Sustainable Development

Sust. Dev. 10, 171178 (2002)

Published online in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/sd.188

ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY
AND PLANNING IN HONG
KONG: AN EMERGING
REGIONAL AGENDA

Peter Hills*

The Centre of Urban Planning and Environmental Management, The University of

Hong Kong, Hong Kong SAR, China

For the past 20 years, environmental
policy in Hong Kong has been driven by
responses to a variety of local problems
resulting in an array of environmental
ordinances and supporting regulations
addressing air, water and noise pollution
problems, waste management and the use
of EIA in the development planning
process. Hong Kongs approach to
environmental policy has been based on
the conventional command and control
model of environmental management. It
has, however, become increasingly
apparent that many of Hong Kongs
environmental problems cannot be
effectively addressed solely by local
initiatives but must involve broader
collaborative efforts with authorities in
neighbouring Guangdong Province.
local perspective as well as by one that
explores the utility of the ecological
modernization model. This paper
discusses the recent evolution of
environmental policy in Hong Kong, the
emergence of a regional environmental
management agenda and the potential of
ecological modernization as a basis for the
development of a broader strategy to
manage the environmental problems of
the Pearl River Delta Region. Copyright
2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP
Environment.
Accepted 2 May 2002
INTRODUCTION

Furthermore, the Hong Kong SARs efforts
to address sustainability issues, which are
still at an early stage, may also be
facilitated by a regional rather than purely
* Correspondence to: Professor P. Hills, The Centre of Urban
Planning and Environmental Management, The University of
Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong SAR, China.
E-mail: phills@hkucc.hku.hk
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.
T
he development of environmental pol-
icy in Hong Kong has followed an
essentially conventional path and has
addressed a number of traditional environ-
mental problems. It has been primarily con-
cerned with tackling the major pollution prob-
lems that are typical of most major cities,
especially those that have experienced the
rapid population growth and intense devel-
opment pressures which have characterized
Hong Kong over the past 30 years (Hills, 1997;

Hills and Barron, 1997; Hills and Welford,
2002).
Although concern about the possible impact
of transboundary pollution first developed in
Hong Kong in the 1980s, it was not until the
late 1990s that the issue attracted the attention
of researchers (Hills et al., 1998; Liu and Hills,
1998). More recently, academic research has
been supplemented by major government-
funded studies, which have investigated the
nature and scale of key problems, particularly
regional air quality (Hills and Roberts, 2001).
This paper briefly explores the emergence of
this regional environmental agenda and some
of its early manifestations. It also examines
Hong Kongs initial attempts to address the
issue of sustainable development and the
potential role of ecological modernization as a
model to enhance eco-efficiency at the regional
level.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF
ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY: FROM A
LOCAL TO A REGIONAL AGENDA
The origins of contemporary environmental
policy in Hong Kong can be traced back to a
consultancy study undertaken by Environmen-
tal Resources Limited (ERL subsequently
ERM) in the 1970s. This study resulted in the
publication of two reports: the first reviewed
the state of Hong Kongs environment and the
existing machinery for environmental protec-
tion, and the second set out priorities for envi-
ronmental policy, legislative proposals and an
administrative framework for environmental
protection (ERL, 1975, 1977).
The Hong Kong Government then set about
reorganizing and strengthening the resources
for environmental protection and enacting new
legislation (Hills, 1986). The Environmental
Protection Unit later to become the Environ-
mental Protection Agency (1981) and Envi-
ronmental Protection Department (1986) was
initially established in 1977, and waste dis-
posal, water and air pollution control legisla-
tion was enacted between 1980 and 1983, with
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment
172
P. HILLS
noise control and EIA ordinances following in
1989 and 1998 respectively.
Thus, by the late 1990s, the Hong Kong envi-
ronment had been subject to an increasingly
extensive regulatory regime introduced pro-
gressively over a period of almost 20 years. A
sizeable environmental agency the Environ-
mental Protection Department of some 1600
staff was also in place. Some successes have
certainly been recorded in the environmental
policy arena. These include controls on live-
stock wastes (once a major polluter of local
rivers and coastal waters), the introduction of
low sulphur fuel oil in the industrial sector
(which dramatically reduced SO2 emissions in
the early 1990s) and the current initiative to
encourage a switch from diesel to LPG use
by the SARs taxi fleet to reduce emissions of
particulates.
Nonetheless, Hong Kongs economic pros-
perity per capita GDP in 2000 stood at
US$24 000 at current market prices, second
only to Japan in Asia has come at a con-
siderable cost to the local environment and
many problems persist; indeed, some may
even intensify in the years ahead (Barron and
Steinbrecher, 1999; Hills and Barron, 1997; Hills
and Welford, 2002; Liu and Hills, 1998).
Local marine waters remain badly polluted
due primarily to discharges of untreated
sewage. Air quality is often poor and visibility
limited. Levels of total suspended particulates
(TSP) and respirable suspended particulates
(RSP) continue to represent a major source of
concern. Noise pollution remains widespread,
although the opening of the SARs new airport
at Chek Lap Kok on Lantau Island has eased
the aircraft noise problem. Nonetheless, up to
one million people may still be affected by high
levels of road traffic noise. Solid waste disposal
has also generated increasing concern in recent
years as major local landfill sites fill up more
rapidly than anticipated despite initiatives to
reduce and recycle various types of waste
(Environmental Protection Department, 2001).
Government reports and statements by key
officials focus naturally on improvements in
Sust. Dev. 10, 171178 (2002)
EMERGING REGIONAL AGENDA
local environmental quality and the many pol-
icy initiatives under way. However, progress
in some key areas has been slower than antic-
ipated. Perhaps the most telling example is
the ill fated Strategic Sewage Disposal Scheme
(SSDS), which is now more than 5 years
behind schedule and which in 2001 was re-
designated as the Harbour Area Treatment
Scheme (HATS).
To many local environmental NGOs, aca-
demics and professionals, the Hong Kong
SARs government, like its colonial predeces-
sor, seems unable to push forward a compre-
hensive and integrated environmental policy.
Policy remains wedded to a pollution con-
trol approach, and while the terminology of
sustainability appears almost routinely in offi-
cial pronouncements such statements of good
intent cannot be linked to a broader pol-
icy framework for sustainable development
because no such framework exists. Hong Kong
has not formally adopted Agenda 21, nor does
it possess a sustainable development strategy.
A milestone report on sustainable develop-
ment in Hong Kong published in the late 1990s
(Barron and Steinbrecher, 1999) concluded that
the SAR was heading away from a sustainable
future rather than closer towards it.
This formative period in the development
of environmental policy in Hong Kong also
witnessed a fundamental restructuring of the
local economy. There was a very substantial
decline in traditional manufacturing activity
(and, indeed, many of its attendant pollution
problems) and the emergence of an economy
dominated by the service sector. In 1999, ser-
vices contributed 85.3% of GDP and manu-
facturing less than 6%. In 1985, the figures
were 69.6 and 21%, respectively. The num-
ber of manufacturing establishments declined
from 48 000 in 1985 to 21 000 in 2000 and man-
ufacturing employment from 850 000 to 226
000. It is this process of economic restructuring
and the associated relocation of Hong Kongs
manufacturing base to the Chinese main-
land particularly within the adjacent Pearl
River Delta Region where land and labour
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment
costs are much lower which largely explains
the emergence of a broader regional environ-
mental policy agenda for Hong Kong (Hills
and Roberts, 2001; Hills and Welford, 2002).
It has been growing awareness of the impacts
of transboundary movements of air and water
pollutants originating from the rapidly grow-
ing new industrial and urban centres of the
Delta Region that has prompted the realiza-
tion that environmental quality concerns in
Hong Kong cannot be considered in isolation
from development processes across the bor-
der. Hong Kongs pollution problems have not
been solved locally; they have been displaced
spatially (Hills and Welford, 2002).
Indeed, this has been recognized at the
highest level in Hong Kong, most notably
by the SARs Chief Executive, who, in his
1999 Policy Address to the SARs Legislative
Council (Tung, 1999) observed that
Hong Kong cannot possibly solve all of
its own environmental problems single-
handedly. We need to work closely with
the Mainland authorities. . .. We also need
the co-operation of our neighbours, for
example to protect our air and water
quality. They in turn need our support
since some of their pollution problems
originate from our economic activities.
ENGAGING WITH SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT
Hong Kong first formally engaged with the
concept of sustainable development in 1993
when the government published its Second
Review of Progress on the 1989 white paper
on pollution (Hong Kong Government, 1989,
1993). This review contained an extensive dis-
cussion of important concepts such as environ-
mental stewardship, sustainable development
and the precautionary principle, as well as
the Earth Summit, Agenda 21 and the impor-
tance of community involvement and active
co-operation between government and private
Sust. Dev. 10, 171178 (2002)
173

sector as mechanisms to move towards a sus-
tainable future (Hills, 2002).
Coming so soon after the Earth Summit
one might have expected the 1993 review to
mark the beginning of a serious attempt on the
part of Hong Kong to engage with sustainable
development but this was not to be the case.
This may in part be attributed to the politics of
the transitional period in the run-up to the 1997
transfer of sovereignty and administration
from Britain to China. At the time a high
priority was attached to maintaining political
stability and economic prosperity to bolster
the confidence of the local community. The
more profound political and economic issues
raised by sustainable development would no
doubt have seemed out of place during such a
sensitive period in Hong Kongs history.
Nonetheless, government did commission a
major consultancy study in 1997Sustainable
Development for the 21st Century in Hong Kong
(SUSDEV21) on just how Hong Kong might
address the issue of sustainable development,
the final report of the project being published
in August 2000 (Planning Department, 2000).
This study provided the following definition
for sustainable development in the SAR:
Sustainable development in Hong Kong
balances social, economic and environmen-
tal needs, both for present and future
generations, simultaneously achieving a
vibrant economy, social progress and better
environmental quality, locally, nationally
and internationally, through the efforts of
the community and the Government.
The study also presented guiding principles
for sustainable development, baseline stud-
ies, sustainability indicators and institutional
change proposals, but what it did not do was
to generate a strategy for sustainable develop-
ment in Hong Kong. Its principal output took
the form of a Computer Aided Sustainability
Evaluation Tool (CASET), which is intended
to assist policy makers across government in
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174
P. HILLS
the task of assessing the sustainability impli-
cations of plans, policies and major projects.
CASET has only recently been distributed to
government agencies by the newly established
Sustainable Development Unit and it is too
early to determine what, if any, effect it has had
on the policy-making process itself. Clearly,
it remains questionable whether such a tool
can be used effectively in the absence of an
overall strategy setting out sustainability objec-
tives which government is seeking to achieve.
Furthermore, it is unclear how it can assist in
the analysis of the cross-sectoral policy issues
that are so important in the context of sustain-
able development. This is a crucial issue in a
government structure that remains fragmented
and territorial and wedded to the precepts of
what Dryzek (1997) describes as the discourse
of administrative rationalism.
The Chief Executives 1999 Policy Address
(Tung, 1999) not only discussed environmen-
tal issues in their regional context but also
represents a key contribution to the discourse
of sustainable development in Hong Kong.
For the first time, sustainability concerns are
linked with the SARs long term prospects.
He also provided another definition of sustain-
able development for Hong Kong, a definition
somewhat at odds with that provided by SUS-
DEV21.
As I have observed elsewhere (Hills, 2002),
Tungs definition
embodies the principles of recognizing and
exploring the limits of sustainability, inter-
generational equity, environmental stew-
ardship and shared responsibility, while
the SUSDEV21 definition emphasizes bal-
ance between, rather than integration of,
social, economic and environmental objec-
tives, actively promotes decision making
for future generations by present gen-
erations, seeks only better environmen-
tal quality, and draws a clear distinction
between the community and government
as participants in this process.
Sust. Dev. 10, 171178 (2002)
EMERGING REGIONAL AGENDA
However, what is also significant about this
address is that it marks a clear break with the
orthodoxy of much of the 1980s and 1990s,
when the community was frequently reminded
by both government and the business sector of
the potentially negative implications for the
economy of too rigorous an environmental
regulatory regime. Tung argues quite the
reverse, emphasizing the need for a change in
the quality of the environment . . .as we set out
to build Hong Kong into a world-class city. He
also acknowledges that pollution has harmed
Hong Kongs international image and affected
the health of the community.
While Tungs comments appeared at the
time to offer the prospect of a more vigorous
response to sustainability issues in Hong Kong,
and one more consistent with widely accepted
principles and emerging international practice,
there was subsequently a loss of momentum.
The institutional developments proposed by
Tung, which included a Council on Sustainable
Development and a Sustainable Development
Unit within government, have been slow to
materialize. The former body is unlikely to be
established before late 2002, while the latter
was only established in April 2001.
Other contributions to the official discourse
of sustainable development in Hong Kong,
including the Commission on Strategic Devel-
opments Report on Hong Kongs long term
development (Commission on Strategic Devel-
opment, 2000), the SUSDEV21 Report itself
(Planning Department, 2000) and the recently
launched Hong Kong Vision 2030 Study being
undertaken by the Planning Department (Plan-
ning Department, 2001), all seem somewhat at
odds with Tungs bold and visionary state-
ments of 1999. They offer only a narrow view
of sustainability concerns and none provide
any clear pointers to the key elements of a sus-
tainable development strategy for Hong Kong.
There are, however, some grounds for hope
that even as Hong Kong struggles to get to
grips with sustainable development as a local
issue, it can at least make some progress
towards greater cooperation with the mainland
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment
on sustainability issues. Indeed, this was also
a topic that Tung addressed in his 1999 policy
address. He announced that Hong Kong and
Guangdong Province would cooperate in a
number of areas, including regional air quality,
fuel standards, water quality and the impact
of town planning and development (Hills
and Roberts, 2001). On the institutional front,
the Hong Kong Guangdong Environmental
Protection Liaison Group, first established
in 1990, was replaced in early 2000 by a
new joint Working Group on Sustainable
Development and Environmental Protection
(Hills and Roberts, 2001).
Although these developments are sig-
nificant, movement towards any kind of
regional sustainable development strategy,
and the establishment of supporting institu-
tional structures, is likely to be limited. Chinas
own approach to sustainable development is
markedly different to that of Hong Kong and
in some respects is rather more advanced with
a clear national strategy and strong linkages
with the economic development planning pro-
cess, although questions remain regarding its
effectiveness. A more fruitful avenue to explore
in the short to medium term may be greater
cooperation between Hong Kong and Guang-
dong on sustainability assessment of policies
and projects with cross-border implications
(e.g. major infrastructure projects).
ECOLOGICAL MODERNIZATION IN
HONG KONG AND THE PEARL
RIVER DELTA REGION
A strong form of the sustainable development
model may not represent the most appropri-
ate or acceptable framework within which to
address many of the problems affecting the
Pearl River Delta Region as a whole. It is
argued elsewhere (Hills and Roberts, 2001;
Hills and Welford, 2002) that ecological mod-
ernization, with its emphasis on eco-efficiency
(Mol, 2001; Mol and Sonnenfeld, 2000), may
prove more attractive as a transitional model
Sust. Dev. 10, 171178 (2002)
175

for both Hong Kong and Guangdong. Both
remain growth oriented and both must explore
solutions to environmental problems which
involve the private sector.
Hills and Welford (2002) identify various
reasons why ecological modernization as a
weak form of sustainable development might
find a receptive audience in Hong Kong:
it does not call into question the very
foundation upon which Hong Kong is
built namely the capitalist system or con-
tinued economic growth; it calls for the sys-
tem to be restructured on environmentally
sound principles;
it allows for the articulation of the regulation
of the environmental problem as a positive
sum game (Hajer, 1995, p. 65), offering the
chance to enhance business profitability and
exploit new business opportunities;
it offers the potential to develop partnerships
between the public and private sectors to
tackle environmental policy concerns which
may prove preferable to the business sector
than greater regulation;
although much of the local manufacturing
base has relocated across the border, the eco-
logical modernization model is concerned
with the environmental efficiency of the
economy as a whole, and may itself pro-
vide a framework for policy initiatives in
Guangdong Province.
Hills and Welford (2002) argue that Hong
Kong has already embraced elements of the
ecological modernization model, though not
in any consistent or integrated manner. Exam-
ples include the promotion of energy efficiency
(Electrical and Mechanical Services Depart-
ment, 2001), waste reduction and recycling
(Planning, Environment and Lands Bureau,
1998) and the strengthening of environmen-
tal aspects of new town design (Territory
Development Department/Planning Depart-
ment, 1999). However, what is has not yet man-
aged to do is to make the transition to the use
of the New Environmental Policy Instruments
Copyright 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment
176
P. HILLS
(NEPIs), which potentially could transform the
policy-making process and redefine it as some-
thing much more than pollution control.
In Guangdong Province, ecological modern-
ization may also attract interest for similar
reasons. An additional motivating factor for
enhanced eco-efficiency on the part of com-
panies in the Delta Region may be Chinas
recent accession to the World Trade Organ-
isation (Hills and Welford, 2002). This will
almost inevitably direct international attention
to operational standards of mainland firms as
well as to the effectiveness of the countrys reg-
ulatory framework for the environment, and
the enforcement of its environmental laws and
regulations. This may ultimately work to Hong
Kongs benefit in environmental terms, but
given that many of these firms are Hong Kong
owned it can be argued that the SAR itself
should also encourage its entrepreneurs to
enhance environmental practices and promote
the adoption of higher standards of corporate
environmental governance, locally, regionally
and internationally.
CONCLUSION
The dynamics of the relationship between
Hong Kong and the mainland on environmen-
tal and sustainability issues is a fascinating
and complex topic. This relationship has devel-
oped more strongly over the past decade as a
result of Hong Kongs political and economic
integration with the rest of the country. The
Basic Law, however, guarantees Hong Kong a
high degree of autonomy as a Special Admin-
istrative Region within the overall framework
of the Peoples Republic (Hills and Roberts,
2001). Thus, its approaches to environmental
policy and to sustainable development remain
quite separate and distinct from those of the
mainland. Meanwhile, it has become increas-
ingly apparent that Hong Kong is but a part of
the much larger emerging metropolis of the
Pearl River Delta Region, and that ecologi-
cal sovereignty is indeed mere fiction (Behar,
Sust. Dev. 10, 171178 (2002)
EMERGING REGIONAL AGENDA
1992). Clearly, this situation gives rise to a vari-
ety of tensions as Hong Kong seeks to come to
terms with its new identity as part of China
and as it also seeks to define a path for its
own development in the broader international
arena.
Given that Guangdong Province and the
Hong Kong SAR both appear wedded to
the kind of growth-oriented strategy that
has underpinned their respective develop-
ment processes for so long it is unlikely
that either will be prepared to jeopardize
prospects for greater economic prosperity
through the pursuit of strong sustainability
objectives. Nonetheless, both now recognize
that their environmental problems impinge
on one another and that these need to be
addressed by new and more effective mech-
anisms for cross-border cooperation. These
mechanisms, which to date have consisted
mainly of joint studies and consultative fora,
may pave the way for more focused joint action
to address specific problems, such as sources of
air and water pollution. It is in this context that
ecological modernization may yet find a role
in shaping environmental management policy
and practices in the Pearl River Delta Region in
the years ahead. Enhanced eco-efficiency must
ultimately be beneficial to both sides.
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