635129

research-article2016
TPJXXX10.1177/0032885516635129The Prison JournalFreitas et al.

Article
The Prison Journal
2016, Vol. 96(3) 415436
Motherhood in Prison: 2016 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/0032885516635129
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Ana Masa Freitas1, Ana Risca Incio1,

and Lusa Saavedra1

Abstract
Few studies have allowed imprisoned mothers to speak directly about
motherhood. In this work, 20 convicted Portuguese mothers were
interviewed about their experience of motherhood: Ten were raising
their children in prison, and 10 were performing their roles as mothers
from prison. The study aimed to understand the potential benefits and
detriments of motherhood in both circumstances, and to identify what
measures could improve the mothers conditions. Using thematic analysis,
the findings indicate that women whose children live with them in prison
experience some advantages, but motherhood also increases suffering due
to restrictions on liberty.

Keywords
motherhood, prison, childrens well-being, mothers well-being, privilege

Introduction
The standards of normativity associated with motherhood and fatherhood do
not constitute a discourse that is homogeneous, universal, and stable over
time. The view of the woman as the childrens primary caregiver and the man
as the familys economic provider has been gradually established as the norm

1University of Minho, Braga, Portugal

Corresponding Author:
Luisa Saavedra, School of Psychology, University of Minho, Campus de Gualtar, Braga
4710-057, Portugal.
Email: lsaavedra@psi.uminho.pt

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416 The Prison Journal 96(3)

in Western societies since the 18th century. Within the broad sociological
context, these standards are affected by class, race, and culture (e.g., Badinter,
1981; Oberman, 2003; Rich, 1976)
Although these factors can vary widely, one context especially restricts
the exercise of motherhood: imprisonment. Imprisonment entails a rigorous
process of self-mortification that includes, among other disadvantages, the
inability of many prisoners to practice their typical social roles (Goffman,
1961). More specifically, most imprisoned mothers find themselves unable to
regularly perform the activities associated with motherhood (Berry &
Eigenberg, 2003). However, when mothers are incarcerated with their off-
spring, how is motherhood configured? What are the limits and conditions
that allow motherhood to be practiced under restricted liberty?
Motherhood during incarceration has been minimally studied (Celinska &
Siegel, 2010)often because such women belong to marginalized groups (e.g.,
Carlen & Worrell, 2004; Celinska & Siegel, 2010; Loucks, 2004). However, the
number of children with mothers in prison and the number of incarcerated moth-
ers with children inside prison are not insignificant. Data from the Quaker
Council for European Affairs (QCEA, 2007) indicate that in 2005, the percent-
age of incarcerated women who were mothers ranged from 81.9% in Greece to
57.7% in Denmark. In 2008, India had 2,135 and the European Union had 980
children living with their mothers in prison; in the same year in New Zealand,
47% of female prisoners had dependent children prior to imprisonment
(Robertson, 2012). In a recent study in Portugal, 80% of inmates reported that
the mother acted as the current caregiver in their families, whereas only 15% of
fathers fulfilled this role (Vieira, 2013). These results reaffirm the patriarchal
social patterns that establish the responsibility for children and child care as one
of the most significant differences between male and female inmates. Thus, the
conviction of women has more serious implications for family dynamics than
the imprisonment of men (Humana Global, 2005/2006).
In most countries, women inmates are often from poor socioeconomic
backgrounds and have low professional and academic qualifications. In
Venezuela, women prisoners are usually single mothers with three to four
children who hold legal academic certifications and are unemployed at the
time of imprisonment. Likewise, in India, 70% of inmates with children in
prison come from the most disadvantaged sections of society (Robertson,
2008). In Portugal, 28% of inmates have received only 1 to 4 years of ele-
mentary schooling, and 9.5% of them are illiterate (Direco-Geral dos
Servios PrisionaisDGSP [General Directorate of Prison Services], 2012;
Humana Global, 2005/2006). In addition, 47.5% of inmates had committed
drug-related crimes (DGSP, 2012), often in an attempt to stabilise a shaky
logistical and domestic background (Cunha, 2001, p. 7).

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Freitas et al. 417

Recently, the incarceration of parental figures and the well-being of their

offspring have been the subjects of increasing concern among international
organizations, perhaps because of the steady increase in incarcerated females
and the fact that childrearing continues to be preferentially allocated to
women, regardless of class, race, or ethnicity. Although female incarceration
in Portugal decreased sharply between 2000 and 2010 (9.4% to 5.4%), it has
increased slightly during the past 2 years. In the second quarter of 2012,
women accounted for approximately 5.6% of the imprisoned population
(DGSP, 2012; Instituto Nacional de EstatsticaINE [National Institute of
Statistics], 2012; Moreira, 2000). The growing attention to motherhood-
related issues may also have been influenced by the increased control of pris-
ons by organizations such as the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, the European
Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment
or Punishment, and the QCEA.

Motherhood in Prison: Legal Determinants

Childrens permitted length of stay in prison differs widely among countries,
and there is little consensus on the right age to separate mothers from their
children (Jimnez & Palacios, 2003; Robertson, 2012). In China (except
Hong Kong) and Norway, children are not permitted in prisons, whereas in
the United Kingdom, children between the ages of 9 and 18 months are per-
mitted. In Belgium, Burundi, Chile, Egypt, and Slovenia, children are permit-
ted in prisons until they are 2 years old, and this period is extended until
children are 3 years old in Colombia, Croatia, Denmark, Malaysia, Ukraine,
Venezuela, and Poland. Children below 5 years old are allowed in Argentina,
Mauritius, and Sri Lanka and below 6 years old in Italy (where pregnant
women cannot be imprisoned), Mexico, Spain, and Turkey (Robertson,
2012).
In Portugal, there are currently three womens prisons; only two of them
allow children to remain with their imprisoned mothers. Portuguese womens
prisons have the same conditions as other prisons throughout Europe in
regard to food and medical care. The cells are equipped for and arranged to
accommodate children, and there are opportunities for children to attend day
care centers (Afonso, 2005).
Portuguese legislation allows a woman inmate to decide to keep her child
with her until the age of 3 or, in a prison with the appropriate conditions, until
the age of 5 (No. 1, Article 7, Cdigo de Execuo de Penas e Medidas
Privativas da LiberdadeCEPMPL [Code for the Execution of Sentences
and for Depriving Liberty Measures], 2009). Inmates in a safety regime
(those who are separated from other prisoners due to the risk of escape or

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418 The Prison Journal 96(3)

because they represent a risk to the safety of others or themselves) are

excluded from this policy (No. 2, Article 243, Regulamento Geral dos
Estabelecimentos PrisionaisRGEP [General Regulation of Prisons], 2011).
The party responsible for deciding whether a child will be permitted to
live with his or her mother in prison differs by country. In England and Wales,
the decision is made by the prison governor based on the recommendation of
an admissions board. In France, the childrens custodian determines whether
children can stay with their mother (Robertson, 2008). In Portugal, however,
there are no regulations, and the main decision is made by the mother. The
small number of womens prisons and the distance that will separate mothers
from their children may play a significant role in mothers decisions to stay
with their children in prison when legislation allows them to make this deci-
sion. In the United Kingdom, 50% of women are imprisoned more than 80
km from their homes, and in Wales, there are no womens prisons; thus, if a
Welsh woman goes to an English prison, there may also be restrictions on
speaking her native language (Robertson, 2008). In Portugal, the two prisons
that allow children are approximately 200 km from each other, so women
may be separated from their families by more than 100 km.
Deciding to raise ones children in prison entails several relatively objec-
tive personal advantages, such as mitigating the prison experience and allevi-
ating loneliness (Nari etal., 2000). Almost all countries provide mothers and
children living in prison different conditions than the rest of the prison popu-
lation: special food, separate facilities, and access to the outside world for the
children (Robertson, 2008). Portuguese legislation allows women the right to
a cell designed to accommodate a minor and permission to eat meals with
their children instead of other prisoners (RGEP, 2011, Articles 244, 245, and
246). It is, therefore, important to understand how mothers weigh the factors
involved in this legally granted decision, what factors they believe to be
advantageous or disadvantageous for themselves or their children, what con-
flicts they face, and to what extent they are aware of the benefits and disad-
vantages reported in the literature.
If Goffmans (1961) suggestion is valid, that a woman, like a man, has her
individuality expropriated when she enters prison and becomes physically
subjected to multiple control mechanisms, to what extent does motherhood
confer a privileged position over other inmates? To what extent does a child
allow a woman to overstep the normal boundaries of control and self-
mortification? It is important to understand whether mothers whose children
live with them in prison experience benefits in their roles as mothers and in
their identities as people and as women. Moreover, it is important to deter-
mine the perspectives on prison motherhood among women whose children

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Freitas et al. 419

live outside prison and the perspectives of prison staff. Are mothers perceived
to be enjoying a privileged status? How do the mothers view themselves?

Objectives of the Study

The advantages and disadvantages to both women and children of allowing
children to live with their mothers in prison have been discussed extensively.
However, few studies have examined the specific experiences of these
women. By interviewing participants in a prison for women, this research
aims to (a) identify the factors that support separation from or residence with
children who are within the age range legally allowed to remain in prison, (b)
understand the significance of the experience of motherhood in confinement
and of separation from children living outside prison, (c) analyze the type and
extent of the privileges conferred by motherhood in prison that are not
enjoyed by women who do not have children in prison, and (d) understand
the inmates experiences with the existing conditions, services, and support in
prison.

Participants
This study consisted of interviews with 20 female inmates. Ten participants
had children living outside of the prison, and 10 lived with their children in
the prison. At the time of data collection, the prison held 294 prisoners and 17
children.
All female prisoners were Portuguese and were between 23 and 47 years
old (M = 32.65, SD = 6.35). The number of children being raised by each
mother ranged from one to six (M = 3, SD = 1.52). The remaining demo-
graphic variables (marital status, education, and ethnicity/race) and the legal
and criminal variables (confinement regimen and length of sentence) are pre-
sented in Table 1. Thus, most inmates were single and were sentenced to 3 to
6 years of confinement. Fourteen of the inmates had completed compulsory
education, that is, 9 years of schooling, and three were illiterate. There was a
significant representation of gypsies, although most inmates were White.
Fifteen of the participants had been convicted of drug trafficking and other
illegal activities. One had been convicted for participation in a robbery, one
for theft, one for violence after petty theft, and one for forging or counterfeit-
ing documents. One participant did not disclose the crime committed. The
offenses committed by the women in this small sample (20 of 523 incarcer-
ated women in the Portuguese prison system) agree with the data from other
countries, which indicate that a significant percentage of women are impris-
oned for trafficking illegal substances (e.g., Carlen & Worrell, 2004; Loucks,

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420 The Prison Journal 96(3)

Table 1. Marital Status, Education, Ethnicity/Race, Confinement Regimen, and

Length of Sentence.

Marital status
Single 9
Married/de facto union 7
Separated/divorced 4
Education
Illiterate 3
First cycle (first to fourth grade) 5
Second cycle (fifth to sixth grade) 3
Third cycle (seventh to ninth grade) 6
Secondary 3
Ethnicity/race
Caucasian 11
Gypsy 8
Mixed 1
Confinement regimen
Convicted 17
Preventive 3
Length of sentence
Less than 3 years 4
From 3 to 6 years (inclusive) 10
More than 6 years 6

2004). These crimes account for 47.8% of female incarcerations and only
18.8% of male incarcerations in Portugal (DGSP, 2012).

Data Collection
To achieve the studys objectives, the following inclusion criteria were con-
sidered: being female, living in confinement, and having Portuguese nation-
ality. Data were collected through a semi-structured interview that was
developed based on a literature review. During the interview process, identi-
fication data such as age, nationality, marital status, ethnicity/race, education,
and employment status; legal information (length of sentence, years of sen-
tence completed, confinement regimen, and type of crime committed); and
data relating to children (number and age) were also gathered.

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Freitas et al. 421

Two types of semi-structured interviews were prepared, each correspond-

ing to the specificities of the research groups. All participants were invited to
discuss their interpersonal relationships and the conditions created by the
structural and functional dynamics of the prison with their companions,
prison guards, and other prison staff. The theme of motherhood in the prison
context was specifically addressed. Inmates living with their children were
asked, How do you feel about being a mother in prison? How does the com-
pany of your child influence your behavior? Inmates living away from their
children were asked, Do you think having the company of ones child is
beneficial? What difficulties arise because you do not have your son/daughter
with you?
The interviews were conducted freely to provide the participants opportu-
nities to address other relevant topics. If the participants agreed to collabo-
rate, an informed consent form was presented. The informed consent
guaranteed the anonymity and confidentiality of the participants responses
and disclosed the need to audio record the interviews.

Data Analysis
After careful transcription, the interviews were subjected to inductive the-
matic analysis, coded, and categorized. This method allowed us to identify,
analyze, and describe the collected data in detail without trying to fit the data
into a predetermined coding framework (Braun & Clarke, 2006). When the
interviews were analyzed, the responses with similar themes (e.g., responses
describing the advantages of having ones children present and responses that
reported conflicts and contradictions) were grouped together. However, some
themes were deduced from the data (e.g., support structures) because they
were more descriptive. Finally, two judges determined whether there was a
need to adjust and subdivide the topics or combine some of the themes. Minor
discrepancies were discussed to obtain a final consensus.

Results and Discussion

The thematic analysis, which was used to analyze the interviews, revealed
three central themes. The first theme, benefits and/or disadvantages of
motherhood in confinement, encompasses the reasons for raising a child
inside or outside of a prison and the advantages and/or disadvantages of each
situation, taking into account the well-being of the child and/or the inmate.
This decision was not always the result of a process of free choice.
Nevertheless, the interview analysis indicated that the discussions were
directed toward the advantages for either the child or the mother. Therefore,

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422 The Prison Journal 96(3)

this theme was subdivided into two sub-themes: prioritizing the welfare of
children: children outside the prison and prioritizing the welfare of the
mother: children in confinement. The second theme reflects the view of all
of the participants (with and without children) that there are privileges associ-
ated with the presence of a child in prison. It also focuses on the regulatory
and structural diversity that mothers are subject to when they live with their
children and how these special situations are managed. This theme was
called, discussions about mothers with children: privileges or equality?
The final theme, structural and functional limitations on the practice of
motherhood, refers to the degree of inefficiency or quality perceived by all
participants. It is essentially descriptive and primarily reflects physical space
and regulatory constraints.

Benefits and/or Disadvantages of Motherhood in Confinement

There is no consensus in the literature on the benefits and disadvantages of
motherhood in confinement. Many studies have found that both benefits and
disadvantages can exist simultaneously for both mothers and children
(Bastick & Townhead, 2008; Cunha, 1994; Jimnez & Palacios, 2003; Rita,
2009; Silva, Luz, & Cecchetto, 2011). These ambiguous results indicate that
this is an extremely complex topic.
Thus, it is particularly important to understand the extent to which these
women make their choices rationally and with deliberation, and the extent to
which the decision is dictated by circumstances. Indeed, in some of the inter-
views, the participants indicated that their children were not in prison because
they believed prison would cause the children harm. These participants
sometimes refused to allow their children to visit them. However, in some
cases, the childrens absence was due to the children having reached the age
limit allowed by law. For the women who brought their children into the
prison, personal circumstances often had considerable weight in their deci-
sion. Many of the women had no one with whom to leave the children and did
not want to burden their family, which, in some cases, was already caring for
an older son or daughter.
Therefore, the discourse of some of the inmates was influenced by a clear
conviction of the detrimental effects of prison on motherhood or, conversely,
a belief in the benefits of the daily maintenance of motherchild bonds. In
other situations, the participants responses seemed to justify a decision that
was more necessary than desired. In these cases, the participants discourse
revealed ambiguities and contradictions that are not always easily incorpo-
rated into this study. Despite these ambiguities, the responses are oriented
toward justifying two types of decisions: the presence or absence of

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Freitas et al. 423

children. Thus, some of the inmates responses prioritized the welfare of their
children (accentuating the detrimental prison context) and the need to keep
them outside the prison, whereas other mothers, although they believed that
child confinement had disadvantages for their children, preferred to have
their children with them for their own welfare (prioritizing their own needs).

Prioritizing childrens well-being: Children outside the prison. This discourse, in

which mothers primarily consider the harmful effects of the prison environ-
ment, is found frequently in the literature. Previous studies have identified a
set of negative factors for children in the prison system, including context;
the noisy, busy, and confrontational atmosphere; the shortage of health ser-
vices; the constrained contact with the outside world; and the harsh and puni-
tive associations that many have with the prison environment (Ashdown &
James, 2010; Atabay, 2008; Cunha, 1994; Robertson, 2008).
All of the inmates who, by obligation (age limit of the child) or personal
choice, kept their children outside the prison emphasized the childrens well-
being and recognized the negative aspects of life in prison. One stated,

a prison is a very gloomy environment. It is not suitable; it is better for their

children to be outside of it. I would like to have had her here to stop missing
her, but I would never bring my daughter here. (Amlia, 29 years old)

This discourse shows that the women recognize prison as a confronta-

tional, busy, and noisy environment (Cunha, 1994; Greer, 2000). They also
admit that the presence of children in this environment can be a source of
discord between mother inmates:

On one hand, it helps, but on the other, it can be a matter of discussion because
here, there are a lot of children, and they are not at fault. The mothers are the
ones to blame for the education that the children have. (Mnica, 27 years old)

This sentiment was corroborated by another participant, who stated, I was

only punished once because there was an inmate who hit my daughter, and I
did not like it. There was a mess, and I was punished for it (Liliana, 36 years
old). However, disagreements seem to occur in spite of the presence of chil-
dren; Susana (24 years old) stressed that there are a lot of fights, and chil-
dren watch. This is not good!
These mothers, however, are also equally aware of the ways they person-
ally benefit from the presence of their children, namely, that staying with
their children fosters a greater sense of well-being, alleviates their suffering,
and eases their loneliness and anguish (Poehlmann, 2005; Silva etal., 2011):

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424 The Prison Journal 96(3)

Of course I was better when I had my child with me; it is hard, and with him
here, I did not feel the time passing, but he is better outside. (Gabriela, 31 years
old; Vnia, 23 years old)

I would like to have my child here to stop missing her. (Amlia, 29 years old)

With her here, it was much easier. (Susana, 24 years old)

It is hard to be far from her, very hard, only we know. (Vnia, 23 years old)

Importantly, the idea that children can live a better life outside the prison
was reiterated in several of the interviews: Out there, she is much better than
in here, going through what Im going through. Outside, my sister-in law has
not let her go without anything. She does not have to go through what Im
going through (Vnia, 23 years old).
Research has demonstrated the negative psychological impact of prison
life on children. A childs early contact with the prison environment can stim-
ulate insecure attachment, cognitive deficits, behavioral problems, academic
failure, and a significant increase in the likelihood of deviant conduct and the
development of psychopathology (Atabay, 2008; Bureau of Justice Statistics,
2000; Dallaire, 2006; Dawson, Jackson, & Nyamathi, 2012; Nesmith &
Ruhland, 2008; Poehlmann, 2005; Simmons, 2000). Children of prisoners are
also exposed to social discrimination because they are associated with nega-
tive behaviors such as misconduct, penal offenses, and assuming a criminal
identity (Torres, 2011).
However, these negative effects were absent from the discursive reper-
toires of the women interviewed, showing their distance from the middle-
class standards in which the idea of a good mother is a woman who knows
about psychology and pedagogy. This distance was also implicit in their
responses in other dimensions. Considering that these women will eventually
fully return to their motherhood roles when their sentences are complete, it is
worth considering to what extent such research findings could contribute to
the development of a more conscious and proactive motherhood. Importantly,
however, six of these women will complete sentences in more than 6 years,
which could considerably challenge their relationships with their children, as
Berry and Eigenberg (2003) have shown.

Prioritizing the mothers well-being: Children in confinement. Several advantages

of including children in a mothers incarceration have been observed. A child
provides the inmate with a greater sense of well-being, alleviating her suffer-
ing and loneliness (Silva etal., 2011). Motherhood allows an inmate greater

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Freitas et al. 425

freedom within the prison, such as access to the patio or an open cell, which
enhances her exercise of motherhood because it gives her time to devote to her
child and the opportunity to perform her maternal role (Mello & Gauer, 2011).
Several of the effects highlighted in the literature, including mitigated
loneliness, were also referred to by the inmates:

Our child is a good companion for us; I spend hours and hours playing with her;
time passes easier. (Mnica, 27 years old)

My daughter gives me strength and courage to bear this punishment; she keeps
me company. (Marta, 42 years old)

Sometimes I feel down, but she gives me strength to continue fighting; even
though she is small, she is a huge help. (Rita, 28 years old)

In addition to the difficulties in delegating responsibility (e.g., desiring to

not overwhelm the inmates family), the quality of emotional ties was also
considered in the decision to stay with the child, as highlighted by the lit-
erature (Ashdown & James, 2010; Atabay, 2008): At their age, they are too
young to leave us (Rose, 38 years old). However, these participants also
revealed an awareness of the vicissitudes of the environment: R. makes me
think about how much faster I have to get out of here so that she does not
have to go through what Im going through (Daniela, 30 years old).
These examples indicate that the inmates are aware of the importance of
emotional ties and a stable emotional structure in the early phases of life
(Rita, 2006).
However, even mothers who felt compelled to stay with their children or
freely decided to keep them inside the prison were aware of the negative con-
sequences that this decision entailed: For his sake, I wish he were out there.
There is a lot of confusion in here, and what mother wants her children in jail?
It is already enough that we are here (Deolinda, 35 years old). Despite under-
standing these issues, the women recognized the emotional support that chil-
dren provide: I preferred to bring him here with me; it helps me pass the time;
I have company; it is better, less hard (Deolinda, 35 years old). They also
perceived the importance children play in adopting more desirable behaviors:
I cannot do this because I have my daughter (Mnica, 27 years old).
The interviews with the participants who lived with their children in prison
revealed that these women viewed the prison as a place that limits but does
not preclude the exercise of motherhood, defining it as inappropriate for fam-
ily dynamics and creating negative feelings in other inmates: I feel bad, very
badly (Rose, 38 years old).

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426 The Prison Journal 96(3)

Its very bad to be a mother within a jail. When she was born, I had a problem.
I went into depression because at home we always have help. We are never
helpless, alone, but not in here. We are always alone and behind closed doors.
(Daniela, 30 years old)

Indeed, some studies noted the greater vulnerability of mothers who lack a
support network. Such women may experience increased depression, which
may contribute to the use of psychoactive substances (Loucks, 2004).
It is also necessary to highlight several effects of motherchild separation
that were not reported by the inmates but are nevertheless relevant. Separating
children from mothers when they are young may create feelings of rejection
if the children are unable to understand incarceration. They may see the
departure of their parent not as the result of criminal behavior but as a rejec-
tion and the withdrawal of love. The adverse effects of separation seem to be
more traumatic for a child who had a good relationship with the father/mother
before incarceration; these effects of separation can last for a long time
(QCEA, 2007). For mothers who took their children with them to prison and
had to later separate from them during their confinement, the time of separa-
tion proved fraught with negative feelings:

It was very hard for me. A few days ago, I saw kids go to day care, and I
remembered a lot. It seems like I see him running there. (Gabriela, 31 years
old)

. . . and I end up thinking about ending my life because I had never separated
from my children, ever. (Patrcia, 37 years old)

It was very hard. Always nervous, I walked there always fighting. I was not
quiet to anyone. (Catarina, 38 years old)

What worries me most is not accompanying him on his first day of school, and
if he has a fever, Im not there. (Dlia, 35 years old)

However, the impact on children can be equally complex and devastating:

When I separated from my other boy, he got sick; he was always going to the
doctor, stopped eating. He was like that for a long time, missing me (Marta,
42 years old).

Discourses About Mothers With Children: Privilege or Equality?

As previously noted, motherhood in the context of confinement has been
seldom studied. More specifically, no study seems to have analyzed the status

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Freitas et al. 427

of mothers in prison and the ways they are viewed by other prisoners and the
prison staff. Does motherhood confer status or privilege, or does it place
mothers at a disadvantage? Is any distinction made between mothers and the
other inmates?
To answer these questions, three dimensions were considered: the percep-
tion of the relationships among mother inmates, the perception of the rela-
tionships between prison guards and inmates, and the perception of support
structures for motherhood.
The participants responses indicated that the relationship among inmates
is a good relationship, but there exists a bit of a discrepancy because the
day-to-day is spent with conviviality, with conflicts, with ties and no ties,
with hypocrisy, with sincerity, with a lot of things (Ctia, 35 years old), as
would be expected in such a large institution. Other studies (e.g., Greer, 2000)
have reported a similar ambivalence in the relationships among inmates. At
times, inmates declared the existence of dysfunctional and manipulative
intentions. At other times, they asserted the existence of strong friendships
and trust. Studies conducted in Portugal have also included two distinct types
of reports: those marked by betrayal and unfounded judgments, and those in
which peers are identified as a source of support during the period of adapta-
tion to prison (e.g., Matos & Machado, 2007).
Although the data from this study cannot be compared with these results,
the participants claimed that no rivalry exists between mothers with children
and inmates without children. Mischievousness, however, was common
and notorious (Rita, 28 years old) among the inmates raising their children in
the institution. This behavior was motivated by conflicts of interest in obtain-
ing goods for children: There is even more mischievousness among moth-
ers, Daniela (30 years old) declared. Jlia (40 years old) added, There are
more arguments among inmates with children than among those without chil-
dren in their company: day care gave that to him and not to me. It appears,
therefore, that the conflicts and breaches of trust that already exist among the
inmates without children may be aggravated by the exercise of motherhood
among those who have their children with them.
When examining how the inmates perceived the relationship between
mothers who do and do not have children in prison and the prison staff, two
types of discourses were observed: one oriented toward equality and the other
toward privilege.
The egalitarian discourse was characterized by the following statements:
The games are the same, the respect is the same, the work is the same; in the
background, they give attention to mothers, but they also give it to those who
dont have children (Rita, 28 years old). They treat us equally, whether we
have children or not. Here there are privileges for nobody (Liliana, 36 years

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428 The Prison Journal 96(3)

old). I think not because if we have a dentist, they do also; if we have a

gynecologist, they do also (Rita, 28 years old). This result was confirmed by
Matos and Machado (2007), who found the existence of a markedly positive
relationship between inmates and the prison staff.
However, inmates also noticed disparities in services. The prison staff
appeared to give special attention to inmates whose children live in the
prison, an observation that was confirmed by the participants and justified by
the general value placed on children by society:

They talk a lot with the kids when they see them in the wing and give more
attention to mothers. (Liliana, 36 years old)

It is normal for a guard to approach a mother inmate because there is a child

there, and they are benefited because of this. (Ctia, 35 years old)

They may give a little more attention because of the children, but I think this is
good, it is normal. (Jlia, 40 years old)

Although there is no explicit reference to such behavior in other studies, it

seems that the other inmates do not view the attention given to children or the
mothers of these children negatively.
The mothers noted that they received some structural and regulatory
advantages because of their circumstances:

A few more advantages, because, for example . . . we can take work to the prison
cell because we have our children, and we have to take care of them . . . . There
is another perk that mothers have here. They go to punishment but return to
sleep in the wing because they have children here . . . . It is another privilege that
mothers have because if they were the other inmates, they would have to sleep
there and everything . . . (Mnica, 27 years old)

Moreover, according to Article 212 of the RGEP (2011), there is greater

flexibility in the opening/closing of mothers cells. The opening and closing
times are not specified; the law states that this decision rests with the director
general (Article 261, RGEP, 2011) after a proposal has been made by the
prison director. In addition, mothers are guaranteed time for daily contact
with their children (No. 4, Article 108, CEPMPL, 2009). Conducting training
or employment activities in the accommodations is also authorized.
Another privilege enjoyed by inmates with a child in the prison is associ-
ated with the recreational activities organized by the day care facilities.
Mothers are allowed to participate in seasonal festivities, and the remaining
prisoners may feel discriminated against; they have it, but we dont, just

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Freitas et al. 429

because they have children? [Silence] Im not saying discrimination but a bit
of injustice, of lower priority (Rita, 28 years old). The internal regulations
governing day care space (Santa Casa da Misericdia, n.d., Chapter I, n.d.) in
the prison under study state that the objectives of this area are to ensure the
physical and emotional well-being of children and provide appropriate condi-
tions for good childhood development. Chapter IV (Santa Casa da Misericdia,
n.d.,) further states that access is only permitted for inmates with children in
confinement and is circumscribed to the lobby. However, there are several
duly authorized exceptions, such as birthdays (Santa Casa da Misericdia,
n.d., Chapter XI). Sharing such activities is, according to Robertson (2008),
beneficial in preparing the inmate and child for their return to society.
Finally, one participant with a child in prison identified the disadvantages
of motherhood in prison and the ways it can limit participation in other activi-
ties: I could have more opportunities to participate in plays, in rehearsals for
music hall, but with R. here, I lose everything because as a mother I cannot
benefit from these things (Daniela, 30 years old).

Structural and Functional Limitations on the Exercise of

Motherhood
Opinions about the structural conditions, services, and support that the
inmates perceived as being available for the exercise of motherhood and the
well-being of children were predominantly negative: They are treated well
but could have more help (Deolinda, 35 years old). Others remarked, It is
not enough for a child (Amlia, 29 years old). However, the services pro-
vided appeared to vary in quality. Thus, although there were no complaints
about medical services (If it is the day for a vaccine, they have it there. If the
child is sick and needs to take medicine, they give it [Deolinda, 35 years
old]; Health care is very good; we have everything [Vnia, 23 years old]),
other aspects were viewed less favorably, and some were clearly viewed
unfavorably. The childrens educational needs were met through the day care,
which was described as available, favorable, and a place where she always
goes and loves it (Carolina, 30 years old). However, the prisoners believed
that the availability and number of toys given to the children were insuffi-
cient: They have toys, only a few, but they have them (Deolinda, 35 years
old). I think its bad; toys were needed so that the kids could play at ease
(Catarina, 38 years old).
The inmates did not agree on the quality of the food and food products
available for children. Although these aspects were viewed favorably by
some participants (The food for children is good [Deolinda, 35 years old];
There are many people who have more here than out there; out there, they

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430 The Prison Journal 96(3)

want to eat and dont have anything [Catarina, 38 years old]), others empha-
sized its scarcity (When my daughter was no longer a baby, 16 months old,
they stopped giving her milk and porridge [Marta, 42 years old]; There is
not enough food because if the mother does not have money to buy it, there
is none [Vnia, 23 years old]). Still others considered the quality to be poor
(It is not food for anyone; if it is not good even for us, how can it be good
for children? [Susana, 24 years old]).
Participants with and without children in prison agreed on the inadequacy
of the housing conditions for inmates with children, which are the same as
those for inmates without children. They spoke critically of the need to carry
out structural changes to create spaces that better accommodate the needs of
children and mother inmates. This position was reiterated by mothers with
and without children in prison. Participants with children in prison stated,

The cell here is very small. We do not have space for them to be, where we do
oral hygiene, we also have to wash the dishes and the childrens things. (Liliana,
36 years old)

That is not a cell; it is so small that sometimes it looks like a maze. (Rita, 28
years old)

The only extra thing we have in the cell is a crib, which makes it even smaller.
(Mnica, 27 years old)

They want to play, and there is not room. (Marta, 42 years old)

The discourse of inmates whose children lived outside the prison also
asserted that the conditions are exactly alike. Cells are the same size. I
already feel secluded in that square; imagine a mother with a child (Jlia, 40
years old).
Although the prison provides an area for mothers with children, com-
monly referred to as the mother cell (Liliana, 36 years old), it is located on
the second floor, and it is clear that we do not go to the top floor with the
kids (Rosa, 38 years old). This space was described as having great rooms
where children can move; it has a sink, it has a bathroom, it has everything
normal for being with a child (Rosa, 38 years old).
The need to house inmates with children in a specific prison area separated
from the rest of the prison population and the conditions necessary for a
childs residence have also been mandated by law (Article 244, RGEP, 2011).
These requirements did not seem to be fulfilled, however, despite the exis-
tence of a dedicated family space. This paradox is created by the location of

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Freitas et al. 431

the prison area (second floor), which constitutes a danger to younger chil-
dren, and its distance, which hinders its use by mothers and children.
Thus, some modifications have been identified as crucial should the ward
be restructured: reorganizing the space and providing better nutrition for
children.

Final Considerations
This study shows that it is difficult to maintain domestic social roles
(Goffman, 1961) in an institution. The disciplinary regimens of penal institu-
tions are not in harmony with the conditions under which motherhood is
exercised outside of prison. Examples include conflicts among mothers with
children, which is an unthinkable situation outside of prison, and the noise.
These circumstances create ambiguous attitudes about the mutual advantages
and disadvantages, for mothers and children, of keeping children with their
mothers in an environment of control that does not support intimacy in rela-
tionships. Thus, while the literature describes both positive and negative
aspects for the child in prison, the decision, no matter which option is cho-
sen, is also difficult, painful, and guilt-inducing for mothers.
All of these discourses stressed the double jeopardy that mothers in prison
experience: In addition to being inmates and devoid of economic and social
resources, these mothers face conditions that limit the exercise of mother-
hood, whether their children are outside or inside the prison institution.
Despite these difficulties, in either situation, and whether it was socially
desirable or not, all of the mothers who participated in this study performed
the role of being a good mother in the sense established by Katarzyna
Celinska and Jane Siegel (2010), even when this performance was carried out
remotely (through frequent phone calls, letters, and visits). This result con-
firms that the prisoners strived to conform to their gender roles and the social
expectations of motherhood.
Several privileges were provided for the exercise of motherhood in prison.
Inmates accompanied by their children seemed better able to circumvent, to
some extent, the annulment of their individuality that prison incarceration
entails compared with those whose children lived outside of prison (Goffman,
1961). They were also subject to less control and fewer rules within the prison.
Compared with mothers who have children outside of prison and whose phone
calls cannot exceed 5 min, as established by the prison regulations (Vieira,
2013), the exercise of motherhood in prison seems to be an advantage.
However, it is also clear that even in these conditions of privilege, the exercise
of motherhood is still precarious. The physical space is deficient, and children
seem to have some limitations at the nutritional and recreational levels.

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432 The Prison Journal 96(3)

This study also highlights the need to revise RGEP policies (2011). The
revised policies should be based on those implemented in other European
prisons. For example, such prisons include cells for families to accommodate
situations in which both parents are arrested and must care for young chil-
dren. Other prisons allow pregnant inmates to be on probation during the last
month of pregnancy until the child is born, enabling them to give birth in a
typical civilian hospital (Prisons de Femmes en Europe, 2001).
The most compelling moments during the interviews occurred when the
mothers reported their experiences of separation from their offspring. These
moments of separation were unanimously reported as painful and detrimental
to the well-being of both the inmates and the children. Thus, it may be benefi-
cial to prepare both mothers and fostered children for release from prison to
minimize the damage that occurs when there are sudden changes in the envi-
ronment and the identity of caregivers to support the necessary adjustments
to life in society (Bastick & Townhead, 2008).
This study exposes the adequacy of the educational practices used by
mother inmates and the conflicts resulting from the mothers differing per-
spectives on education. Thus, it is important to consider providing training in
parental education for such inmates that respects their social and cultural
diversity rather than relying on middle-class models. This training should be
extended to mothers who have children outside of prison because this small
sample demonstrated that these mothers collectively care for a large number
of children, confirming the results of studies that were carried out in other
countries (Craig, 2009; Robertson, 2012). Moreover, the social interactions
permitted by the program could help reduce existing conflicts among mother
inmates and promote skills rather than focusing on weaknesses (Ausloos,
1996).
Finally, it must be emphasized that the constant presence of prison staff
during the interviews may have inhibited free and spontaneous responses,
although the staff members remained outside of the room where the inter-
views were conducted. This study could be enriched by the participation of
inmates in the prison in southern Portugal that allows mothers with children,
which might represent added value for a greater diversity of themes and
discourses.
This work has raised several issues that require further investigation, such
as gaining a greater understanding of the support network for these inmates
outside the walls of the prison and to what extent this support network helps
or interferes with the decision of staying or not staying with children in
prison. It would also be of great interest to analyze the past history of the
participants as mothers to understand the changes the prison might make that
could improve or hinder the relationships between mother inmates and their

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Freitas et al. 433

offspring. Interviewing prison staff could also contribute to a better under-

standing of motherhood in prison, especially regarding the conflicts between
women with and without children.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publi-
cation of this article.

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Author Biographies
Ana Masa Freitas received a masters degree in the psychology of justice from the
School of Psychology, University of Minho, Portugal.
Ana Risca Incio received a masters degree in the psychology of justice from the
School of Psychology, University of Minho, Portugal.
Lusa Saavedra, PhD, is an assistant professor in the School of Psychology, University
of Minho, Portugal. Her research interests include gender and feminist perspectives
on women offenders: their discourses and discourses about them in law, media, and
public opinion.

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