires. Il est galement indniable que les fdrs lexistence de foyers pour rchauffer des piscines de con-
Goths se donnrent les moyens dtre autonome du ra- ditionnement ainsi que des entrepts pour le stockage.
vitaillement imprial dont le dfaut avait t lorigine Au dire de Josko Belamari}, tout laisse penser que la
de la bataille dAndrinople. rsidence de Split pouvait pratiquer, en autarcie, les
Avec larrive des fdrs et de leur famille, on note tapes pralables au tissage, nous ne savons en revanche
Iatrus la prsence dun atelier de bronzier, dun moulin, pas si des ateliers de tissage ont t mis au jour18. Il
et darmes dans des pices du praetorium en compagnie semble que nous soyons en prsence dun gynaece,
dun rcipient en argile contenant 260 monnaies de bron- mentionn dans la notitia dignitatum par la prsence dun
ze du dbut du Ve sicle. La grande quantit de matriel Procurator gynaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae Aspalato19,
militaire usag, entrepos dans le btiment XXVII, au sud charg de la production de vtements militaires. Ce gyna-
de la via praetoria et langle sud-est des principia ece a t construit, au cur de la rsidence, ramnage
sarticule dans le cadre dune dynamique engage la pour loccasion, aprs la mort de Diocltien20.
fin du IVe et au dbut du Ve sicle qui prsente une multi- Cependant, les rsidences impriales ne sont pas
plication des petits ateliers de productions avec notam- construites pendant la ttrarchie en vue de marquer un
ment un atelier de bronzier dans le praetorium, une forge processus de dcentralisation : il sagit de btisses for-
dans les principia et un atelier de potier dans les tabernae. tifies, dont le plan au sol rappelle ceux des camps mili-
Le recyclage des cailles darmures Nicopolis taires, destines accueillir des Empereurs redevenus
ad Istrum sinscrit certainement dans cette dynamique citoyens aprs leur abdication volontaire. Ces palais ne
lie aux fdrs goths. Il apparat que ceux-ci ne comptent sont pas non plus des centres politiques de commande-
pas sur un approvisionnement des fabricae et se donnent ment comme le furent Nicomdie, Antioche, Thessalo-
les moyens dtre autonomes. Lapprovisionnement des nique, Trves ou Sirmium et enfin Constantinople. Dans
troupes dAlaric par les fabricae ne doit certainement pas une moindre mesure, ldification de ces rsidences
tre admis comme une gnralit et nest certainement impriales, trs proches des lieux de conflits, sinscrit
pas davantage quun simple lment conjoncturel: Mais dans une dynamique assez similaire de celle conduisant
depuis que Rome ma cd ses droits sur lIllyrie, et que des grands propritaires terriens fortifier leur villa21.
cette nation ma reconnu pour son chef, jai forc le Ces domaines et palais fortifis sont dabord des
Thrace forger pour mes soldats des traits, des casques,
des pes arross de ses sueurs17.
En revanche, aprs le dpart des Goths des forteres-
ses danubiennes, en raison de la destruction de celles-ci 14 Bartel et al. 1979, 127149.
15
par les Huns, il ne semble pas quil y ait de nouvelles Srejovi} 1983, 100102.
16 Jankovi} 1980.
structures de production et de rfection dans les forte-
17 Claudien, Guerre contre les Gtes, v. 535537.
resses reconstruites sous Marcien, sous Anastase puis
18 Belamari} 2004, 141162.
sous Justinien ce qui sexplique certainement par la mise 19 Notitia Dignitatum, Occ, XI. Pour lOrient aucun lieu nest
en garnison de troupes byzantines qui tirent nouveau mentionn lexception dun procuratores gynaeceorum la dispo-
leur approvisionnement du rseau tatique et de lannona sition de lillustre comte des largesses sacres (Or. XIII).
militaris qui concernent tant les troupes de larme 20 Belamari} 2004, 145.

centrale que les troupes frontalires. 21 Mulvin 2004, 394399.

185
Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

marqueurs de la militarisation de la socit une La dcouverte de nombreuses amphores des deux


chelle rgionale avant de tmoigner dune dcentrali- types ainsi que de haches dans lpave de Yassi Ada II
sation du pouvoir lchelle impriale. tmoignent de la rquisition de navires civils pour ravi-
Effectivement, la plus grosse menace lavnement tailler les troupes dOrient en guerre contre les Perses.
de Diocltien, davantage que les voisins belliqueux de La prsence de dbarcadres fortifis, qui occasionnel-
lEmpire, est linstabilit politique et militaire qui se lement peuvent galement servir dabris temporaires
traduit par des guerres civiles rptitions. Avec la pour les patrouilles fluviales, prend ici tout son sens.
rforme entreprise par Diocltien pour mettre fin ce Nanmoins, la Marine fut trs loin davoir le monopole
problme, on assiste une militarisation de la socit et du ravitaillement. Sa mission principale demeure la
du territoire quE. Luttwak dcrit comme une forteresse police des mers et des fleuves contre la piraterie, dont le
aussi solide quaustre22. Avec la mise en place du sys- pillage des ctes, les razzias de btail et larraisonnement
tme ttrarchique, Rome, centre historique, perd son im- des bateaux de commerce peuvent avoir des consquen-
portance politique et conomique aux profits de nouve- ces conomiques importantes comme en tmoigne les
aux centres dplacs en priphrie plus prs des thtres nombreuses expditions maritimes envoyes par Rome
doprations militaires, Sirmium, Nassus et Thessalo- et Byzance, en vain, contre le royaume des Vandales en
nique, tout dabord, puis galement, au cours du IVe sicle, Afrique du Nord. Lapprovisionnement du comitatus/m
Constantinople. La fonction impriale est devenue comitatenses ne semble vritablement tre assur par la
laboutissement dune carrire militaire et la militari- marine que dans le cas des longues expditions en
sation du pouvoir a ncessairement entran celle de la territoire ennemi mais, en temps normal, larme de
socit et dun territoire rorganis par Diocltien. terre vit et squipe sur le pays quelle occupe.
LEtat central donne aux provinces priphriques les Quoi quil en soit, tout ce systme ne peut reposer que
moyens logistiques de bases, avec le systme de lannone, sur une organisation centrale bureaucratique subvenant
pour conserver lintgrit du territoire. La construction aux besoins de ses garnisons frontalires. Les mmes
de structures, sur le Danube, identifies comme des conclusions ont t formules pour le limes syro-pales-
dbarcadres fortifis ou comme des zones dabris tinien26. Il faut nanmoins demeurer prudent car certains
temporaires23 pour les patrouilles fluviales tmoigne de cramologues considrent que ces amphores dipinti
la mise en place dun lourd systme logistique le long seraient en ralit des remplois de conteneurs et que
du limes, et plus gnralement dans les provinces pri- ceux-ci tmoigneraient davantage dune production lo-
phriques. Sur le pourtour des ctes, la marine utilise cale et rgionale que dun systme lchelle impriale27.
les portus et les statio ainsi que des quais artificiels pour La question de lannona militaris a effectivement
embarquer et dbarquer des hommes et du matriel : fait lobjet de nombreuses recherches. Ce systme
cest la fonction que lon peut attribuer au quai artificiel obligeait les contribuables participer en nature par la
dAnthdon ayant servi au dbarquement des troupes et fourniture de fourrages, de vtements et de nourriture
de leur matriel sous Justinien24. Ce systme dapprovi- mais pas darmes. En cas dinsuffisance de ce systme
sionnement seffectue lchelle impriale de lannone fiscal, la rquisition (coemptio), dductible des impts,
comme pourrait lattester ltude des amphores dco- pouvait tre pratique. Nanmoins, le peuple navait
uvertes dans les forteresses danubiennes25. jamais directement affaire larme. Le budget annuel
Il a effectivement t mis en vidence que la majo- des cits comprenait lentretien de la garnison. Les cits
rit des sites fonctions militaires situs sur le Bas- taient de plus tenue de fournir le gte et le couvert une
Danube et en Mer Ege contenait une grande quantit arme de passage, sous entendue larme centrale, tout
de Late Roman Amphora 1 et 2. Selon O. Karagiorgou, en assurant la solde et la logistique de sa propre
ces deux types damphores taient les rceptacles de garnison citadine quand celle-ci existe28.
lhuile, pour la LRA 2, et du vin, pour la LRA 1, distri-
bus aux garnisons dans le cadre de lannona militaris.
Ces amphores prsentent la particularit de possder 22 Luttwak 1987, 108.
des dipinti, sortes de graffitis, sur la panse, indiquant en 23 Redd 1986, 364369.
lettres grecques la capacit de contenance mais galement 24 Blackman et al. 1967.
parfois le nom certainement du propritaire. De tels 25 Karagiorgou 2001, 149156.
dipinti pourraient confirmer la mise en place par lEtat 26 Pieri 2005, 594595.
central dune logistique grande chelle destine 27 Nous remercions D. Pieri pour nous avoir clair sur ce point.
ravitailler lensemble des garnisons. 28 Durliat 1993, 32.

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Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

Si lon en croit Vgce, les provinces sont tenues de A Sucidava, les fouilles ont montr que les soldats
fournir lapprovisionnement des troupes en campagne romains de la garnison rcoltaient tous types dobjets
mais il conseille de prvoir en surabondance pour usags ou rcuprs lors dassauts dans le barbaricum,
pallier dventuelles dconvenues et de stocker les comme des fragments de chaudron hunique en alliage
ressources dans des postes de gardes fortifis proxi- cuivreux34, avant de les refondre pour produire de
mit des oprations29. Dans les produits livrer nouveaux objets. En outre, la prsence de charrues, de
larme sont mentionns leau, le fourrage, le bois, le pioches, de rteaux, de haches indiquent que la garnison
bl, le vin, le vinaigre et le sel. Pour ce faire, ce sont des pratiquait llevage et lagriculture proximit immdiate
possessores, spcifiquement dsigns, qui assurent les de la forteresse35. Malgr cette capacit autarcique, la
intermdiaires entre le peuple, ou la cit, et larme30. prsence de nombreuses cramiques importes dEge
Peut-on nanmoins suggrer une relative autonomie des en plus dune cramique locale grise/noire et frustre
garnisons frontalires vis--vis de la politique centrale? indique que la garnison demeurait approvisionne par
le systme officiel.
Dautre part, des mesures financires ont t prises
UN SYSTME DE SECOURS : en faveur de lquipement des soldats. Ldit du
LMERGENCE DES SOLDATS-PAYSANS maximum de Diocltien, bien que ce fusse un chec et
quil ne soit pas uniquement destin aux militaires mais
En ce qui concerne lapprovisionnement en biens bel et bien la relance conomique de lEmpire, semble
de consommation, la profusion dhorrea dans le cadre aller dans ce sens. Ltat impose sans cesse des lois aux
de programme militaire Abritus, Boljetin, Dinogetia, commercants leur indiquant les prix praticables pour les
Iatrus, Knja`evac, Novae, Pore~ka Reka, Sucidava, militaires : les marchands sont galement obligs de
Taliata et Veliki Gradac confirme la relative autonomie vendre leurs marchandises aux soldats des prix infri-
des frontires. En outre, le limes a pu parfois jouer un rle eurs la normale comme lindique une loi de 389 en
important dans le contrle douanier des changes trans- faveur des militaires de la prfecture dIllyrie : 80
danubiens, tablissant, de ce fait, une zone de contacts et livres de lard, 80 livres dhuile et 12 modius de sel,
dchanges sous surveillance et contrle militaire comme devant tre vendus aux militaires au prix dun solidus36.
on le constate sur le limes africain. La vie agricole autour Il semble donc que la crise montaire et les dvaluations
des places fortes ne doit pas non plus tre oublie. ne permettent pas aux troupes de squiper auprs
Cette autonomie des garnisons frontalires apparat dartisans privs.
effectivement via la dcouverte de restes osseux effectue Les fabricae rpondent ce besoin immdiat dun
dans diverses forteresses de la rgion des Portes de fer, Etat malmen par les crises politiques, conomiques et
en Serbie. Si cela na rien ddifiant pour une forteresse sociales de la fin du IIIe sicle. Le fait que lEtat soit
ou une cit fortifie, ce nest pas anodin de dcouvrir oblig dmettre de tels lois pour permettre ses soldats
lors de la fouille de tours de guet fortifies des meules,
des aiguilles et leurs moules de confection, ainsi que des
lests de filets de pche31. La prsence dune quantit non 29 Vgce, De re Militari, III, 3.
ngligeable dos de cervids, de bovids, de caprins, de 30 Durliat 1993, 32.
porcins, de poissons et doiseaux dans des petites struc- 31 Tomovi} 1986, 96.
tures militaires32 va galement dans le sens dune auto- 32 Ibid.
nomie relative des garnisons frontalires de plus en plus 33 Codex Theodosianus, VII, 4, 14 : ad limitem frumenta con-

attaches au sol. veherent.


34 Qui peuvent avoir appartenu des fdrs, dorigine hun-
Les forteresses sentourent dactivits agricoles
permettant de subvenir au besoin de la garnison notam- nique, engags dans la garnison plutt qutre les tmoins de raids
romains en territoire hunnique.
ment en cas dinsuffisance ou de rupture du systme 35 Tudor 1965, 8687.
dapprovisionnement officiel : les soldats deviendront 36 Codex Theodosianus, VIII, 4, 17 : cynegio praefecto praeto-
progressivement des paysans-soldats de plus en plus rio per orientem. cum ante placuisset, ut a primipilaribus secundum
attachs la terre. Certaines tours de guet comme Golu- dispositionem divi gratiani species horreis erogandae comitatensibus
binje et Zidinac ont pu faire office de grenier. Rappelons militibus ex more deferrentur, limitaneis vero pretia darentur, nunc
placuit, ut aurum ad officium illustris per illyricum praefecturae cum
dautre part que les communauts frontalires taient certa taxatione, id est pro octogenis libris laridae carnis, pro octo-
dans lobligation de ravitailler les garnisons situes genis etiam libris olei et pro duodenis modiis salis singuli solidi
proximit33. perferantur. dat. v kal. iul. timasio et promoto conss.

187
Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

de se nourrir montre que ceux-ci nont pas les moyens nest pas si problmatique ds lors que les centres pri-
de squiper ou damliorer lquipement dappoint maires, Thessalonique et Constantinople, demeurent
fourni en dehors des primes dengagements. Cette re- sous le contrle de lEmpire. Les garnisons danubiennes,
marque nest videmment pas valable pour les officiers dsormais lieux de cantonnement des fdrs, sauto-
dont les soldes sont diffrentes et consquentes. Des grent. La destruction dune grande partie des forteresses
armes de prestiges, ventuellement produites dans les danubiennes par les Huns entrane le retour de garnisons
manufactures dtat ou prives, peuvent alors tre byzantines qui sapprovisionnent partir du systme
achetes par les officiers, en plus de leur quipement de tatique, lannona militaris, qui, tant pour lquipement
base, comme des symboles de russite. Ainsi, lautonomie que pour les biens de consommations, fonctionne
des garnisons frontalires est toute relative et ne peut jusqu la chute du limes danubien au dbut du VIIe
certainement que compenser temporairement les rup- sicle. Les forteresses frontalires conservent nanmoins
tures conjoncturelles de lapprovisionnement tatique des capacits dautosuffisance, en cas dune coupure du
lies aux incursions barbares jusqu la chute dfinitive systme dapprovisionnement officiel, qui donne
du limes danubien au dbut du VIIe sicle. naissance aux soldats-paysans ds le IVe sicle.
Sil apparat que lEtat central fournit les moyens
de bases, celui-ci nhsite pas sacrifier aux pillages
CONCLUSION certaines provinces excentres, comme la Scythie, la
Msie et la Thrace pour en sauvegarder dautres. La
Cest donc en ralit un systme centralis et hirarchie des fabricae, que nous pensons avoir mis en
hirarchis qui fut planifi ds le dbut du IVe sicle vidence, est le reflet dune hirarchie plus profonde
afin que les militaires puissent disposer de moyens de lchelle, non pas diocsaine ou provinciale, mais
ravitaillement les plus efficaces possibles. Les facteurs celle de la cit avec des centres primaires et des centres
politiques, militaires et conomiques, ont provoqu un secondaires, des capitales impriales aux forteresses
dplacement du centre de gravit des fabricae vers frontalires en passant par les capitales rgionales et les
lintrieur des terres, au profit des capitales rgionales petites cits fortifies. Seuls les centres primaires,
et provinciales, seules aptes assurer la dfense des savoir les capitales impriales que furent Sirmium,
structures de fabrication, vitales pour larme tandis Thessalonique et Constantinople, ont les capacits pour
que les camps conservent des ateliers locaux permettant servir de centre de reconqute.
des rparations sommaires dans la continuit du Haut- Il apparat que le couple centre et priphrie permet
Empire et se voient dots dun horreum. de renouveler lapproche historique et archologique de
En revanche, la perte des fabricae priphriques avec lorganisation de larme romano-byzantine en prenant
les migrations germaniques puis asiatiques, au Ve sicle, davantage en considration la notion de territoire.

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Damien GLAD, Ltat central et le ravitaillement des garnisons frontalires (181190) STARINAR LIX/2009

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Bartel 1989 B. Bartel, Acculturation and Ethnicity nika u Vrelu, [arkamen, Starinar XXXI/1980, Beograd
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Luttwak 1987 E. Luttwak, La grande stratgie de
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Rowlands, Larsen, Kristiansen 1987 M. Row- C. Unz (ed.), Studien zu den Militrgrenzen Roms III,
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Periphery in the Ancient World, Cambridge 1987. Tudor 1965 D. Tudor, Sucidava. Une cit daco-
Srejovi} 1983 D. Srejovi}, Gamzigrad : kasnoan- romaine et byzantine en Dacie, Latomus LXXX/1965,
ti~ki carski dvorac, Belgrade 1983. BruxellesBerchem 1965.
Thomas 1973 E. B. Thomas, Der Helm von Inter- Whittaker 1989 C. R. Whittaker, Les frontires
cisa, Ungarn dans H. Klumbach (ed.), Sptrmische de lEmpire romain, Paris 1989.
Gardenhelme, Munich 1973, 104109. Zotovi} 1969 Lj. Zotovi}, Boljetin, Lepena kod
Tomovi} 1986 M. Tomovi}, Les tours fortifies Karaule : rimska nekropola spaljenih pokojnika, Arhe-
de la basse antiquit sur le limes des Portes de Fer dans olo{ki Pregled 11/1969, 114118.

Rezime: DAMIJEN GLAD, Univerzitet Pariz I Sorbona, Pariz

CENTRALIZOVANA DR@AVA
I SNABDEVAWE POGRANI^NIH GARNIZONA
(284641. n. e.)

Kqu~ne re~i. vojska, centar, periferija, snabdevawe, limes, notitia dignitatum.

Uspostavqawem tetrarhijskog sistema krajem III veka, Rim, vi{e vezuje za teritoriju koju brani, pokre}e pitawe da li
istorijski centar, gubi ekonimski i politi~ki zna~aj u obe ove vojske koriste isti tip snabdevawa.
korist novih centara preme{tenih na periferiju, bli`e Notitia dignitatum svedo~i o centralizovanoj, zvani~noj,
podru~jima vojnih operacija. Reforme uprave odrazile su na hijerarhiji zasnovanoj mre`i koja ne sakriva postojawe
se na strukture snabdevawa vojske tako {to je te`i{te ra- paralelne mre`e, na lokalnom nivou, o kojoj svedo~e pisa-
dionica za izradu oru`ja povu~eno naj~e{}e prema unutra- ni izvori.
{wosti teritorija u velike utvr|ene gradove sme{tene na Vide}emo nekoliko arheolo{kih primera koji }e po-
glavnim putnim pravcima. Glavna novina koju je uveo Dio- kazati da su naro~ito pograni~ni garnizoni sa~uvali odre-
klecijan bi}e stavqawe ovih struktura za snabdevawe pod |en stepen autonomije i obezbedili sebi sredstva za snab-
kontrolu nove uprave. Postavi}e se pitawe zavisnosti ili devawe za slu~aj kada bi zvani~na mre`a bivala prekinuta
autonomije podunavskih pograni~nih garnizona u odnosu na povremenim upadima. Prou~avawe zanatskih aktivnosti i
dr`avnu mre`u ustanovqenu na nivou Imperije. proizvodwe potro{nih dobara u strukturama vojni~kog ka-
Podela vojske na, sa jedne strane, vojsku koja prati raktera omogu}i}e da se proceni stepen autonomije pogra-
Imperatora, a sa druge strane perifernu vojsku koja se sve ni~nih garnizona.

190
VOJISLAV KORA]
Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd

ARHITEKTONSKI UKRAS U KAMENU


IZME\U ANTIKE I RANE VIZANTIJE,
U OSTACIMA GRADA DUKQE (DOCLEA)

UDK: 904:711.42"652/653"(497.16) e-mail: vojislav.korac@sanu.ac.rs


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959191K Primqeno: 29. januara 2009.
Kratko saop{tewe Prihva}eno: 4. maja 2009.

Apstrakt. Rad se odnosi na ostatke anti~kog grada Dukqe (Doclea). Poseban predmet su fragmenti
u kamenu i mermeru, sa ostacima reqefnog ukrasa ili osnovnog oblika koji je ~inio arhitektonski
deo neke gra|evine.

Kqu~ne re~i. Arhitektonska plastika, kasna antika, rana Vizantija, Doclea, Crna Gora.

R
azumqivo je tradicionalno interesovawe za kotija veoma doprinosi kulturnom ugledu Crne Go-
ostatke grada Dukqe. Pa`wu su privla~ili re i wenih nau~nih i kulturnih radnika.
polo`aj i velike razmere ru{evina. Rana Posledwa istra`ivawa su preduzeta 1954. godi-
opa`awa o gradu, amaterski zabele`ena, preobra- ne po dogovoru Zavoda za za{titu spomenika kulture
`ena su u stru~na istra`ivawa po `eqi kraqa Ni- NR Crne Gore i Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu
kole. Geolog Kovalevski proveo je 1841 u Crnoj Gori sa saradnicima.
~etiri meseca i pritom posetio Dukqu, o ~emu je pod- Osnovna zamisao istra`ivawa bila je da se ot-
neo izve{taj.1 Posle wegovog izve{taja pojavquje kriju i istra`e delovi grada koji bi najvi{e dopri-
se izve{taj P. Rovinskog2 pregled iskopavawa Du- neli upoznavawu wegove urbane strukture i wegove
kqe objavio je u Zborniku carske ruske Akademije.3 istorije.To je govorilo da treba u celini otkriti i
Posle Rovinskog iskopavawa su ostvarili Englezi ispitati ostatke onih celina koje su delimi~no ot-
Munro, Andersen, Milne, Haverfild. Ozbiqna istra- krivene ili samo nagove{tene u prethodnim istra-
`ivawa i kwigu o Dukqi objavquje Piero Sticotti.4 `ivawima, prvenstveno u radu Stikotia, opisanom u
Uz osnovni tekst objavqen je dodatak L. Jeli}a pod navedenoj kwizi. Istra`ivawa su usmerena na sre-
naslovom Dokleja u ranom sredwem vijeku. Izuzet- di{wi deo grada, forum i civilnu, rimsku baziliku
no je vredna pa`we ~iwenica {to je kwiga prevede-
na na srpski jezik. Naslov prevoda je Rimski grad
Doclea u Crnoj Gori, Podgorica 1999. Uz prevod je ob- 1 Kovaqevski 1841, 8.
javqen tekst Olivere Velimirovi} @i`i} u kome 2 Rovinski 1890, 17; Rovinski 1891.
ona govori o kwizi uz najve}e po{tovawe za autora i 3 Rovinski, 1890, sl. 2.
tekst po sebi. Sa razlogom zakqu~uje da kwiga Sti- 4 Sticotti 1913.

* ^lanak predstavqa rezultat rada na projektu: Arhitektura ranog sredweg veka u oblasti Dukqe i Zete koji finansira Ministar-
stvo za nauku i tehnolo{ki razvoj Republike Srbije.

191
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

i ranohri{}anske gra|evine, veliku hri{}ansku ba- stora bazilike. Ustanovqeno je da su kod Stikoti-
ziliku, episkopsku crkvu kako je obele`ava Stiko- jevog izve{taja bili ta~no obele`eni delovi pro-
ti i krstoobraznu crkvu. stora. Istovremeno su otkrivani zidovi sa spoqne
Najobimniji radovi ostvareni su u dvema pr- strane i unutra{wi prostor.Ogromne koli~ine {u-
vim kampawama, 1954 i 1955. Obimni su tako|e bi- ta, sastavqenog od poru{enih delova zidova i pri-
li radovi 1956, ali su se oni odnosili prvenstve- rodnih nanosa, su izvla~ene i sklawane na spoqwem
no na snimawe i konzervatorsku za{titu otkopanih prostoru, izvan grada.U {utu su na|eni delovi po-
gra|evina. Radovi su tekli u dnevnom ritmu, pri ~e- ru{enih zidova bazilike, i to sitniji i krupniji
mu je bio zaposlen veliki broj radnika me{tana; kameni blokovi i fragmenti sa reqefnim ukrasom.
pra}eni dnevnim bele{kama i crte`ima, na kraju i Izuzetno je otkriven veliki broj sitnih kamenih
fotografijama. Odgovaraju}a pa`wa je posve}ena fragmenata sa reqefnim ukrasom. Wihove sitne raz-
obradi i sabirawu kamenih fragmenata koji poti~u mere iskqu~uju mogu}nost da se prika`u u poseb-
od prvobitnih celina, okvira prozora, vrata, para- nom katalogu.
peta, stubova, kapitela. I pored velikih poreme}aja Istra`ivawa su trajala u toku celog meseca avgu-
na terenu u toku dugog trajawa ostataka grada bele- sta 1956. Radovi su bili usmereni na tri povr{i-
`ena su mesta nalaza, zbog mogu}nosti delimi~nih, ne, forum, baziliku i podru~je hri{}anske bazili-
studijskih rekonstrukcija celina kojima su pripa- ke i krstoobrazne crkve.Tekli su uporedo, sa
dali.Svi stru~waci koji su posetili ru{evine an- te`i{tem na mestima na kome je trebalo ostvariti
ti~kog grada primetili su da su delovi ostataka u ve}i obim fizi~kog rada. Rad je na svim mestima
kamenu razno{eni u bli`u, pa ~ak i daqu okolinu tekao u dnevnom ritmu, uz bele`ewe nalaza i odgo-
kao koristan gra|evinski materijal. varaju}u obradu. Posle ~i{}ewa u prostoru krsto-
U otkrivawu gra|evinskih ostataka civilna, brazne crkve otkriveni su fragmenti plasti~ne
rimska bazilika i forum su shva}eni kao celina, obrade, me|u kojima su posebno uo~qive plo~e sa
prvenstveno u organizaciji rada. Otkrivani su deo urezanim malim krstovima kao motivom obrade. U
po deo, po logici wihove arhitektonske zamisli. {utu su na|eni fragmenti keramike i stakla. Na-
Izuzetnog obima je bilo otkrivawe prvobitnog pro- |ena je i polovina natpisa koji je objavio Munro

0 5 10 20 m

Sl. 1. Ranohri{}anska bazilika (prema: P. Sticotti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)
Fig. 1. Basilique palochrtien (daprs: P. Sticcoti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)

192
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

0 5 10 20 m

Sl. 2. Forum (prema: P. Sticotti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)
Fig. 2. Forum (daprs: P. Sticcoti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)

pod No 55.5 Me|u kamenim fragmentima na sektoru stri, {to omogu}uje idealnu rekonstrukciju struk-
krstobrazne crkve u {utu u tremu bilo je vi{e frag- ture gra|evine. Pri tome treba naro~ito ista}i zid
menata arhitektonske plastike, profilisanih ve- prema forumu. Stikotijeva rekonstrukcija pred-
naca, stopa i stabala stubova i kapitela. Osoben je staqa mogu}e re{ewe gorweg dela bazilike i wene
fragment jonskog impost kapitela i polovina plin- superstrukture. Sa razlogom je zakqu~eno da je bazi-
te kompozitnog kapitela. Velika povr{ina prosto- lika svojom du`inom ome|ila ju`nu stranu foruma.
ra foruma i bazilike, iscrtana u kwizi Stikotija, Tri strane foruma, ju`na isto~na i zapadna, su od-
bila je pokrivena {utom, pa je bilo razlo`no pre- re|ene du`inskom merom bazilike. Iako mawe sa~u-
tra`iti zate~eno stawe, da bi se do{lo do izvornog vane, ove tri strane ~ine deo kvadratne osnove foru-
izgleda. U severnoj prostoriji bazilike otkriveni ma. Pouzdano se mo`e rekonstruisati i povr{ina
su skromni ostaci mozaika. U prostoriji B po podignute trase sa koje se pristupalo prostoru ivi~-
Stikotiju na|eno je vi{e fragmenata plastike. nih gra|evina. Posebno je ispitana povr{ina eks-
Prostor bazilike u celini je pretra`ivan. U pro- edre, pravougaone prostorije na sredini severne
storijama A, B, C, D po Stikotiju o~i{}ene su strane foruma. Ova prostorija je kod Stikotia obe-
velike koli~ine {uta, u kome su na|eni fragmenti le`ena kao prostorija A.
plastike, a otkriveni su i pilastri, koji odgovara- Na povr{ini foruma otkriveni su krupniji
ju ritmu unutra{qih pilastera. U {utu su tako|e kameni komadi i fragmenti arhitektonskih delo-
otkrivani krupniji kameni komadi, koji poti~u od va, venaca, stopa, voluta. Fragmenti o kojima je re~
zidova gra|evine. Izuzetno velikog obima bilo je bili su zatrpani {utom. Tako|e su otkrivene plo~e,
potpuno otkrivawe civilne bazilike. Od {uta su na odre|enim mestima, kojima je povr{ina foruma
oslobo|eni svi delovi bazilike, obele`eni kod
Stikotia abecedom A, B, C, D, sa eksedrom na zapad-
noj strani. Zidovi su su otkriveni i na spoqnoj i
unutrwa{woj strani. Pouzdano su utvr|eni pila- 5 Sticotti 1913, nap. 27.

193
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

bila poplo~ana. Na prostoru koji je bele`en pod na-


zivom krstoobrazna crkva otkrivani su ostaci nave-
deni kod Stikotia kao krstoobrazna crkva i hri{-
}anska ili episkopska bazilika. Ostaci gra|evina
su identifikovani, ali je bilo jasno da se radovi
moraju nastaviti u narednoj sezoni da bi se do{lo
do potpunijih podataka o gra|evinama zna~ajnim za
istoriju grada. U arheolo{kom smislu ovo podru~je
bilo je veoma slo`eno. Pouzdano su identifikova-
ne obe sakralne gra|evine. Krstoobrazna crkva je
pouzdano identifikovana u dowem sloju zidova, ta-
ko da je mogu}a wena rekonstrukcija u celini. Ve} u
prethodnim istra`ivawima je ustanovqeno da je sa-
gra|ena na ostacima starije gra|evine, nejasnog arhi-
tektonskog re{ewa. Ranohri{}anske ili episkopske
bazilike kako ih naziva Stikoti u arheolo{kom
smislu je jasno definisana. Trobrodni naos, sa pred-
prostorom na zapadnoj strani i apsidom na isto~-
noj, uz dve bo~ne prostorije i podignutim prosto-
rom ispred apside, sagra|ena je po uzoru na rimske
bazilike. Opa`eno je da je uz baziliku, uz wenu ju-
`nu stranu postojao prostor prakti~ne namene.
Krstoobrazna crkva predstavqa osobeno re{e-
we u prostoru i strukturi. Na sredini je kupola ko-
ju nose ~etiri polukru`na luka. Isto~ni sa polu-
kru`nom apsidom na isto~noj strani ne{to dubqi
0 5 10 m
ima o~igledno namenu oltarskog prostora. Naknad-
no je na zapadnoj strani dogra|eno plitko predvorje.
Zamisao prostora, zajedno sa strukturom, podre|e- Sl. 3. Krstoobrazna crkva (prema:
na je kupoli. Stikoti je tuma~i kao grobnu crkvu sa- P. Sticotti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)
gra|enu po uzoru na ravenski mauzolej Gala Placi-
dije. Nesumwiva je sli~nost sa ravenskom crkvom, Fig. 3. Eglise en forme de croix grecque (daprs:
P. Sticcoti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)
me|utim, zamisao ostvarena u dukqanskoj crkvi ima
osobeno poreklo, dugu tradiciju i dugo trajawe. U
studiji M. [uput o klasicizmu u vizantijskoj umet-
nosti usmerava pa`wu na simboli~no zna~ewe arhi- tati istra`ivawa sa uvidom u mnogobrojne fragmen-
tekture hrama i wene izvore.6 Osnova je u opisu cr- te posebno obra|enih kamenih delova i verovatnim
kve Sv. Sofije u Edesi u sirijskoj himni, ~emu je arhitektonskim okvirima u kojima su stajali. Rad
posvetio posebnu pa`wu A Grabar.7 O dugom traja- koji se objavquje mo`e biti koristan za budu}e is-
wu ideje proiza{le na opisani na~in svedo~i crkva tra`iva~e i konzervatore.
Joakima i Ane, Kraqeva crkva u Studenici. O tome Po sa~uvanim kamenim fragmentima vidi se da
hramu v. G. Babi}, Kraqeva crkva u Studenici.8 Za- je prilikom projektovawa dosledno po{tovana geo-
misao bi se mogla prepoznati i na skromnijim spo- metrija. Svi delovi arhitekture ra|eni u kamenu
menicima ranog i sredweg perioda koji nemaju na- bili su predmet pa`qive obrade. Nesumwivo je ob-
ro~itu vrstu obrade. rada kamenih delova plod anti~ke tradicije. Ravni
Fragmenti ili celine delova portala, prozora,
stubova, kapitela, pilastera nazvali smo ih re-
qefni ukras u kamenu dopuwuju celine, koje su
pripadale delima visoke graditeqske vrednosti. 6 M. [uput 19981999.
Sticajem okolnosti rad nije nastavqen. Me|u- 7 A. Grabar 1968.
tim smatram celishodnim da se objave osnovni rezul- 8 Babi} 1987, posebno o arhitekturi, 2535

194
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

pilastri, parapetne plo~e, delovi okvira vrata i rekla. Retki su fragmenti kapitela koji su napra-
prozora imali su pravougaone okvire, obele`ene ru- vqeni kao neobra|eni volumeni. Ve}inom se rekon-
bovima, po ~emu se vidi crte` pravilnog pravouga- strui{e kapitel zasnovan na poznatoj anti~koj tra-
onika kao osnova projekta. Povr{ine pravougaonih diciji. Oblik mu je dopuwen stilizovanim
oblika pa`qivo klesane, dopuwavaju geometrijsku listovima ili podelom na dve ili tri zone. Pou-
zamisao celine. Pa`qivo su izvedeni delovi u koji- zdano kori{}ewe geometrije u projektovawu nesum-
ma je bitan elemenat ovalna povr{ina, torus tro- wivo je obele`je ostataka arhitekture u gradu. O
hilus, ili povr{ina u kojoj su spojeni torus i trohi- tome uverqivo svedo~e delovi koji su zahtevali
lus. Sa jednakom pa`wom su ura|eni ravni elementi slo`en postupak, me|u wima su kapiteli i reqef-
u sklopovima slo`enih celina, kao {to su venci. ni ukras. Dosledno kori{}ewe geometrije u projek-
Geometrijska doslednost i ve{tina iskazuje se ta- tovawu arhitekture govori o anti~kom postupku,
ko|e kod polukru`nih venaca. Stabla stubova su ta- prenetom u ranovizantisku arhitekturu.
ko|e projektovana geometrijski. Postupak uverqi- Iako oskudni ostaci arhitekture, posebno ukra-
vo potvr|uju stubovi kru`nog preseka. sa, uverqivo pokazuju zanatski izvanrednu obradu
Posebnu pa`wu u proceni geometrije predsta- kamena. Povr{ine, i ravnih i slobodnih oblika,
vqaju kapiteli. Po fragmentima se vidi da je na~e- besprekorno su klesane. Delo su vode}ih zanatskih
lo geometrijskog prilaza u projektovawu po{tovana radionica. Na`alost ne mo`e se pouzdano govoriti
i prilikom izrade kapitela {to je bio va`an postu- o poreklu majstora. Pore|ewe sa udaqenim anti~kim
pak. Na|eno je vi{e fragmenata kapitela sa osta- gradovima bilo bi slobodno sa neizvesnim ishodima.
cima akantusa. Po nalazima se mo`e zakqu~iti da Preostali fragmenti, me|u wima i kapiteli
su za izradu ukrasa kori{}eni motivi biqnog po- rasuti su na terenu grada. Sa vi{e pouzdawa se mo`e

Sl. 4. Situacioni plan (prema: P. Sticotti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)
Fig. 4. Plan situationnel (daprs: P. Sticcoti, Rimski grad Doclea u Crnoj Gori, 1913)

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govoriti o mestu reprezentativnih delova arhitek- na osnovnim anti~kim oblicima sti~u formalne
ture ravnih plo~a, greda i reqefnog ukrasa u ka- promene u oblicima. U Sv. Sofiji u Carigradu o~u-
menu u {ire shva}enoj arhitekturi i umetnosti vali su se kapiteli, koje kao celinu prikazuju fo-
vizantijskog sveta predstavqeni kameni fragmen- tografije u monografiji o Sv. Sofiji.13
ti u ostacima grada Dukqe (Doclea) su anti~ki i vi- Za pregled sredwevizantijskih kapitela va`no
zantijski, ta~nije re~eno kasnoanti~ki i ranovi- je delo Martin Dennert-a.14 U kwizi su uz odgovaraju}i
zantijski. Mada se ne mo`e ta~no pokazati jasna pregled i zakqu~ak, predstavqeni kapiteli u sedam
granica izme|u anti~kog i vizantiskokog jer je tra- skupina, po izgledu. Klasi~ni po nazivu, posebno
jao kontinuitet i stvarala~kog i zanatskog rada. su obele`eni po naro~itim svojstvima. U kwizi su
Odrednica odnos ranovizantijskog prema kasnoan- 62 table sa 350 fotografija kapitela. Posebno po-
ti~kom najboqe je obele`je dela koja nastaju u vre- glavqe je posve}eno autorovom istra`ivawu odre-
menu o kome se govori. Srazmerno su mali ostaci re- |enih jonskih kapitela, pod naslovom Untersuchun-
qefnog ukrasa na kamenim plo~ama i volumenima gen zum ionischen Kmpferkapitel Konstantinopels.
kamenih greda stoga je najvi{e pa`we posve}eno Kasnoanti~ki i ranovizantijski ukras u kamenu
kapitelima i predmetima koji oni nose i stubovi- koji obele`avaju kapitele na podru~ju Makedonije,
ma na koje kapiteli nale`u. Kapiteli kao va`an bliskom oblasti anti~ke Dukqe predstavqeni su u
elemenat arhitekture nosilac su arhitektonskog delu Sne`ane Filipove.15 Kapiteli sa prate}om ar-
ukrasa. Novija istra`ivawa pokazuju celishodnost hitekturom parapetnim plo~ama i arhitektonskim
posebne obrade kapitela ili arhitektonske ukra- pregradama pa`qivo su predstavqeni fotogra-
sne strukture. fijama i crte`ima. Prvi deo rada VVI vek hrono-
Najstariji reqefni ukras nastao verovatno po lo{ki je blizak posledwem dobu anti~ke Dukqe, pa
uzorima iz Italije. Mogu}e ga je videti na kapiteli- stoga vredan pa`we za mogu}e idealne rekonstrukci-
ma, korintskim i jonskim. Na takav zakqu~ak upu- je kamenih fragmenata sa reqefnim ukrasom. Isti
}uje i civilna bazilika u Dukqi ~ija koncepcija autor objavquje kwigu o ranovizantijskim kapite-
nastaje po uzorima na civilne bazilike u Italiji.9 lima u Makedoniji.16 Kwiga je posve}ena kapiteli-
U Rimu je verovatno uzor po kome je sagra|ena hri- ma koji su pa`qivo predstavqeni, opisani i ilu-
{}anska bazilika.10 strovani. Po prikazanim kapitelima reqefni
Pro{irena vizantijska vlast je donela vizan- ukras je u okvirima ranovizantijskog ukrasa.
tijske uzore. U tome nastaje odnos kasnoanti~kog Reqefni ukras u kamenu u fragmentima u osta-
prema ranovizatijskom ukrasu. Za vizantiske uzore cima Dukqe najbli`i je ranovizantijskom ukrasu.
za primer se mo`e navesti Ravena.11 Obja{wavaju ga kapiteli po kojima bi se mogla stva-
Saznawe da kapitel, i wegovi arhitektonski rati studijska rekonstrukcija dukqanskih kapite-
okviri, pru`a podatke o arhitektonskom ukrasu na- la. Ako ukras postavimo izme|u kasne antike i rane
vela je istra`iva~e da kapitelima posvete posebnu Vizantije sti`emo do ta~nije odrednice wegovog
pa`wu. Nastaju studije o kapitelima, potom i i si- umetni~kog okvira. Na kapitelima se vide tokovi
stematski pregledi kapitela na odre|enim podru~- promena. Anti~ki kapiteli, dorski, korintski i
jima. Za {ire vizantijsko podru~je uz koje, ili na jonski mewaju izgled. Novine su u volumenu i doda-
kome traje anti~ki grad Dukqa vredni su pa`we sle-
de}i pregledi kapitela koji doprinose boqem raz-
umevawu mnogih kamenih fragmenata na|enim u osta-
cima grada, me|u kojima se mogu prepoznati ostaci
9 O poreklu bazilike v. Sticotti 1913, 135.
kapitela i prate}ih elemenata arhitekture.
10 Sticotti 1913, 138139.
Thomas Zollt u svom obimnom delu pru`a podat-
11 Farioli 1977, 26 i sq.
ke o velikom broju kapitela.12 U katalogu u kome su 12 Zollt 1994.
obra|eni svi kapiteli, dati su opis, oblik, i stvar- 13 Khler 1967.
no ili mogu}e datovawe. Poseban, drugi deo kwige 14 Dennert 1997.
posve}en je istra`ivawu jonskih i kempfer kapi- 15 S. Filipova 1996.
tela u Carigradu. Tekstu kwige prilo`eno je neko- 16 S. Filipova 2006.
liko crte`a i 51 tabla sa fotografijama. 17 Kora} 19581959, 378379.

Jonski, korintski i kompozitni kapiteli su 18 Kora} 19581959a, 383385.

osnovna obele`ja kapitela u Carigradu. Zasnovani 19 Nikolajevi} 1957, 567572.

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Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

cima. Nastaju dva ili tri poqa u izgledu. Mewaju kod Podgorice.18 U ovom izve{taju navedeno je da je
se oblici i polo`aj akantusa. Povr{ine volumena I. Nikolajevi} podnela izve{taj na V kongresu Hri-
se pokrivaju reqefnim ukrasom. {}anske arheologije.19
Reqefni ukras u kamenu u ostacima grada Dukqe Za pregled fragmenata koji se predstavqaju u
put je ka razja{wavawu prvobitnih oblika. kwizi kori{}en je fond koji se ~uva u Arheolo{kom
O ostvarenim radovima objavqen sa`et izve{- insitutu u Beogradu. Crte`e za {tampu uradila je
taj u Starinaru17. U istom broju Starinara objavqen Gordana Toli}, arhitekt, a u obradi teksta pomogla
je izve{taj o ranohri{}anskoj crkvi u Doqanima Vera Pavlovi}, istori~ar umetnosti.

BIBLIOGRAFIJA:

Babi} 1987 G. Babi}, Kraqeva crkva u Stude- Rovinski 1890 P. Rovinski, Raskopki drevne
nici, Beograd 1987. Dioklei 22 nv. do 11 febr. u: @urnal Miniser-
Grabar 1968 A. Grabar, Lart de la fin de lanti- sva naronoa rosveeni 1890.
quite et du Moyen age I, Paris 1968, 3150. Le temoig- Rovinski 1891 P. Rovinski, Raskopki drevne
nage dune hymne syriaque sur larchitecture de la Dioklei 22 nv. do 11 febr. u: @urnal Miniser-
cathedrale dEdesse du VI sicle et sur la symbolique de sva naronoa rosveeni 1890, str. 117; Nasta-
larchitecture chretienne. vak: Raskopki drevnei Dioklei itd., 22 fevr. do 12
Dennert 1997 M. Dennert, Mittelbizantinische ma, 1891.
Kapitelle, Studien zur typologie und Chronologie, Asia Rovinski 1909 P. Rovinski, ^ernogorija II, 4,
Minor Studien, bd. 25, Bonn 1997. Doclea, u: Zborniku carske ruske Akademije, Odele-
Khler, Mango 1967 H. Khler,C. Mango, Hagia we za ruski jezik i literaturu (kasnije Sbornik
Sophia, With a chapter on the mosaics by Cyril Mango, oeleni russkogo zika i slovesnosi Akaemii
New York, 1967. nauk Soza soveskih socilisi~eskih reublik),
Kovalevski 1841 Kovaqevski, ^ere Sveska 86, 1909, 587.
mesaca v ^ernoorii, Sankt Peterburg 1841. Sticotti 1913 P. Sticotti, Die romische Stadt
Kora} 19581959 V. Kora}, Dukqa, Starinar Doclea in Montenegro,Wien 1913
N.S. kwiga IXX, 19581959, 378379. Farioli 1977 Raffaella Farioli, Ravenna romana e
Kora} 19581959a V. Kora}, Doqani kod bizantina, 1977.
Titograda, Starinar N.S. kwiga IXX, 19581959, Filipova 1996 S. Filipova, Arhitektonske
383385. dekorativne skulpture vo Makedonija, 56 i 1112
Nikolajevi} 1957 I. Nikolajevi}, Rapports vek, Skopje 1996.
prliminaire sur le recherche des monuments chrtien Filipova 2006 S. Filipova, Ranovizan-
Doclea, u : Actes du Ve Congrs International d'Archo- tiski kapiteli vo republika Makedonija, Skopje
logie Chrtiennne, Citta del VaticanoParis, 1957. 2006.
Zollt 1994 Thomas Zollt, Kapitelplastik Constan- [uput 19981999 M. [uput, Dva vida klasi-
tinopels vom 4. bis 6. jahrhundert n. Chr., Asia Minor cizma u vizantijskoj arhitekturi, Zograf 27
studien, Bd. 14, Bonn 1994. (19981999), 5360.

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Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Rsum: VOJISLAV KORA]


Acadmie serbe des sciences et des arts, Belgrade

LA DCORATION DE PIERRE EN RELIEF ENTRE LE BAS EMPIRE


ET LES DBUTS DE BYZANCEDANS LES VESTIGES
DE LA CIT DE DUKLJA (DOCLEA)

Mots clefss. Plastique architecturale dcorative, Bas Empire, dbuts de Byzance, Doclea, Montngro.

Les vestiges dune cit antique se trouvant prs de Podgorica au Belgrade se sont mis daccord sur la poursuite des recherches
Montngro attiraient lattention par leur situation et leurs di- en trois campagnes en 1954, en 1955 et en 1966. Les dernires
mensions. Des connaissances historiques modestes voluaient recherches ont apport de nouvelles informations en abondance
entre le fait incontestable quil sagit dune cit antique sur ce site archologique exceptionnel.
abandonne au moment des grandes migrations des populations Lexamen des reliefs en pierre reposait surtout sur celui des
dans la rgion. Le matriel dans les vestiges de la cit, surtout chapiteaux. Tout en tant en mauvais tat ils ont cependant donn
du marbre et de la pierre, a t dilapid selon les besoins de la linformation sur laspect initial de la dcoration en relief. Une
population de la rgion plus ou moins proche. Des recherches conception semblable des chapiteaux a incit des chercheurs
srieuses ont t amorces selon le dsir formel du roi Nicolas. renomms leur accorder une attention particulire. Ceci est
Sur les vestiges de Doclea plusieurs groupes darchologues lorigine de nombreuses tudes des chercheurs renomms
russes ou anglais ont travaill. Des recherches plus approfondies couvrant des aires plus larges. Cest galement le sujet de la
ont t publies par Piero Sticcoti, son livre a t traduit et la partie principale de notre texte. Des modles des chapiteaux
traduction suivie du texte de Olivera Velimirovic Zizic expliquant antiques traditionnels tant trouvs en Italie, Rome et en Italie
la valeur du livre. Le besoin de nouvelles recherches de fond se mridionale. Nous dsignons des conceptions plus tardives
faisant sentir lInstitut de la conservation des monuments de comme celles des dbuts de Byzance qui tirent leur origine des
culture de la rpublique du Montngro et lInstitut darchologie modles dans laire byzantine plus large.

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Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla I 2/1 verovatno fragment dovratnika ili doprozornika; 2/2 fragment list akantusa s kapitela;
2/3, 2/4, 2/11, 2/38 fragment venca; 2/10 fragment dovratnika; 2/18 fragment dovratnika ili prozora;
2/19 fragment arhitrava; 2/22 fragment lisnog ornamentisanog akantusa sa rupicom deo kapitela;
2/28, 2/31 fragment doprozornika; 2/30 konkavni fragment; 2/34 simetri~an fragment;
2/40 fragment abakusa; 2/41 fragment
Plate I 2/1 Probablement le fragment de chambranle de porte ou de fentre, 2/2 Fragment de feuille dacanthe du
chapiteau; 2/3, 2/4, 2/11, 2/38 Fragment de guirlande; 2/10 Fragment de chambranle de porte;
2/18 Fragment de chambranle de porte ou fragment de fentre; 2/19 Fragment darchitrave;
2/22 Fragment dornement en forme de feuille dacanthe avec un petit trou partie du chapiteau;
2/28, 2/31 Fragment de chambranle de fentre; 2/30 Fragment concave;
2/34 Fragment symtrique; 2/40 Fragment de tailloir; 2/41 Fragment

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Tabla II 2/55 fragment kaneliranog pilastra; 2/57, 2/60, 2/114 fragment venca; 2/62 stopa stuba;
2/67 ornamentisani fragment s rostruma; 2/75 fragment dovratnika ili doprozornika; 2/79 fragment
doprozornika; 2/83 fragment sa kapitela; 2/90 fragment; 2/99 fragment akantusovog lista sa kapitela;
2/108 voluta sa kapitela; 2/111 fragment stuba; 2/113 fragment ugaonog pilastra; 2/121, 2/127 fragment
plo~e; 2/124 fragment maweg venca; 2/129 fragment pilastra sa dva urezana luka; 2/133 deo arhitrava
Plate II 2/55 Fragment de pilastre cannel; 2/57, 2/60, 2/114 Fragment de guirlande; 2/62 Base de colonne;
2/67 Fragment ornement de la tribune; 2/75 Fragment de chambranle de porte ou de fentre;
2/79 Fragment de chambranle de fentre; 2/83 Fragment du chapiteau; 2/90 Fragment; 2/99 Fragment
de feuille dacanthe du chapiteau; 2/108 Fragment de volute du chapiteau; 2/111 Fragment de colonne;
2/113 Fragment de pilastre angulaire; 2/121, 2/127 Fragment de plaque; 2/124 Fragment de petite guirlande;
2/129 Fragment de pilastre avec deux arcs gravs; 2/133 Partie de larchitrave

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Tabla III 2/136 deo profilisanog venca; 2/138 fragment sa delimi~no sa~uvanim profilima;
2/140, 2/154, 2/171 deo venca; 2/142, 2/176 deo plo~e; 2/147 mawi ugaoni fragment venca; 2/149 deo doprozornika;
2/163 ugaoni fragment pilastra; 2/164 ugaoni fragment stuba; 2/168 fragment s trouglastim presekom;
2/170 ivi~ni ugaoni fragment; 2/172, 2/177 fragment venca; 2/180 pravougaoni fragment; 2/185 fragment
stabla stuba sa uzdu`nim prugama; 2/186 dvostrano profilisani ugaoni fragment venca
Plate III 2/136 Partie de la guirlande profile; 2/138 Fragment de profils prservs en partie;
2/140, 2/154, 2/171 Partie de la guirlande; 2/142, 2/176 Fragment de plaque; 2/147 Petit fragment angulaire de
guirlande; 2/149 Partie du chambranle de fentre; 2/163 Fragment angulaire de pilastre;
2/164 Fragment angulaire de colonne; 2/168 Fragment avec coupe triangulaire; 2/170 Fragment angulaire de bord;
2/172, 2/177 Fragment de guirlande; 2/180 Fragment rectangulaire; 2/185 Fragment de ft de colonne aux lignes
longitudinales; 2/186 Fragment angulaire de guirlande profile bilatralement

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Tabla IV 1/2, 1/4, 1/9, 1/10, 1/44 fragment akantusa; 1/5, 1/38 trouglasti fragment; 1/12 fragment
dekorativne plastike; 1/15 ugaoni fragment venca; 1/16 fragment posvete; 1/17 fragment po~etka ili
zavr{etka stuba; 1/18 deo arhitrava; 1/21 jednostrano profilisan fragment; 1/23 profilisan ugao;
1/26 deo profilisanog kamena; 1/32, 1/34 fragment venca; 1/36 fragment malog profilisanog venca;
1/40, 1/41 fragment rozete; 1/45 fragment stope stuba; 1/48 deo stabla stuba sa kanelaurama
Plate IV 1/2, 1/4, 1/9, 1/10, 1/44 Fragment dacanthe; 1/5, 1/38 Fragment triangulaire; 1/12 Fragment de
plastique dcoratif; 1/15 Fragment angulaire de guirlande; 1/16 Fragment de ddicace; 1/17 Fragment de partie de
la colonne den bas ou den haut; 1/18 Partie de larchitrave; 1/21 Fragment profile unilatralement;
1/23 Angle profile; 1/26 Partie de la pierre profile; 1/32, 1/34 Partie de la guirlande;
1/36 Fragment de petite guirlande profile; 1/40, 1/41 Fragment de rosace; 1/45 Fragment de base de colonne;
1/48 Partie du ft de colonne avec cannelures

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Tabla V 1/49, 1/83 ugaoni fragment venca; 1/50, 1/51 deo kanelovanog stuba;
1/52, 1/53 deo kanelovanog pilastra; 1/54 deo arhitrava; 1/56, 1/59, 1/82 deo venca;
1/63 fragment s akantusovim li{}em vrlo plasti~no izra`en; 1/64, 1/67 trouglasti fragment;
1/71 fragment venca; 1/77 dekorativno ukra{en fragment; 1/78 fragment akantusa; 1/79 fragment;
1/80 deo stope stuba; 1/81 fragment lista akantusa
Plate V 1/49, 1/83 Fragment angulaire de guirlande; 1/50, 1/51 Partie de la colonne cannele;
1/52, 1/53 Fragment de pilastre cannel; 1/54 Partie de larchitrave; 1/56, 1/59, 1/82 Partie de la guirlande;
1/63 Fragment avec feuilles dacanthe, profil trs plastiquement; 1/64, 1/67 Fragment triangulaire;
1/71 Fragment de guirlande; 1/77 Fragment orn, dcoratif; 1/78 Fragment dacanthe; 1/79 Fragment;
1/80 Partie de la base de colonne; 1/81 Fragment de feuille dacanthe

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Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla VI 1/85 dekorativno ukra{en fragment; 1/86, 1/98, 1/118, 1/119 fragment sa akantusovim li{}em;
1/87 fragment plo~e; 1/88, 1/96 fragment stope stuba; 1/89 fragment venca s ugla;
1/93, 1/97, 1/101, 1/102, 1/110, 1/122, 1/126 fragment venca; 1/107, 1/111, 1/114 fragment akantusa;
1/109 deo mawe volute; 1/112 deo arhitrava; 1/117 fragment dovratnika; 1/123 deo stope;
1/124 fragment kanelovanog stuba; 1/129 trouglasti fragment
Plate VI 1/85 Fragment orn, dcoratif; 1/86, 1/98, 1/118, 1/119 Fragment avec feuilles dacanthe;
1/87 Fragment de plaque; 1/88, 1/96 Fragment de base de colonne; 1/89 Fragment avec feuilles dacanthe;
1/93, 1/97, 1/101, 1/102, 1/110, 1/122, 1/126 Fragment de guirlande; 1/107, 1/111, 1/114 Fragment dacanthe;
1/109 Partie de la petite volute; 1/112 Partie de larchitrave; 1/117 Fragment de chambranle de porte;
1/123 Partie de la base; 1/124 Fragment de colonne cannele; 1/129 Fragment triangulaire

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Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla VII 1/132 fragment stope stuba; 1/133, 1/139, 1/165, 1/172, 1/175 fragment venca;
1/136 fragment kanelovanog stuba; 1/149, 1/185, 1/191, 1/192 deo arhitrava; 1/158 fragment sa volutom;
1/159 fragment sa dve volute; 1/160 fragment lista; 1/161, 1/162, 1/178 fragment s akantusom;
1/169 deo maweg venca; 1/170 fragment s akantusovim li{}em; 1/171 fragment s volutom i rozetom;
1/173 fragment kime; 1/176 fragment; 1/186 abakus ugaonog kapitela; 1/190 deo venca
Plate VII 1/132 Fragment de base de colonne; 1/133, 1/139, 1/165, 1/172, 1/175 Fragment de guirlande;
1/136 Fragment de colonne cannele; 1/149, 1/185, 1/191, 1/192 Partie de larchitrave; 1/158 Fragment avec volute;
1/160 Fragment de feuille; 1/161, 1/162, 1/178 Fragment avec acanthe; 1/169 Partie de la petite guirlande;
1/170 Fragment avec feuilles dacanthe, 1/171 Fragment avec volute et rosace; 1/173 Fragment de cumin;
1/176 Fragment; 1/186 Abaque de chapiteau angulaire, 1/190 Partie de la guirlande

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Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla VIII 1/203, 1/287 deo venca; 1/204 deo dovratnika; 1/205, 1/206 deo arhitrava; 1/207 deo kanelovanog
pilastra; 1/215 ugaonik s ostatkom biqne ornamentike; 1/216, 1/219 profilisan ornament; 1/217 verovatno
deo stope stuba; 1/249, 1/263, 1/279 fragment venca; 1/285, 1/307 fragment sa rozetom, 1/286 ugaonik;
1/288 deo kanelovanog ugaonog pilastra; 1/289, 1/303, 1/304, 1/310 fragment s akantusom; 1/305, 1/309
fragment sa volutom; 1/306 fragment s akantusovim li{}em i volutom; 1/308 ornamentisan fragment
Plate VIII 1/203, 1/287 Partie de la guirlande; 1/204 Partie du chambranle de porte; 1/205, 1/206 Partie de
larchitrave; 1/207 Partie du pilastre cannel; 1/215 Pierre angulaire avec les restes dornements vgtaux;
1/216, 1/219 Ornement profil; 1/217 Probablement partie de la base de colonne; 1/249, 1/263, 1/279 Fragment de
guirlande; 1/285, 1/307 Fragment avec rosace; 1/286 Pierre angulaire; 1/288 Partie du pilastre angulaire cannel;
1/289, 1/303, 1/304, 1/310 Fragment avec acanthe; 1/305, 1/309 Fragment avec volute;
1/306 Fragment avec feuilles dacanthe et volute; 1/308 Fragment ornement

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Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla IX 1/311 deo s rozetom, 1/320 deo kanelovanog pilastra; 1/322 fragment kime na uglu;
1/323, 1/334 fragment s rozetom, 1/327 fragment ugaonog venca; 1/335 fragment akantusa;
1/336 fragment s biqnom ornamentikom; 1/339, 1/343 fragment s akantusom;
1/340 deo plo~e s natpisom; 1/346, 1/347 deo stuba ili pilastra; 1/348 opeka;
1/362,1/384, 1/385, 1/386, 1/387, 1/392, 1/394, 1/395 deo venca; 1/363 okvir otvora (prozor)
Plate IX 1/311 Partie avec rosace; 1/320 Partie du pilastre cannele; 1/322 Fragment de cumin langle;
1/323, 1/334 Fragment avec rosace; 1/327 Fragment de guirlande angulaire; 1/335 Fragment de acanthe;
1/ 336 Fragment avec ornements vgtaux; 1/339, 1/343 Fragment avec acanthe;
1/340 Partie de la plaque avec inscription; 1/346, 1/347 Partie de la colonne ou du pilastre;
1/348 Brique; 1/362, 1/384, 1/385, 1/386, 1/387, 1/392, 1/394, 1/395 Partie de la guirlande;
1/363 Cadre douverture (fentre)

207
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla X 1/406 deo tranzene; 1/427 fragment akantusa; 1/438 fragment ukra{en palmetom;
1/451, 1/484 deo venca; 1/465, 1/480 deo arhitrava; 1/491 ukra{en deo venca;
1/494 fragment kanelovanog stuba; 1/499 deo kanelovanog stuba; 1/501 deo kanelovanog pilastra;
1/510 fragment venca; 1/516 fragment kanelovanog pilastra;
1/522, 1/524 fragment kapitela; 1/540 deo konzole;
1/545 detaq arhitektonske plastile, u uglu predstavqene ptice
Plate X 1/406 Partie de la transenne; 1/427 Fragment de acanthe; 1/438 Fragment orn de palmette;
1/451, 1/484 Partie de la guirlande; 1/465, 1/480 Partie de larchitrave; 1/491 Partie orne de la guirlande;
1/494 Fragment de colonne cannele; 1/499 Partie de la colonne cannele; 1/501 Partie du pilastre cannel;
1/510 Fragment de guirlande; 1/516 Fragment de pilastre cannel; 1/522, 1/524 Fragment de chapiteau;
1/540 Partie de la console; 1/545 dtail du plastique architectural, avec oiseaux au coin

208
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XI 1/546, 1/548, 1/553 fragment arhitektonske plastike; 1/547 deo kapitela;
1/549 fragment arhitektonske plastike s predstavom lica u zvezdi, 1/550 deo plo~e ukra{en;
1/551 deo arhitrava, 1/552 deo postoqa; 1/554 fragment mozaika;
1/55 fragment s ukrasom akantusa; 2/201 fragment akantusa sa kapitela; 2/202, 2/203 deo plo~e sa
meandrom; 2/208 fragment plo~e s meandrom; 2/209 fragment s natpisom
Plate XI 1/546, 1/548, 1/553 Fragment de plastique architectural; 1/547 Partie du chapiteau;
1/549 Fragment de plastique architectural avec la reprsentation de visage dans une toile;
1/550 Partie orn de la plaque; 1/551 Partie de larchitrave; 1/552 Partie du stylobate;
1/554 Fragment de mosaque; 1/55 Fragment avec ornements dacanthe; 2/201 Fragment dacanthe du chapiteau;
2/202, 2/203 Partie de la plaque avec mandre; 2/208 Fragment de plaque avec mandre;
2/209 Fragment avec inscription

209
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XII 2/215 fragment reqefa glave s venca; 2/217 fragment palmete;
2/218 fragment volute; 2/223a, 2/238 fragment s floralnim ukrasom;
2/225, 2/236 fragment akantusovog lista; 2/227 fragment venca;
2/249, 2/257, 2/269 fragment kime; 2/258 fragment baze pilastra; 2/259 fragment torusa;
2/268 fragment akantusa; 2/278 ugao pilastra
Plate XII 2/215 Fragment de la guirlande avec relief de tte; 2/217 Fragment de palmette;
2/218 Fragment de volute; 2/223a, 2/238 Fragment avec ornement floral;
2/225, 2/236 Fragment de feuille dacanthe; 2/227 fragment de guirlande;
2/249, 2/257, 2/269 Fragment de cumin; 2/258 Fragment de base de pilastre; 2/259 Fragment de tore;
2/268 Fragment dacanthe; 2/278 Angle du pilastre

210
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XIII 2/279 fragment akantusa; 2/288 fragment baze stuba s po~etkom kanelure; 2/290 deo torusa;
2/294 profilisan fragment ornamentisan pletenicom; 2/295 fragment kime; 2/337 deo stuba; 2/339, 2/350
deo kapitela; 2/347 deo kapitela na uglu; 2/353 deo kapitela stuba na uglu s akantusovim li{}em; 2/354
arhitektonski fragment s floralnim ukrasom; 2/360 plo~a za oblagawe; 2/361, 2/362 fragment kapitela,
2/364 fragment mozaika, 2/365 deo arhitrava, 2/370 arhitektonski fragment
Plate XIII 2/279 Fragment dacanthe; 2/288 Fragment de base de colonne avec dbut de la cannelure;
2/290 Partie du tore; 2/294 Fragment profil, ornement de tresse; 2/295 Fragment de cumin; 2/337 Partie de la colonne;
2/339, 2/350 Partie du chapiteau; 2/347 Partie du chapiteau langle; 2/353 Partie du chapiteau de colonne
langle avec feuilles dacanthe; 2/354 Fragment architectural avec ornement floral;
2/360 Plaque de revtement; 2/361, 2/362 Fragment de chapiteau; 2/364 Fragment de mosaque;
2/365 Partie de larchitrave; 2/370 Fragment architectural

211
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XIV 2/372 arhitekonski ukra{en fragment s rombom; 2/373 ukra{en fragment s poqem u sredini i
pletenicom okolo; 2/377 fragment ukra{en palmetama; 2/378 deo venca; 2/382, 2/383 fragment s akantusom;
2/392 deo arhitrava; 2/393, 2/397, 2/404 deo plo~e; 2/394 fragment; 2/395 fragment s volutom i akantusom;
2/396 deo baze stuba; 2/398 fragment s floralni ukrasom; 2/399 fragment plo~e s floralnim ukrasom;
2/401 arhitektonski fragment; 2/405 fragment s natpisom; 2/408 fragment s poqima s floralnim ukrasom
Plate XIV 2/372 Fragment architectural orn de rhombe; 2/373 Fragment orn, avec un champ
au milieu et une tresse autour; 2/377 Fragment orn de palmettes; 2/378 Partie de la guirlande;
2/382, 2/383 Fragment avec acanthe; 2/392 Partie de larchitrave; 2/393, 2/397, 2/404 Partie de la plaque;
2/394 Fragment; 2/395 Fragment avec volute et acanthe; 2/396 Partie de la base de colonne;
2/398 Fragment avec ornement floral; 2/399 Fragment de plaque avec ornement floral; 2/401 Fragment architectural;
2/405 Fragment avec inscription; 2/408 Fragment avec champs aux ornements floraux

212
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XV 2/409 plo~a od gline; 2/411 fragment s volutom; 2/412 fragment s akantusom;
2/415 deo stabla stuba; 2/419 fragment s floralnim ukrasom; 2/426, 2/432 arhitektonski fragment;
2/428 deo stuba, 2/430 fragment s floralnim ukrasom, deo kapitela?; 2/434 deo venca;
2/435 deo baze stuba; 2/436 deo kapitela ugaonog; 2/454 deo jonske volute;
2/456 lepo izra`ena stilizacija cveta; 2/461, 2/463 deo baze stuba
Plate XV 2/409 Plaque dargile; 2/411 Fragment avec volute; 2/412 Fragment avec acanthe;
2/415 Partie du ft de colonne; 2/419 Fragment avec ornement floral;
2/426, 2/432 Fragment architectural; 2/428 Partie de la colonne;
2/430 Fragment avec ornement floral, partie du chapiteau ?; 2/434 Partie de la guirlande;
2/435 Partie de la base de colonne; 2/436 Partie du chapiteau angulaire; 2/454 Partie de la volute ionique;
2/456 Stylisation de la fleur bien exprime; 2/461, 2/463 Partie de la base de colonne

213
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XVI 2/474, 2/476 deo venca; 2/478 deo arhitrava; 3/23/4, 3/6 fragment parapetne plo~e;
3/15 deo dovratnika ili nadvratnika; 3/29 dva fragmenta kapitela ukra{enog akantusovim listom;
3/33 fragment plo~e ukra{en kosim profilom; 3/37 deo parapetne plo~e ukra{en trostrukim profilom;
3/38 fragment volute; 3/45 fragment profilisane grede s natpisom; 3/51, 3/51a fragment plo~e s natpisom;
3/52a3/52g delovi parapetne plo~e ornamentisani; 3/53 deo tordiranog stubi}a; 3/55 deo kapitela
oltarske pregrade; 3/56 deo parapetne plo~e; 3/5, 3/58 opeka; 3/59 fragment plo~e oltarske pregrade
Plate XVI 2/474, 2/476 Partie de la guirlande; 2/478 Partie de larchitrave; 3/23/4, 3/6 Fragment de plaque du parapet;
3/15 Fragment de chambranle de porte au dessus ou ct de la porte; 3/29 Deux fragments de chapiteau orn de feuille
dacanthe, 3/33 Fragment de plaque orn de profil oblique, 3/37 Partie de la plaque du parapet orne de profil triple;
3/38 Fragment de volute; 3/45 Fragment de poutre profile avec inscription; 3/51, 3/51a Fragment de plaque avec
inscription; 3/52a3/52g Parties ornes de plaque du parapet; 3/53 Partie de la colonnette tordue; 3/55 Partie du chapiteau
du cloison dautel; 3/56 Partie de la plaque du parapet; 3/57, 3/58 Brique; 3/59 Fragment de la plaque du cloison dautel

214
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XVII 3/6065 plo~a oltarske pregrade; 3/66 ugao kapitela; 3/67, 3/79 deo kapitela;
3/74 rozeta spolija?; 3/75 deo stupca oltarske pregrade; 3/76, 3/77 deo pilastra;
3/85 fragment parapetne plo~e ukra{en {ahovskim poqem u reqefu; 3/88 fragment baze stuba;
3/94, 3/105 deo parapetne plo~e; 3/97 fragment reqefa;
3/99, 3/104, 3/113, 3/120 fragment natpisa;
3/108 deo anti~ke stele sa ornamentom
Plate XVII 3/603/65 Plaque du cloison dautel; 3/66 Angle du chapiteau; 3/67,3/79 Partie du chapiteau;
3/74 Rosace spolia?; 3/75 Partie du pilastre du cloison dautel; 3/76, 3/77 Partie du pilastre;
3/85 Fragment de plaque du parapet orn dchiquier en relief; 3/88 Fragment de base de colonne;
3/94, 3/105 Partie de la plaque du parapet; 3/97 Fragment de relief;
3/99, 3/104, 3/113, 3/120 Fragment dinscription; 3/108 Partie de la stle antique avec ornement

215
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XVIII 3/122 opeka; 3/127 fragment kapitela; 3/128 plo~a s urezanim krstom;
3/131 fragment ugla venca; 3/137 gorwi deo nadrgrobne stele;
3/139 stela s natpisom; 3/150 deo baze stuba;
3/156, 3/157 fragment stabla stuba, 3/158 fragment stuba;
3/159, 3/160, 3/161, 3/163 fragment parapetne plo~e
Plate XVIII 3/122 Brique; 3/127 Fragment de chapiteau; 3/128 Plaque avec croix grav;
3/131 Fragment dangle de la guirlande; 3/137 Partie suprieure de la stle tombale;
3/139 Stle avec inscription; 3/150 Partie de la base de colonne;
3/156, 3/157 Fragment de ft de colonne; 3/158 Fragment de colonne;
3/159, 3/160, 3/161, 3/163 Fragment de plaque du parapet

216
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XIX 3/164 fragment ugla parapetne plo~e; 3/165, 3/175 fragment parapetne plo~e;
3/166 tri odlomka kolonetica; 3/170, 7/7 fragment kapitela; 3/178 polovina baze stuba;
3/180 konzola; 3/193 arhitektonski fragment; 7/1, 7/2 fragment jonskog kapitela;
7/3 fragment korintskog kapitela; 7/4 fragment plo~e oplate;
7/5 fragment baze stuba
Plate XIX 3/164 Fragment dangle du plaque du parapet; 3/165,3/175 Fragment de plaque du parapet;
3/166 Trois fragments de colonnettes; 3/170, 7/7 Fragment de chapiteau; 3/178 Moiti de la base de colonne;
3/180 Console; 3/193 Fragment architectural; 7/1, 7/2 Fragment de chapiteau ionique;
7/3 Fragment de chapiteau corinthien; 7/4 Fragment de plaque de revtement;
7/5 Fragment de base de colonne

217
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XX 7/11, 7/23, 7/27 fragment parapetne plo~e;


5/1 deo stabla stuba; 5/48, 5/56 deo kapitela; 5/79 fragment; 5/73 deo kaneliranog stuba;
5/74, 5/75 deo venca; 5/69 natpis; 5/88, 5/89, 5/132, 5/133 sitni fragment s reqefnim ukrasom
Plate XX 7/11, 7/23, 7/27 Fragment de plaque du parapet;
5/1 Partie du ft de colonne; 5/48,5/56 Partie du chapiteau; 5/79 Fragment; 5/73 Partie de la colonne cannele;
5/74, 5/75 Partie de la guirlande; 5/69 Inscription; 5/88, 5/89, 5/132, 5/133 Petit fragment avec ornement en relief

218
Vojislav KORA], Arhitektonski ukras u kamenu izme|u antike i rane Vizantije (191219) STARINAR LIX/2009

Tabla XXI 5/134, 5/135 sitni fragment s reqefnim ukrasom;


5/153, 5/154, 5/155 deo kapitela
Plate XXI 5/134, 5/135 Petit fragment avec ornement en relief;
5/153, 5/154, 5/155 Partie du chapiteau

219
ALEKSANDRA FILIPOVI]
Gregorijanski univerzitet, Rim

HIPOTEZA O PROJEKTOVAWU
UNUTRA[WEG PROSTORA CRKVE \UR\EVI STUPOVI1

UDK: 747:726.5(=163.41) e-mail: aleksandra@z.80.it


DOI: 10.2298/STA0959221F Primqeno: 15. januara 2009
Originalan nau~ni rad Prihva}eno: 4. maja 2009

Apstrakt. Ovom prilikom iznosimo rezultate analize arhitektonskog projekta manastirske crkve Svetog \or|a
kod Novog Pazara, poznatije u narodu kao \ur|evi Stupovi, zadu`bine Velikog @upana Stefana Nemawe,
posve}ene 1170/71 godine. Na{ pristup je zahtevao promenu kanona interpretacije primewene u slu~aju Svetog Nikole
u Toplici (tako|e Nemawine zadu`bine), kako bi se razumeo nacrt wene osnove, projektovawa wenog unutra{weg
prostora, oblikovawa wenog volumena i realizacije od strane samog graditeqa. Koincidencija triju glavnih osa:
longitudinalne, transverzalne i vertikalne, koje prate odgovaraju}e vizuelne perspektive nas je navela na pomi{qawe
da u tome le`i geneza projekta crkve. Tako|e je uo~eno prisustvo jo{ dveju perspektiva ~ije ose prolaze kroz `i`ne
ta~ke projektovane elipse kupole na osnovu potkupolnog prostora. S obzirom na prisustvo vizuelnih perspektiva
koje se ukr{taju u centralnom potkupolnom prostoru verujemo da pravougaona osnova istog prostora nije bila
uslovqena konfiguracijom terena na kome je izgra|ena crkva ve} precizno matemati~ki osmi{qenom
arhitektonskom projektu crkve.

Kqu~ne re~i. Sveti \or|e, graditeq, projekat, centralni potkupolni prostor, visina, elipsa, luk, trougao, osa.

I
stra`iva~ki rad, koji je zapo~eo Gabrijel to mesto, svakako citirana, ~esto en passant; obi~no
Mije 1906. godine u Srbiji, je 1919. dao bi se prelazilo od crkve Svetog Nikole u Kur{u-
delo koje ostaje i danas jedna od polaznih mliji, tako|e manastirske, direktno ka prekrasnoj
ta~aka za studirawe srpske sredwovekovne arhitek- Bogorodi~inoj crkvi u Studenici.3 Sa jedne strane,
ture Lancien art serbe. Les glises. Da bi se razu-
mela reakcija koju je izazvala ova kwiga u nau~nom
svetu u vremenu u kojem je izdata, dovoqno je preli- 1 Ova rasprava je jedan deo na{e doktorske teze (Filipovi}
stati tekstove i prikaze kwige izdate ne{to kasni- 2009), odbrawene na arhitektonskom fakultetu univerziteta
je, od strane najuglednijih imena Francuske iz La Sapienza (mentor Prof. Arch. Piero Cimbolli-Spagnesi). Pri-
sfere vizantijske umetnosti: Luja Brejera, Mi{e- lo`eni crte`i su na{ rad, nastali kao rezultat merewa crkve
izvr{eni 2005. Za stawa crkve 1934, posle 1945. i 1982, konsul-
la Andrjua, Gujoma d @erfawona.2 Razumevawe ra- tovani su: Ne{kovi} 1984, i ^anak-Medi}, Bo{kovi} 1986 (sa
{kog tipa spomenika podrazumevalo je pro{irewe prethodnim merewima Deroka i Bo{kovi}a). Fotografije 69 su
geografskog horizonta, koje bi dalo mogu}nost za iz Legata \ur|a Bo{kovi}a. Posebno se zahvaqujemo mr Dubrav-
pore|ewe sa ostalim spomenicima ne samo vizan- ki Preradovi} na primedbama i savetima.
2 Brhier 1921; prikaz kwige od Andrieu 1921, i od Jerpha-
tijskog ili italijanskog prostora (delovawa) ve}
nion 1922.
i francuskog. Manastirska crkva Svetog \or|a kod 3 Za posledwe rezultate u istra`ivawima i za sintezu o
Novog Pazara, poznata u narodu kao \ur|evi Stupo- crkvi Svetog \or|a, cf. Ne{kovi} 1984 i ^anak-Medi}, Bo{ko-
vi, u okviru ove literature nije uvek imala istaknu- vi} 1986.

221
Aleksandra FILIPOVI], Hipoteza o projektovawu unutra{weg prostora crkve (221236) STARINAR LIX/2009

to je svakako bilo u skladu sa ~iwenicom da je cr- Nikole (sl. 5) ovde je pravougaonog oblika), niti to
kva Svetog \or|a ve} jako dugo vremena u ru{evina- {to je graditeq ponovo projektovao trodelni ol-
ma,4 ali sa druge strane, i zbog uskla|enog unilate- tarski prostor (arhitektonski element prisutan u
ralnog isticawa studeni~ke crkve uistinu vredne odre|enom kultnom zahtevu), odnosno sagradio jed-
zbog svoje arhitekture i fresaka. Datum, ca. 1168, nu kupolu, koliko podudarnost osa longitudinalne
pripisan izgradwi Svetog Nikole je zasnovan na i transverzalne koje su uobli~ile novu koncepciju
citirawima ove crkve u @itijima Svetog Simeona prostora zasnovanog na visini i dinamici centri-
iz perioda wegovog `upanstva, premda ni hronolo- fugalne perspektive10.
gija redosleda gra|ewa ovih crkava nije uvek ista.5
Natpis isklesan na luneti portala crkve Svetog
\or|a, nam daje datum posve}ewa crkve 1170/1.6
Nije nam namera da diskutujemo o hronologiji prvih 4 Ostaje verodostojno istorijsko tuma~ewe, iako u vidu
Nemawinih zadu`bina, problem sa kojim smo se ve} sa`ete prezentacije, od Mango 1978, 173174. Fundamentalna
analiti~ka studija je i daqe od Millet 1919; ovaj Autor se za-
suo~ili na drugom mestu,7 ve} da se ovom prilikom dr`ava na Ra{koj {koli, i na wenim poznijim zadu`binama u:
fokusiramo na crkvu Svetog \or|a iz ta~ke gledi- Millet 1930. Tuma~imo na druga~iji na~in o ra{kom monumen-
{ta projektovawa, kako bi se opazila nova i speci- talnom gra|ewu u odnosu na ono {to je re~eno od Iacobini 1991,
fi~na re{ewa uneta u arhitektonski jezik. Verujemo 361 (poticawe Studenice od osnove Svetog Nikole). Datum atri-
buisan Svetom Nikoli (ca. 1168.) se zasniva na, kako znamo, in-
da, ako se uzme u obzir na~in razmi{qawa arhitek- formacijama iz hagiografskog izvora, Sveti \or|e ima epi-
te graditeqa koji je realizovao ovu gra|evinu ~i- graf. Jedan dobar si`e arhitektonskog razvoja se ~ita u Petkovi}
je je datovawe pouzdano, originalna konstruktivna 1999, od koga se razlikujemo u nekim aspektima. Sa druge strane
re{ewa koja su potom razra|ena u gra|evinama poput u mnogim aspektima podr`avamo Ne{kovi} 2000, 199207.
5 Na jedan analogan na~in, preko svedo~ewa opisanih u
Studenice, Sopo}ana, Gradca ili De~ana, postaju
@itijima, se do{lo do datuma po~etka zidawa Studenice, ca.
mnogo lak{e shva}ena i vi{e povezana sa stvarala~- 118390, cf. ^anak-Medi}, Bo{kovi} 1986, 79.
kim duhom koji ra{ko monumentalno graditeqstvo 6 tj <upa

predalo Istoriji sredwovekovne arhitekture. ^ak i i v im e [tca i sjna i sve


kada se namenski tra`e istorijski i ideolo{ki iz- toga duxa i nema
svetoga Georgi v lto xo{, Ne{kovi} 1984, 13. Za
vori ove nemawi}ke arhitekture, obi~no se pretre- Svetog \or|a videti Filipovi} 2008, 211247 sa prethodnom li-
saju ideolo{ke i religijske motivacije koje je stu- teraturom.
deni~ka crkva preuzela u toku i na kraju izvo|ewa.8 7 Hronologija Nemawinih prvih zadu`bina je bila pred-

Premda je zahvaquju}i temeqnoj monografiji met mnogih nau~nih rasprava: Stri~evi} 1956, 199213; Vulo-
Jovana Ne{kovi}a, crkva kojoj }emo se posvetiti vi} 1956/57, 320; ]orovi}-Qubinkovi} 1981, 93109; ^anak-
Medi} 1985, 720; ^anak-Medi}, Bo{kovi} 1986, 80. Ova tema
ovom prilikom dobila svoje zaslu`eno mesto u ra- je tako|e bila obra|ena u na{oj doktorskoj tezi Filipovi} 2009.
{kom monumentalnom graditeqstvu, verujemo da 8 Bo{kovi} 1988, 125 i ss.

mo`emo da dodamo neka zapa`awa vezana za wenu 9 Ne{kovi} 1984, 29.

arhitekturu i projektovawe. U svojoj monografiji 10 Nije nam namera da ovom prilikom u|emo u raspravu

Ne{kovi} pristupa spomeniku na na~in koji se u porekla osnove ili poticawa osnove crkve Sv. \or|a od osnove
Sv. Nikole (Kora} 1987, 1820; ^anak-Medi}, Bo{kovi} 1986,
mnogome razlikuje od na{eg. Prema wemu, ukratko,
57; Ne{kovi} 1984, 129153) jer je na{ metodolo{ki pristup
crkva Svetog \or|a pripada skupini malih jedno- druga~iji. Sla`emo se da postoje podudarnosti prostornih ele-
brodnih crkava sa kupolom; wena podu`na osa je menata u oba slu~aja (prisustvo narteksa, centralnog potku-
skra}ena, i to je prouzrokovalo kreirawe pravouga- polnog prostora, trodelnog oltarskog prostora), ali i da je u
pitawu zahtev naru~ioca ili kultni. Ovu raspravu zasnivamo
one osnove centralnog potkupolnog prostora; ovakvo
na analizi projekta i arhitekture crkve Sv. \or|a ~ija se ko-
re{ewe je nametnuto konfiguracijim terena; svi ovi lokacija, proporcije prostornih elemenata i materijali u
uslovi su doprineli pove}awu wene {irine.9 potpunosti razlikuju od Sv. Nikole u Toplici. Uzete su u obzir
Razmi{qawe o arhitekturi crkve Svetog \or|a slede}e nau~ne diskusije o na~inu projektovawa arhitekata i
realizacijama projekata u sredwem veku: Schibille 2009, 360379;
bi zahtevalo promenu svih kanona interpretacije u
Downey 1946/48, 99118 (sa posebnim osvrtom na arhitektu u
odnosu na one koji su primeweni kod Svetog Niko- istorijskim izvorima); Osterhout 1999 (posebno 5885) sa pret-
le kako bi se dalo obja{wewe wene osnove, projek- hodnom literaturom a naro~ito Buchwald 1999, 293321 i Har-
tovawa wenog unutra{weg prostora kao i realiza- vey 1972; za Primorje: Kora} 1965, 136179; za Ra{ku: Kora}
1987, 203213; za projektovawe Sv. Nikole: ^anak-Medi}, Bo{-
cije od strane samog graditeqa (sl. 1, 2). Ne mislimo kovi} 1986, 1826 (sa prethodnom literaturom); a za Sv. \or-
samo na druga~iji sklop wenih segmenata (kvadrat- |a: ^anak-Medi}, Bo{kovi} 1986, 6065 i posebno Ne{kovi}
na osnova centralnog potkupolnog prostora Svetog 1984, 106125.