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Adapting the fame to the


fince the laft Treaty of Peace made in the Year 1763.


Incorporated throughout the Whole :

Every Thing eflential that is contained in Savary's Dictionary :

All the Material LAWS of TRADE and NAVIGATION
relating to thefe KINGDOMS,
CUSTOMS and USAGES to which all TRADER S are fubjea.




Printed for W. Strahan, J and F. Rivington, Hinton, L. Hawes and W. Clarke and R. Collins,
R. Horsfield, W.Johnston, T.Caslon, S.Crowder, T.Longman, B. Law, R.Baldwin, T.Cadell,
J. Brotherton and J. Sewell, J. Dodsley, T. Payne, T.
Becket, J. Robson, T. Lowndes, W. Nicoll,
J. Knox, D. Wilson and G. Nicoll, and W. Otridge.


ThlS Dictionary
of Trade and Commerce is the firft of its kind that was everpublifhed in Great-
and having obtained a reputation for above fourteen years, with thofe efteemed the bell judges

in the kingdom, amongft the nobility and gentry ; and its credit and character alio amongft commercial
people of the bed underftanding, as well merchants as tradefmen, manufacturers and artizans of every refpect-
able rank, render it the lefs neceflary to urge any thing now in its recommendation. With refpect to the prefenr.
New Edition here offered to the Public, it will be expected that fome account mould be given of it.
The laft War, and Definitive Treaty of Peace made in the year 1763, having made a great alteration
in the ftate of the Britifh trade and territories in America and Africa, fince the publication of the Second Edi-
tion, and the public calling for a third, due notice is taken therein of the various changes made in the Ame-
rican and African trades by the faid Definitive Treaty. In confequencc of which, the fame treaty having
made a great variation in the territories of France and Spain, in favour of the Britifh empire, it hath become
neceflary to reprefent thofe changes and alterations, in regard to the dominions of their respective kingdoms.
That the candour and impartiality of the author may be the more confpicuous in his reprefentations upon this
occafion, he hath continued his former Remarks upon the trade and territories of the feveral before-mentioned
potentates, which were made prior to the laft war and treaty of peace; and hath made his Additional Re-
marks upon the fame trade and territories fince the peace hath been concluded, in the fame manner and form
as they were made in our former editions of this performance, By the method we have purfued, every one will
be enabled to judge from plain facts, the natural deductions drawn therefrom, of the different ftate and condition
of the commerce and territories of the diverfe powers concerned in the laft war, as well before its commence-
ment, as fince the peace of 1763.
The author being convinced how much the profperity and the trade of this nation depend upon the mecha-
nical and manufadtural arts ; and how greatly their ingenuity in working up their wares, commodities, and ma-
nufactures of a good quality, to recommend them to all foreign ftates and empires; has been remarkably ela-
borate in his endeavours to excite and ftimulate thofe artifts to make every fort of improvement in their refpec-
tive employs. He has fanguinely pleaded their caufe with the government and legiflature, that all wife encourage-
ment fhould be given to this body of ufeful undertakers ; to the end, that their induftrious ingenuity may not
be furpaffed by any rival nation whatfoever, more eipecially by France.
From this motive, the moft judicious laws, edicts, and arrets of that kingdom, relative to the reftriction and
regulation of the meaneft manufactures amongft them, that every workman might be obliged, by fuch rigid laws
and regulations, to make his goods agreeable thereto, for the credit and reputation of that nation, are duly repre-
sented. For by thefe wife regulations it is, that France has hitherto furpafied and out-rivalled all the world in their
manufactures : and by thefe means they at prefent worm Great-Britain, more or lefs, out of every branch of trade
in Europe, and elfewhere. Nor could any thing have ever fo efficacioufly accomplifhed this great end, fince they
add the cheapnefs of their commodities to their external qualities.
Some people being pleafed to cenfure our taking fuch notice of the regulations of the French in the above re-
ipects, as thinking them too trivial to be duly remarked on in a dictionary of commerce ,we differ in fentiment
and we have the judgment of the Britifh legiflature to confirm us therein. For whoever is converfant with our
ftatute-laws of trade, will find that every branch, at one time or other, has been very minutely fifted into, and
put under very minute and fevere regulations, for the credit and honour of the commerce of the kingdom.
But the difference between us and France confifts chiefly in this ; that they take no lefs care in the execution
of their laws of trade, than in making them we are remarkable for good laws, but are lhamefully neglectful in

their execution. Is it not upon this account, that our bakers are fuftered to adulterate their bread, to the injury

Of the public health ; and to daily trick the poor in the weight, as well as the rich and poor in the quality of
-their bread ? In France thefe things are better guarded againft.
In the like manner, and for the fame reafons affigned, we have taken notice of the brewers of France. This
being a refpectable branch of trade in England, we have pointed out the regulation under which it is put in
France; to the end, that if the Britifh legiflature fhould think proper to adopt any of them, they are ready
at hand. Moft trades at one time or other have been abufed ; and it is, therefore, the parliament have been
obliged to lay them under fevere laws and reftrictions. And can this nation be too well informed in the regu-
lation of other countries, to furnifh them with every ufeful hint and intimation ? They certainly cannot.
Will any one that underftands trade fay, that bakers and brewers have no connections with the fubject ?
Why do the Britifh ftatutes abound with peculiar laws for their regulation ? Why do we fay, that bread is the
ftaffof life ? Does not the landed intereft greatly depend upon baking and brewing ? May we not as well fay,
that corn is no article of trade, and not connected with it ? Does the revenue gain no advantage by the malt-
tax, or the excife in brewing ? What would the induftrious poor do without due regula:ions by law in baking
and brewing ? They would foon have bread unfit to eat, and beer to drink !

Abftract of the laws of other nations reflecting many trades as well as abftracts of our own, has been efteemed
a very ufeful part of a dictionary of commerce without due notice taken thereof, and without making the ufe

and application of them as is done in this work, it would certainly have been judged very imperfect. And can
the Public expect a complete dictionary of trade without them ?
This work abounds with no fmall variety of fuggeftions and intimations for the advancement of numerous
branches of the trade and commerce of thefe kingdoms ; which every decerning reader will make his proper ufe
of, either for his own private benefit and advantage, or thofe of the public. Many manufacturers have wrote
letters to the author, returning him their grateful thanks for the fervices he has laboured to do them and he has

been happily inftrumental to let feveral new manufactures on foot for the public interefts.
The peculiar intereft of tradefmen in every refpectable branch of bufinefs is herein promoted to the utmoft :
and that of the merchant and mercantile affairs, was never fet in the light they are throughout this performance >
and we may appeal only to one fingle article of it ; that of Mercantile College.-
That a fummary view of the defign of this work may appear, we fubmit the following brief fketch of the
contents to the impartial Public.
THE prefent performance is compiled to anfwcr part of the mercantile cpmmerce with the political
the following purpofes. diicuffion of the point of injuring the (hips and
The peculiar benefit and advantage of Britifh traders chandize of enemies in time of war.
in general, in their practical concerns, from the fupreme Of foreign weights and meafures, and the converfion
merchant to every other fubordinate clafs of resectable of the one into the other.
traders in the community. The laws, cuftom?, and ufag'es, of merchants iri

For the ufe of fuch perfons of diftinction, who are traders, with refpect to foreign and inland bills of ex-
defirous to obtain a political knowledge of trade and
change with numerous important cafes adjudged in
commerce. courts of law.
For the fervice of fuch, who would become mafters Of freight, bills of lading, mafters and owners of
of the nature and conftitution of the finances of this fhips, charter parties, averages, baratries, bottomree,
kingdom. fhipwrecks, demurrage, and the laws relating thereto.
For the fatisfaction of fuch, who would acquire a An ample reprefentation of the bufinefs of the
knowledge of the political fyftems of commerce, that cuftom-houfe, and its feveral departments the method

prevail in the feveral (fates and empires of the world. of computing the duties of import and export; with
For the fervice of thofe who would be acquainted an explanation fuiting all prefent and future books of
with the commercial and marine treaties, made between rates: with abftracts of the commercial laws relating
one potentate and another, for the maintenance of to drawbacks, bounties, and premiums for the ad-
commercial intercourfe. vancement of the Britifh trade alfo the penalties, as

Concerning the commercial policy of dates, as re- well as the rights and privileges to which traders arc
lative to the mechanical and manufactural arts in trad- intitled, never before fa reprciented.
ing nations-, and of the emolument arifing from the The act of navigation.
labour, induftry, and ingenuity, of all commercial An account of the foreign
fhipping frequenting the
artifts. ports of England with political
considerations con-
The mutual advantage of Great Britain and her cerning the interefts of Britifh merchants, owners of
American plantations, in divers moil interelting lights. and otheis, relative to the employment and in-
The reciprocal benefit of Great Britain a-nd Ireland. creafe of Britifh fhipping,
and Britifh navigators.
The landed and trading interefts harmonized. The fuperior importance of the city of London, as
The monied intereft confidered in various important the trading metropolis ; the commercial connections of
views, as compared with the landed and trading. Of
its tradefmen ?nd citizens over the whole kingdom, as

reductions of intereft.
Of ftockjobbing, bubbling, and well as its mercantile intereft over the world the great
gaming, the deftruction of trade and traders. influence of the trading citizens over the nation, on all
The conftitution of trading and monied corporations ftate emergencies.
their ufe and abufe to individuals, as well as the com- The fupreme dignity of London, as a corporation :
munity. (hewing that the gieateft families in the kingdom ori-
The immenfity of the national debts, and tax-in- ginally fprung from our trading citizens, who have
cumbrances ; and their deftruftive confequences to the diftinguifhed themfelves as its chief magiftrates.
trade of the kingdom, if not fpeedily prevented. Concerning the bad policy of want of harmony be-
Qualifications of the Britifh fenator. tween the court and the city the weight the city has

The commercial conftitution of parliament. given, and ever will give, to the conduct of govern-
The pernicious confequence of taxes on native com- ment, both at home and abroad, in fupport of the na-
modities. tional power and dignity.
Of the revenue from the conqueft to the reign of Anecdotes of the dirtinguifhing fervices to the ftate
George III. of many eminent citizens or London,"* in commercial
Of importation and exportation* in a practical as affairs.
well as political light. Of its incorporated city companies; and of the
Of the balance of trade. bodies of trade in the city of Paris.
Of augmentation and diminution of coin. Alfo all the various material French edicts, arrets,
Of the feveral focieties for the difcovery of new arts, and laws, extracted from Savary, concerning the chief-
trades, and manufactures, and their progrefs. trades in France, from whence any ufcfyl intimations
The utility of the Royal Society to trade. may be derived for the bene fie of the Britifh trade, as
The jurikiiction of the admiralty relative to com- that nation have borrowed many good laws and regu-
mercial concerns. lations from this.
Of the office of ambafTadors, refidents, and confuls, Many of the like laws, relative to the commerce of
in foreign ftates. other foreign nations, from the fame motives.
Of the computation of annuities on lives, leafes, and Of the peculiar regulations of the French trading
reverfions. corporations, to Ipirit up an emulation among their fra-
Of commercial arithmetic; and of the foreign ex- ternities to excel in their relpective branches^
changes;, and their arbitration, in a new and intcrefting Of die ftiicincfs of- feveral trading corporations of
view. France, not to admit perfons to the freedom of their
The art of debtor and creditor exhibited in a new companies, without manifelling their qualifications for
concife light ; with the whole art of banking. the fame, by the actual performance of fome mafter-
The new Mercantile College, for training of piece of workmanfhip, in the prefence of the beft judges,

young Britifh merchants with greater advantages than (worn for that purpofe. 7 he fevere penalties in cafes
ever. Alio a new inftitution for the education of young of connivance and corruption, on fuch likeoccafions.
perfons of diftinction for parliamentary bufinefs. Their particular care and vigilance to manufacture their
Of the conftitution of the feveral banks throughout goods of the beft quality tor foreign markets, With
Remarks, fhewing the political fagacity of the French

Europe, with ill u ft rations.
The ftandard of gold and filver throughout Europe ; to propagate their trade throughout the world, by fuch
with the intrinfic value of foreign coins. like wile meafures.
Of trading in bullion gold and filver, and foreign On the circulating cafh requifite to carry on the trade
coins to advantage. of a nation.
Of infurances of (hipping and merchandize-, with Of the nature and effect of paper credit in commer-
great variety of curious cafes, relating to this effencial cial ftates and empires.
1 he par and equation between gold and filver.
Monopolies in g nerai and particulaT^HtTmlawi
The representation of Sir Ifaac Newton upon
the relative thereto; with political animadverfio,,,.
nectfllty heretofore of lowering the price of guineas, Political arithmetic, and it's application
to commer-
from 31 s. 6d. to 21s. in order to prevent the lcarcity cial affairs and finances.
of England.
filver coin in The funds of Great Britain confidered in diverfc
The of the coin and coinage of England, from lights, refpecting the trade of the kingdom.
The con-
the revolution to the reign of his preleiit majefty king fequencea to the nation, if we continue the
George III. practice of funding and borrowing in times
of war.
Or the practical arts of allaying gold and filver, ne- The injurious effects of becoming tributaries to fo-
ceflkry for the merchant or other traders, who may be reigners, by reafon of the magnitude
of the national
concerned in trafficking therein, to determine upon their debt. Of the great detriment our trade fuftains
own judgment the value thereof, according to the cur- mortgaging the funds of the kingdom. With various
rent price of the ltandard gold and filver in England. luggeltions for their timely redemption. The
Of the arc of affaying gold and filver from their vantage in rendering our funds irredeemable, when
ores together with the knowlege of all metallurgical public exigencies required frefli loans.

operations to judge of mines and minerals of every That the exceffive dearnefs of all Englifh commodi-
kind, upon true philofophical principles as well for ties and manufactures is occafioned by the great weight

the u^c of private gentlemen as traders. of the public debts, and the oppreffive incumbrances
Of fubterranean treafures of all forts, and the art of of taxes in confequence thereof. That this exceffive
mineralogy; and alfo of eftimable earths, clays, boles, dearnefs of Englifh commodities and manufactures, is
manures, and their utility in the improvement of the principal caufe of this nation being underfold at'all
landed eftates. the markets in Europe, by the French and Dutch
Concerning the vegetable productions of nature, con- and that this national evil has been growing, as our na-
fidered as the great objects of traffic throughout the tional debts and taxes have increafed ; and is at prcfent
world ; represented under the various flates, kingdoms, arrived to a greater pitch, than was ever before expe-
and empires, geographically as well as commercially rienced by this kingdom.
defcribed. That until the trade of England
freed from a con, is

Variety of philofophical experiments, whereby an fiderable part of it's taxes, we

never be able to fell
idea may be formed, of what fort of experiments are Englifh wares fo cheap at foreign markets, as our fo-
necefifary to be made, the better to judge of the quality reign competitors in commerce are at this time able
and worth of certain natural productions. to do.
Of the productions of art, reflecting great variety of That the dearnefs of Englifh commodities, is the
capital traffickable commodities and manufactures, as chief caufe of fmuggling being fo univerfal in Great
well in other countries as our own ; in order to whet Britain as well as her American colonies.
the invention of our artifts to imitate or excel them. That the prcfent parliamentary provifion made for
Of the judges, infpectors, and overieers of the ma- the fpeedy redemption of the numerous taxes on the
nufactures of France in particular, cftablifhcd in the Englifh trade, is inadequate to the purpole intended.
feveral provinces of that kingdom.
Many of the like That the height of the revenue of cuftoms only
kind of regulations for the advantage of the woollen proves, that our Imports of foreign commodities and
manufactories of Great Britain ; which are fhamefully the foreign manufactures increafe, to the ruin of our
neglected, to the degeneracy of the Englifh manufac- native ones ; and that mortgaging that revenue, is
tures in quality.
The caules hereof; and the ufe and greatly detrimental to the trade of our exports.
abufe of fuch kind of regulations. That the commercial grievances of England daily'
The extraordinary wife and political meafurcs taken increafe -, and that the chief caufes thereof leem quite
by that able ftatefman Monfieur Colbert, of France, unattended to.

while fupcrintendant and infpector-gencral of the com- That this performance is intended to fuggeft variety
merce and navigation of that nation with intent toefta-
, of ways and means, whereby the commercial grievances
blifh the valuable manufactures there, and perpetuate of the kingdom may be relieved.
their encouragement ; which has had a tendency to ex- That one great end defigned to be anfwered by this
tend the commerce of France over the whole globe. work, is to promote a happy and lading Commercial
Of patents granted in Great Britain for the like pur- Union between Great Britain and her American colo-
pofes ; with interefting obfervations on this head. nies at this critical juncture.
Public fairs, free and otherwife, kept in France, and And author apprehends, that nothing has been,
as the
in otherthe molt remarkable places throughout Europe; or is fo detrimental to the
whole trade of England, as
alio of the Afiatic and African caravans, and how com- the multiplicity of tax-incumbrances, which he con-
merce is carried on by means thereof, and the cara- ceives is the great caufe of the general dearnefs of it's
vanferas. commodities and manufactures in foreign countries,
The commerce of the Chinefe, and the Eaft-Indies notwithftanding the drawbacks allowed; fo he humbly
in general ;
by what means carried on. Of the excei- conceives, that he cannot be of more fervice to the
iive cheapnefs of their arts, manufactures, and pro- nation, than ftarting a defign to fave it the future ex-
duce ; whereby all European nations are attracted to pence of engaging in the Continental Wars of
trade with them, and refort to them for their produc- Europe ; fince they have hitherto contributed fo greatly
tions and manufactures. With pertinent obfervations to the enhancement of taxes upon our trade in general.
to carry on this commerce both in a private and pub- With many other interefting additions, of no lefs
lic way^ the beft to the advantage of Europe. confequence to private traders than to the whole Britifh
The peculiarities of the Turkey, Arabian, and Per- empire, never before publifhed. The whole con-
fian trades, with fuitable illuftrations. taining a greater fund of commercial knowlege, re-
Wherein the Britifh improvements in the African lating to univerfal trade and navigation, both practical
trade confilts ; and by what means one part of that and political, than ever appeared in any dictionary of
commerce may remain free and open to our feparate commerce, in this, or any other ftate or empire and :

traders, and by what meafures the inland trade may the great end aimed at by the author is to promote and
be more cultivated .by this nation than it ever was, to advance, to the utmoft of his abilities, the commercial
the greater emolument of this kingdom, and our Eaft- profperity and happinefs of the Britifh empire, and her
India company. colonies and plantations in America.

Vol. t. THAT
THAT general contents,
may be formed, than merely by the preceding fketch of it's
a better idea of this performance
be proper to obferve, that our labours abound with occafional animadverfions
it alfo
to ihew, rhat the exercife of trade and commerce is the foul of the whole liririfh empire and a j they have hi- ,

therto been the great irtftruments of rendering the fame what it at prefent appears to be lb the continuance ,

of the fame caufe can only tend to it's laftihg fupport and prefervation.
Upon the peculiar arts of carrying on trade, as well for the benefit and advantage of the community in ge-
neral, as individuals therein employed, we have largely expatiated upon pertinent topics for we look upon :

the arduous induftry of traders, to be productive of the profperity of the kingdom , and that commercial vigi-
lance, activity, and induftry, cannot be too much encouraged and inculcated,,
If we confult hiftory, whether ancient or modern, we (hall find that idlenefs and luxury have, in all ages of
the world, been the nurfe and parent of voluptuoufnefs and effeminacy ; which gradually increafingin propor-
tion to a conftant diminution of labour and induftry, finally brought an irreverfible deftruction upon fuch
countries, wherever they gained the general afcendancy.
The monarchy of the Affyrians is a pregnant and remarkable inftance ; which degenerating from thofe maf-
culine and great atchievements which originally gave rife to their univerfal greatnefs, into a libidinous and in-
temperate courfe of became an eafy prey to Cyrus the Great.

Thus it monarchy which being over-run with eafe, luxury, and riot, with foft and
fared with thePerfian ;

effeminate delights and wanton pleafures, with all manner of delicacy and licentioufnefs, feemed to the great
Alexander rather like beafts fitted for the (laughter, than for labour, bulinefs, and induftry; and gave his war-
like Macedonians more trouble to difrobe them of that pageantry and fumptuous apparel, which, like fomany
theatrical grandees, they came vainly adorned with to battle, than they found in obtaining an eafy conqueft
over thofe pufillanimous and gaudy Ferfians, who fcarce gave any oppofuion.
But then, how quickly do we find the fcene changed in this mighty conqueror, who no fooner devoted himfelf
to pleafures, and to fofter himfelf in idlenefs and immoderate excels, but this very man, who had been the terror
of the univerfe, became the fcorn and contempt of his own foldiers ? Whilft he purfued the Macedonian ftrict-
nefs, and following the genius of his native country, by a warlike activity, vigilance, and induftry, fo long
they adored him as a god when he beganto wear the effeminate apparel of the Perfians, and to habituate him-

felf to their vices, even his greateft favourites hardly accounted him a man ; whofe debauchery and intempe-
rance loon put an ignominious period to the life of that once illuftrious prince, and to the Macedonian empire,
which otherwife might have been of permanent duration.
The like ill deftiny attended the Roman monarchy when the Turks, who had been conftantly inured to

hardfhips and perpetual toil, found the others a people uneafy with their plenty, and fo burthened with their
time, that it was difficult to find ways enough to fpend it.
And it was, doubtlefs, forefeen by th it grand impoftor Mahomet, that idlenefs and luxury would, if in-
dulged, fo gradually enervate that mighty empire, as foon to bring it to deftruction for the prevention whereof, :

like a fubtle legiilator, he enjoined it as a law, which even their very emperors were not to be exempted from ;
namely, to eat no more than the labour of his hands could purchafe every day.
It would not be a talk lefs arduous than difagreeable, to reprefent the miferies which at this day attend upon
thofe people, who are denied theunf^eakable benefits of arts, labour, trade, and commerce. How do the wild
Arabs live, and affociate with their herds ? from whom, befides the erectnefs of their ftature, no other marks
of diftinction are fo vilible upon them, as that they are the more careful beafts in providing for their com-
For want of arts, induftry, and trade, to civilize the aborigines of America, how miferably wretched are
they, in comparifon to the commercial Europeans ? What avail the immenlity of the richeft territory to Indians
and Caribbeans ? Was it not for the perpetual exercife of the European arts, ingenuity, induftry, and trade
amongft them, what chance would they ever have ftood to become humanized ?
To come nearer home we find the Irifh, by the accounts given us in their own hiftories, written in their

native tongue, to have been fome of the moft abject and miferable people in the univerfe, when the Englifh.
firft arrived amongft them. Before the Englifh conqueft they were not very numerous, and lived in great idle-
nefs and (loth, being deftitute of arts, labour, and commerce ; which put them upon a neceffity of committing
rapine, and continually preying upon each other for fubfiftence for another man's herd being more numerous

than that of his neighbour, Itemed juft grounds of waging war with him. But the Englifh. laws and govern-
ment having introduced arts, labour, induftry, and trade among them, they have grown populous and wealthy,
humane, civilized, and polite, in comparifon to what they were excepting thofe who, among that nation, ,

will obftinately adhere to their life of indolence, and favage brutality; of which the late and learned Dr. Berke-
ley, bifhop of Cloyne, greatly complained ; and from which he took great pains to reclaim them.
As the progrefs of traffic hath advanced in every country, fo hath that of arts and fciences, civility, and
urbanity. For when trade and induftry adminiftered wealth and honour, then was encouragement given to
letters :in return for which, learning and fcience have contributed to the general advancement of trade and
commerce. In this ifland our ancient Britons, the Picts and Scots, were little better than other favages of the
human race.
To evince how unfpeakably mankind in general are indebted to trade and commerce, we need only take a
tranfient retrofpect of the hiftorical ftate of all civilized countries in the world, and compare them with the
prefent ftate of thofe countries that have fuch advances. The confideration of the trifling degree of
made no
trade, which is carried on of Barbary ; is it any wonder, that the people remain lavage,
in the large territory
even to a degree of brutality ? What further conviction can be required, that commerce with other nations, as
well as within themfelves, has an apparent tendency to polilh and civilize our fpecies ? In confequence thereof,
has not government been eftablilhed, and mankind ruled by falutary laws that have conduced to render them
far happier than their original ftate of nature, without commerce, feemed to admit of ? The contemplation of
the ftate of our own country, when our commerce was in it's infancy ; and to compare ourfelves then with what
we at prefent are, there will appear to be almoft as much difference as there is now between fome of the Bar-
barian countries and our own. Should not this confideration afford us juft notions of the invaluable bleffings
of the commercial ftate, beyond that of the Hottentot ?
Since it is a true maxim, that by what means any thing is acquired, by the fame it is preferved ; it muff,
ever be for ihe intereft and glory of this nation, to cherifh and encourage to the utmoft the commercial arts of
every kind, which have hitherto been productive of our grandeur and felicity. Does it not hence follow, that
ftudies of this nature cannot be uo warmly and zealoufiy promoted by thofe who wilh well to mankind, and
have any regard to the welfare and happinefs of their native country? What would our gentry, our nobility,
or our lovereign be better than thofe of Barbary, was it. not for our fuperiority of traffic and navigation ? Nay,

were we quite dcflitute of trade, and ns little acquainted tliercwith as any of the mod unknown and lntr*fficable
parts of Aim .1, what reafon have we to imagine that we (hould be better than they ? Were the inhabitant
this iiiand traded in, by the other Europe m nations for ilavcs, as the negroes of Africa are, to the ignominy of
allcountries who arry <<n tins inhuman commerce i what more fhould we iflaoders have to boaft of than tl

wren hed Africans ? an we civilized and polite Europeans think, that the people of foeXtenfivc territoi
( ...

Ali.' a, above 40,,'.) miles in length from north to louth, and near the fame in breadth from call to Weft; were
defigned by the Supreme Being, either to be made (laves of by Europeans, or to enllave them, as feme pans
of the piratical Hates do the Europeans, in return for their iuperlative humanity ? Will not Africa admit of a
commercial civilization no Icls than other barbarous parts of the globe have already done ? Will not this quarter

of the world allow of a far more extenfive, and lucrative trade with Great Britain, as well as other coUntrii >,
than ever it yet hath done ? Are not thefe people, notwithflanding their colour, capable of being gradually nur-
tured in all the arts of humanity, by the means of trade, as well as many barbarous nations have been ? Is there
no probability, that the Africans in general, by the wife management of the Kuropeans, might become as in-
duflrious and ingenious in all the agricultural, mechanical, and manufactural art., as the people of any other
country ? Are not their rational faculties, in general, equal to thofe of others of the human fpeues ? Would it
not be tar more beneficial for all the trading European ftates, rather to endeavour to cultivate a friendly, hu-
mane, and civilized commerce, with thofe people, into the very center of their extenfive country, than to c in-
tent themfelves only with fkimming a trifling portion of trade upon their fea-coafls ? J las not the author of this
performance, to no purpoie yet, many years lince fuggefted ways and means, whereby this might be done to the
immenfe benefit of the Britifh empire ? What avails the infigmlicant advantage we have received by drivin" the
French out of the river Senegal, in comparilbn to the great and important defigns that have been propolcd by
the author, to enlarge and extend the whole of that commerce in times of peace ? Might not what he intimated
on this head enrich a commercial corporation, as well as the kingdom, far more than any of their Afiatic trade
hath hitherto done ? Might not this be cfTedcd, even confident with the prefent freedom of the African trade,
and thereby give no umbrage to the leparate traders ? This I have fhewn and fome people may be fooner

obliged to take due notice of it, than they, at prefent, feem to be aware of.
Certain it is, that the effectual advancement of the whole African commerce, as the fame might afTccT the
intereft of thefe kingdoms, would be attended with the increafeof divers other branches, that would be connected
therewith. Both our exports and lucrative imports might be very confiderably augmented ; by which our com-
mercial induflry would render the kingdom more and more profperous, wealthy, and formidable.
TheGermans are a people inferior to none in their veneration for antiquity, and due ellimation of noble blood
that is derived from a race of virtuous and honourable progenitors ;on which they let fo Iuperlative a value,
that they defpife to an excefs, an intermixtion with the plebeian crowd yet amongfc their nobility, the younger

of whole families are employed in their armies, there is rarely found one of them dcflitute of fome manual art ,

by which, if reduced to extremity, he might be able to get a livelihojd, rather than fubfift upon the benevo-
lence of others. For this they look on as moll ignominious fordidr.efs of temper, to which they bear an ab-
horrence and deteftation having fo much of that brave Roman fpirit, which had rather lofc a life than hold

it at the courtefy of another.

remembrance a dory that ufed to be told, at his time of unbending from regal concerns, by
This brings to
King George the lirlt. About the year 16 15, there was a nobleman in Germany, whole
that illultrious prince
daughter was courted by another young lord. When he had made fuch progrefs in this affair, as is ufual by
the inierpofition of friends, the old lord had a conference with him, alking him, how he intended, if he
married daughter, to maintain her? Me replied, equal to her quality.
his To which the father replied That :

was no anfwer to his qucflion ; he defined again to know, what he had to maintain her with? To which the
young lord then anfwered he hoped that was no quellion ; for his inheritance was as public as his name. The
old lord owned his poirellions to be great, but (till afked if he had nothing more fecure than land, wherewith
to maintain his daughter ? Thcqueltion was ltrange, but ended in this that the father of the young lady gave

his pofitive rcfolvc, never to marry his daughter, though his heir, and would have two fuch great ellates, but
to a man that had a Manual Trade, by which he might fubfilt, if drove from his own country. The youn
lord was mailer of none at prefent, but rather than lole his millrefs, he requelled only a year's time, in which
he promifed to acquire one in order to which, he got a balket-maker, the molt ingenious he could meet with,

and in fix months became mailer of his trade of baiket-making, with far greater improvements than even his
teacher himfelf; and as a proof of his ingenuity, and extraordinary proficiency info fhortatime, he brought
to his young lady a piece of workmanfhip of his own performance, being a white twig bafket, which, for many
years after, became a general fafhion among the ladies by the name of Dressing-Baskets, brought hither to
England from Germany and I Iolland.
To complete the Angularity of this relation it happened fome years after this nobleman's marriage, that he

and his father-in-law fharing the misfortunes of the wars of the Palatinate, were drove naked out of their eflates
and in Holland, for fome years, did this young lord maintain both his father-in-law and his own family, by
making bafkets of white twigs, to fuch an unparalleled excellency as none could attain and it is from this

young German lord, the Hollanders derive thofe curiofities that are flill made in the United Provinces, of
It is a laudable pracTice in all nations, to manifelT a fondnefs and ambition for arts and mechanical employ-
ments, whereby to avoid both idlenefs and future diflrefs and difficulty, if we defcend to the lower and meaner
fort among the Germans, we find their induflry fo remarkably great, that even children of four years old will
earn their bread add to this, that they are kept out of harms-way by the fame diverfion, though more profitable,

than we keep our children in this kingdom that is, by making toys, painted boxes, pipes, &c. for our

children to play with they employ all the children of a town, from four years to eight. When they advance

more in years, it is then ufual to pitch upon a trade ; and generally they apply themfelves to that of their fathers,
whereby you fhall oftentimes find them to derive their pedigree and their uninterrupted fucceiTien in the fame
trade or employment, in a continued line from father to fon for fome hundred years. And this genealogy, in
many reputable families, as well in occupation as defcent, is infilled upon by them with as much pride and
orientation as can be fhown by their nobility, in their continued tracings and derivations of themfelves from a
numerous and ancient flock of their famous and heroic progenitors.
Itnot their pracTice, as with us in this kingdom, to bind an apprentice-to a trade for feven years
is three or

four is their common flandard the reafon is, becaufe they are educated from their cradle to fomethingof ma-

nual employment, which renders them the more apt and docible, and confequently the more capable of attaining
to a ripenefs and quicker proficiency in bufinefs. Whereas our youth, here in England, being bred to no fore
of manual operation before they enter into their apprenticeffiip, make a very flow progrefs, and require much
longer time wherein to reach the perfection of accomplifhed artifls.


Such as are of families uneducated in the mechanical or manufaftural employments, are made ufc of
either in affairs military, or clfe in ftudies of genteeler and liner arts than either or thefe : by which admirable
decorum, fo regularly obferved, in proportioning every order and degree of men among them to their fuitable
and refpective vocations and capacities : it thence happens, that in whole provinces- there is not a man that eats
the bread of idlenefs, or of other mens labour and induftry.
In the Hanfe-towns they ftill fhew a greater care and folicitude in concerns of this nature, not judging it
expedient to admit of any more than an ufeful and competent number for the city, of any who profefs the li-
beral fciences ; but, on the contrary, oblige all their natives and inhabitants, either to merchandize, navigation,
Or to manual arts and manufactures; infomuch, that the famous mart of Hamburgh, to which belong more
/hips of burden, for all manner of trade and commerce, than to any city in Europe, London and Amlterdam
excepted, admit, as we have been informed, of no more than one phytkian, of two civilians for the law, and
of but one divine, bcfides thofe who are conftantly employed in the city yet on the contrary, they give great

encouragement to men of all nations to inhabit among them, that are trained to mechanic labour and the fea-
fervice, accounting him but a neceffary evil, whofe induftry and parts lie only in his brain, or bound their
fituation in the head ; and one of fuch they deem fufficient for thoulands, who work with their hands.
By reafon of which orderly management of affairs, and ihe provifion made to promote labour, and to dif-
courage idlenefs and all ufelefs and unactive men, it is very remarkable, that in this city we fee no beggars
yet many aged and unfortunate poor there are, occafioned by loffes and accidents at fea , but then (b charitable
a commiferation of their condition is entertained by the government, that in all bargains and contracts in that
city, fomething is preferved as a voluntary gift for the poor ; and this is repofited in the hands of theminifter
of the parifh, who has church wardens joined with them, in order to make a right diftribution thereof amono- the
proper objecls. A fhip does not go to fea, without an iron box for the ufe of the poor, of which the keeper has
no key, but it is kept by the minifter and church-wardens ; and upon the return of the voyage, when the matter
receives the facrament, he brings to the altar his box, which he ufes all care to replenifh ; and there is not a fea-
man in his ihip but puts fomething into it, whenever he receives his wages.
Itwould be needleis to inftance the exampleof theUnited Provinces, which arefodefervedly famed throughout
the whole univerfefor their eminent and induftrious improvements, and for fuch fuperadditionsof art to nature ;
which have been of far more utility to them than all their martial ftrength and exploits, for the defence of
their country againft their enemies, and have advanced them from the poor and diftreffed, to the honour-
able title of the high and mighty States of Holland. Is not this, formerly ufeleis and fmall fpot of land, be-
come the richeft in Europe ? Is not this a glaring demonftration of the miraculous power of trade and induftry,
and of thofe prodigious acquirements to which human nature is capable of attaining, by a laborious and indefa-
tigable purfuit ? Does not this reflect difgrace and ignominy upon their neighbouring nations ; whilft enjoyino-
fertile and profitable countries, both in their fituation, and other abundant national emoluments, far fuperior
to the United Provinces which fuffer their land to lie wafte and uncultivated, and neglect all the opportunities

both of art and nature, whereby to innch and improve them ? On the contrary, are not the Dutch forced to
change the very elements, having more inhabitants living upon the water, than they have upon the land
which is fo plentifully ftocked, that it admits of no more ?
In Flanders they admit no young men to enter into the matrimonial ftate, without firft obtaining a certificate
from the magiftrate of the place of his refidence and abode* fetting forth his having planted fuch a number of
trees, &c. &c. The truth of this point might be demonftrated from a great variety of other inftances, both
of countries and perfofis, which are pertinent to the prefent defign but, aiming at brevity, thefe may fuffice

to fhew the great care and laudable endeavours of foreign governments, to oblige their people to labour and
induftry, by the cultivation of ufeful arts, trade, and commerce ?
It is matter that deferves confideration, what vocations and employments every part or clafs of the kingdom
is moft fit and proper foxj_ and when there is not employment in manufactures, if it be near the fea, to employ

them in fifhingor navigation ; or if they do not take to either of thefe, and their native country does not af-
ford them other employment, they fhouldthen be duly encouraged by the ftate to remove to other parts of the
Britifh territories, that they might not remain idle hands at home. For want of due attention to this policy,
how many hundreds in the year are cut off by the hand of juftice, that might have become more ufeful mem-
bers of the kingdom ? Nor is this the cafe of our numerous poor only, who may have been bred to fome induf-
trious employment ; it is that of too many gentlemen's children, who not only oftentimes become a charge, but
enemies to their native country, by being an annoyance to thofe who are the bleffings to it, by their honelt la-
bour and induftry, in fome ufeful employment. Is not this frequently owing to their education ? Is it not a
ftrane piece of gentility, that looks upon it as an invafion upon it's privileges if put to a trade, and will
rather fubmit to a halter than indentures.
The <*1ory of a kingdom confifts in men and money England enjoys, in a good proportion, the bleffings of

both, but might be improved to more than double. At the moft moderate computation, it is not half peopled ;
and is not the beft way to fupply that deficiency, by excitements to general induftry and trade ? This would not
only increafe the treafure of the nation, but that which is far more ettimable, the treafures of men. It is a mat-
ter as well of experience as lamentation, that want of employment puts men upon loofe and unwarrantable ac-
tions : idlenefs muft be fed, and luxury indulged, and pride and gentility fupported and when profufenefs and

diffipation become habitual, and have deftroyed the hereditary fubftance and patrimony, efpecially where there
is but little at firft, which is commonly the cafe of younger brothers, then the genteel way of taking a purfe,

is oeneraily the prologue to the fucceeding tragedy, whofe fccnes are as difmal as they are common. If fuch
ldleextravagants cannot maintain themfelves fingly, without plunging into thefe deftrudtive counfels, how can
they provide for a family ? Wherefore, if fome happy expedient was thought of to prevent children who have
hot a certain degree of fortune, from being admitted to be kept longer at fchool than fourteen or fifteen years
of a^e, and they were then put to fome trade or ufeful employment, there would be lefs work for the execu-
tioner ; and probably, in twenty years to come, there would be a greater number of people than in fifty
If none under a handfome fortune were admitted to apply themfelves to literature, and to the ftudy of the
liberal fciences, might be looked upon as an unreafonable limitation of fuch whofe natural genius and ability

might intitle them to a very great proficiency in fcience and learning and confequently to very eminent fta-

tions both in the church and ftate, and yet come not under fuch qualified degrees of fortune as might be pro-
pofed. This, fay fome, would be a great obstruction and difcouragement to learning, which is as well the or-
nament, as the intereft of every nation to promote and there are not wanting inftances of fome confiderable

perfonages, patrons of this kind, who were men of mean birth, and of an inferior fortune in the world. To
this it may be obferved, that the limitation that might be fuggefted, would occafion no want or decay of ufe-
ful learning in any, much lefs in all forts, where there fhould be many thoulands that would come under the
5 qualification
xx x iv vy LJ VJ \j I \0 INT

qualification fuppofed and that ought to be fuch, as would render literature more
refpectable than it feems to
be in our days. Bcfidcs, ulclul trades and bufincfl have railed people to as high a
condition from a very low
one, as ili. ;n at fl learning, winch we have fhewn in many parts of this work,
and far more in number
That the ions ol divei ordinary perfona have arrived to an eminent height by their
fe vi ry
diftinguifhed litera-
ture, is a truth too undeniable tobedifputed and, indeed, by how much they have by their
ftudies advanced
themfelves from a low and defpicable (hue, to an high degree in the world ; by fo much the more are they
to be
efteemedperfonsmon honourable,andmeritourgreaterre(peft;fuchwhoraifethrafelvesbythdrowna<Wfitions
of virtue and induftry, from the plebeian (late to that of fome exalted ftation, deferve our regard more
who are derived from a longand uninterrupted line of heroical anccftors, but bafely degenerate from thofe noble
and virtuous achievements, win- h at lirlt ennobled the blood of their predeceflbrs. Thefe hilt are as great a
reproach and infamy, as the others are a credit, both to themfelves, their progenitors, and their country.
then it mud be confldered, that though there may, and have been fome rare learned men among
the vulgar 5

yet there are hundreds for one amongH them, who enter the ftage of life like Pharaoh's frog-, that only
and make a node in the country, and not meeting profperity for want of ability, become, inftead of an orna-
ment, a difgrace and a nuilance to the kingdom. Were it not for this, we fhould not experience fuch variety
of enrhufialm and errors in religion fo ;
i.piricsin phyfic; nor fo many pettifogers and barraters in the
all which area difcreuit to thole learned profeflTons, and a general detriment to thecoTnmunity; and, to
our legions of fcholar?, who rob the mechanic and manufactural arts and trades of various kinds of the like
number of ufeful hands, the nation warms with beggars, who never having been bred to any of the ufeful arts

connected with commerce, are unable or unaccuftomed to turn to what would certainly gain them not only a
comfortable fubfiftence, but probably a handfome fortune for themfelves and families, who, at prefent, become
a burthen to the ftate. Has not the knowlege of mechanics, manufactures, and commerce, proved infinitely
more beneficial to the mafs of the people, than the fubtilties and fooleries of the fchools, the arts of pedantry,
and the crack-brained altercations of enthufiaflic zealots?
There is fcope enough for thole of the plebeian ftamp, that are of a pregnant ingenuity, to employ it in the
fine arts, and the molt curious fort of induftry and labour wherein they may not only arrive to great eminence

but become more profitable inftruments to the good of the kingdom, as well as themfelves, than they can
hope to be by their mere learning; of which we have no profpect of any want, but may be thought to ftand
upon equal terms with any part of the univerfe. Nor are we yet arrived, in many of the mechanic and finer
aits, to a fuperiority beyond feveral other nations ; and thefe improvements feem naturally to be the province
for the middling people of this kingdom to be engaged in, leaving the ftudy of human literature to thofe who
are able to maintain themfelves, if by an adverfe genius, or other obitacles and exigencies, they fhould happen
to milcarry therein.
Should it be faid, that if we educate the younger fons of gentlemen to trade, it will hinder the nation from
martial improvements, and fo reduce it to the neceffity of employing foreigners in the greateft ports of trult in
the army it may be replied, that fuch of the younger brothers as are addicted to the military turn,
may be
eafily initiated into that employment, and fo may be reafonably accounted as if converfant in trade; and fuch
as fhall affect the lea, may be bred to navigation. So that if the method fhould be purfued, of putting out all
the youths of the nation upon fome ufeful employment or other, this lignal advantage would accrue from it;
that whereas now armies are fupplied out of the vagrants and refufe of the kingdom, they would then be com-
pofed of a better fort of men, though yet many of them fo extravagant as to be impatient under fober confine-
ment and daily labour ; but numbers of them would return to their refpective trades, when dilbanded from the
fea or the army.
From what has been urged, we are inclined to think, that the ufe of trades, and of every kind of the me-
chanic and manufadlural arts and induftry, is more commodious, and more adapted to a trading ftate, than the
educating the poorer fort only to learning and the fciences.
The advantages that will arile to the kingdom in general, by breeding and keeping all hands at work, are
numerous; the chief of which we fhall briefly intimate.
We are, at prefent, fupplied from foreign countries with a variety of commodities, which our very numerous
Imposts too fufficiently indicate; with which, if the kingdom and it's colonies were replenifhed with ufeful hands
andartizans, they would amply furnifh us. For what is it that makes the United Provinces fo full of mer-
chantable commodities, and of their own arts and manufactures, which they tranfport to all parts of the world,
but that every one there is bred to fome trade, and fo forced to rack their inventions to obtain an honeft liveli-
hood ? Notwithstanding they abound, proportionably to their territory, with fo many people as would be ac-
counted a burden to us, as we are at prefent circumftanced, yet they ftill give encouragement for foreigners or
fugitives that are artizans to live amongft them. And this fpirit for the advancement of trade and ufeful arts,
difteminates itfelf more and more throughout all Europe.
As this employing of all forts of people in the ufeful trades, commerce, and arts, would increafe the ftrength
of the kingdom by the number of it's inhabitants ; fo would it alio as well the national riches and flock by it's
ueafure, every bee then adding fome honey to the hive of wealth and at the fame time would eafe every in-

dividual man from a great part of the taxes under which he now groans a matter than which nothing is more

wanted in this kingdom at prefent.

Another happy effect it fhould feem to promife is, to difburthen the nation from beggars, who, by then-
multitudes, are become the ignominy, as well as the plague of it ; whofe children are begot, and fo bred up
in the trade of begging, as if they were embodied into a fociety, and eftablifhed by law.
There feems to be no effectual way of doing this, but by laying a good foundation, in taking up the younger
fort, and putting them to working trades ; and as for the elder and decrepit, that are quite incapable of any
employment, fuch fhould be maintained by theparifh, but fo as to have no liberty for begging, as is too much
the cafe : and will not the confequence be, that we fhall foon have no aged or decrepit poor, nioft of whom are
rendered fo, either by fraud and defign of vagrants themfelves, or by being the children or fuch, and fo for
want of due care and attendance become deformed and maimed ?
It is alfo to be remarked, that plenty of laborious mechanical and manufactural people, and people in trade,
prevent famine in a nation ; however paradoxical, at firft fight, this may appear, that the multiplying of mouths
that eat corn, whofe hands fow none, fhould neverthelefs increafe food yefmatter of fact folves it; for who

ever law a famine in Holland ? On the contrary, they who fow none, do yet fupply other parts of the world
with corn, and this they effect by means of their trade and navigation, which drives the more lucrative plough
of the two, that of the lea.
It is obfervable, that no places are more frequently afflicted with famine, than thofe countries which are em-
ployed in tillage the reafon of this fcarcity is obvious for if their corn fails, they have no other way whereby
; ;

to fupply their want ; but it is otherwife with thofe who depend upon arts and maritime trade, for the extent of
Vol. I. b their
their harveft reaches to the utmoft confines of the known world j and if one place fails, they can eafily have
recourfe to another by their navigation.
Labour and arts are a means to purchafe to us one of the greateft bleflings upon earth, health and the length
of days ; for it both prolongs life, and prevents untimely death. For proof of the firft of thefe it is obferved,
as a matter of common experience, that there are more old men, who from their infancy have been employed in
labour and trades, than there are of gentlemen ; which is confident with what the phyficians affirm with truth,
and reafon, that the work of the body is not fo deftructive of, nor decays the vitals fo much, as the ftudy and
labour of the head. And that labour and trade prevents untimely death, is a truth fo undeniable as needs no
arguments to confirm it, every day's experience fufficiently evincing, that when youth are educated in the way
and courfe of conftant trade and bufinefs, their heads as well as their hands are ever employed ; which leaves
them no room for vicious plots and defigns, nor for pinching neceffity to enforce their breaking through the
jaws of God and man, to make provifion for thofe lulls and exorbitances, that at length, bring them to the
As men bred up to no ufeful trade or employment, and a fuperfkial degree of learning, have rarely any vir-
tue or religion fo neither are they demeanable to the laws of the land, to which religion is the fureft tie or

objection ; and fubordinately to that, bufinefs and employment have the next prevailing force for thofe naturally

beget a property, which requires protection and fecurity by thofe laws ; whereas he that hath nothing to lofe,
nor endeavours to acquire any thing but by a manifeit violation and infringement of the laws, his finifter in-
terefts are fuch as ftrongly incline him to deftroy them.
This work is defigned throughout to raife the fpirit. of univerfal art and induftry in this nation, that the labour
and ingenuity of our people, being inferior to thofe of no other ftate or empire, the kingdom may not dwindle
into poverty and ignominy and from being the greateft nation in the world, we may not become the leaft

and moft contemptible. And really the face of things is fo changed to what it was, that general induftry and
ingenuity feems to be at a ftand among our mechanics and manufacturers j which mult be owing to the general
bankruptcies that prevail amongft the trading part of the kingdom.



With their CAUSES and CURE briefly attempted.

Alfo Striftures upon the ILL STATE of the FINANCES of the KINGDOM j and a PLAN
to cement a more interefting COMMERCIAL UNION between GREAT BRITAIN*
and her AMERICAN COLONIES and PLANTATIONS, according to their prefent
Extent of Territory.


In tenui Res eft. Virgil.

THAT trade which promotes the employment of our people, advances the fale of our commodities
and manufactures, and encreafes our navigation, is profitable to the ftate ; but that which obftructs
the labour of our people, leffens the confumption of native wares, and employs the fhipping of
foreigners is detrimental. Whence the confideration of exportation and importation arifes.
To give effectual encouragement to the exportation of our product and manufactures, common policy
rects, that we fhall be able to fend them abroad as cheap, or cheaper than other nations, which are our com-
mercial competitors ; for wherever different nations attempt to outvie each other in the fale of the fame
kind of commodities, the lowed price will be the governing market price, to which all other fellers muft
be able to conform, or ceafe to trade at all.
From this motive the Dutch exempt their exports from all port-duties the French have nearly followed

their example. So impolitic was this nation as to continue to burthen our exports with the lubfidies or
poundage, and other impofitions, as laid on by the ftatute of the 12th Car. II. till they were difcharged
therefrom in the year 1722, by the adt of the 8th of Geo. I. cap. 15. 7. where it is faid, M And for the
further encouragement of the Britifh manufactures, that the feveral and refpective fubfidies, and all other
* duties whatfoever^ upon the exportation of any goods and merchandizes of the product or
manufacture of
" Great Britain fhall ceafe and determine, &c."
To what end was this act made by the Legillature, but to exempt our product and manufacture from all
port-duties that render them dearer at foreign markets ? But this exemption not being judged to reduce our
vfcres to a price fufficiently low to enable us, at that time, to cope with our rifing rivals hi trade in foreign
countries ; we allow drawbacks upon their exportation, of the inland duties, with which fome of our commo-
dities are loaded, and would ftill render them too dear for foreign markets. Accordingly the ftatutes which
impofe an excife upon various of our products and manufactures, are remitted upon exportation.
But it does not feem that the whole burthen of our excife and other inland duties that fall heavy upon our pro-
duce and manufacture, are drawn back on their exportation, whereby, it is feared, that the end of drawback is
defeated for is it not the intention of granting drawbacks to exempt our native commodities from all inland

duties and taxes whatsoever, as the taking off the port-duties was, to exempt them from all fubfidies and
other impofitions to the end that we may not be underfold by any other trading nation ? To this purpofe fhould
not every duty, tax, or impofition of any kind, that heightens the price of provifions and labour, and every
material towards a manufacture, and every ingredient ufed in the completion of the fame be drawn back ; fince
every burthen upon fuch material or ingredient, will prove yet a heavier burthen upon the manufacture itfelf,
no lefs than the high price of provifions ? Whereas our inland duties on our home confumption, by aug-
menting the general price of living, neceffarily augment the general price of all our other merchandizes fo :

that unlefs every fort of taxation that tends to enhance the price of all our commodities at home, was annihi-
lated at their exportation, we cannot fay the drawback is effectual, to exempt our product and manufactures,
from all fort of duties and impofitions whatfoever that enhance their prices. Tis not the drawing back of
one fimple excife du;y, that will free the commodities from a multitude of compound of excife and inland
duties with which a manufacture is direflly or virtually loaded at its exportation. Whence it fhould feem,
that the fuperior price of Englifh manufactures to thofe of our rivals at foreign markets, is owing to the
multiplicity of tax-incumbrances wherewith they actually continue burthened at their exportation, notwith-
ftanding the fimple drawback allowed to render them duly cheap.
Certain it is from the ftatutes, which grant drawbacks, that it was the fenfe of the Legiflature above forty
years ago, that we were then in danger of being underfold at foreign markets by foreign rivals ; even when
our tax-incumbrances on our trade were nothing like what they are at prefent, our public debts then not be-
in- much above one-third part of what they now are.
Notwithftanding the taking off the old fubfidy and the granting of drawbacks ; in the year 1735, and
for fome time before, France began to underfell England, even in the ftaple commodities of the nation, the
woollen-manufactures, from ten to twelve per cent, at feveral European markets. Such being the precarious
ftate of public affairs from the years 1725, to that of 1735, our general taxes continued unreduced, and the
kincdom received no general alleviation of its incumbrances upon trade, fufficient to keep us upon an equa-
litv of price with our competitors.
After the great Spanifh war, and the peace of Aix la Chapelle, when our public debts were increafed about
thirty millions more of principal money, and our tax incumbrances on commerce became considerably aug-
mented to anfwer the additional debts, France then began to underfell England at feveral foreign markets, from
twelve to fixteen per cent, and upwards, and increafed thereby in their number of foreign purchafers at many
c more
more new foreign markets. Since the further increafe of public debts that have been contracted by the laft war,
and the further additional of tax-incumbrances on trade, is it to be wondered that France fhall at
prefent be in a condition to encreafe their fales in every foreign country in the world at our expence, by un-
derfelling us ? Can any one be furprized to hear this-, when, as a belligerant power, the expences of France,
and their taxes upon their commerce and navigation, have bore little proportion to thofe of this nation, du-
ring the laft war ?
And, indeed, it feems to have been the determined policy of that kingdom to beat us in trade, though
they have been worded in war. And what means can prove more effectual to conquer us in both ? If once
they can by fuch like tneafures, bring Englifh commodities to fuch an exceflive height of dearnefs, that fo-
reigners will naturally exclude them from their refpective ftates and empires, mull not all Englifh. wares and
manufactures give way to the more cheaper ones of France ? Can any thing more effectually conduce to fup-
plant us in all the foreign markets of the univerfe, than commodities from ten to twenty per cent, cheaper than
Englifh ? What will any treaties of commerce avail to preferve our foreign trade ? For although we
are upon a level with our competitors in point of duties of import in the like commodities into all countries,
can fuch treaties have any effect to prevent their giving the preference to the much cheaper commodities ? It
is impoffible they fhould , however we may be amufed to the contrary. It would be an affront to the under-
Handing to attempt to prove, what all mankind readily allow, that the cheaper commodities will ever and
every where exclude the much dearer ; and therefore. I fhall think myfelf better employed by obferving, that
it is an undoubted truth, that France is able to underfell England in moft of her ftaple commodities and ma-

nufactures ; and by that means fhe will run away with our foreign trade, and aggrandize her own upon the
ruins of that of this nation, provided effectual means are not foon taken to prevent it by reducing the price
to a par with thofe of our French and other rivals.
However obvious and glaring the caufe of the high price of Englifh commodities is, yet too many feem
inclined rather to afcribe it to any caufe but the true one, which alone is adequate to the effect :and I am
perfwaded, that no other adequate one can be proved to exift in this kingdom, except that alone of the
weight of our prefent public debts, and of the oppreflive load of our tax-incumbrances in all their detri-
mental confequences occafioned thereby. This appears to be the cafe to me ; which makes it necefTary to
repeat a few of thofe obfervations and arguments deduced therefrom, that are urged throughout all my writ-
ings upon this matter. For although there may occafionally be divers other concurrent caufes that have con-
tributed ftill to encreafe the price of our commodities and manufactures in general yet my fentiments are,

that thofe caufes being only temporary, if they were removed, (as it is to be hoped the wifdom of the Legislature
will foon happily effect :) notwithstanding fuch removal, it is to be feared, it may not greatly reduce the prices
of Englifh commodities and manufactures in general, not near fo fufficiently as to enable this nation to fell her
native wares upon a level in price with either France or Holland in particular ; and therefore, as their commodi-
ties and manufactures will continue cheaper than thofe of England, thofe rivals will fupplant us in the foreign
commerce of Europe, if not of other parts of the trading globe.
The temporary caufes that concur at prefent to make the prices of all Englilh goods fo dear, we appre-
hend to be thofe of fuffering the uniting of farms, monopolizing, foreftalling and regrating but the grand

caufes of all are our perpetuated taxes, to fpeak in parliamentary language, for the payment of intereft
of the national debts till their redemption together with our great annual taxes for. the current ser-

vice, which the kingdom has long borne ; we mean the land and malt taxes, in conjunction with our num-
berlefs perpetual ones. For lay the taxes where we will, they will all ultimately terminate on the commerce
of the nation, as we are at prefent circumftanced j and an annual land tax of four millings in the pound,
in time of peace, is detrimental to trade, though not fo directly and apparently difcerned and felt, with re-
fpect to raiting the price of commodities and manufactures, as thofe taxes that are impofed directly on com-
modities, as we fhall fee by the fequel.
That our prefent taxes of every denomination, and more efpecially thofe impofed directly upon commodi-
ties, are the caufe of the high price of Englifh wares in general, appears from the following facts and appa-
rent deductions.
Taxes laid upon native confumptions by excifes, confiderably advance their prices they are, indeed, more

than doubled, if not in many cafes trebled in their price to the confumer upon the merchandize by the aug-
mentations, which the taxes make, in being paid and repaid by all the hands through which the merchandize
paffes ; and by the augmentations, which this increafed fum adds to the price of the crude materials, to the
price of workmanfhip, to the expence of the workmen and traders, which mult come out of the price of the
merchandize that has undergone, and comprehends all fuch augmentations, and prove an enormous incum-
brance upon Englifh product and manufactures ; feeing that our taxes upon taxes are fo highly multiplied,
by the immenfity of our national debts. It has become more necefTary than ever to recapitulate a few par-
ticulars that run through this work.
This point has been moft evidently and undeniably exemplified by the tax upon leather ; by means of
which it is found, that the price of fhoes is charged with numerous diftinct augmentations, which the leather
"hath paid, in paffing fucceflively from the hands of the grazier, through thofe of the butcher, tanner, and
his workmen, the leather cutter, the fhoemaker, and his workmen. Here are already divers proportional
augmentations of dearness for the Ihoes, which they themfelves ufe, as well as their cuftomers ; an expence,
which every one of them mutt regain on leather itfelf then there is the augmentation of the tax itfelf,

and feveral augmentations in proportion to the profits, which muft be made by the butcher, the tanner,' the
cutter, and the fhoemaker, out of the price thus fwelled of the leather.
like tax will operate the very fame effect upon the candles and foap, the ftarch, the beer, and other
the numerous commodities, all which ufed by every hand through which the leather patted in fhoes to the
hands of the confumer here are again numerous other augmentations on the price of fhoes, from every

one of thofe articles being likewife taxed.

All who contribute to the fabric and commerce of cloth, from the fhepherd to the wholefale merchant,
wear fhoes and every one of them muft charge the augmentations of them upon the wool, and upon the

numberlefs fafhionings it muft receive before it is manufactured into cloth. Thus the augmentations of the
tax on the confumption of necefTaries of life will be repeated ad infinitum, till all thofe fums are ultimately
paid in an accumulated lump by the laft confumer. It will not, therefore, be hard to believe, that before
coming to him, the tax will have been more than doubled, if not trebled ; efpecially if it be obferved, that
the tax is, by every one of thofe who pay it, and receive it again upon the merchandize, encreafed at leaft the
intereft of the enhancement he has made, reckoning from the firlt who pays the naked tax.
In like manner operates the excifes on malt, beer, ale, fait, ftarch, &c. &c. and on all other necef-
Thereno propofition more evident, than that every tradefman, handicraftfman, labourer, or any other

perfon, fubfifts merely by the profits of trade or labour, muft neceflarily advance the price of the
commodities he deals in, or the wages he earns, in proportion to every tax he is obliged to pay j more efpe-

This price muft Ill be further advanced, on account of every other tradesman's taxes he is obliged to

deal with for the common neceffaries. So that when any perfon of fortune, or tradefman, pays another tradef-
man's bill, he not only pays a proportion of his taxes on candles, ioap, fait, leather, beer, ale, fhoes, &c.
&c. &c. but alio a further proportion of the fame taxes, on account of every other perfon Inch tradefman
alio deals with for neceffaries. To corroborate what has been urged The taylor is obliged to pay an en-
hanced price for meat, on account of the butcher's taxes and a further enhancement on account of the taxc,

paid by the feveral tradefmen the butcher deals with for neceffaries, which he muft charge on his meat, as
it is the only article in which he deals. He alio pays the like enhancements on the fame account to the
baker, fhoemaker, and every other tradefman he deals with for articles, neceffaries, cither for fuftenance, or
for carrying on his trade; all which enhancements he muft add to his own taxes, and charge the whole on
the cloaths he makes.
As the taylor is obliged in this manner to enhance the price of cloaths, the fhoemaker muft enhance the
price of fhoes on the fame account, and add a further enhancement on account of the dearnefs of cloaths
The tallowchandler enhances on the price of candles on account of his own taxes, and feveral further enhance-
ments are made on account of the dearnefs of cloaths, fhoes, &c. &c. &c. all which are abfolutely necef-
fary for fubfiftence, and enhanced in their prices on account of thofe taxes. So that each alternately lays the
feveral enhancements on the commodity he deals in, or adds to the price of his labour, until the whole comes
to the confumer.
It may appear who have not confidered the confequences of laying taxes on necef-
furprizing to thofe
fary articles, fhould be afferted, that they arc paid fometimes five hundred, and sometimes even a

thousand fold by the confumer and yet it is often the cafe, though little attended to.

For inftance, a pane of glafs that docs not weigh a pound, which coft but a milling before the laft tax of
a penny a pound was laid on glafs, was immediately advanced to the price of eighteen pence, which is 600
per cent, advance on account of this tax. The fhoemaker has in like manner advanced the price of a pair of
fhoes that do not weigh above a pound, two fhillings and upwards extraordinary, on account of a tax of
two-pence a pound upon leather, which is above \ 000 per cent, advance on account of that tax.
When the parliament laid the additional tax of three fhillings per barrel on beer, which is one farthing a pot, the
brewers and victuallers in conjunction, raifed the price of beer one half-penny per pot fo that by this dou- ,

bling immediately the duty, they accumulated into their own pockets a fum full equal to what the legiflature
raifed by this tax for the fervice of the government and at the fame time the beer was generally reputed to

be much worfe in quality than what it was before the tax. The journeymen and day labourers, who are
the chief confumers of beer, imagining that by this means they were ill uied and oppreffed, raifed the price
of their labour three-pence per day ; the journeymen taylors, indeed, raifed the price of their wages fix-pence
per day. Hence therefore, the public, by means of this fmall tax being laid on one of the neceffaries of
life, pays above eight times the ium that the government receives for the fupport of the ftate.
Three-fourths of the people have been computed to confift of perfons without property, who work for their
daily bread, and confume three-fourths of our numerous excile commodities wherefore, they pay three- :

fouvths of the excife duties thereon. As thefe induftrious people live but from hand to mouth, whatever taxes
are laid on their confumables, they are obliged to fhift off, or they cannot fubfift at all and fince thefe mul- :

tiplied duties have been projected, they mult earn enough to pay the taxes, the enhanced price of taxed goods,
and of the enhanced prices of all other neceffaries, viz. of meat, bread, cloathing, or whatever they muft
neceffarily ufe. Confequently fuch taxes muft occafion the rife of the wages of the working people, as well
as the prices of all commodities.
Tradefmen paying enhanced prices on every thing they confume, as well as vend, muft have enhanced
profits for whether they lay out their docks of money in goods that bear their natural value only, or in

goods that bear a double value, or merely the weight of taxes, ftill a living profit muft and will be obtain-
ed on the ftock they employ. For the wages of the manufacturer, the mechanic, the labourer, and the ge-
neral expences of the mafter- undertaker, and tradefmen, being of neceffity raifed, the firft coft of goods muft
be fo too and confidering the various tradefmen's hands that goods pafs through in their circulation, from

the workman and labourer, to the confumer, charged as we have feen, with profit upon profit by each of
them, on account of the tax (which in fmall trades, that furnilh the induftrious poor, muft be very grear,
otherwife their returns being fmall they could not live) the enhancement in price thereby occafioned, may, at
the moft moderate computation, be computed at double, if not treble the grof, taxes on moil goods to the
This compelling people in general to live at a much greater expence than if there were no fuch taxes, caufes
a proportionate general dearnefs of every thing throughout the whole kingdom, and amongft every clafs
thereof-, and muft not this general dearnefs of all our native commodities neceffarily affect our foreign trade,
fince the fame taxes are fo great an oppreffion upon our domeftic ? For although we are amufed, I fay, with
the drawback of taxes upon the exportation of many of our native commodities, yet is it poffible that the
repayment of a fimple tax fhould exempt goods from various compound taxes, and the arbitrary enhance-
ments upon enhancements thereby occafioned ?
Whence it appears, that notwithstanding the temporary caufes before intimated, fuch as the ingroffing of
farms, and of monopolizing, foreftalling and regrating, &c. being fo long fhamefully fuffered to preva 1,
have certainly contributed to the general expence of living, and thereby raifed the prices of commodities and
manufactures ; yet the combined weight of all thofe unnatural and illegal practices are not alone adequate to
account for the exceffive height to which all Englifh wares are grown, compared with thofe of our trading
competitors. But if we have recourfe befides, to the multitude of taxes upon taxes of every fpecies, with
which the whole commerce of the kingdom is loaded, this will be found to be a caufe amply adequate to
anfwer the effect our trade experiences.
Nor is the effect wholly to be afcribed to the fatal fyftem of perpetuated taxations, as before obferved
annual ones contribute their fhare to the evil ; and that not only by means of the malt but the land tax. For
will not the continuance of four fhillings on land fo operate as to occafion the landlord to raife his rents
upon Will
the tenant not he be induced to alleviate fuch an incumbrance upon his eftate as well as the

trader the like upon his commodities ? To actuate hereto, does not the land-owner bear his proportion of
taxes on commodities as a confumer, as well as every other clafs of the community ? When the weight
falls heavy upon him as well in his landed capacity as in his confuming one, it is natural to eafe the burthen
as much as he can.
of the landed man as well as the trader, have we reafon to imagine, that if the te-
As this is the cafe
nant bears an advanced rent, that he will not in his turn alfo ftrive as much as may be to fhift it from his
own fhoulders ? To this end, muft we not expect that the tenant will reimburfe the extra expence of his ad-
xiv Tve ill State of our tinances : wito a rian jor a more imerejimg union vciween \jreai amain ana /xmenca, qsjc.

ryanced rent by the impofition of arbitrary taxes upon the produce of his lands ? Whence at length docs not
the land tax terminate on the confumer of land productions, in the like manner as taxes laid on all other
commodities do ? And will not the farmer and the grazier, &c. all concerned in agriculture, enhance their
prices more than proportionate to the advanced rents upon them, as the trader does any tax upon his wares ?
Experience proves they all do this, nay, has it not grown a practice of late for the tenant to be faddled even
with the whole land tax itfelf, as well as all other parochial taxes ? And will not the tenant (hift what pro-
portion he can off himfelf upon the public ? So that every (pedes of taxes, lay it wherever you can, will
fall at length upon the national trade; and when that is already overloaded, every addition thereto becomes
very fenfibly felt throughout the kingdom.
What occafion would there be for a four (hilling land tax in time of peace, were not the public debts fo
greatly augmented Does any tax require more equalizing than the land tax ; to the
as they at prefent are ?

end, that in time of peace the landed intereft might have due relief, the better to enable them to fuftain a
greater burthen in time of war ? Should an equal land-tax of two (billings in the pound produce what one
of four (billings now does, what reafon can there be to defer fo national a benefit ? In this cafe, a general
equalized land-tax of four (hillings in time of war might and would be neceflary in our prefent circumftances.
And why mould we not prepare for it, by giving all requifue eafe to the land in time of peace ? (hould Why
this falutary work be longer deferred ; when we know not how foon we may (land in need of fuch a mea-
fure ? While every branch of the perpetuated part of the revenue is thought neceflary to be put into a (late of
improvement, what reafon can be afligned why the annual part fhould be neglected, when our finances in ge-
neral require every kind of improvement poflible ? Procraftinating a meafure of this kind is deferring relief
where and when it is manifeftly required ; might have no fmall effect to
for if that was immediately given, it

lower the general prices of provifions throughout the nation an eafement of two (hillings in the pound to

thofe who have fo long bore the burthen of four (hillings, may prevent the raifing of rents, and the confe-
quence will be obvious and thofe already raifed may, after their contract is expired, fall, if that cannot be

obtained before. Nor pehaps would any thing be conducive to lower the general price of the neceflai ies of
life, next to that of regulating all public markets, and putting an effectual (top to monopolifts, foreftallers

and regrators.
We cannot put an end to thefe few obfervations, without noticing that trite remark in the mouth of too
many ; that if the induftrious poor can obtain enough to maintain themielves in five days, they will not work
the whole fix. Whence they infer the neceflity of even the necefiaries of life being made dear by taxes, or any-
other means, to compel the working artifan and manufacturer to labour the whole fix days in the week with-
out ceafing. I muft beg leave to differ in fentiment from thofe great politicians, who contend for the per-
petual (lavery of the working people of this kingdom they forget the vulgar adage, all work and no play.

Have not the Englifh boafted of the ingenuity and dexterity of her working artifts and manufacturers, which
have heretofore given credit and reputation to Britifh wares in general ? \\ hat has this been owing to ? To
nothing more probably, than the relaxation of the working people in their own way. Were they obliged to toil
the year round, the whole fix days in the week, in a repetition of the fame work, might it not blunt their
ingenuity, and render them ftupid inftead of alert and dexterous and might not our workmen lofe their

reputation inftead of maintaining it by fuch eternal (lavery ? Have not all wife nations inftituted holidays, fports
and paftimes, for the diverfion of the mafs of the people ? To what end ? Certainly to give them a frelh
relifli for their labour. And if they had not unbendings, we may prefume they would pine away, and be-
come enervated as well in body as marred in underftanding. And what fort of workmanlhip could we ex-
pect from fuch hard-driven animals ?
However, fome London workmen may now and then impair their healths by drunkennefs and debau-
chery, the bulk of the induftrious artifans and manufacturers throughout the kingdom do otherwife; and
when they do make a holiday, they will eafily fetch the loft time up, as they term ir, in cafes of piece
work, and many of them will execute as much work in four days as a Frenchman will in five or fix. But
if linglifhmen are to be eternal drudges, 'tis to be feared they will degenerate below the Frenchmen. As
our people are famed for bravery in war, do we not fay that it is owing to good Englilh roaft beef and
pudding in their bellies, as well as our constitutional fpirit of liberty ? And why may not the fuperior
ingenuity and dexterity of our artifts and manufacturers be owing to that freedom and liberty they en-
joy to divert themfelves in their own way, and I hope we (hall never have them deprived of fuch pri-
vilege, and that good living from whence their ingenuity no lefs than their courage may proceed. How-
ever, fome regulations may be requifite, even for the diverfions of the induftrious poor.
Did not the common working people find time to fpend their earnings, what would become of the public
revenue ? If they may make three-fourths of the people of Great Britain, do not they pay three-fourths of
the inland taxes ? If fo, have we not feen that every thing they confume muft be proportionably raifed in
price by being taxed and how can it be expected that they (hould fubfift at rates they did before our taxes

were fo enormoufty^encreafed ? When people complain of the wages of the induftrious labourers, and level
all their might at them, are we not apt to neglect the efientials? Should we not rather (how the neceflity
of the reduction and annihilation of taxes, than fpend our political breath in vain againft the poor labourer ?
If labour in general is too dear, why is not the real caufes removed ? The effect will foon follow.
The fuccefs of a kingdom, fays a (hrewd politician, depends upon a wife regulation of its revenues ; and
particularly fo in a trading nation. For when taxes are not laid and levied in the manner they ought to be,
they are the ruin of the fubject, a moth in the treafury, the univerfal lamentation of a date, and the intereft and
joy of our trading competitors. But a wife difpofition of them is the foul of a ftate, the life of the peo-
ple, glory to a prince, grief and diftrefs to foreign rivals, and a perpetual fountain of the richeft blefllngs to
human life. 1 could wifh I had reafon to fay this was the cafe of the conftitution and (late of the prefent

revenue of this kingdom but I am convinced it is highly exceptionable in its eflentials.


As our mortgaged and perpetuated taxes on trade cannot be reduced or annihilated, 'till the public debts
become fo, without detriment to the public credit of the nation, ought not every other evil that can be re-
moved be fo, to reduce the price of things as much as may be, in order to give all poflible relief to the
general trade of the nation ? But after all, 'tis to be feared, that till the reduction of taxes (hall be accom-
pliftied, our trade will receive no extraordinary eafe by every other method that is in our power, perhaps
though what is in the immediate power of the nation to do, ought by no means to be delayed for more rea-
fons than I chufe to mention.
The only parliamentary provifion made for the reduction of the public debts, and the annihilation of
taxes, is the eftablilhrnent of the finking fund ; and that having been inftituted near fifty years, but inftead
of being out of debt by this time, as we have been long ago given to underftand we (hould have been, by
means of the efficacious operation of that all-redeeming fund, are not our public debts near treble fince the
firft eftablilhrnent of that fund ? And are not the tax-incumbrances of the nation encreafed to a degree be-
yond the credibility of any perfon who lived forty years ago ? Was not that fund originally intended to have
difcharged public debts contracted before the year 1716 ? Inftead thereof, has it not been applied to the cur-
6 rent

and now become mortgaged as a collateral fecurity for frefh debts incurred fince that year ? When
the wK'.rrit of the public creditors bectme reduced in the year 17*7, from fix to four per cent, computation?
were made, that, by virtue of a linking fund of one million a year only being inviolably applied to the dif-
Chtrge of the national debt, and the l'avings that might have been made by compound interefl: at four per
ecu!, the nation might have been out of debt by the year 1756, fdcfl fund difcharging a debt of fifty mil-
lion, by that time: and if the interefl: of fifty millions had been reduced in the laid year 1727 to three pe
tent, and there had been a million and an half facrcdly applied to the purpofe of difcharging the principal
debt, it would have been paid off before the year 175? And that an hundred millions of principal money
might have been paid off by the year 1765 in confrquence of which, all our perpetuated taxes were to

have been redeemed to the public.

But after fifty years experience, all thefe expectations have proved vi-
lionary ; and what reafon can we at prefent have to truft to this fund for our general redemption hereafter ? Has
it not alfo been boaflcd, that this all-redeeming fund was a greater fecurity to the public creditors for the
certain repayment of their principal ? And was not that made a pretence to ftrip the national creditors of
one-third of their interefl: by the year 1727, and fince of one-half? In this manner have the creditors of
the nation been amuled and inftead of their principal being rendered more fecure by means of the finkincr

fund, is it not become lefs fo ? And the more and more the public debts fhall increafe, the more and more
infecure will the repayment of the principal be ? And the more and more tax- incumbrances on trade fhall
augment, will not every fpecies of Britifh commodities grow dearer and dearer ? Is it poffible under fuch cir-
cumltances, that the trade of the nation can grow better and better ? Muft it not, on the contrary, grow
worfe and worfe, and that of rival countries grow more and more profperous upon the ruin of ours ?
Of thefe things the author has long complained throughout the courfe of his writings he in particular fore- :

warned the nation, at the commencement of the Jaft war, of what has come to pafs, in his tract called
Great Britain's True System. Herein he fhewed the neceifity of raifing the supplies within the year
though he, nor any man elfe then thought the fupplies neceffary would have been fo enormous as they have been
and proved the ill confequenccs of doing otherwife and while the annual expence fhall exceed the annual

revenue, he repeats it again, is it poffible our affairs fhould mend ? Is it not a pernicious practice to bor-
row money at interefl; on mortgaged funds ? Is it not a ruinous practice to borrow on funds that fhall not
a deftructive practice to load our commerce and manufactures with taxes in the manner that has been done,
and to mortgage thefe deftructive taxes for a time to come injudicioufly as they have been ? Hath not a to-
tal difregard to thefe maxims been productive of almoft every commercial evil we at prefent labour under ?

And muft not a continuance in thofe egregious political errors one day make this nation rue it ; the landed
the trading, and monied intcrefts, will all inevitably feel the fatal effects of a feries of fuch perverfe and
wrongheaded meafures this nation has purfued by the influence of weak and wicked minifters, fince the re-
volution ? And if not public virtue enough in the kingdom to relinquifh fuch a ruinous fyftem,
there is

and that without delay too, may

it not be quite out of our power to do it, when the emergencies of
may make it indifpenfably requifite to increafe our public debts and our tax-incumbrances ?
The time of peace is the feafon for every kind of national improvement to be made againft that of war.
Should we neglect the prefent opportunity to extricate the kingdom from every difficulty, how can we expect
to do it when it fhall appear impracticable ? If the nation is not in times of peace put into a fure and cer-
tain ftate of redemption from its debts and taxes I mean a confiderable proportion of them fpeedily, what

reafon can we have to expect the confervation of our trade and commerce? And what a pitiful figure will
the Britifh empire make without them ?
'Tis not paying off a few millions of the national debts, without the reduction of taxes,
that will give any fenfible relief to the commercial intereft. It may, indeed, as fuch expedients heretofore

have done, give a temporary political puff to the public credit. But what end will that anfwer ? Judge as
we have repeatedly experienced. The confequence will be this : public credit will be bloated for a time ;

and then advantage may, and very likely will again be taken of the happy crifis, to reduce the intereft of
the public funds to two per cent, and what will become of the faving ? Will it not be transferred, as ufual,
to the unfathomable gulph of the finking fund ? When it is arrived there, can we be certain that it will not
be applied to the current fervice, if occafion requires ? Or, may it not become, as it has done, a new addi-
tional intereft fund, whereby the more eafily to increafe the public debts, inftead of paying any off, to a de-
gree of fignificance ? And will fuch payments avail the nation ? Can we expect more advantage thereby
than what we have received by the paft payments fince the inftitution of the finking fund ? And what eafe-
ment will that be to the nation? None at all: I pronounce, if conducted upon the fame principles of
former payments; all which have terminated hitherto in the further reduction of the intereft of the public
creditors ; and can we think they will efteem that a benefit ? The proprietor of 20,000 /. in the funds will
make a mighty figure in the world with his annuity of 400/. a year; and a lady with her 20,000/. fortune
will appear in great fplendor at Mrs. Cornelly's.
However agreeable fuch a further reduction of intereft may fit upon the ftomachs of fome, what mighty
emolument will the trade of the nation receive by this thread-bare expedient ? Can taking away one-third
more of the fpending money of thofe public creditors fubject thereto, benefit trade ? Can they fpend the more
the lefs they have to fpend, without breaking in upon their principal ? To what a hopeful condition will fuch
fund-holders be reduced, when they fhall experience their income to be reduced, and the price of all things to
grovr dearer and dearer ? When a third part more of their prefent annuity of three per cent, fhall be pledged
to pay intereft to new annuitants, or become otherwife applied, and their fpending money fhall be curtailed,
will not all thefpecific funds feel the happy effects of fuch profound policy ? But ic will be faid, perhaps, that
our acts of parliament abound with provifoes that obviate thefe trivial objections for if any funds prove ;

deficient, when once we have got fuch funds eftablifhed, the bounty of the legiflature oblige themfelves to make
fuch deficiency good the enfuing feflion fo that any new funds, as well as our ancient ones, can never, in

reality, become deficient, although their regular and commercial produce be annihilated. A very happy fyftem
truly ! An inimitable way of raifing money, without the appearance of new taxes, however much the old
ones fhall be reduced. An admirable prop this to the public credit Does not every man fee through this

cobweb policy ? What avails it, whether the funds, with which the public creditors are amufed, anlwers the
purpofe for which they are pitched on or not, feeing their deficiencies are certain of being fupplied by the
legiflature ? But 1 would afk, Do not thefe deficiencies as well as any fpecific taxes fall upon trade ? Does
fuch practice any way leffen our burthens upon the commerce of the nation ?
Though the deficiency is fupplied, what becomes of the furplus ? Does this go to the payment of
the principal for which fuch funds were new coined ? We have feen what hath become of the old fink-
ing fund, conftituted of the furpluffes of the Aggregate, the South Sea, and the General funds. As
thofe furpluffes have been thrown into the finking fund for the payment of debts contracted before the year
1 7 1 6
,fo like wife have all the diftinct furpluffes which have arofe from all the new funds that have been
eftablifhed fince, by the act of the 25th of George II. for confolidating the funds. But what hath the na-
tion been relieved of its taxes both by the means of the old or the new fund-surplusses ? I recol-

Vol. I. d lect
xvi Ike ill State of our Finances : with a Plan for a more interejling Union between Great Britain and America, (Jc.

leftbut one fingle appropriated tax that hath been taken off, except the old fubfidy impofed in Charles
the Second's time, fince the year 1716, when the old linking fund was full eftablifhed that was the (alt :

duty, in the year 1730 and that was again laid on in the fucceeding year.
, So that however wife an infti-
tution the finking fund might have been in the opinion of fome for the difcharge of the public debts, and at
length for the redemption of taxes appropriated for payment of the intereft thereof; yet we find, that alter
fo many years trial and experience of its mighty effect for the national cafe, we have received none at all.
On the contrary, the public debts and taxes to anfwer them, are now brought to fuch an enormous height,
it appears that both the old and the fubfequent finking funds have proved an encouragement to increafe
both, inftead of diminifhing either. And why ? Becaufe they have facilitated the railing of money by re-
peated loan after loan, and been made an interest fund, inftead of a redeeming oni:, for frefh debts, or
applied to the current fervice.
If ever it is intended to get rid of the public debts, without violating the public faith, docs it not feem
neceffary that another fyftem fhould be eftablifhed for the purpofe ? A new fund, which fiiould never more
be chriftened a Sinking Fund, but a sovereign debt-paying, or rather a tax-relieving fund, and never
to be mifapplied.
If the public debts fhall not be put into a fure road of redemption, but the ftate creditors are to remain
perpetual annuitants, it may not indeed be bad policy to think or reducing their intereft: as low as we can :

in which cafe, the lower that is reduced, the nearer we (hall be to get rid of a great part of the debt for ,

its magnitude will be no burthen, when we fhall pay no intereft for it; and the nearer we draw to a total

exemption from the incumbrance of paying intereft, that may effect ually anfwer the end of a fpunge, and
then the kingdom will be in a happy ftate to be fure!
But perchance the wife fcheme of reducing of intereft further may defeat itfelf ; for when the public cre-
ditors are fo alarmed, can we be certain that they will not fell out their funds as faft as they can ? And
will a run on the funds make the reduction of intereft more eafily practicable ? It will not only render the
project abortive, but may give fuch a blow to the public credit as will not facilitate our borrowing more
money, when we fhall have the utmoft occafion for it. Wherefore, it is to be hoped, that fome fuch confi-
deration may contribute to the laying fuch a fcheme afide, if it ever was intended, a^ hath been lately talked
of among fome great politicians.
Let any gentleman reflect a moment upon the ftate of the old finking fund fince its commencement ; and
will he not be convinced that the public creditors have been fleeced of too many millions already to admit of
more? Had we from the firft eftablifhment of that fund to pay off the debts contracted before 1716, have
been refolute to have raifed the fupplies within the year, the old finking fund, as it increased, might have
been made a permanent redeemer of the old debts.
Nay, although it had not been found practicable to have raifed the whole of the fupplies neceffary within
the year and we had, therefore, been obliged to have contracted occasionally fome new debts, yet had the

finking fund been made the right and proper ufe of, the nation need not, perhaps, have been near one moiety
of the principal fum indebted it now is ; a great part of the load of our tax-incumbrances have been pre-
vented, and the public credit bottomed on a more folid bafis than it at prefent is. But this ma.ter hath been
egregioufly miftaken, and by thofe too who have been accounted fuperlative financiers.
However well the finking fund has been improved to facilitate the encreafe of the public debts and taxes,"
it has been badly fchemed, as was at firft intended, to eafe the nation of the latter. And what benefit is it
to the community to pay a few millions now and then of the principal money debt, without reducing at the
fame time our taxes ?
But in fuch manner is the finking fund conftituted, that no taxes have been taken off, when any parts of
the debt have been difcharged and, indeed, fuch is the nature of that fund, that if taxes had been reduced,

as we might have paid the principal by means of that fund beyond the favings made by the reduction of the
intereft money, fuch reductions of taxes would have undermined the very foundation of the sink-
ing fund itself. For the whole of that fund is conftituted, as well of the continuance of taxes as of the
favings by the paft reductions of intereft the furpluffes of the aggregate, the South Sea, and the ge-

neral funds, compofing a principal part of that fund, and being made up of taxes as well as the favings by
intereft and the fubfequent parts of the finking fund arifing fince the confolidating aft 25th of George 11.

are compounded of new taxes, and their diftinft furpluffes fo that if any taxes had been reduced and annihi-

lated, the finking fund could never have fwelled to the magnitude it hath done and would not that have -,

been a check to the extravagant profufion of the public money ? Would the nation have been the worfe
for that?
Whence, it appears, that in the firft conftitution, perhaps, of the finking fund, 'it was illy contrived
to give due relief to the nation, was a notable device to reduce the intereft of the public creditors
although it

from fix per cent, to its prefent ftate ; and might have been alfo devifed to have eafed the kingdom of its
taxes, inftead of augmenting them, as it has been made the means of doing ; but that matter has been be-
neath the confideration of our profound ftatefmen hitherto.
The paying off a few millions of the national debt, without the annihilation cf any tax-incumbxances that can
prove an eafenient to the commercial intereft, can only give a temporary blaft, I again fay, to public credit, and
may thereby tend, as obferved, ftill to the further reduction of intereft nay, fuch meafures may be fo practiced

as to bring the irredeemable part of the debt into a ftate of redemption, and thereby reduce the intereft of
that, as well as the redeemables and in confequence thereof we may ftill add more and more to the fink-

ing fund, and thereby provide frefti intereft funds for the additional increafe of frefh public debts, as hath
been our cafe already. The repetition of this fhameful policy may be carried to fuch a degree, as we have
feen, to deftroy quite the credit of the funds and of the nation. But it is to be hoped, that all fuch expe-
dients will be treated as they fhall merit, unlefs the faving by further reduftions of intereft on the funds
fhould be facredly applied to a proportionate reduction of taxes.
ere, indeed, all the funds reduced to a level of intereft at three per cent, which cannot be done without
an infraction of public faith, 500,000 /. more might be faved buc if that wasfwallowed up in the finking

fund gulph, inftead of being applied to the reduftion of taxes, that would prepare the way to increafe the
public debt about fixteen millions more, if converted into a frefh intereft fund for the purpofe, according to
pift exemple. In the like wife manner may the intereft of the whole national debt be reduced from three to
two per cent, per annum, and an additional intereft fund be created of between one and two millions more,
which may prove the happy means of fwclling the national debt to above one-half as much more as it is,
and make it up no lefs than the round fum of two hundred millions. Every one difcerns how this wife
Britifh fyftem may be carried to ftill greater and greater lengths, and bring the kingdom to a very profperous
fituation at laft ; for by means thereof, we fhall neither be able ever to pay what we owe, nor to borrow a fhil-
ling more and thus will Great Britain be duly prepared for the firft conqueror who fhall make the attempt.

Whether the perpetrators of this all-wife project will call themfelves friends to the prefent illuftrious fa-
mily upon the throne of thefc kingdoms ; whether this is the grateful recompence that the beft of fove-
9 reigns
7 ve hi oiaie oj cur nuances : wuu a nan j or a more intcrejting Union between Ureal liritain and America, (c. xvij

reigns deferVM from thiskingdom, is Submitted to the reflexion of thofe whom nearly concern may
and it i

whether they may think themfelves beholden to the author for thofe remarks, is matter of indifference to a
him for let them be taken as intended, or otherwile, he is lure to be not one farthing the better for it, un-

lcls by the enjoyment of that felf-felt fatisfa&ion in having done his duty.

I could wilh the fubject I am engaged on was at an end, being tired of fo difagreeable
a talk that I have
voluntarily impofed upon myfelf. But to relume the fubject of paving debts without reducing
We have confidered the fcheme of difcharging punLic debts without easing the public; or to fpeak
in other words, the fcheme of paying public debts by being the worie in Stead of the better for {o doing.
For have we not feen that this hath hitherto been our cafe and what reafon have we to believe the purfuit

of this fcheme of proceeding can ever mend our affairs, purfuant to the prefent constitution of the revenue ?
Were we to continue in a Hate of perfect peace and tranquillity for ten years together, and to pay off a
million annually of principal money-debt, would the difcharge of ten millions be any fort of eafement to the
commerce of the nation, without the reduction of taxes ? Was this ten millions paid by virtue of the link-
ing fund, which, perhaps, would not be fo eafily practicable, we can expect no annihilation of taxes thac
conflitute that fund ,and whether that fund in fuch cafe would admit of the payment of ten millions in twenty
years, is to be questioned. Or Were we to ad. the favingJ of the intereftof the laid difcharged million a year,

cither fimple or compound, and pay the accumulated interest as principal, what hope Qiould we have of the
reduction of taxes ? Nay, Should we be enabled in virtue of the finking fund to pay off a million and one-
half annually, for ten years uninterruptedly, with the accumulated compound intereSt, it would not difcharge
above 17,1^6,465 /. with a continuance of taxes and this could only affect the Stockholders by reducing of

their intercft lower and lower.

As fuch payment of the public debt would have a tendency to a further reduction of intereft and if that j

fliould take place, the (pending money of the nation would be diminished, would not the tax-funds fenfibly feel
it ? And though the deficiencies of funds lhall be made good from year to year, by parliament, vet will not
the public bear the weight of fuch taxes, notwithstanding the declenSion of its t'raje by fuch fund-deficiencies ?
Should it be laid, if the intereft of the funds lhould be further reduced, ic mi*ht oblige many to enter into
trade, who could not fubfilt upon their fund- annuities. It might be ib, and they might then be quite ruined ;

for do we not find the Gazette abounds with bankrupts enough daily ? And what has this been owing to ? The
decline both of our domellic as well as foreign trade ; the one owing to the Smuggling of foreign commodi-
ties and manufactures into the kingdom, and her plantations-, the other to ohe excefiive high price of En-
glifh commodities by reafon of our immenfe tax- incumbrances, as we have feen.
Moreover, can people unbred and unikillcd in the arts of carrying on trade obtain knowlege an J experi-
ence fuflicient for the purpofe inftantaneoufly ? Can they Suddenly raife a fund of commercial credit who ne-
ver before had, or required any ? But what trades are they to Strike into, that will admit of unexperienced
people thriving in ? if it be laid, that men who have been in trad; and left it off", and live upon their an-
nuities in the funds, may ltrike into the Same tr. in 1 afk,.can perfons advanced in years, as others

ieldom betake themfelves to live upon the intereft of their ftocks gained by trade, begin life ? We may
as well pretend to make the aged young again. Who then are to be induced to engage in trade that were
wholly out of it ?
Befides, provided further reductions of intereft in the funds Should be thought of, in order to compel
people into trade who are out of it, Should we not previously experience the inducement to be very engaging !

Ought it not to admit of a certain greater profit than is to be made in the funds, even when reduced ?
How can raw and untrained people be lure of this ? Are not long and large credits given in trade as fellers ?
But how will fuch lind the like as buyers ? If they cannot, what hazards of ruin mutt they run ?
Was the domestic and foreign trade of the nation greatly extended ; and were the profits thereof inviting,
the rifing generations mioht be encouraged to be bred thereto: but few Stockholders would again engage
therein, who had chofe to live at their eafe; fo that the further reducing fcheme would give no great temp-
tation to fuch proprietors again to turn traders. Some few, perhaps might rather incline to lend a part of
their property on perfonal fecurity for larger intereft than they then could make in the funds. But thofe to make
any greater lure advantage by fo doing, would be people who had acquired experience in trade, and a good
knowlege of the man they truited, or the rifk would be great ; and very few Skilful people would chufe to run
it. Should the unfkilful be rafh enough to hazard their fond-incomes in trade with others, they might foon
have occafion to repent it. And female proprietors, however numerous, would not think of trade.
Notwithstanding, therefore, the trade of the nation Should be Something enlarged, yet as the fpending money
of Stockholders would be abridged, might not the general tiade lofe as much the one way, as it acquired by
the other ? And how would the nation be gainers ? How would Stand the plight of the funds? Deficien-
cies upon deficiencies might be multiplied and would not that prove a dead weight upon the enlarged trade ?

But in what manner can the trade of the kingdom be extended, while our commodities and manufactures
continue fo exceilively dear by the means of taxes ? Were they indeed effectually reduced, it might be (hewn
how eafily the trade of the nation might be largely extended. Let this be done, and we lhall find people
enough rife up to carry it on, without depending upon the converfion of Stock-annuitants into traders, by
the means of reducing of their intereft.
Were our taxes on trade competently reduced, and the price of every thing, in confequence thereof, to fuch
a degree, that a ltockholder could live as well upon his annuity of two per cent, as he at prefent does on th-t
of three or four per cent, and our general commerce greatly increafed, as it might be by wife manage-
ment ; if there did want more people in trade, experienced traders would the longer decline going out of it,
and converting themfelves. into Stockholders ; and the reduction of intereft might and would conduce to this
and if the favings that might be made hereof were faithfully applied to fupply the places of the moil bur-
thenfome perpetuated taxes, thefe latter might be reduced Still further and further, which would tend to the
greater and greater increafe of the general trade.
Nor is it the reduction of taxes to any fmall degree that will give the trade of the nation fubftantial re-
drefs, as we are circumstanced. The reduction of taxes of one hundred thoufand, or two hundred, or three
hundred thousand pounds a YEAR, would not be felt by a kingdom in general that pays above fourteen
millions per annum, in time of peace, with all enhancements on its commodities, although the impofition of
frefh annual taxes to the amount of two or three hundred thousand pounds a year, would be grievouffy
felt by the whole nation. There is a great difference at prefent between the laying on of new taxes,
and the taking off old ones, to the fame amount. Like the horfe overladen already, a very little more
may fink him. Being fo highly tax-ridden as we are, a fmall addition to the number is very fenfibly
felt by trade, Since traders are compelled to raife tr.eir wares in price, as taxes on them are increafed,
which foon diffeminates ltfelf through the whole community, when impofed upon any commodity univer-
fally con fumed by the mals of the people. And if once fhe general prices of commodities are greatly
augmented by the multiplication of taxes upon taxes, as we have feen by various instances, it is not the an-

xviii 'The ill Stale of our Finances : with a Plan for a more inlerefling Union between Great Britain and America, LJc.

nihilation, as has of a fimple tax that will remove the evil entailed by numerous compound one.:,
been faid,
which contributed enhancement the one of the other they augment the prices of Englilh goods
to the greater :

in a ratio fuitable to their number, as well as the weight of every particular tax. Remove, therefore, the
fimple tax on one commodity only, and net the others that proportionally contribute to raife the price of
goods, which have an affinity therewith, can we expect that to lower the price of goods fufficiemly to ad-
vance our foreign and domeftic trade ?
We muft give therefore fuch general relief as the trade of the nation mould feem to require that is to :

fay, to enable England to fell as good a commodity at any foreign market, and that at as cheap a rate, as
any of our trading foreign competitors are able to do; which is the real relief that the foreign trade of this
nation requires, if we mean to retrieve, preferve, and extend it. And without foreign trade, will the mere
domeftic commerce of the nation render it opulent or formidable ? Will not the maritime potency and glory
of the Britifh empire dwindle and degenerate from its dignity and fplendor ? Wherefore, if this kingdom
will maintain its influence, weight and power in the world, ought any meafure to be neglected that fhall tend
to the prefervation of its maritime trade, which is the permanent fource of all we enjoy, as a great and power-
ful ttate ?

It isagreed on all hands, that the mere inland trade of the nation cannot fuftain its maritime prowefs. If
we once lofe our power by fea, how long can we avoid becoming a prey to the neighbouring conauerors,
whofe maritime trade and power muft increafe as ours (hall decline ? What can more effectually prevent the
fatal cataftrophe than the fupport of our foreign trade ? Can any thing do that to fuch purpofe like the bein-,
and ever continuing upon an equality with any rival nation in all the prices of our manufactures ? And if
the multiplicity of our fimple taxes upon fimple taxes, and our compound taxes upon compound taxes, ap-
pear to be the chief and real caufe of the high prices of all Englilh wares ; if this caufe, and this only con-
iidered in its full weight and extent, fhall be deemed the caufe adequate to the general effect, the natural re-
medy for fuch a national evil remove the caufe and to remove it as effectually, and as expe-
is certainly to ;

ditioufly as we can. growing upon us ; our competitors are daily fupplantincr us at more
For the evil is daily
and more foreign markets, and increafing in their rivalfhip more and more at every particular foreign market
and therefore, the fulnefs of time feems now to be come, when found policy dictates an attention to every pof-
fible meafure that can expedite the reduction and abfolute annihilation of as many of our perpetuated tax-
incumbrances as we can and thofe fhould be firft annihilated that the moft immediately affect the prices of

all commodities and manufactures, that are the fupport of our foreign traffic.
Could any perfon be weak or perverfe enough to deny the effectuality of the commercial policy to reduce
the prices of Englifh commodities for exportation, in order to preferve and extend the foreign trade of the
nation, let him only confider the trade of the Eaft Indies ; let him confider that it is the exceffive cheapnefs of
all forts of Eaft India wares, commodities and manufactures in general, when compared with thofe of the
Europeans, that has induced moft of the chief commercial ftates to eftablifh great joint-ftock companies to
traffic in their productions and manufactures, and to export them from one European ftate to another, or to
their refpective plantations in America, or their fettlements in Africa. This fingle fact, relative to the ge-
neral cheapnefs of Eaft India commodities, and the eagernefs of European ftates in their purchafe, and in their
reforting to the Indies by long voyages, and eftablifhing joint-ftock companies for that end, is fufficiemly
convincing, that the great article of cheapnefs is the governing principle of the trade of the world and this :

is the great point of policy whereby the wifeft trading ftates ftudy to conduct themfelves j and therefore,
muft be fruitlefs to fpend more time to prove what is an affront to the underftanding, to prefume that any man
would difpute the verity of the maxim, by which he is fwayed himfelf in his purchafes. Even people uncon-
verfant with practical trade, know, that their felf-governing principle is that of cheapnefs, quality for quality
and traders daily experience both in their fales and purchafes, that one or two per cent, and fometimes kfs
will govern the markets, as well at home as abroad.
Wherefore, the deduction of the following confequences is obvious, and can be as little difputable as the
premifes :while the French and the Dutch commodities, or thofe of any other nation, that interferes in fo-
reign ftates and empires, with the fale of the Englifh, by being confiderably cheaper than ours, can we fup-
pofe, that foreigners will give the preference to ours the dearer, unlefs there is fome other intereftino- induce-
ment which compeniate for the dearer price given. When this, indeed, is the cafe, it will often force
the fales of our dearer commodities ; when the luxurious returns taken in barter for Englifh wares fhall give
the Spaniards and Portuguefe, &c. advantages fuperior to what they fhall receive from the French and Dutch
who ftand in no need of their wines or their fruits, &c. &c.
Let it be fuppofed, that Englifh woollen goods of divers forts arrive at the Spanifh or Portuguefe market
in Europe, and that of the like forts there are of the French or the Dutch, equally good quality for quality,
and if fold outright for cafh, could be afforded from ten to fifteen p^r cent, cheaper than thofe of England

can we fuppofe the Spaniard or Portuguefe will give the preference to the dearer goods ? But, fays the Spa-
niard or Portuguefe, the Frenchman or Dutchman will not purchafe our wines or our fruits, and theEn<difh-
man will be fool enough fo to do. Therefore, on the account of barter with the Englifhman, I can afford
fays the Spaniard or Portuguefe, to allow him five or fix per cent, or confiderably more than I need the
Dutchman or the Frenchman, becaufe I get rid of the fuperfluities of wines and fruit ; and by fo doinp-
I find, in the end of the account, that I get as much by the Englifhman as by the French or the Dutch-
man. And what fays the Englifh merchant ? Though I cannot afford to fell my Englifh woollen goods un-
der eight or ten per cent, or more, dearer than the French or Dutch can, yet by the profits arifino- in Eng-
land on the wines or the fruits in return, I find the gains on the conclufion of the voyage out and home will
anlwer, upon the whole, in the way of barter.
But was not the Englifhmen to take wines and fruit, what chance would he ftand to difpofe of his goods,
when his French and Dutch competitor could fo much underfell him ? This we call forcing the markets
and putting off his dearer goods by the means of taking in lieu the Spanifh and Portuguefe luxuries for our
folid woollen goods. This does not render the gain of England, in trading with Spain or Portugal, equal
to that of France or Holland, who. take the Spanifh and Portuguefe gold and filver inftead of their fuperflui-
ties of wines and fruit Nor would England, we may imagine, fell any goods in Spain or Portugal, while
they can have thefe fo much cheaper of our rivals, unlefs we were to take their luxuries in return.
England, indeed, gains by the article of freight: and England gains to the revenue by the duties of Spanifh and
Portuguefe imports i but had not England mortgaged fuch duties, and therefore flood in no need of them, if Spain
or Portugal did not take our manufactures, fhould we be under any national inducement to take their difad-
vantageous luxuries ? As things are, the Englifh confumer of wines and fruit pays, in effect, for the Englifh
woollen goods confumed in Spain, and the duties of import laid on the nation, 'are more than equivalent to the
benefits of freight ; fo that what mighty gainers can we be by this trade as we are at prefent circumftanced upon
the whole ? We are not fuch gainers thereby as France or Holland, whofe fales muft be much larger, becaufe
much cheaper than ours ; and as they make ufe of their own bottoms as well as we, their profits by freight
are only Ids by the returns, which they compeniate by other trading voyages from Spain or Portugal, and
8 make
ill State of cur Finances : with a Plan for a more interejling Union between Great Britain and America,
&V. xix.

make up amply the deficiency by having larger quantities of their cheaper goods in the fiota
and galleon*
ami m ihe Brazil fleets. Whence it fliould feem to follow, that our mare m the corrirherce of Spain and
Portugal is oi rmi< h I. benefit and advantage to Great Britain, and of more to our
rivals, than many may

If n (hould be objected, that the exchange between England and Spain, and between
Fngland and Por-
tugal being in our favour, (hews that we are gainers by thole branches of trade, and how can that
be, if the
ballance is not on our fide ? To which we anfwer, that although this is the cafe, and the courfe of
appears to our advantage ; yet it does not follow that this criterion is an infallible one to prove, that' it
is on
account of a greater value of Englifh goods being cortfumed in Spain and Portugal than we confdme of
;h it may indicate tint we receive larger remittances from thence in value than
from Eng- we fend thither
land and for this plain rcalon, that Englifh refident merchants, or merchants refident in England, may
interred in fending French manufactures thither to a larger value than they do of Englifh and in confequence ;

of fuch tranfactions from England, and remittances made to England from Spain and Portugal on account
French manufactures, wherein Englifh merchants may be concerned, occafion the exchange to appear in fa- 1

vour of this nation, when the ballance of trade is againlf. us. For,
Do wc not well know, that the French have now arrived at an extraordinary imitation of every art prac-
ticed in the Englifh fabrics, particularly in the woollen and filken manuia lures and even in their lengths
breadths, marks, and package, &c. &c. ? Do we not like-vife know, for a certainty, that French manufac-

tures have been irhpofed on foreign countries for Englifh by Englifh merchants ? And pray what has induced
to fuch like practices ? Haih it not been, that French goods fell better there than Englifh, becaufe they
are cheaper ?

A merchant
is a citizen of the world 'tis one of the chief mercantile arts to purchafe any where,
nnd of
any One, the cheapeft wares of any kind, and fell them where ever he can the dearelr. Will not this tempt
merchants refident in England, to imercft rhcmfelves rather in cargoes of the cheaper French goods, that will
eafily vend in foreign Hates, than in Englifh, that will lay rotting in their factors warehoul'es abroad ? Our
mere wine merchants, as we term them, are not the only merchants that trade to Spain and Portugal from hence;
but does it follow, that they trade thither wholly in Englifh goods, when they can no lefs eafily trade thither
in French ? Cannot the Spanilh or Portugal merchant refident in England embark a large capital, either for
his own fole account, or in anonymous partnerfhips with French merchants in France, who will rejoice at their
correspondence for fake of their comrnifiions ? Is it not ealy for fuch Englifh merchant to confirm fuch

French goods either to his Englifh or French factory from hence, who may impole them upon the Spaniards and
Fortuguele for Englifh manufactures, being made facon d'Anglcterre ? And may not fuch merchant refi-
dent in England have his remittances Made to England for fuch French manufacture and will not thisfwell;

the exchange for money in our favour, when the real ballance for goods may be againft England ? This de-
ception is as eafy as natural ; and the gp-atefr. proportion of fuch remittances hither may be drawn from Eno--
land again, to pay for the French manufactures. Is not this the natural confequence of France underiellin<>-
us as they do, and having arrived at fo great an excellence in many of their fabrics ? Is it pofiible by any
laws to rellrain, much leis wholly prevent fuch mercantile practices ? No nothing will hinder them, but an

ability in the Englifh nation to fell their manufactures equally cheap with any rival nation. This will have
the defired effect ; and is it not well worthy the mofh ferious attention of a Britifh legiflature ? For is not this
one of the chief occafions of the prefent groans and lamentations of our Englifh artifts, mechanics and ma-
nufacturers, notwithftanding the fhort-lived temporary ftarts of employment they may occafionally have,
which are eafily accounted for ? Jf the fkill, and ftocks in trade of our Englifh merchants fhall be rather
embarked in the encouragement of the commerce of France than England, is it not a very melancholy con-
federation, when the idea is extended to the degree it will admit of?
If likewife our own merchants fhall gain more by the legal and illegal practices of importing French or
other cheap goods into Fngland, and the former may cover the latter arts, mull it not tend to the inevitable
deftruction of our own advantageous branches of trade, our exports ? But while we parade it by our great
imports, and the employment of our fhipping in confequence of fuch imports, does not this dazzle the
eyes of many with the idea of immenfe gains, while we may be going to ruin apace ?
I am forry to have occafion to dwell longer on a fubject fo difagiccable. But is not he a better friend to
the nation, who endeavours to probe a malady to the root, in order to excite to the thorough cure of it, than
he that artfully labours to fkin it over, that it will certainly break out again with incurable virulence ?
The dearelr. markets, or fuch markets where every thing in general lells at the deared rates, are. the sreateft
temptation to the. confumption of foreign imports, either legally or illegally. The former we encourage for
ihe fake of keeping in good plight a revenue mortgaged in perpetuity till its redemption and when that :

will be, can any man in the nation fay ? 1 fay, it can never be duly effected till an entire change of the fyf-

tem of our revenue we have fo long and fo fhamefully adopted takes place: and in what manner this can
be accompliihed is the bufinefs of our rulers to think of, there being not the leaft encouragement for any pri-
vate man to think about it ; for fo fure as he does, he may ruin himlelf by his endeavours to ferve the nadon :

and will he not rather be laughed at, and defpiled, than pitied for his public fpirit ?
Some judge of the increafe of the national trade by the increafe of the duties of imports-, and fay
the good plight of the revenue of cuftoms is a criterion of a flourifhing trade. Not fure of a profperous trade,
a trade nationally advantageous; however the merchant may gain by it, the kingdom may lofe. It is a fign

of the increafe of foreign purchases, and foreign luxuries, and even of foreign manufactures in*
to this kingdom ; but no one will fay, that fuch kind of traffic can be the touchltone of a trade beneficial to
the kingdom. Imports of foreign materials of utility jo our manufactures are entered duty free ; but other
imports, unlefs they occafion an equivalent export of native commodities are certainly detrimental, and
ought to be difcouraged, unlefs admitted for re-exportation, but not domeftic confumption, when our own
commodities and manufactures will do in their Head, and give employment to our own induftrious poor. In
this cafe, the revenue of cuftoms is no great gainer, unlefs they are confumed here; and this is too often
the beft market for them, becaufe foreign goods fell to greater advantage here than elfewhere fo that what :

the kingdom may gain in point of freight and navigation, is in part, if "not wholly, loll by fuch domeftic
The duties of cuftoms were originally devifed to impede and difcourage an inundation of foreign wares
and luxuries being confumed in the nation, and to promote the domeftic confumption of our own. This po-
licy feems perverted in our enlightened age; and for the fake of keeping up the revenue of cuftoms to the
higheft pitch of produce we can ; and to bring in as much as may be into the exchequer, and net to
innch the kingdom, all encouragement is given to the legal importation of foreign commodities that are
charged with duties at the port. And why ? Is not this becaufe the duties of cuftoms are mortgaged to the
public creditors ? Is not this the greateft misfortune that can attend a trading nation ? To have its revenues
impofed upon foreign goods to prevent their confumption inftead of cur native, pledged for the fupport of
the public credit! What is this, in effect, other than a declaration to foreign ftates, that the purchafe and im-
Vol. I. e portation
State of our Finances with a Plan for a more inter cfiing Union between Great Britain and America, tfc.
xxii the ill :

pofleffions, becauie without people what are thcfe pofleffions worth ? Multitudes go away of their own ac-
enchanting prolpect of wealth and either never Return at all, or return in a frail dif-
cord, allured by the ;

eafed ftace, unfit for propagation. We

fuffer no inconliderable lols in the many thousands of feamen and

foldiers, which muft now be fent to all parts of the known world,
to annoy our enemies in time of war, and

to protect our friends in time of peace.

the firft coft of our exported
In proportion as the number of hands is leffcned, the price of labour, and
commodities muft be increafed ; at the very fame time the quantity of thofe commodities mult decreafe, and
the o-ain upon them centering here, muft be diminished by the two concurrent caufes.
Iff therefore, a trade to our plantations be highly profitable, we ought to be the more concerned, left by
driving the matter too far, we leave next to nobody at home to trade with them.
The advantage is in danger of being loft another way. Our plantations are becoming fo extenfive, that
it is probable they will fpeedily fet up manufactures of their own, and be our rivals inftead of our cultomers.
With this have they not lately threatened the mother kingdom, and indeed carried their defign in a great
meafure into execution? Our commodities might not be fufficient for them to confume, as they augment
in people and they will be too coftly for them to purchafe, as growing dearer and dearer, as we grow lefs

and lefs populous.

The only' thing by which it has been faid it is retarded is, that as lands are cheap in America, and labour
dear, it is a more immediate and fure way for a family to get bread by cultivating the ground, than by fabri-
cating aoods which may be brought from Great Britain ; but if at no cheaper a rate than they can fabricate
them, can we fuppofe they will neglect fo doing ?
But this will foon be at an end they will ftrike into manufacturing, both from the number of people fettled in

places near the fea, and from the unfatiable avarice of the proprietors of land, who will not part with them
but at a very great profit. Nothing hath ftood in the way hitherto, but the difficulties which attend the firft
fetting up manufactures in every country. Whenever intereft or neceflity, therefore, (hall overcome thofe dif-
ficulties, it is eafy to forefee what an amazing and rapid progrefs will be made in every branch of manufac-
ture, by an enterprizing and induftrious people, as the North Americans in particular are.
We have had a confirmation of this, by the number of manufacturers who have gone, and are daily
encouraged to go lately from different parts of the kingdom to America. It hath been laid, that a large

number of ftocking-weavers are gone from Nottingham, and that feveral different branches of manufactures
have been fet up in New England and in many of the other of our continental colonies, in confluence of
the ftamp aft. From what we have lately experienced, and the lofs Great Britain hath thereby fuftained, we
have too much reafon to apprehend the abilities in our North Americans to fupply themfelves amply with every
fpecies of manufactures with which they fliall ftand in need. For what material for the purpofe can they
want, in territories from the extent of the Gulph of Mexico to the North Pole, with little exception ? And
their extent weftward we are unacquainted with.
That we have been long apprehenfive of their fetting up manufactures, and therewith to fupply themfelves,
appears by feveral of our acts of parliament to reftrain them from fo doing. To do this to the mutual in-
tereft both of the mother-country and her plantations, herein confift the difficulty of legiflation.
Before we think of that point, it may be proper to examine another circumftance in our fituation with re-
gard to the colonies, viz. our exclufive right to trade with them. It may be faid, let them be as extenfive
as you pleafe; let them fet up as many manufactures as they fhall think proper; ftill their trade will be va-
luable, and it is wholly confined to this ifland ; they are not permitted to carry on bufinefs with any other na-
tion but through the medium of Great Britain. But what fignifies a trade, if it comes to be a lofino- trade ?
And thar, from fome of the above confiderations, it may be fooner than we are aware of.
Whenever they can fupply themfelves with manufactures they will have no need of us mod of the luxu- ,

ries and delicacies of life they can get nearer home from one another, they being, indeed, a kind of world
amongft themfelves in their variety of climates.
Befides, this exclufive right to trade with them may operate ilowly and filently indeed, but conftantly, and
at laft fatally, to our prejudice. There is much felfilhnefs in human nature ; and it will be, nay, probably it
has been, a temptation to us not to make our manufactures as good and as cheap as possi-
ble to procure voluntary purchasers, becaufe we think we can send them to those who are
obliged to take them.
Let no man think this a flight circumftance, or of no moment. The moral caufes, fays Montefquieu, of
the thriving or the decay of a nation, viz. fuch as arife from the tempers or principles of the people, the fpirit
of their conftitution, or the fituation with regard to others, are unfpeakably more powerful than occafional
caufes, fuch as war, famine, and peftilence, or their contraries. The reafon is plain The effect of thofe
which he moral caufes, though impra6ticable, is univerfal and perpetual.
calls \i\ therefore, our exclufive
right to trade to our plantations, tempts us to truft or lean too much to it, it may fink under the weight,
and prove the caufe of our deftruction.
Another confequence of our exclufive trade is, that our merchants will import from other nations what they
can export to the Britifh plantations with advantage. Such commodities patiing through our hands make a
great parade of commerce ; and yet add next to nothing to our strength or numbers,
and not so
much to our wealth as- may perhaps be supposed. Does not this, at lea (t, fhow that our poffeffions
may have the fame effect upon us, that the conqueft of Mexico and Peru had upon the Spaniards, who have
become poor by means of the gold and filver mines? We
may flacken our own induftry, and fupply our
plantations by the induftry of other nations. Great men and great merchants, who have eftates and proper-
ties abroad, may make a fplendid figure for a time, while the body of
the kingdom is gradually lofino- its
nourifhment, and falling into an incurable confumption.
The fpirit of commerce is of a very nice and delicate nature It is of a very fubtile and penetrating n a-~
ture. The reafon is the fame for both. It is animated and conducted entirely by the intereft of individuals

lo that unlets this happens to coincide with the public good, one part of the nation
muft be indefatigable in
bringing or. the ruin of the whole. Wherever intereft leads, or l'eems to lead, trade will force its way over
all obftructions neither cau it almoft be forced to go another way.
Do we not daily hear of great outcries
againft theft mercenary wretches, who, for the fake, of private gain, will fuck the very
blood of the po-r '
an not in the fpoils of their country ?
, .

Nothing but mutual intereft can knit and cement mankind together in fociety. Without
this, ten thoufand
employed could not devife the means, and an hundred thoufand fudoes could not
the execution. Hie fpirit of all laws on the commerce of a people, muft be to make
public and private in
not only really, but apparently and evidently the fame.

Whence it that an exclufive trad-, preferved by force agiinft the inclinations

of the people con
I >t be carried very far, and cannot on inue very long, While we lerve our pi intatioris. with as
' D AS Ci;
r :
we m 9 chey will chearfujly trade with us
- ,

Will not, or cannot do this, they will ufc every poffiblc means

eith r to fupply themfelves, or be

; I
The ill State of our Finances : with a Plan for a more inter efiing Union between Great Britain and America, &c.

fupplied from another quarter. The

Spaniards have the exclufivc trade to their own colonics ; and yet there
arc few bunches from which we derive greater profit than an illicit trade with,the Spanifh Settlements. If we
arc lb partial to ourl'clvcs, as to trample upon every law, and every national engagement, when we hope to
do it with impunity or profit, why fhould we expect others to be more honeSt than ourtelves, or that our
colonies will continue to trade with us longer than it is their interelt to do fo ? For this reafon we Should bend
all our force to the improvement of our own country, by incre.ifing the number, fobriety, and industry of its

inhabitants. If there be any defect here, the moil valuable diltmc icttlements will do us no c^ood ; and if
there be a viable difproportion between our colonies and our abilities to trade with them, upon juSt and equal
terms, the more they are enlarged, the fooner Shall we be deftroyed. All this, and much more mi^ht be
faid with regard to our prelent large poSSeSfions in America. If tliofe fears are quite groundleSs, fo much the
better lor us and our poltcrity ; but do they not carry too much weight with them to be treated with indiffer-
ence ? If they merit the moil candid confiderarion, as they certainly do, it were to be wifhed, that the beft
means were pointed out for retarding our ruin as much* and as long as may be, if we cannot totally pre-
vent it.

Without fliall make it for the

the mother-country intereSt of her colonies and plantations tO purchafe her
manufactures preference to thole of all other rival
in nations, can it be realonably expefted thr.t our coiomfts

will not rather bc,omc buyers of thole of our rivals, that are lb much cheaper than EngliSh ? We cannot
expect a Hop will be put to Smuggling in our Britifh plantations any more than in Great Britain, while this
disproportion or prices continues.
Could Old Spain lupply their American colonies with all the manufactures for which they have occaSion,
as cheaply as they can purchafe them of other European powers, would not there be an end of Smug-
gling in the Spanifh Indies ? For people are not dilpofed to run occafional hazards of lofs, where they
can lupply their wants wholly without fuch haz
Until, therefore, the EngliSh manufactures mall come as cheap to Britifh coloniSts as thofe they can ob-
tain from our competitors, can we luppole that they will not give them the preference ? If fuch fevere laws
are made, that they lhall not be able to obtain them, is it not natural to believe they will fet up manufactures
wherewith to lupply themfelveson the continent of America? They are not deficient in one part or other of thofe
cxtenfive colonies in any materials for the purpofe \ and that to what extent they pleafe ; if they once refolve fo
to do, they molt certainly will fo do, fooner or later, if not timely otherwife diverted, let us amufe ourfelves
as we may with contraiy notions. And if once they experience the benefits of fo doing, can we flatter our-
felves that they will not become our rivals in the very Itaple manufactures of this kingdom, more efpecially in
the Spanifh Weft India trade ? When they were able to become fuch, is it impofilble that they fhould lup-
ply the Spanifh flota and galleons, or have a due fh:ire therein as well as any European nation ?
What can oblLruct this but the fuperior dcarnefs of North American manufactures ? if this fhall be the
great impediment, can we imagine that they themfelvcs will not be actuated by the fame motives to fet up
manufactures for their own lupply at lealt, fince they daily experience the difadvantage of doing otherwife ?
That North America will daily grow more and more populous there can be no doubt, from all parts of Eu-
rope and if they fhall have plenty of people, as they have plenty of land to cultivate, what hinders but they

may ftrike deeply into all the manufacturing arts ? Will not plenty of people, and plenty of land, render
every thing elle plenty ? And if the Colonifts lhall find, that by the manufactural arts they can fave the fhare
of property, which tliey now fend out ct the colonies lor manufactures, how long can we fuppofe they will
ceafe to do fo ? If once manufactures take deep root amonglt them, and they experience thereby a currency
of cafh inftead of paper, may not their paper currency gradually approach nearer and nearer to a par with
fterling money ? V\ ill not this render the price of their manufacunes cheaper and cheaper ? Will they not
foon fall to a price with thole which they at prefent take from the mother kingdom ? And when this comes
to be the c^\ how long after can we prefumc that they will continue the importation of a fingle manufacture
from England ? We
mult believe this beneficial part of our trade will foon abfolutely ceafe.
Though the New bngland currency may now be at 525, New York 160, Penfylvania 170, Maryland pa-
per currency 220, South Carolina 750, and North Carolina 1000 per cent, fterling ; yet that neither can, nor
will be any long obstruction to manufacturing, when once they commence in earneft. For if they will con-
tent themfelves to wear their own manufactures, be they at firtt ever fo ordinary, they will find tbernfelves
grow more and more wealthy, as well as their people mere and more expert in the manufacturing arts where- ;

by they will find the paper currency realized as they increale in wealth, and the confequence will be, that
they then will have manufactures lull as cheap, if not cheaper than they at prefent can thofe of England.
'Tis to be feared there is a deception in this point of deamefs of things at prefent in North America, by
which we are led to think, that they will not, becauie of fuch dearnefs, attempt manufacturing for themfelves.
The deception feems to arile from an Engiifhman's consideration of their paper currency. For if 1000/. in
North Carolina is only equal to 100/. in England, then twenty Shillings a day paper currency is equal only
to two Shillings iingliih. Now, if a manufacturer can purchafe as much of the neceffaries of life for twenty
Shillings paper currency, as he now can in England for two Shillings a day fterling, why fhould he not be as
well contented in America as in England ? And if a Suit of cloaths Shall colt 50/. of paper currency for
what we can purchafe in England for 5/. is the man in a worfe Situation in America than he is in Eng-
land ?

As England hath increafed in manufactures and commerce, hath not the value of money grown lefs and
leSs and why Should it not do the like amonglt the Americans ? Do we not know that this hath been the

State of all the trading nations of the world ? As they have all had their ebbs and their flows, the time may
come that 1000/. Engiifh paper currency may be only equal to ioo/.^of American hard money, if England
fhall decline in her manufactures and commerce, as America may advance ?
If this Should ever come to- pals will not the value of lands in Great Britain dwindle to the worth of mo-
ney at prefent in America ? Does not a matter of this weight and importance merit the Serious attention of
BritiSh legislation ?

Should it be Said, that if the Britifh colonies, we mean throughout thefe observations, chiefly thofe on the
continent, Should ceafe to take our manufactures, in confequence of Supplying themSelves wholly therewith,
and, perhaps, becoming our rivals in our very Staple fabrics, that we Shall defift in our turn from taking any
of their produce ; feeing we can have every thing abfolutely neceflary that we now have from thence trom
European States, particularly from the EaSt countries.
This may be Said. But it is little Satisfaction to be rather drained by Europe than America. The queftion with
us is, whether we could, when we had loft our exports to America, Sultain the Suppofed drain from any other
parts of Europe ? And if we could not afford this drain for naval Stores of every kind, as when we had loft
our navigation to and from America we fhould not want, nor could we bear it, Great Britain would decline
in wealth and power as Britifh America would rife in both ? How long after the lofs of our commercial con-
Vol. I. f neaions
>:xiv The ill State of our Finances : with a Plan for a more interejling Union betwetn Great Britain and America, C5r.

nections wich our plantations fhould we be able to pay intereft to our foreign, or indeed our Britifh pub-
lic creditors ?

Hence it fhould feem, that if the colonies fopply themfelves with manufactures, and we fhould continue to
be fupplied by them with what we at prefent take from them, that the ballance of trade mult inevitably turn
highly to our difadvantage, even with our own colonies and if this comes to be the Hate of trade between

Great Britain and her plantations, will they not be inftrumental toexhauft the mother kingdom of her treafures
nO lefs than the Eaft countries have hitherto done ? Will not this fo aggrandize thofe colonies as the fooner to
enable them to fulfill the apprehenfions of many, and become abfoluteiy independent of Great Britain ? And
provided we ceafe to take their product, as they lhall ceafe to take our manufactures, will not all intercourfe
of commerce be deltroyed between this kingdom and her colonies? When that is done, will they not be lefc
to fet up for themfelves, and what can then hinder their becoming a flourifhing and potent empire ? For if
we do not trade with them, other nations will, and laugh at us for our fuperior wildom and policy. If we
fhall attempt to compel our ifiand colonies to have no trade with their brethren of the continent, will this be
rehfhed by either ? May it not create fuch a coalition of interefts, as to induce them both to unite in one
American empire, as independent of the whole world as they would foon be of Great Britain; and fhould
not we then be in a fine condition to fubdue them again to our obedience ?
Such kind of a commercial union may not appear altogether of a vifionary afpect, if we confider the late
union they ftruck into upon the memorable occafion of the ftamp act. Ought not an attempt of this nature
fo to alarm us as to put us on our guard, and incline us to take every wife precaution to prevent the like
again, left it fhould prove the prelude to one of a more dangerous and formidable nature ? For if once a
commercial union fhould take place between the Britifh continental colonies and the ifiands, to a certain decree
they might think it worth their while, probably, to hazard the lofs of the Britifh markets for the fake of the
gain arifing from a general freedom of trade to all other parts of the world. What then may become of the
Britifh navigation to and from America? When that is loft, will not all our revenues arifing from our pre-
fent American imports be annihilated and what will be the ftate of the public credit of this nation when

fuch a cataftrophe lhall ever happen, will make a true friend to the intereft of Britain tremble to think of.
The North Americans, as well as Britons, in general have a wifhful eye upon the trade of Spahifh Ame-
rica, and we well know that they tiiflike every reftraint thereon ; and being now fituated in the conti-
guous center, as it were, of the Mexican empire, from our poffeffion of the Floridas, our right of trade to
the Miffifippi, and in the Gulph of Mexico will not this consideration be an inducement to the North Ame-

ricans to cultivate trade with the Mexicans to the utmoft ? While they lhall remain unable to fupply the Mexi-
cans with manufactures of their own, will they not ufe every art to have the European manufactures wherewith
to fupply them as cheap as they can obtain them ? And will not this prove a prevailing motive with the
North Americans to fet up manufactures firft, to fupply their brethren of the Floridas with them, in order
to bring in a quantity of fpecie, and the fooner enable them to annihilate their prefent paper currency amoncrft
them ? Can the Floridas wifh to be better fituated for the purpofe ? And can our more northern colonifts
have a more lucrative temptation to eftablifhed manufactures that will bring them in fpecie, inftead of taking it
from them by the importation of Britifh manufactures, which carries all their money away, and leaves them
at prefent little elfe befides paper ? Is it unnatural to believe that our Americans will exert themfelves
partake of the treafures of Mexico, at the firft hand, that they may enjoy the whole profits of that money
trade to themfelves, inftead of letting the bulk of it flip through their hands for the emolument of the mo-
ther country, in conjunction with other nations, whofe manufactures go by the fiota to La Vera Cruz ?
The contiguity of our colonies to thofe of Mexico, may, one day, ftrike more terror into the Spaniards*
than can be done, perhaps, by any European potentate; and may not that be conducive to promote hereafter
a commercial union between North America and Spain; the former to furnifh their galleons no lefs than their
fiota, with North American manufactures, to the exclufion of any fupply from other ftates ? For the Spa-
niards knowing that the North Americans want nothing but fpecie, and the Spaniards being able to furnifh
that, and the Americans able in their turn to furnifh them with manufactures, may not fuch like circumstan-
ces, as well as their near neighbourhood, produce thefe natural effects before fuggefted ?
If the Spaniards fhall find it more for their intereft to deal with the North Americans than the Europeans,
3nd the North Americans more for theirs to cement an intercourfe of trade with them, there can be nothing
ltrained to apprehend extraordinary confequences hereafter.
The difcontents that at prefent appear in old Spain, as well as new, have, doubtlefs, their caufe, and that
perhaps, a more influential and important one, than the idle ftories we have had already concerning the
troubles in that nation and their Spanifh colonies. The late lofs of the Havanna may have made a deep
impreffion in old Spain, to the difadvantage of the Spanifh government there, and why not likewife in Ame-
rica ? By this time the Peruvians, as well as the Mexicans, may, perhaps, be ripe for a revolt from the con-
ception of a weaknefs in Spanifh policy to fuffer the prevalence of the French to promote the late rupture between
Great Britain and Spain, which ended in the lofs of their great bulwark of the Spanifh Indies. Something of
this kind kerns to have taken deep root amongft the old Spaniards in Europe, feeing we hear of the revi-
val of the proverb amongft them, paz con Angleterra con todos otros la guerra. And does not this idea feem
to be confirmed by the voice of the people, who have fhown, and ftilf continue to fhow, great refpect to the
Britilh ambaffador, and lefs than ufual to the French ? Our accounts fay, that the people are for rootino- out
all French falhions, and introducing thofe of England more and more. Thefe things may forebode fome
other confequences not at a great diftance pofilbly. And if the Spaniards fhould be induced to call for the
aid of the Britifh North Americans, will not the North Americans then difcern their important fervice to the
Spaniards? For they can have no immediate affifiance in Mexico now, but from the Englifh in North
Should our colonifts once experience this, they will know how greatly the Spaniards are in their power
for thofe neighbours who may prove of great fervice on extraordinary occafions, may alfo become great ene-
mies, in conlequence of the fluctuating events of things. North America grows daily more and more po-
pulous, wealthy, and potent, and they muft inevitably become formidable. When that comes to pafs, may
not theie Americans be able to make a conquelt of the Havanna, even without the aid of Great Britain ?
Their adjacency, as well in the Gulph of Florida as that of Mexico, will certainly adminifter g/eat advan-
tage foi iuch an enterprize, as they increafe in ftrength. And to what degree might they not exert them-
felves to obtain a prize of fo invaluable a nature? For if once they obtain it, 'tis to be queftioned, whether
they will ever be prevailed on to give up fuch a treafure, if they aim at becoming an empire independant of
Rritain. And how will Spain be able to recover it out of their hands ?
Here prefents a fcene that may deferve consideration. For the key of the Spanifh American treafure will
be no little temptation to thofe Americans to ftruggle hard to become malters of it. And if a commercial
union fhould take place, for the reafons before urged, between our North American colonies and our prefent
The ill State of cur Finances : toitb a Plan for a more inter efling Union between Great Britain and America, i c. xxv

American iflands, might not their conjoint power bid fair for fuch conqucft, notwithftanding the afilftanceof
the impotent Englifh to prevent it, when they mall have loft their American trade and navigation ?
From thefe few reflections, it feems as if our territorial acquifnions to the fouthward of the American con-
tinent may be attended with frill greater and greater power, fhouk! they ever become independent of their mo-
ther (late. And may not this conqueft of the Havanna prove the e^ablimment of a very form'icIaMe new
commercial empire in the American world ? The great motive to the North Americans to fet up manufactures
of every kind, would be the profpect of a ready vent for their wares of all kinds, no lefs than furni(hin<r
themfelves amply therewith. And what better profpect could they defire, when mafter$ of the I (avanna, than
the fupply of all Mexico and Peru with the manufactures they want? The Mexicans and Peruvian's will
purchafe them much cheaper from the North Americans than they now do from the Spaniards, ieeino-
would be no exorbitant indulto impofed on their manufactures outwards, that lb extravagantly enhance their
price to the Spaniih Indies at prcfent.
As there may be a revolution in the Britifh plantations and colonies in America, unlefs due care in time is
taken to prevent it; fo likewile there may be one in the Spanifh Indies to make oft' their preicnt dependency.
Mexico and Peru may become diftinft empires, kingdoms or (bates, and may not be indifferent to commercial
alliances with the North Americans, who, if they cultivate manufactures, and are once poffefied of the
vanna, would be the beft able to furnifh them with all they wanted for their moncv.
On the northern parts of the American continent, and its various ifland-dependencies thereon, as ceded to
the crown of Great Britain, by the peace concluded in the year 1763, there offers another fcene from whence
great power may arife to the continental colonics. Should North America change mafter?, alter their forrri
of government, and let up for themfelves, it is not unnatural to fuppofe that they would extirpate not only
the French wholly from the Newfoundland fifherics, but the Englifh, and monopolize them folcly to their
own ule, if they fliould ever be able or oblige all who fhall enjoy the privilege of fifliing on the borders of

any of their dependent dominions to become tributaries to them for fuch privilege.
North America abounding with timber for Ihip-building v and New England and New York bui'--fhips
already not being of a defpicable kind, but purchafed occafionally by the merchants of London and the ifland
colonies, as great numbers are built for mere lair, which are lent to England and our iflands for that purpofe.
They have all manner of materials for (hip-building very cheap, and excellent timber, as alfo malts and yards
merely for cutting; fo that they build (hips to very great advantage. Their (hips alio have the reputation of
being well built, are good fea-boats, and tlrong bottoms: they have not heretofore, indeed, proved always
the beft failers, but that hath been owing to their building fo very ftrong; but they have greatly improved
in this branch, and will, doubtlefs, excel herein as well as any other part of the world.
The colonies alfo of Virginia and Maryland are as well furniflicd with timber and phnk, and all forts of
materials for (hip- building, as New England and New York, though they have deftroyed infinitely more for
clearing the land, their plantations being exceeding large, and extended fo far over the country.
They indeed have nor applied fo much to ihip-building as the New England people do, nor has it been fo
Well worth their while; the planting of tobacco having hitherto been their chief care, and taken up all their
hands, which hath occafioned them to buy io many negro (laves, befides tranfported felons from Enaland,
and all the other white fervants, which they have got volunteers from England, and efpecially from Scotland
and Ireland, which have been a prodigious number.
But, as it feems that their tobacco trade of late hath not turned to fo good account, they may and doubt-
lefs will betake themfelves to other branches, and amongft the reft, doubtlefs to (hip-building. For this is
at any time in their power to extend. They build, at prefent, all their own (loops, which, as they are fo
highly uieful, that no plantation of any conlideration can be without them, as well to carry their tobacco and
Cther product down the creeks and fmaller rivers to the (hips which are loading for England, or for the
iflands, and to land and bring home their returns of goods from the faid (hips ; 'tis fcarce credible what a
fiumber of them are employed in this bufinefs, fome (mall, fome large, that carry goods from one plantation
to another, from 0 to 150 hogfheads ; and thefe arc loaded oftentimes with proviuons for the Weft Indies,
and bring back rum, fugar, and melaftes, for the fupply of the country, as is done in the other colonies. The
number of (hips employed for thofe purpofes is fo great, that it would appear incredible; but there is no
doubt of there being many thoufands of them, fmall and large, the conftant building of which makes the
people as expert in the art of (hip-building as any people in Europe.
The fhip- building that is now going forward in Canada likewife, and in all parts of thefe colonies, where
they are well fituated for the purpofe, and the ports for convenience being very numerous, this muft
convey an idea to every one, that the art of Ihip-building, by reafon of the conftant navigation that is be-
tween North America and the ifland colonies, will arrive to great perfection, and that thefe colonifts may be-
come of themfelves a formidable maritime ftate or empire and what fuch a mighty power may not one day

be able to do, who can fay ?

That the idea of a great degree of maritime power muft, and will certainly fpringfrom the confideration of
North America, and their commercial connection with the iflands, is obvious to every one, whoconfiders that they
now, and will foon have to a much greaier degree, the command of the three great gulphs of St. Laurence and its
great river, the gulph of Florida, and the gulph of Mexico, and the great river Miflifippi. Moreover, the im-
xnenfe lake-navigation, as well that of the very numerous great river internal navigation, muft necefTariiy vaftly
contribute to the furprizing increafe of (hipping, feamen, and navigation of every kind amongft them. 'Tis
iaid, that we have lately authentic accounts from New York, that the fpirit of adventuring has lately dif-
covered the courfe of a river that branches out from St.'John's, and extends fouth-fouth-eaft all the way na-
vigable to the confines of Florida, and within twenty miles land carriage of. St, Auguftine, from which
great advantages are ex;pected to arife. Ports for ftnp-building they pclfcfs, or can have innumerable, and
what can hinder the prefent Britifti Americans from becoming a formidable maritime potentate ? Had the
Dutch, the Genoefe, or the Venetians, any thing comparable to fuch advantages? Has Great Britain itfelf -

now fo many, comprehending every circumftance that we have with all brevity noticed ?
This (ketch of the potentiality of thefe colonies to become very formidable at fea, ought to alarm this na-
tion with apprehenfions that they actually will do fo. Nay, we may prefume to fay, it cannot be otherwife.
"Wherefore, can we be too early on our guard to prevent their growing independent of the Britifti empire?
"We certainly cannot, fince their territories are now fo immenfe, and they grow daily more and more popu-
lous, and this not only at the expence of draining of many other parts of Europe, but at that of hazarding
the depopulation of Great Britain in general, and England in particular. For the hardfhips of living, under
which the induftrious poor of England at prefent labour, are motives that drive thoufands continually to
America ; and the arts of kidnapping people for that purpofe are faid never to have been fo prevalent, par-
ticularly amongft the artifans and manufacturers of every denomination. Does not this merit the confidera-
tion of our rulers ?

Skvi fht ill State of our Finances : with a Plan for a mere inter /fling Union between Great Britain and America, L\.

From this view of things, and from the reafonable indulgence lately given by the legislature, in the repeal
of the (lamp act, to the Britifh Americans, it is no fmall incitement for the people of England, and clfe-
where, to flock away to America.
Since the Americans have defervedly met with the favour of the Britifh parliament, and have been moft
gracioufly gratified in what they have lb warmly requelted of their moclier country to comply with on h^r
fide, in refpect to the ftamp act, we are of opinion, that there are fome other effential compliances, wherein,
'tis conceived, Great Britain ought (till further to grant to her American fubjects to thole in Nortli America

in particular; provided a more interefting commercial union between Great Britain and her colonies is really
That the ballance of trade has been annually fo much as a million and an half at leaft to \\
vantage of Great Britain, durrng the laft war, with the Eaft countries, will not be difputed; and chat, we
at leaft pay a million and an half more a year for intereft money due to our foreign public creditors, is
no lefs certain. That the high prices of our Englifh commodities at this time is a great obstruction to pur
whole European commerce, and that our foreign competitors therein daily avail themielves at all the Euro-
pean markets, to our unfpeakable detriment, are points likewife inconteftible.
Upon thefe confiderations, it becomes the wildom of this nation to exert every nerve of policy to diminifh
fuch drains of our treafures out of the kingdom. With refpect to the annuity paid to our foreign creditors,
there is no way to prevent that but being in a capacity to pay them off as fall as we poflibly can ; and to con-
tract for the future public debts only within ourfelves, if debts cannot be avoided, that the intereft money
may center in the kingdom, and not exhauft it of its wealth. But thefe things feem to be at a diitance.
What is in our power to effect immediately, ought not to be delayed, to compenfate for the commercial
drains we now experience; and therefore, I would humbly propofe, that whatever we import from the eaft
countries of RufTia, Sweden, and Denmark, fhould be raifed with all poflible expedition in North America,
there being no one thing that we import to our difadvantage from the laid countries, but we may obtain from
the continent of America to our advantage.
To this end every reafonable encouragement mould be given by bounties, premiums, &c. to the raifing of
plenty of naval Mores of every kind in our own plantations, and whatever clfe we take at a difadvantage
from other countries and as fall as we can be fupplied therewith from thence ; that we import them from

America, and ceafe any thing of that nature from the Eait countries, or from other countries, where
to take
the ballance of trade is not in our manifeft favour.
That every encouragement be given to our American fellow fubjects to fupply Great Britain with every fpe-
cies of timber we at prefent take from Norway in particular.
England is certainly now in a capacity to turn the whole channel of the Norway trade from that country to
North America, and to fupply itfelf with fir, timber, balks, fpars, poles, and deal boards from North Ame-
rica, infinitely more to the advantage of the commerce of England in general, than it is fupp'iied from Nor-
way, and every way as cheap to the Englifh purchafer.
Moft certain it is, that the trade in deals and timber, as at prefent carried on with Norway* and has been
for too many years, is much to the lofs of Great Britain in the ballance of trade, becaufe almoft ail that trade
is paid for in hard money, and very few Britifh goods are taken in part of it and which is ftill worfe, t <e

money exported for that purpofe is crowns and halfcrownc, as

generally not foreign filver, but Englifh coin ,

is well known, have circulated far more plentifully in Norway than in England for many years paft ; the quan-

tity is fo great, that there is reafon to believe more money in fpecie is carried out of Great Britain by the
trade to Norway, than by the trade to the Eaft Indies, however popular the complaint has been of the one more
than the other, efpecially of late years, fince the lpirit of houfe-building has been fo prevalent in this kingdom.
Great part of the Norway trade is carried on in Norway mips, navigated by Danes, whereas this trade
would be carried on in Britifh or North American fhipping, which is all one, and thefe fhips wholly navi-
gated by Britifh feamen ; an advantage very confiderable, the freight all centering amongft ourfelves, wade
we fhall preferve a due commercial union with our colonies.
It might be further proved, if we could fuppofe that any one could doubt it, that with refpect to hemp,
pitch and tar, flax, and all thofe things which fall under the name of naval ftores, which have been fo lon-
fetched as far as from Riga, Narva, Peterfburgh and Archangel, all might be plentifully raifed in and they
brought from thofe Englifh colonies in America, highly to the reciprocal advantage of Great Britain as well
as her colonies; and fo plentifully and cheaply may they be raifed there, as to vie with the Eaft countries
themfelves, whereby we might re-export quantities to other nations, befides fuppiying ourfelves cheaper there-
with than we ever have done.
Nay it is equally certain, or this nation has many years been moft fliamefully duped and impofed upon,
that we might long ago have raifed raw silk, in North America ; but it is not to be questioned at prefent
we may, as our territories have extended fo much to the fouthward of that continent. And if the prohibition
of foreign wrought filks fhall happily take. place, and we fhall likewife be able amply to furnifh ourfelves from
our colonies with raw filk, and manufacture the whole up-in Great Britain, the difference may be above two
millions per annum advantage to the Britifh empire. We cannot import fo little in value of foreign wrought
filk, either legally or illegally of every kind, as to the value of a million fterling annually, as obferved,
and the difference between purchafing foreign wrought filks and fuppiying ourfelves therewith, will make a
difference to the nation of double the fum. To which muft be added the expeiSted benefit of furnifhing
ourfelves from America with raw filk, inftead of buying it from Turky, Italy, and Perfia, by way of Ruffu,
which will ftill considerably more augment our national emolument.
That we may be alfo furnifhed with plenty of wines of divers kinds from America is not to be doubted ;
I mean from the continent. But if that fhould never prove the cafe, 'tis certain that we may be furnifhed
amply from our fugar colonies, if proper meafures were taken for that purpofe, the bafis of all wines being
a faccharine fubftance, as the learned Doctor Shaw has proved.
In a word, there is no impartial man, who is well informed in the prefent ftate of Britifh America, but will
allow We import a great variety of very coftly particulars from Europe and other parts, that we might eafily
have for luxury no lefs than utility and convenience from our colonies, cither from the continent or from our
iflands, to the mutual benefit of both Britain and her colonies.
One principal reafon that may have been affigned for the neglect of this hitherto, is, that if we encou-
raged our plantations too much upon the old fyftem, we might and fhould have loft as much in the diminu-
tion of our exports to feveral European countries, as we gained by fuppiying ourfelves with variety of im-
ports from our colonies whatever weight fuch reafon might have, we fay, upon the old fyftem of conduct

between us and the colonies, and when we were lefs incumbered with public debts and taxes, and when our
commodities and manufactures in general were confiderably cheaper, and our European trade was far lefs in-
jured by competitors however fubftantial fuch arguments might be heretofore, when our colonies were not

fo greatly extended, and not fo capable of furnifhing our wonted imports, that reafon which held good for-

5 merly
the ill Stale of our Finances : viith a Plan for a more inter efling Union between Great Britain and America, &c. xxvii

merly, when we were differently circumftanccd, has loft all its force in our prefent fituation ; and the
nefs of time feems to be come, which renders it now good policy to lave every particular ballance
we pay, to enable the nation to get rid of its tax incumbrances as eXpeditioufly as we can j and we are of
opinion that our colony trade rightly regulated, may be made th- great foundation of lb doing. Should this
be happily effected, our colonic:, may prove the falvation, inftead of the ruin and definition of Great Bri-
tain our vail continental and other colony acquilitions may then anfwer the definable end or" a lallino- mutual

1 iowever heretofore the power and dignity of the Britifh empire hath been pretty happily fuftained, before
the two wars, when our debts and taxes were not much above one third part of what they now are ; how-

ever this nation has, by the dint of a ftupendous fcene of paper credit and paper currency, hitherto held
up its commercial head, we cannot reafonably prefume to do fo long under the national burdens we at prefent
are obliged to bear \ unlefs every difadvantageous channel of trade is flopped up, and every beneficial one {hall
be opened $ and that of the colonies, 'tis humbly apprehended, may be made fubfervient to our national fup-
port, notwithllandingour load of tax-incumbrances is fwelled to an enormous magnitude ; to a maonitude, I
am perfuaded, far greater than has been duly confidered.
The neat income of taxes perpetuated, till the redemption or reduction of the public debt, into the exche-
quer, does not amount to fo little as five millions a year and the grofs produce for the receipts and

iffues of charges of management upon this occafion only does not come to lels than twenty per cent, upon
the neat revenue, which makes another million for the collection and diftribution of fo lare a dead national
burthen on the Hate. It is reckoned by the bell judges in the kingdom, that we do not owe lefs than one-

third part of the public debt to foreigners, and confequently that we are not tributaries to them for lefs than
one million anu an half per annum as Britifh annuitants, which is acontlant drain of treafure upon the
By the account now before me delivered into parliament the 13th day of March 1766, of the money given
for the ferviceof the year 1765, it amounts to the fum of 7,969,337/. 12s. 1 d. together with deficiencies
of grants for the current fervice of the laid year 1765 ; which being added to the faid six millions make
1 3>7 6 9o 17 ' l2S l d- raifed in time of peace, exrtufive of his majelly's civil list revenue for the fupport

of his houfehold and the honour and dignity of the crown ; which, if further added, will make the whole
14,569,337/. 12 s. id. befides fome other public expences we (hall pafi. over, befides that great one in the
raifing and iffuing the laid fum of 7,969,337 / 12 s. id. which is extravagantly large, as I could fhow.
If it be confidered, that we further expend yearly, according to re.i'bnable eftimation, not lefs than a mil-
lion and an half more by the poor's tax-, what is alio expended annually in all other parochial taxes toge-
ther, it can hardly amount to fo little as half a million yearly more, which will make a total of
16,569,33 /. 12 j. id. without reckoning any thing for the annual expences of turnpike roads, which is
alfo a charge on our commerce, as well on our foreign, as our domeflic ; which, that we may not be fup-
pofed to exaggerate, we will exclude from the total of our accumulated charges upon the national trade of
this kingdom, Which is the great fund of the public treafure.
Now, let it be confidered, difpaffionately confidered, what may be prefumed to be the amount of the arbi-
trary enhancements of the public expence levied upon the whole traffic of the kingdom by fo enormous a
revenue. >m the example before given, it mull certainly amount to fomething very confiderable, occa-
i :

fioned thereby and mud inevitably raife the price of all things confumable throughout the nation, by the way

of trade and commerce 5 and this mufl proportionably affect the foreign no lefs than the inland trade of the
whole BrtiHh empire. It may look too invidious to attempt any fort cf efiimateof this matter, fince the

bulk of the arbitrary enhancements upon the general trade, in confequence of fuch an immenfe taxation,
mufl be fo very extraordinary, feeing it may be faid, we will iuppofe, that the chief part circulates and cen-
ters in the nat on. But notwithstanding that, as our domeflic commerce alone will not enrich the flate, nor
add any greai matter to the maritime power of the kingdom without foreign trade ; if our general foreign
trade be fo highly loaded with tax-incumbrances, mofl certainly fuch an opprefTive load mufl neceffarily affect
every foreign branch, as hath been fhown, by raifing the prices of all Englifh commodities and manufactures
to a degree that renders them unpurchafeable in foreign countries, by reafon of their exceffivedearnefs, when
compared with thofe of rivals; and therefore can we reafonably hope and expect to preferve our foreign trade
while this fhall be the cafe ?
In a word the whole tax-incumbrances upon our trade (for there the whole terminates, that being now our

great fund of property) comprehending all our arbitrary enhancements upon enhancements, cannot amount
to near fo little as twenty millions per annum. And if one moiety only of that immenfe tax-burthen
was abfolutcly annihilated, what an extraordinary eafement would not this prove to the whole commerce and
navigation of England ? Would it not enable us to fell our wares and manufactures in general to foreigners
as cheap as any otlur nation? Who will take upon him to demonftrate the contrary ? Perfuaded 1 am,
that if only all our appropriated and perpetuated taxes were juflly and equitably abolifhed, that pay' in:e-
reft money for the public debts, and thereby fend a million and an half a year out of the nation as tributary
debtors; perfuaded is the writer, if this was effectually done, confident with the prefervation of the public
faith and credit, that we fhould be able to fell our goods as cheap at foreign markets as any nation in
This being the fimple and unexaggerated date of our enormous expence, I would pray leave to afk,
whether under fuch circumdances it can- be eligible and politic for us to permit of an additional drain of
treafure of a million and an half that we pay to the Eafl countries, in our intercourfe of trade with them
to our difadvantage ? For if we are tributaries to our foreign national fund-creditors to the amount annually
of a million and an half; and we p3y a ballance pf trade likewife to Ruffia, Sweden, and Denmark, to
the amount of a million and an half more; will not this exhaud the nation of three million a year
of the public wealth ? Can we, under our prefent circumdances, afferd to differ fuch great outgoings ? I
fhould be glad to know what certain national recruits we have. Condantly to fupply fuch large exhaudions of
The immenfe fortunes that have been acquired during the two lad wars, have bloated the nation with fund-
credit to an enormous degree, which hath centered amongft a few families 6nly, compared with the whole of
the people. becaufe cur large fund-treaiures have fo greatly fwelled ; and thofe paper-credi:-mongers make
fo fplendid a parade,by their wealth wrung out of the bowels of the kingdom, inftead of being brought into it,
by fair and honed traffic with foreign dates and empires, we are dazzled with the gaudy and tir.fel appearances.
Of what, I afk ? Of paper-property, paper-circulation, and paper-credit : ofthefe, indeed, we are
full ; we overflow. But what is all this fhow of riches but the fhadow of that folid wealth with which we have
hitherto parted for fairy treafures? Upon what a foundation this magnificent fyftem of paper-wealth dands,
we may from what hath been faid in thefe few fheets. With what defign do you afk ? The
eafily diicern,
writer will frankly and honedly tell you- With a defign that the maladies of the nation may be probed to
the root to the end that they may be radically cured, not fkinned over only, as they have too long been, to

feder, gangrene, and break out in a date of incurability.

Vol. I. g We
cviii The
XXV ill State of our Finances : with a Plan for a more inter cfing Union between Great Britain and America, be,

have feen the potentiality of our colonies to become capable of fupplying this nation with many of thofe
valuable and expenfive imports we at prcfent take from other nation:, at a difadyantage: it is to be hoped,
that the conduct- of the colonies themfelves will enable the mother-Hate to rend< them actually fo. i

It is apparently the prefent difpofition of the legiflature, and, indeed, that of the whole kingdom in ge-

neral, to adopt every meafure that will promote the intereft of the colonies: but this fpirit of indulgence, if
no equivalent returns fhall be made on the tide of the colonifts, will loon difable Great Britain from a conti-
nuance of thofe indulgences. She will be compelled, from the principle or felf-prefervation, to contract, in-
ftead of inlarge and extend them ; or what is fhe about ? Is (he not puriuing direct ways and means to ren-
der herfelf an impotent and beggarly nation, to raife her colonies to that Hate of aggrandizement which has
been reprelented, the iooner ? Will not fuch conduct in this nation tend to make the colonies great and for-
midable at her expence and ruin ; provided the colonies fhall not, without a moment's delay, manifelt their
intention to return reciprocal advantages to the mother ftate ? The defirable commercial union cannot be dulv
cemented between them, unlefs it is fixed upon the bafis of mutual intereft and advantage : without this, ic

is impoflible fhould be of any duration.


It remains then only to be confidered, how and in what manner the colonies fliall as effectually evince their
regard to the mother kingdom as that has already done towards them ? Every man will anticipate the anfwer,
becaufe quite natural and unreftrained. The colonies defire this kingdom to give thejr trade every fort of
encouragement, and take off every reltraint thereon, that the colonifts apprehend disadvantageous to their
riling power and fplendor. The mother ftate rejoices in this promotion, provjded they are allured that rife
in the colonies fhai! not injure or ruin her, as we have fcen is not at all improbable. But with what reafon can
the colonics expect to be fuffered to rife to the pitch of grandeur they are capable of, unlefs the mother-ftate
fhall rife at the fame time ? If the rife and magnificence of the Britifh Colonies fhall have any t ndency to
the impoverishment and deftruction of Great Britain, is it not the intereft of Great Britain to keep them in a
ftate of poverty, inftead of elevating them to that independent wealth and power ? The colonifts have experi-
enced the tendernefs and affection of an indulgent parent. How fhail they manifefc their recurns of duty and
fenfibiiity ? If they do not, muft they not look for an increafe of obfta'cles to their advancement, rather
than further indigencies to it? This is common policy, dictated by the fovereign principle of God and
muft prefume, that none are more fenfible of this than the colonifts rhcmfelves ; and that we cannot
require them to grant more grateful returns than they are chearfully dilpofed to do. What returns can the
mother-kingdom require of them, for all paft advantages received, and to encourage them to grant them more
and more ? The anfwer, 1 have faid, is natural and obvious, If the colonies expect a continuance of this
h'ppy difpofition in us to extend our good will and munificence, there is certainly reciprocal obligations due
on their part. If this kingdom fliall be difpofed to grant them every encouragement by largeffes and pre-
miums, to promote their inrerefts in agriculture and planting in general, and in the production of every
intereft to take return of us to compenfate for our outgoings on their account.
whatever they can in

They cannot expect that we fhould hazard

the encouraging of them firit in thefe productions we at pre-
fent take from other nations, and take the fame, in confequence of fuch encouragement from them, unlefs
they fhall think of taking an equivalent from. us. This would be unequal ; it would be impolitic ; it would
be reducing ourfclves to an abject ftate of poverty to make them our mafters, ourfelves their dependent
flaves , it would abfolutely undo our whole landed and trading intereft, and deftroy-all hope of future pro-
fperity. This the colonifts know as well as we do ; and cannot be ignorant of what would in fuch cafe be
in their power, and how much it would be out of ours to right ourfelves, fhould we be fo infatuated as to con-
fult their intereft independent of our own. There feems no intention in this kingdom but to do all they can
for the benefit of the colonies. This appears now too glaring to be denied ; the colonifts will acknowledge it
not only by words, but every other teftimonial of gratitude in their power, it is not to be doubted. Our re-
gard has been demonftrated by actions that fome think were unbecoming the wifdom of the Britifh nation.
The writer hereof is of different fentiments. He judges the repeal of the ftamp act a right meafure and the ,

other fteps taken for the benefit of the colonies hitherto not altogether wrong but why does he think fo ? Be- :

caufe he doubts not of becoming returns from the colonies to their mother-country. This is his chief reafon
for adopting this opinion and he hopes he fhall not be therein miftaken by experience.

Was he not morally certain of that, he fhould think it the moft impolitic ftep the Bri'ifh legiflature could
have taken. From his opinion of the happieft difpofition in our colonifts to approve themfelves worthy of
all regard that this kingdom has fhown towards them, or fhall be hereafter induced to fnow them ; he will

take the liberty to declare what he thinks to be incumbent on their part to do, without delay, in order to
cement that everlafting commercial union that he hopes may fubfift between Great Britain and her Ameri-
can territories.
Before he declares himfelf, he defires, that the reader will pleafe to recollect what has been already urcred.
That the dearnefs of Englifh commodities and manufactures in general, and therefore the caufe of our bein<r
underfold by our competitors at foreign markets, no lefs than that of fmuggling in Great Britain, are owino-
to the weight and oppreffion of our taxes in general. Wherefore the writer has recommended theleffenino-
of our taxes as foon as poflible, in order to lower the prices of our manufactures ; to the end, that our Ame-
rican colonifts, as well as any foreign European ftate, may purchafe them at as cheap a rate as thev can do
thofe of France, or any other rival nation ; this being an inducement to the colonies as well as the'mother-
country to lay afide fmuggling.
Till our taxes can be fufficiently reduced by certain means the writer conceives to be in our power, fo en-
able us to fell our manufactures upon an equality with our rivals, 'tis to be hoped that our colonifts will not
be averfe to co-operate with their mother-country in the reduction of our taxes, as we have lo readily re-
duced theirs, and obliged ourfelves to make good the deficiency of the fuppol'ed produce of the late ftamp-
act feeing the mother-country has done this for the colonies, we cannot prefume but the colonies will as rea-

dily unite with the mother country to eafe her taxes in general. And, indeed, will not the colonies themfelves
reap no lefs benefit by fuch conduct than this kingdom will ? Will they not purchafe our manufactures the
cheaper, if the general taxes of Great Britain fhall be confiderably reduced? And can they, or will they
refufe to lend their helping hand to forward a work fo beneficial to themfelves uo lefs than to Great
Britain ?

However impracticable the natural reduction of taxes may appear to fome ; yet the writer is of a con-
trary opinion ; and that one great foundation for its accomplifhment may be laid, by promoting the commer-
cial union he propofes by thefe papers, between this kingdom and her American plantations. By what means
fuch an advantageous union may by the plaineft and fimpleft means
be effected, is it not requiring any -,

mighty complicated and mvftenous fcheme They are lo obvious, that every man
to bring the
lame to pafs.
will, 'tis apprehended, readily difcern their reafonablenefs, and acquiefce therein upon the firft hearing.
9 The
The ill Stale of cur Finances : with a Plan for a more inter eft ing Union between Great Britain and
America fcfr. xxi*

The fhort plan, therefore, that I would propofe only as follows

viz. That Great Britain gives
is :
encouragement to the- colonics to produce whatever we
import from the Eaft countries and as faft
at prelent

as the colonics lhall be able to afford the lame, that Great Britain (hall import them from thefe
Britain gives effectual encouragement to her colonic* to produce every other
That Great fpecies of mate-
manufactures, that we do not, at prelent, import from the Eaft countries
rials (or rawsii.k in particular :

together with every OTHEa MATERIAL that we import from any other parts of Europe, or elfe where.
hat this kin.' lorn gives effectual encouragement to her colonies for the making of cochineal, and

ing every fpecies ing productions ulc in our manufactures, that we now import from any
other parts"
of the world alio cotton and flax in plenty, and whatever elfe we take from other countries
that is contained
in our whole catalogue or IMPORTS, where it cannot be demonftrated that this nation is a gainer by
That we give effectual encouragement for the productions in our colonies, as well in the ifland as the con-
tinental ones, of Whatever in general we take for ufe, or convenience, or even luxury, from other dates"
will come to us in a little time cheaper than we import them from fuch other Hates, either for Britifh
fumption or for reexportation to other foreign countries.
What our own extenfive colonies in general may not be able to afford as objects of traffic, is hard to deter-
mine :
provided, we fay, that the encouragement we give them (bail be effectual for the purpofes of fair and
repeated and experiments made there for that
trials delign. And, therefore, it is hard to fay, what commo-
dities we need of within ourfelves, or for trade with other nations, that cannot be obtained
fhall (land in
Come or other of the prelent Britifh colonies.
Should we carry this matter to the full extent it will admit of, we may certainly obtain a great variety of
materials for manufactures more than we at prelent have ; and fuch, perhaps, with which we are quite unac-
quahved at prelent. And if thefe are obtained in that great plenty that the extent of our whole American do-
minions will now allow of, why may we not obtain fuch materials at a r.te as cheap as they can be from any
Other parts of the globe ? They certainly may. When this great point (lull be gained, the next we oucrht
to aim at is to manufacture them as cheap as any nation under the fun can dp. But how can this be effected
but by the fpeedy annihilation of taxes to their proper degree? By what obvious means one good founda-
tion for this can be obtained, we (hall next animadvert on.
The fuppofed full and adequate encouragements being given to our colonies to raife every thin- for traf-
fic, that the great variety of climates abound with in America ; we mean fuch materials for Britifh nnanufac-
tures as can be railed there by agriculture, hufbandry, or planting in every refpect, that fhall be experienced
to be practicable ; and every thing elle that we lhall find our intercft to conlume amonglt ourfelves, or re-
export to any where This is our general idea, without further expatiation on the matter.

Hereby we perhaps, Great Britain for every fpecies of imports that we want for domeftic ufe
fhall render,
convenience or luxury, or re-exportation, in a great meafure independent, as it were, for imports of any fort
with every other part of the world : We
lay, as we would be fo underltood, that if we fhould jud^e it poli-

tic to encourage our colonies to the full height they w 11 admit of, we might have little occafion for any
fort we might become fellers to all the world of much more than we yet ever
of foreign imports wbatfoevcr :

did, and buyers of mnch lefs. his will lb much me nation as to enable her to reduce her taxes, and there-


But whatever we d:d import from any foreign country, ought we not to oblige fuch foreign country to take
an equivalent of our native products and manufactures in return ? Or why notceafe to have any commercial
intercourfe with them ? Is it not more eligible to ceafe to trade with any country, than to carry on a lofino-
trade with them ? We mean, a Ioling tra.le when the fame lhall be confidered in all its circumffances, rela-

tions, and connections, with any other branches of trade ; for one branch may be a lofi.ig one, and yet that
may prove inftrumental to render lome other branch or branches more beneficial than they otherwife could be,
and therefore amply compenfatr, or more than i\o lb, for any lofs we might occafionally fuftain. So that if
we lofe by one branch of trade, yet that very branch giving being to, or tending to render Come other advan-
tageous, we (hould not trade to our national injury upon the whole. For we can never expect to get rid of the
bulk of our taxes, and prefcrve the public faith, but by rendering our particular balances of trace as advan-
tageous as we can, in order to make the general more io.
Our colonies then being actually brought to furnifh us as before reprefentcd, in as amp'e a manner as fhail
be judged politic on our fide, we come now to the fhort queftion ; What conduct ought to prevail amongft
all our colonics ? To which we anlwer, that as we advance in their encouragement to furnifh us, is it not
their intercft to enable us to pay them for what they fhall lb be enabled to furnifh us ? Without this, 'tis
impoffible we (hould either be able to encourage them, and continue our imports from them.
But if our colonics determine one and all, and that alio in the molt effectual manner, that they will take,
and actually (bail take, ail their manufactures from Great Britain, whom they fhall furnifh with all materials
for that purpofe, inftead oi tuning them (rom the Eaft countries, or elfewhere, &c. &c. this conduct on the part
of the colonies will put Great Britain in a condition to pay them for every fpecies of materials wherewith they
(hall fupply them and every lort of production, which they at prelent import from any other (late, which

does not take an equivalent value of Britifh commodities and manufactures.

That the colonies duly indicate their intention to do this, is it at all unreafonable, that they (hou;d as
much as pofiible, defift from, lay afide, and forbear, every fort of attempt to fupply themfelves with fuch ma-
nufactures, as they ought in jultice to take from their mother-kingdom ? We are of opinion, that it is in-
cumbent upon the colonies to manifeft immediately the fincerity of their intention to lay afide manufacturing,
and that inftantly, all thofe manufactures lately fet up upon the continent, and all other, except fuch as fhall
be reafonable to except. But his cannot be effectually evinced by the vague declarations that they have hi-

therto only niade to this kingdom. During the dependence of the reconsideration of the late act before the
legiflature, they forbid their correfpondents in this nation to fend Britifh-manuiactures to America. This was
done to (how their general and cliffatisfaction the (tamp act had given them no (boner was the fame :

repealed, than thefe orders were gratefully and politicly countermanded, and the courfe of trade hath partly
reverted to its wonted channel.
Notwithftanding this, in confequence of our humble opinion to inlarge and cement the commercial union to
the degree we have propofed, and to induce the mother-country to acquiefce in the meafures fuggefted for
that purpofe, fomething more (hould feem requifite to be done and performed on the part of the colonies ;
apprehending what they have hitherto done only to be a fignificant prelude to what ought to fucceed which, -,

we conceive, fhould be fomething bordering upon the following conduct, and that is humbly lubmitted.
That the refpective colonies in their legal afiembhes, or by their deputies, authorized to convene for that
purpofe, come to fomething like thefe refolutions, viz.
xxx The ill Slate of our Finances : with a Plan for a more inter efiing Union between Great Britain and America, csV.

That in confequence of his Majefty and the Parliament of Great Britain having, in their great wifdom,
been pleafed to regard the remonftrances of the Britifh Americans againft the late (lamp-act, and have at their
humble requefl and follicitation repealed the fame, the feveral and refpective colonies have come to the fol-
lowing refolutions :

1. Jt is refolvecl, by and with the confent of the faid feveral and refpedlive Britifh colonies in all his Ma-

jefty's dominions in America That they have unanimously refolved, in confequence of the repeal of the (lamp-

act in Great Britain, to make and enact ilich law and laws in the feveral aflemblies, as (hall encourage the im-
portation of Britifh manufactures into the faid colonies.
2. It is refolved, That all manufactures which interfere with the manufactures of Great Britain, and which
have been at any time fet up and eflablifhed in the faid colonies, mall be abfolutely abolifhed, from and af-
ter the day of That proper laws be made by the feveral afferhblics belonging to the
refpective colonies and that all and every of his Majefty's fubjects refiding in the faid colonies, (hall be pro-

hibited from manufacturing, from and after the faid day of ,y houfehold furni-

ture, or wearing apparel of any kind or kinds, except fuch as /hall be excepted, &c. &c. &a
3. It is refolved, That no kind or kinds of manufactures (hall be fuffered to be made in the faid colonies,
excepting fuch only as have relation to agriculture, hufbandry, or to planting, and the raifing of all fuch ma-
terials for manufactures, and all fuch other productions as Great Britain fhall encourage to be produced within
thofe colonies ; and excepting alfo the making of all fuch ucenfils as may be neceffary to the building of dwell-
ing houfes, the creeling of plantations, &c. &c. &c.
4. It is refolved, That all dilcouragement fhall be given to the illegal importation by fmuggling of every
kind of French or qther foreign manufactures into the Britifh colonies, purfuant to the laws that are, or fhall
be enacted for that falutary purpofe in thefe colonies and in Great Britain.
5. It is refolved, That proper meafures be taken by the Britifh colonies to reprefent to the parliament of
England that it is their defire to enlarge and extend the commercial union between Great Britain

and her American colonies, by their giving fuch encouragt-ment to agriculture and hufbandry, and to
planting, and the raifing of all fuch other productions, &c. &c. as to their wifdom fhall feem meet-, as well
with refpect to the commerce and navigation between her and her northern colonies, as between Great Bri-
tain and her whole American colonies in general.
Something like the preceding refolutions being folemnly agreed upon, and formally and duly reprefented to
the parliament of Great Britain, may probably be attended with all the happy confequences briefly fet forth in
thefe papers. Certain it is, that fuch meafures being taken by the colonies, would manifefl the difpofition of
the colonies towards their mother- country and the latter would, doubtlefs, make becoming returns towards

fuch a reprefentation. In a word, by fuch fteps as are hereby generally fignified being taken on both fides,
will naturally bring about thofe defirable events aimed at by this difcourfe. Let it be fuppofed, for a
moment, that our plantations actually prohibited all manufacturing of houfehold furniture and apparel only ;
and this kingdom, in confequence thereof, was only to give effectual encouragement for the productions in
America, and the importation from thence of all thofe ieveral imports that we atprefent take from the Eaft.
countries ; this firfl ftep would confiderably enlarge our commercial connections with each other. If we look
to the additional amount of a million and an half a year from our colonies, this would enable the colonies
in their turn to take to the like additional value of our manufactures.
Was this the cafe, would not this create an additional circulation of trade and navigation between this na-
tion and Britifh America to the amount of three millions a year ? Is not this an object deferving the at-

tention of parliament ? What confiderations relative to the Eaft countries can induce us to'forego fuch a na-
tional emolument ? There are no alliances or treaties that we can make with thofe powers, either in time of
peace or war, that can be an equivalent advantage to Great Britain, for the lofs of fuch a commercial union as
thefe meafures would inevitably produce between this kingdom and her American plantations. For this increafe
of union will be conducive to a further, not only with North America, but between our continental and our
ifland colonies and as the more opulent both grow, the more manufactures will they both be able to take from

Great Britain, and inrich her likewife, as the commerce will increafe her breed of feamen, and augment her
maritime power to a degree far beyond any fervice we can expect to receive from the Eaft countries beneficial
to thefe kingdoms. Moreover, every addition made to this branch of trade will be our own trade, under
our own controul and direction, and will prove the increafe of our own belt ftrength, the increafe of employ-
ment amongft the induftrious poor, and the increafe of our own national treafure. Wherein can the Eafr coun-
tries, I folemnly afk, benefit Great Britain to fuch like degree ? They may tend, as they have hitherto done, to
exhauft us by fubfidiary alliances, as well as by their commerce, if we continue in the lethargic ftate we are in.
Should it be faid, that if we decline in our commercial connections with Ruffia, Sweden, and Denmark, our
commercial rivals may think it the more politic in them to increafe in theirs, and adhere alfo to that fubfidiary
fyftem we may find it our intereftto relinquifh. Let our rivals do this ; let them trade with the Eaft countries to
the difadvantagewe have too long done let them increafe their fubfidiary exhauftions of treafure, and let them

purfue this trade for naval (tores, &c. &c. to their detriment, while we augment ours with our colonies, to our
high advantage what will the confequence be ? While they fhall behold us rifing in opulence, maritime

ftrength, and fplendor, by an extended commercial union between us and our colonies while they fhall behold

this fcene of profperity on our fide, will they not experience themfelves to grow poorer and poorer, and more
and more impotent, while this kingdom grows more and more wealthy, potent, and formidable ? What need
we then to dread their clofeft connections with the Eaft countries, when our maritime ftrength will be a match
for their united naval force ? Provided, likewife, fome other meafures fhall be adopted by the court of Eng-
land, that v/e may fuggeft, it is the humble opinion of the writer, that Great Britain will have lictle reafon to
apprehend any kind of injury from the prefumed connections that may probably take place between our com-
petitors and the Eaft countries.
Another objection that might be made againft gradually declining in our difadvantageous trade with the
Eaft countries, as we fhall augment in that of our colonies, is, that the revenue of cuftoms will fu fie r by the lofs of
our imports from the Eaft countries. Every one converfant with our fubject will inftantly obviate this objection,
by obferving, that the fame duties will be laid upon the like commodities as gradually imported from our planta-
tions, as at prefent come from the Eaft countries and the new duties may be appropriated as the old atprefent

are. The revenue, therefore, can fuftain no diminution from fuch a change of conduct ; and as to the temporary
expence to which the nation may be at firfl put for encouraging premiums, bounties, &c. &c. to the colo-
nies ; That when put into the fcale againft the national benefits, will be of no weight in the ballance, even
with relation to the Eaft country trade alone. But if the plan be farther extended, even to the production of
raw filk, cochineal, and every other article of dyeing ingredients we have imported from other parts, the bal-
lance of national advantages will not be inconfiderably augmented in our favour, without the enumerating a
great variety of other imports we take fro n countries we are lefs beholden to than is generally imagined that ,

this nation ought to lludy how to have them from her American plantations, our circumftances requiring this
3 policy
3 '
t ill State of cur linm.ces : with a Plan for a more inter (fling Union between Great Britain and America, t$. xxxi

policy ro he carried ro the utmoft pitch it is capable of-, for if we make the certain benefit and advantage of
the kingdom our guide herein, we can never carry the principles upon which we reafon to too great lengths.
1 he more the colonies lhall be enabled to take of our manufactures, the more they will take ; and the
we fhall be able to import from them, the more able will they be to increafe their imports from us ; and by
this increafe of commercial intercourse, our navigation will be proportionably inlarged, by our own unpreca-
rious traffic, independent or the caprice ot all foreign Hates whatever.
Be it fuppoled, we add no more than the article of raw lilk to that of the Eaft country trade, it will be
well worth our while to exert our efforts to accomplifli it. i ,et the value of the import of raw filk be efti-
mated, in conjunction with that of foreign wrought European lilks, legally and illegally imported, at no more
together than one million per Annum \ and that by means of our colonies, and the prohibition of European
wrought lilks, our weaveis (hall be enabled to fupply us therewith, the difference to the kingdom between (pend-
ing a million a year out of the nation, and laving the fame linn within it, will make two millions a year. If half
a million only of raw lilk be imported from the colonics, inltead of Turky, Perfian, and Italian, and the colonies
Aril thereof take half a million of our manufactures, th'n creates a circulation of a million between
in lieu
the kingdom and h<T colonies, and improves her navigation. And if by the prohibition of European wrought
lilks we preferve at leaft in the kingdom the other half million we pay for thofe manufactured (ilks, thiswill lave a
million more to our internal circulation fo that together will) the three millions before of circulation on ac-

count of the all country trade between this nation and her plantations, will occafion a laving of five millions

a year to thiskingdom. Sure this is an object deferring of our attention.

Let be imagined, that by carrying our commercial connections to the degree intimated between Great

Britain and her American colonies, and declining fomething in thofe between us and thofe of Italy, will not the
faving of the ballance we at prefent pay for Picdmontefe raw lilk, compenlate for any lofs we may be pre-
fumed to fuffcr by our exports to thefcveral other Italian ftates, when the value of wrought filk imported from
Italy hath been duly confidered. The Italians cannot do without our lead, our tin, and our fifh ; and if they
take the woollen goods they have hitherto done from us wholly from France, would this equalize the ad-
vantages, which we may derive from fupplying ourfelves from our colonies with raw filk, and Supplying our-
felves likewife and our colonifls w;th wrought Inks ?
The Turky t:ac!e is at prefent in our disfavour, and has been fo for fome time ; why fhould we be anxious for
the preservation of a trade we are lofing by, unlcfs at length to become gainers by it? Is it not better policy

to turn every difadvantageous branch of our foreign trade into a beneficial one, by means of increafinor our
trading connection between us and our colonifts upon the footing fuggefted, than to continue in the lethargic
itate of difadvantage for want of roufing ourfelves to commerce into lucrative currents ?
turn the channels of
If indeed by the change of channels our maritime power fhould fuffer by it, it might have fome weight in a nation
whole ftudy ought to be to preferve their mercantile navigation, for the fake of maintaining a powerful royal
navy. On the contrary, by cultivating a more extenfive navigation with our colonies, we fhall certainly con-
fiderably more increafe our naval prowcls than we fhall diminifh it by any imaginary ljfTcs in the decline of our
trade with other European ftates. And it fhould not be forgot, candid reader, as before noticed, that our co-
lony trade is our. own trade, under our own conduct and controul-, and while regulated upon the
general principles herein propofed, may be rendered conducive to the increafe of our trade to all other parts
of the world hereafter, as well as the immediate inrichment of the nation. For why may not we become sel-
lers of all North American, as well as our ifland productions, to other nations? Under proper regula-
tions, and by ftrengthening the act of navigation in conlcquence of what has been faid in the general, we may
aggrandize the colonies no lei's than ourlclves ; and they will then never be induced to attempt an indepen-
dency, when they experience thcmfelves happy and prolperous in the reverfe ftate and condition. Nothing
will urge them to that but finding their intereit neglected, inftcad of encouraged, from principles reciprocally
beneficial to the mother-country, as well as to themfelves. To this both have a right; and without that
right being duly maintained and perpetrated, the fubierviency and dependency of the colonies long upon this
kingdom cannot be expected ; the grand tie and cement of union being deftroyed.
Willing to hope and believe, that fomething like what has been fuggefted may take place, the confequence
muft have a very pleafjng afpect with relation to both. Provided the North Americans fhall be encouraged to
direct their whole efforts to the productions of all things that fhall not interfere with thofe of the mother-Hate,
but may interfere with thofe of other European ftates or any other country whatfoever provided they fhall chear-

fully acquiefce in the laying afide all forts of Britifh manufacturing, and will determine to take the molt vigo-
rous meafures to promote the importation ot Britifh manufactures, and to difcourage, by the moft fevere and la-
lutary laws and regulations amongft themfelves, the fmuggling of any kind of foreign wares or manufactures
into the Britifh colonies in general, the iflands as well as the continental plantations if thefe meafures fhall be

adopted, and refolutely adhered to, their temptation to the pu re hafe of foreign commodities and manufactures
will ceafe, becaufe thofe of England may become as cheap as thofe of France. For as fuch like conduct will
enrich the mother-country, as well as the colonies, will not this lay a sure foundation for the annihilation
of Britifh taxes and will not that prove the effectual means, if carried to its proper extent, to lower the price

of all Englilh wares to a level with thofe of any European Itate or empire ? Where then will be the tempta-
tion to Britifh colonifts to prefer foreign commodities and manufactures to Britifh ?
Till a more defirable commercial union than hitherto has taken place, between Great Britain and her colo-
nies fhall do fo, to their mutual benefit and advantage, is it not the duty of our rulers to take every meafure
that fhall tend to the reduction of taxes, in order to cheapen all Englilh manufactures, that the colonifts may
be the more readily inclined to take them, and rclinquifh the fmuggling of thofe of our rivals ? It is moft cer-
tainly incumbent on them to forward and promote to the utmoft of their power, whatever has a tendency to
fo happy an end. How, otherwife, can we imagine that the colonies will continue to preler Englifh manu-
factures to thole of our competitors, if the abolition, of tax-im.umbrances to fome purpofe is not zealoufly
purfued ?

Jhftead of any thing of this kind appearing to have been thought of-by men in power for above thefe forty
years paft, we have feen, that the whole revenue is fo constituted, in its prefent ftate and condition, as to give
either to ourfelves or our colonifts very little hopes loon of fo happy an event ; however practicable iuch a notable
fyftem might be, and however foon fuch might take place, were there public virtue and public fpirit enough in
the nation to encourage it. But private perfons have too long experienced difficulties anddifcouragements enough
in confulting the public inttreft. Prudence, therefore, directs every fuch perfon to attend to his own avocations,
and leave public concerns to thofe who enjoy their thousands and their ten thousands a year only to dif-
tract the kingdom, and increafe the public debts and taxes, inftead of ftudying ho-v to prevent the one or
to leffen the other. Unhappy Britain What muft be thy fate, if thofe who have been fo amply rewarded

to raifethy proiperity, fhall only ftill think of their dear (elves, and neglect thy welfare, fplendor, and glory I
Is this the grateful return made to the beft of fovereigns for his gracious endeavours to make his fubjects
happy ? Is it not one of the greateft misfortunes of this kingdom that there are fuch numerous lucrative
Vol. I. h places
jfxxii Ihc ill Slate of our Finances : with a VIan for a more inter efling Union bclvjccn Great Britain and Ar/it; itt

places for the great folks to druggie for, by and intrigue*, inflead of duly regarding the
their party cabals
true- national intcrefts ? It is whether his Majelty and his kingdoms would not be better
to be queitioned,.
fcrved, were there fewer, much fewer places of profit and honour to beftow ? And on whom are the bulk of
the public ports of trull, honour, and profit bellowed ? Are they bellowed on thofe only who have performed
any thing really meritorious? No: they are generally given to thofe who have done no public icrvice to :

thofe fomctimes, who have done great mifchief to thofe who have lent their aid to make the worll of laws,

and have thereby contributed to alienate the affections of the fubjeis from the bed of p-inces.
But what encouragement can any man in the kingdom expect from any fuch idle lchemes and projects as
the difcharge of public debts and the abolition of taxes ; whiie lbme of our rulers themlelves think, and fagely
declare too, that the increafe of public debts and taxes is a national emolument and blelTmg, iniicad of the
revere? When fuch detlrucdive principles are embraced, by thole whole duty it is to difcountenance them,
is it any wonder that men in power fhould be fo lukewarm as they appear to be, about their reduction ?
This, however, may be one of their political pretences becaufe there is iomething more difficult in the di-

minution and abolition of national d- bts and taxes, than in augmenting them.
It is extraordinary that a people fo jealous of their liberties and their conllitution of government as we affect to

be, fhould not [ct themlelves one and all againd the continuance of national debts and taxes, from the im-
minent danger thev apparently are to both tor as the judki us Mr. Hume obferves, " The time may come

" when the vile and infamous fcheme of (hutting up the exchequer may again happen, and all the funds may
" be feized, by the advice of wicked ministers.'' As the funds of this kingdom are fo enormous at prelenr,
and we have experienced fuch unparalleled profusion of the public money, bad miniflers, if they can-
not obt.iin parliament to give a fanction to their pernicious fchemes, may advife the abfolute cefTation of
parliaments, and what then will become of our liberties and conllitution ? Though we are in no danger of
fuch like practices under tne government, at prefent, of the bed of fovereigns, yet our piefent mod gracious
fovereign cannot anfwer for his fuccelTors, nor the miniflers they fhall employ. If our public debts and taxes
were equitably abolifhed, we fhould have no occafion for perpetuated taxes of any kind; and bad princes
and worie miniflers could never have luch immenfe revenues at their command ; and therefore could neither
have it in their p iwer to dedroy the being of parliaments or the public credit for no revenue being then

raifed but what fhould be annually fo done, the parliament mult annually meet to raife the whole, or
the prince would have none whereon ever to rely independant of pari aments.
Tofecure, therefore, to pollerity the existence of parliaments, as well as the life of public credit,
would it not be a fovereign prefervative to both to difcharge the public debts and reduce tiie perpetu-
ated taxis, and fuffer no taxes in future to take place, but l'u.h only as fhail be annually voted by par-
liament for the annual current service, and that anvual deficiencies be made good the fuc-
ceeding year, and all annual surplusses of particular taxes applied to make good their part, if noc the
whole of fuch annual deficiencies?
Was this practice once happily introduced, and our fund-fydem fo changed as never to contract frefh debts
to endanger our liberties or conftitution, what halcyon days, what profperous days might not the whole Biitifli
empire enjoy ? We might poflefs, upon the principles fuggeded. infinirely more commerce and navigation
between Great Britain and her American colonies in general than we ever did, and by the cheapnefs of our
Britifh manufactures and our plantation productions, draw the whole world to trade with us, and be the ge-
neral arbiters of their deferences, without acting the belligerent part in any.
But while our public debts and taxes fhall continue as they a>e, and be liable to an increafe by every frefh
war, we can never expect, a permanent (late of peace or profperky. While we fhall remain in fo precari-
ous a (late, our neighbouring potentates will never permit us to continue long in a peaceful condition j for
they will difcern their true road to victory is to put us under the fatal neceffity to go on to augment our public
debts and taxes, which will at length inevitably deflroy all our trade ; and when that is gone, what head (ball we
be able to make againft any foreign enemy ? What eternal broils, diffenfions, and rebellions at home fhall we
not be fubjett to? And will notour colonies then be liable to revolt, and fhake off their dependency, from
fo miferable and diffracted a mother-country ? May we not thank ourfelves for fhamefully neglecting the
means of fafety which we have in our power, by a wife and honed public fpirit being exerted ana encouraged
for our prefervation ?
The public debt is attended with every dreadful confequence that can accompany any national cala n . If
it was payable only out of the rents of lands, and of fuch as live on their means, it might be pretende.., tliac

fmce the induftrious farmer muft pay his rent, it is the fame thing to the nation, whether it is wholly poififed
by a lord, or one-half of it be enjoyed by a flockjobber. Even in that cafe there would be a wi le differ-
ence. But the rents of lands are not fo much in queftion ; and the farmer muft pay his fhare out of his own
particular profits, independent of what the lord fhall pay out of his eftate. A tax of five or ten per cent, on
any commodity, muft raife the price of it above eight or fixteen per cent, and as our artifts, manufacturers,
and tradefmen, work under the difadvantage of paying taxes for every thing they confume, either dirccfly or
virtually, it is impofTible that they fhould afford to fell their woikmanfhip and goods fo cheap as thofe who
pay confiderably lefs, as before fhewn.
To judge fairly of the bad effects of our taxes, let us fuppofe ourfelves releafed from them, or a confider-
able part of them, and a proportion thereof given in bounties to the artifts, manufacturers and exporters and ,

then let one imagine how many more hands would be fet to work at home ; how many foreigners would be
attracted hither; and whether we fhould not be able to underfell all the European world at foreign markets,
inftead of being underfold by any ftate in Europe.
If our pcoplt are grown more idle and lefs induftrious than they were heretofore, as fome will have it, may
not our public debts and taxes have occafioned it ? The civil magidrate, whole chief office ought to be to
reftrain vice, is forced to connive at it. The large revenue cannot befupported without encouraging idlenefs
and expence, by licenling numberlefs more public houfes than ever before exided in the nation mod of :

which are to be confidered as fo many academies, for the acquiring and propagating the whole dience of ini-
quity. From thefe academies it is that Newgate is peopled, and Tyburn fupphed but it is likewife from;

thele that a very conliderable part of our great revenue arifes ; which otherwiie, we may prefume, would be
fuppreffed, the better to fupport honed induftry rather than (loth and debauchery. Pulpits may thunder againft
vice, and juries may hang criminals to eternity, while every means of corrupting the morals of the bulk of
the people is thrown in their way to intice them from their duty, it is in vain to expect, reformation.
The public debt has opened the iniquitous traffic not only of flockjobbing, but that fpecies of gaming has
introdu rd the general fpirit of the fame dedrudtive practices amongll all degrees of people, even into I

own families, by routing it at home, and affembling it abroad. The attention of the merchant is too much
taken off from (olid trade ; he engages, through the prevalence of cuftom, in what he fancies is the more !

crative bulinefsof Exc hange- Alley, and leaves export and import to fuch as have more patience to folk;.
And what is too frequently the confequence? Does it not fill our Gazette with bankrupts, ai.d increaie dif-
trefs and poverty, inftead of promote the national commerce or private gain in the general ?
The illStale of our linance: : with a Plan for a more intereftng Union between Great Britain and America,
&c. xxxiii
The trade of the Alley confifts too much confpiring to pick the pockets of every body not in the temporary
fecret. Thole who me, can make (locks rifeand fall ar plcafure, and poi kct the differem e
gooo/. to
lay out. India ftcx I. is at 180. 15 transfers 100/. to C at 179. Next morning he tranfers am /. at
178/. The price is let, and A buys 5000/. at 178. In a week or two, A wants to fell. If the object is
confiderable, an article in the Hague
Gazette is made to confirm thar the emperor of Monomoupa defires
be comprehended in the alliance of Peteriburgh. C transfers his 2.0/. back ro B at 180 the market is fet- ,

tled again, and A lells out at 180. 1 hus their induftry brings two per cent, in a few week-. But who do
they get it from? From women, young brothers, and all fuch of the well meaning people of Eq dand as
will dabble in (locks, without being in the fecret, or without knowing how to carry on the lucrative
if they are. It is from this fcandalous commerce that numbers of thefe mere fund jobbers have, in
a few
years, acquired millions amongll them at the expence of the unknowing ones.
One would imagine, that nothing but our necelfities could make us wink at a practice fo iniquitous and de-
trimental ; yet there are fome men ablurd enough to i.imy, that we are extremely beholden to thofe m mey-
mongcrs, for condefee nding 10 let up their trade amongic us, for the circulation of pub ic credit, as they af-
fect mamefully to icrm it.
The city of Brillol, or Birmingham, might with equal reafon think itfclf obliged to 2 fet of ("harpers, who
mould bring a fum of money along with them, and let a raro bank for all -.ens 10 point at. N -r would
it be more ridiculous in a country lquire to think to improve his carp, by throwing ionft
them. We can only increale our people as we do our game, by difcou raging poachers and destroying
1 here is a public detriment attending the public debts not inferior to any mentioned, which has efcaoed
the notice of moll. Tht public debt has produced a different intereft in this nation, that we have greatly
fi , and if not remedied, can have no end. It is the Intereitof the Stockholders to involve the nation

in wars, becaufe they arc ners thereby, although they (hall in the long-run ruin the kingdom
it is the in- :

< f landed men and th m the national merchant, who n the ftate only ought to encourage, and
not the ftockjobbing merchant, wh im the ftate ou^ht t >difcourage to the utmoft rat er than enga je the king-
dom in war upon his account or the chief bun hen nd cils thereof will fall on land and trade.

However contemptible fome may think the weight of the ftockjobbing cl.ifs, in comparifon to that of the
folid trading one, it hus been by their lup nor influence, that the nation was involved in the two Lift great
wais The greater the public debt, the greater the weight of the public creditors and the :ir cry !

for wars. And may we not expect that tins worthy let of fto.kjobbmg patriots will, on every the lead occa'-
fion, renew their efforts to plunge us ..gam into the like thraldom ? Deplorably precarious mull the fituation
be, where one clafs of people mull be undone, even by a nccellary war, and another, or perhaps equal influ-
ence, impoverifhed by the belt pejce.
If England was obliged 10 pay a tribute to France, or to any other foreign country, of a milmon and
an half a YEAR, would not every man declare, that we could not futlain fuch a drain of treasure long with-'
out being undone ? And yet that triburc ftands on a footing at prefent ftdl more deftructi etot! enation; becaufe
there is no effectual provilion yet made for getting free from that burthen paid to foreign creditors without giving
an extravagant purchafe for our redemption, which we arc incapable of doing, by the prefent (late of the
kingdom. Betides, foreign llockhol ers have a temptation to increafc the tribute due to them, by applying
their dividends daily to buy up more ftock, out of the hands of the natives-, who, as our foreign cr^
grow richer and richer, lo Britons in general grow poorer and poorer- thin which nothing can be a greater
confirmation than the numerous bankrupts we daily experience in the kirgdom, and the v at happen
amonglt our chief foreign creditors in companion thereto.
To thofe who are not refolved to (hu; their eyes againll indubitable truths, it muft be obvious, that if the
public debts and taxes were cleared off, the profits of the manufacturer, the tradefman, and the merchant,
would be their own. They would be exempted from large diiburfements Out of their gains. Ic would be
equal, in every refpect, to a bounty to that amount on all our productions of nature 0; p'f ; pro- ,.- .

portionable advantage to the day-labourer. v\ ith thofe advantages, why fliould wc no: be able ro under. ell

our competitors ? Our people would of courfe multiply, for which there is now all difcou ragement in (lead of
the reverfe our poor would find full employment, and live more comfortably, when wc enjoyed greater plen-

ty of every thing at cheaper rates new arts and manufactures would be introduced, in confequence of inven-

tion being on the wing, and the old ones brought to greater perfection our moil barren lands would be cul-

tivated, both in Britain and America, to reciprocal benefit, provided a due commerci t] u;;ion took place be-
tween them, and our general produce of both would be inefficient to iupply ourlelves and our foreign cuf-
tomers : fo large would be the demand.
In confequence hereof, the llockjobbers, when paid off, would find employment for their money in trade
and manufactures, and would find th it turn to a more certain and better account than preying on die vitals of
their country ; which, if fuccelsf ul, they do ; ^nd if otherwife, does not fuch jobber ruin himfclf and numerous
others who have connections with him, as is more or lefs daily experienced ?
Men of narrow conceptions may, probably, object, there was a time when we owed no debt and yet this ,

country was never richer, nor had it more trade than at prefent. Let luch men recoiled the (late of this
nation fixty or feventy years before king William's war, with refpect to the numbers of people, the trade,
ihipping, wealth, and manufactures ; and let them compare it with our fituation when that war broke our, and
then let them give a reafon why we have not increafed in the fame proportion fince that period. Trade was
then in its infancy ; ourcolonies were hardly ellablifhed ; thole times had all the qxpence of them, and we all
the profit Ireland was then but little better than our infant fettlements in America are now
: we had no union ,

with Scotland, and Portugal afforded but little money ; each of thefe has opened a new fpurce of wealth to
us; and with fuch advantages, ought we not to have- throve in the fame proportion we did in the former
period ? Had it not been for the public debt, there -can be no doubt but our improvements for the laft fixty
years mult have furpafTed thofe of the fixty years preceding.
The enormity of the' annual taxes we pay, together with all the enhancements Upon enhancements we likewise
pay on occafion of our perpetuated and annual taxes, cannot amount toio little we affirm, as the full value of all
the lands in England, if valued at twenty millions^- annum and if all the national taxes could at once be

difcharged by the landed property, what would the nation be worth may deierve confideration. '7'is true we

are fwoln with a vaft paper credit, and that dazzles us imaginary inftcad of folid trerdure's. Such an rm-
menfe public debt, its perpetual fales, purchafes and transfers, and the circulation of its intereft, occafion a
great parade of wealth; fo does the circulation of other paper fecurities, exchequer bills, bank notes, bankers
notes, bills of exchange, perfonal notes, bonds and mortgages, and every other fpecies of paper circulation
poperty, make a fhow of a prodigious magnitude of riches ; but asjthe real treafure of the nation cannot be
eflimated, till all public incumbrances (hall be difcharged, the deduction of twenty millions a year will
a confiderable drawback upon the national property and if to this confideration we add thoie other or the

8 ballance
XX xiv The ill State of our Finances : with a Plan for a more inter eflitig Union between Great B, itain and America, 'Jc.

ballance of trade we pay yearly to the Eaft countries, together with the intercft money lent out of the 1.
dom to fatisfy our foreign public creditors a\\ theie difadvantages under which ihe nation labours, put ;n

ballance againft rhe whole of its magnified paper wealth, Ihould incline us to think that thefe together ought to
alarm us to retrench every expence we are able, and take every meafure to abolifh every tax-incumbrance that
impedes the increafe of the folid national property. Could we free ourfelves from the load of Cm mil-
lions a year we now raife for national debts, what might that be prelumed to cafe the nation of annually, if it
beconfidercd the enhancements upon enhancements on our whole trade and navigation fix millions grofa re-
venue occafions ? If every tax is no more than doubled, confidered in 'tis compound as well as fimple light,
as we have obferved, the national expence will be fo on our whole trade.
During the laft two wars we beheld numerous opulent families to have fprung up. But whence came this
mighty treafure? Has it not been extracted from our own inteftines; from the millions upon millions that have
been raifed in this nation during thofe periods ? Before thole reras, the nation was fulidly wealthy, and daily iri-
creafing therein, by enriching commerce and navigation, which difperled the treasures more equally amonglt
the people : fince thofe seras, that treafure has been extracted from the pockets of all daffes of people by the:
immenfity of taxes and thofe taxes have been converting into funds to pay intereft for above thirty times fuch

annual tax amount, that has been only in paper property ; which fome wife men have termed imaginary or
fairy property, and not real. This fabric of imaginary property, or, if you like it better, this public debt
property, and its mighty circulations, furnifh the appearance of millions upon millions of fuch fort of pro-
perty, and this public debt property will hold up its circulating head, while the nation (hall continue able
to pay htereft for it. Will not every thinking man confider, how long we can fupport the paying lb many
millions a year as are raifed upon our general trade, to pay intereft only for fuch public debts ? For our arbi-
trary enhancements on the prices of every taxed commodity renders our burthen at leaf! of ten millions per
annum on that account only. How long can this nation befides afford to raife above ten millions more yearly,
with additional enhancements for the current fervice, and other expences ; efpecially if to the accumulated an-
nual expence be tacked alfo that of the poor's tax raifed throughout the kingdom, together with every other
parochial tax, and the charge of turnpikes? If thefe fhould all be confidered as burthens on the trade of
the nation, and certainly they ultimately center there, every man will allow this caufe alone to be adequate
to account for every commercial grievance we at prefent perhaps experience this however is the grand caufe.

And why may not this be the natural caufe even or that monopolizing and foreftalling fpirit that prevails ?
If our debts and taxes do not diminifh, they mult increafe; and if they do increafe, we may p:onounce
with certainty, that nothing can preferve us but our neighbours being in the fame unhappy fituation with our-
felves, and that we fhall only continue a great nation as long as they do fo.
When the art of funding, and borrowing thereon, was firft introduced, the common talk of mankind was,
that in time the people of England muft be undone, by adhering to a fyftem fo detrimental to the ftate. Some
tell us, that the event has proved the futility of that apprehenfion. The prediction has been verified, and that,
perhaps, in the ftricteft fenfe. All that could be meant by the affcrtion was, that the then pofieflbrs, and their
posterity, muft be undone, and their inheritance taken away from them, and become the property of other men.
It could never be their meaning, that the land could run away, or ceafe to be occupied by fomebody. At pre-
fent, that is above 70 years after the revolution, one tenth part of the lands of England is not po fit fled by the
pofterity or heirs of thofe who poffeffed it at that period of time ; and if the extermination ("as it may be
juftly termed) is not univerfal, it is only becaufe there were a few overgrown eftates ; fuch as the Devonfhire,
Bedford, Curzon, &c. which have been proof againft the wafte of luxury and taxes.
Suppofe the Turks were to over-run England, it might certainly be affirmed with propriety, that, if we did
not drive them out, England muft be undone ; and yet, if they fhould prevail, the land would ftill remain,
would ftill be occupied and cultivated, and poffibly the trade of England would receive fome advantages from
the favour of other Mahometan nations, who have been cuftomers for the woollen and moft other manufactures:
and it is more than probable, that a greater proportion of the property of the country would remain in the
poffeflion of the original inhabitants 70 years after fuch a conqueff, than is now to be found in the pofterity of
thofe to whom it belonged at the revolution. As the caufe, I mean the public Debt, ftill fubfifts, by its amaz-
ing magnitude, the prefent pofieflbrs muft not expect a more durable eftablifhment. Was the plague to rage
in a city and all the rich to perifh, the poor would get pofleffion of their lands, houfes, and effects ; but if the
infection continued to prevail, they would foon make way for others in their turn.
We have feen that our debts and taxes have arrived at fuch a height, that the nation hath at length fuffkient
caufe to be alarmed at the danger the monied interelt in particular ought to be fo, feeing they are liable to be

the firft that will feel the fatal effects, provided they do not beftir themfelves to procure the fpecdy redemption
of their monied property. The weight of taxes thereby occafioned upon trade and navigation, may one day
be thought to render their property fo highly detrimental to the public interefts, that future bad minifters may
take it into their heads to attempt to annihilate all their principal, by an abolition of the funds exifting for their
annuities ; for if the public debts and taxes fhall not be put into a train of more certain and more expeditious
ftate of redemption than they feem to be in at prefent, and thereby the latter fhall be lefiened, they will both
afltiredly increafe-, and if they fhall continue to increafe, they may become infupportable ; and when things
fhall be brought to an extremity, it may occafion fuch convulfions in the ftate as may conduce to the taking of
fuch violent meafures as otherwife might never be thought of. In a like extremity, when the clergy had
inoToffed too large a fhare of the property of the country, Henry Vlll. was obliged, for the relief of the people,
to feize on their temporalties, and has fince had the general approbation of the nation for fo doing. Our
continuance in the increafe of public debts and taxes will reduce the nation to a condition much more intolerable
than we were in before the days of Henry VIII. becaufe the clergy contented themfelves with pofieflions in
land, without pretending to a fhare in the general induftry of the people, as the monied intereft muft have,
and be intitled to, in confequence of fuch increafe of taxes upon taxes.
As to a violation of laws and public faith, it may be in vain to urge thofe in cafes of extreme necefiaty. The
firft of all principles is that of felf-prefervation ; nor could the ties of law and public faith be ftronger in favour

of fund-holders now, than of the clergy at the reformation. As to public credit, we fhould have no more
occafion for it, fince people, relieved from fo oppreffive a burthen, would, on any future emergency, by fub-
mitting to the former taxes, be better enabled to raife money within the year, than they can do under our
prefent circumftances ; and the greateft advantage of abolilhing the debt would be, that it might fee u re us
againft running into debt for the future.
Should it be faid, that it might be dangerous to drive fo powerful and fo opulent a body of people as the pro-
prietors of above 130 million todefpair true it is, they are powerful at prefent, while they po fiefs fo large a

fhare of national property, and their cry is loud, becaufe they are pofllfied of fuch vaft treafure but if they ,

Ihould be (tripped of that, as would then be the cafe, they muft and would be as inconfiderable, and as little
liftened to, as any o:her let of beggars in the kingdom. We do not fay it would be wife or equitable in any
prince to act this part ; and we are allured, that during the days of the prefent beft of princes, he wll never
1'bc ill State of cur Finances : with a Plan for a more intcr,fling Union between Great Britain and America,
tje. xxxv

fufTer fuch a melancholy cataftrophe to happen j but we cannot anfwer for his fucceffors, nor the
conduct of
future minifters, if the nation fholud be driven to defperation, from tlie incieafed magnitude, weight and
opprcflion of our public debts and taxes.
The monied intereft will naturally infer from what has been obferved, and it has been fo obfervtd on their ac-
count chiefly to remind them, that the greater and the greater the public debts fhall grow, thegreaterand neater
will the tax-incumbrances grow, or the greater and greater reductions of their interelt muft take p!ace, tocreate
new Interest funds for new debts, as we have before noticed, to the difadvantage of the (lock-proprietors,
as well as to that of the nation in general and yet, when we Hand in need of more money, the ftate muft be

fupplied, and 'tis to be hoped ever will, be the temporary confequence as it may.
Dangers of this nature have been fuggefted to attend the monied-intereft ; and thofe not only in the manner
above intimated, but by other injurious projects to which the ftate of defperation might drive a nation fo circum-
ftanced. It has been obferved, that the French, fince the year 1613, have, in order to decreafe their public

debts, and to reduce the prices of their commodities, by frequent enhancements of their money, varied the
relation between filver and commodities that is, they have altered the meafure of value ; by which means,

they do not give half fo much filver for a day's labour as they did an hundred and fifty years ago. At that
time they coined about eighteen livres out of eight ounces troy-weight of fine filver ; and now they coin near
fifty four livres out of the lame quantity and yet they now give no more fous for a day's labour than they did

before fuch enhancement of their money. Hence it is manifeft, that, from this circumftance alone, their,
labour is fallen two thirds, whilfl: our filver money has remained the fame ; and hence our labour has
received no diminution ; and ought not, and it is to be hoped never will, by fuch like deftructive projects. This
circumftance, however, added to their cheaper way of living, and our enormous tax incumbrances, together
with our arbitrary enhancements on all taxed commodities, will account for the diminution of our trade to Italy,
Turkey, and Spain in particular, wherein the French are our potent rivals, and wherein they willfoon become
fo univerfally, unlefs our public debts and taxes (hall be reduced to a competent degree, as before iignified
throughout tliclc observations. The national detriment that would attend the enhancement of our coin,
would prove highly ruinous to the whole monied intereft, as well as to the nation in general. See our article
Coin, where this matter is put in our intended general light; and wherever we have mentioned this
I-'ren h project, in any of our writings, the reader will pleafc to obierve, that it is only done with a defign to
(hew by what combinations of policy that rival nation is enabled to underfill us, but with no view whatso-
ever to recommend fuch a dcteftable practice to this nation. Projects of this kind are inconfiftent with the con-
flitution of our government ; and we hope that our public debts and taxes will never be fuffered fo to increafe
upon us, as to make any luch kind of defperate meafures ncceflary to prevent which is one principal view of mv

labours, by alarming the kingdom now in time of peace, of the intolerable magnitude of their incumbrance, and
thereby exciting 10 the Ipcedy reduction of our taxes, by every pollible meafure that can be deviled ; and par-
ticularly to apprize the monied intereft to contribute all in their power to fuch an abolition of taxes, as may not
put the nation under the necefilty of practifing any means for leflening the public debts that fhall be repugnant
to the public faith, or any way detrimental to their intereft in particular, as they are likely to be the mod
deftrudtively and the moft immediately affected thereby and certainly they are the whole clafs of people who

are the bed able to prevent fuch calamity, while their property and their power fhall continue fo great as it at
prefent is. Is not this motive fufficient for them in time to take what has been urged in their behalf in
good part ?

The monied intereft, we fay, is more particularly concerned to take care that their monied property be put
into a more certain ftate of redemption than it hitherto has been, as well for their own greater fecurity as
that cf the ration. Can be anxious about what they thcmfclves fhall
they expect that the nation will
be indifferent ? We have feen the danger wherein their great eftates may be, provided debts and taxes are
not reduced. It has been feen, that it is no better than a political amuiement, to pretend to discharge any

part of tiil public olbts without the reduction of taxes; we have feen likewife, that all re-
ductions of intereft have been thrown into the finking-fund, and that this fund, inftead of being made
a debt, or a tax- redeeming fund, for the decreafe of national taxes, hath become only a public debt and
tax-increafing fund, by furnifhing intereft money the more eafily for fuch detrimental practices.
We have had fifty years experience of the efficacious operation of this fund to eafe the nation. In-
ftead of that, are we not the worfe for the exiftence of any fuch fund at all ? Have not our debts and taxes
been by the means of that fund rendered fo immenfely enormous as they at prefent are ? For whatever hath
facilitated the means of raifing luch immenfe fums as have been railed, hath made miniftcrs the more profule
and extravagant of the national treafure, and ever will. Such facilities rarely prompt to parfjmonious mea-
fures, but ftimulate to exorbitant dillipation. We
have feen the enormous height to which our annual
supplies for the current fervice in the time of peace alio have arole ; and that they all ultimately terminate on
the commerce and navigation of the empire ; that our annual, no lefs than our perpetuated luppiies, fall
moll heavily thereon ; even without thofe additional enhancements that traders in general are obliged to levy
upon the nation, by the increafe of the general prices of every thing throughout the kingdom We have
feen to what an amazing burthen thefe muft inevitably amount, even exclufive of the poor's tax, and all
other parochial taxes and turnpikes on our trade. We
have feen, that the weight and opprcfilon of our taxes
are amply fufficient to account for the exceffive prices of all Englifh commodities, without having recourfe
to any temporary caules which have likewife contributed thereto this caufe alone, confidered in all its con-

fequences, is adequate to all our prefent grievances ; and this is a (landing, a durable, not a temporary
caufe ; and without the removal of this caufe, the effect cannot ceale ; it will grow worfe and worfe, and the
national calamities more and more intolerable.
The annual ballance in trade that we pay to the Eaft countries is, at the fame time, a drain of national
treafure we ought not on any account to admit of, if we can poffibly prevent it. cannot fupport it. We
The other conftant drain of treafure that we fuftain on account of our public debts to foreigners, is another
additional grievance that tends to our greater impoverifhment. Does not common policy direct that
fuch mighty drains may ceafe ? And yet they feem to be never thought of by our very minifters of ftate,
whofe duty it is to dofo What will not the prefent high price of gold and filver a'arm them ! Will not
! !

Will not ******** ***

thefe barefaced deftructive phaenomena roufe the nation from its lethargy !

To contribute to bring about thefe happy confequences, we have recommended a more interefting union be-
tweenGreat Britain and her American colonies; we have prefumed tofketch in what manner fuch'a further union
might take place, and advantage.
to their reciprocal benefit We have fhown how fuch an happy union, car-
ried to its fullmight fo inrich the nation as to enable us to leffen our public debts and taxes, and thereby
augment our commerce and navigation with our plantations more and more, by reafon of the greater cheapnels
of Englifh commodities. When thefe national meafures fhall be duly purfued, our colonifts will increafe in
their importation of them from us, and we in our importations from them. This will inlarge and cement the
defirable commercial union, and nothing elle can or will effectually do it. have (hewed by what eafy We
means thefe things may be accomplifhed We
have (hown that the fame duties may be levied upon our ad-
Vol. I. i ditionai
xxxvi The ill State of our finances : with a Plan for a mere inter efiing Union between Great Britain and Ame\ ka t

imports that are now levied upon thofe detrimental ones from the Eafl countries and cllV
di'tional plantation
where lb that the revenue cannot fuffer in this reipect, by the propofed change of meafures
, We have
fhown what additional and extenfive a circulation of trade may be carried on between Great Britain and Ame-
rica by fuch meafures efpecially between her and her continental colonics
; have feen in what manner We
that commerce and navigation may be inlarged between the continent and the iflands, to their mutual ad-
From the increafe of our ifland commerce in America that feems to be promifed by our additional territories,
we may expect conliderable benefits efpecially if well regulated free ports fha!l take place, confident with the

act of navigation. We have intimated that our American trade is our own trade, and under our own con-
troul and government, and if wifely regulated by this kingdom, may and will anfwer ends of infinite emolu-
ment to this nation regulated as well to the advantage of the colonifts as the mother kingdom to fuch a
; ;

decree, perjiaps, might the fame be carried, that this nation might in time become not very anxious as to any
other branch of maritime trade that fhould not be apparently and unqueflionably profitable to the nation as wel!
as the trader-, and therefore this commerce is an object well deferving the mod attentive legifiative care and con-
cern. By cultivating this trade to the pitch it will admit of, will furnifh innumerable articles for re-exporta-
tion to ail European world, and augment our maritime power, and bring in treafures from every
parts of the
quarter ; itamazingly increafe our wealth and our maritime prowefs as it will detach us from all com-
will :

mercial connections but fuch as fhall be evidently beneficial to the ftate j fo it will never fubject us to the ca-
price and infults of other potentates for whenever they fhall ufe us ill, by the infraction of commercial trea-

ties or otherwife, we fhall have nought to do but to return the treatment in a commercial way that is to fay, :

if they fhall impede and obftrudt our trade with them in any unjuftifiable manner, we fhall refent it in the
like manner, without having immediate recourfe to the fword.
On the contrary, every ftate will be the more
cautious how they fhall dare to quarrel with us, when they fhall behold us in a kind of ftate of independency
of trade with them all, and in a capacity to right ourfelves at any time, upon any kind of injurious treat-
ment that found policy fhall direct to refent with our whole national force. And when we fhall arrive at this
happy ftate of commercial independency, as it were, who have we to fear ? What power, or what com-
bination of powers will prefume to difturb our tranquillity, efpecially if fome other points fhall be regarded
that we may hereafter, if our other avocations fhall admit of it, fuggeft ?
The increafe of navigation and maritime power between the mother-kingdom and her colonies, may be-
come very great it may really become unfpeakably great, by means of the commercial union fuggefted and
, :

as we fhall then get into the fure track of difcharging the public debts and annihilating taxes, what will hin-
der but likewife then the happieft commercial union may take place between Great Britain and Ireland ? For
nothing hath hitherto obstructed that meafure, but the immenfity of our debts, and the enormous burthert
of our taxes. When once our tax incumbrances fhall be duly annihilated ; and whenever, in confequence
thereof* all Englifh commodities and manufactures fhall be reduced in price to a level with thofe of our
competitors, may not Great Britain, Ireland, and her American plantations, become fo happily united, as to
bid defiance to almoft any combined power that may dare to mal-treat or infult us ? Thefe are the days
that every true friend to his country ought to rejoice to fee ; and till the due reduction of our debts and taxes,
we cannot expect to fee, for more reafons than I chufe to mention and although I am perfuaded, that I fhall

not be thanked for what I have faid that gives me no manner of concern independency is the ftate I enjoy, and
, ,

fhall ever endeavour to maintain ; perfons in other conditions giving themfelves no trouble to repreient things
in their true light, private interelt fwaying them to the contrary, or to be quite indifferent about public affairs,
while they enjoy their lucrative pofts of profit and honour.
Then it is we may expect to fee the enhanced price of provifions and every thing elfe fall, to the comfort
and relief of the induftrious Britifh artifan and manufacturer, and to the renown and glory of the Britifh em-
pire. Bread alone is infufficient to comfort the laborious heart they muft have meat alfo, and in plenty

too, in order to replenifh their exhaufted ftrength ; yet it is at prefent fo dear, that even perfons of middling
fortunes can hardly afford a joint of the beft for their families. Does not this merit the moft ferious atten-
tion of legiflation ? Is not the worft of confufions always to be expected from an oppreffed, a ftarving, and

a defpairing people ? Does not all hiftory fhow the tragical effects of the prevalence of want and famine, and
prove that it is impoffible to retain the obedience of any nation, while the people's bellies are empty ? Will
not people deftitute of the comforts of life, refufe to be bridled by laws ? Will perfons in that forlorn con-
dition be reftrained from violence, by fentiments of regard for fuperior condition ? Has not this been lately
exemplified by our neighbours in Spain, where the general cry of the people feems to be againft the govern-
ment for impoverifhng them ? Will not the fame caufes have the fame effect every where ? -Is it not full
time to remove the caufes of general difcontent in this nation ?
In Greece, Italy, Perfia, and Egypt, whenever the public was obferved to be affaulted by real or artificial
famine, officers were employed both at home and abroad, to buy up the neceffariesof life wherever they could
be obtained, at the molt reafonable rates, and convey thofe inettimable commodities, at the public charge, to
the unfortunate cities where want raged, that the fubjects might not be traded out of their lives and domeftic
quiet, by engroffers, foreftallers, and regraters. All wife miniflers have always looked upon it as a matter of
the laft importance to pay a capital attention to the wants of capital cities, becaufe the working multitudes
affembled in the fervice of a large metropolis, can neither want, nor provide for themfelves. Why is every
proper arrangement that can be made, till our taxes can be abated, neglected, to prevent the enormous price
of butchers meat in our markets? The virtuous and humane may propofe aflbciations of private men to
provide for the wants of the public. Such defigns are laudable, and merit every poffible private encourage-
ment. But 'tis to be feared, that no attempts of this fort will be crowned with the wifhed-for fuccefs, till a
national reinforcement can be obtained againft national evils. The fame is the cafe at Birmingham ; wheat has
been latefy near double the price it was about twenty years ago fo has beef, mutton, pork, veal ; alfo cheefe,

butter, &c.
We hear the fame melancholy accounts from the manufacturing towns of Leeds, Halifax, fVlan-
chefter, &c. Thus our own induftrious poor, who by their labour fupport our manufactures, and even the
kingdom itfelf, are in feveral parts almoft ftarving alive. Will not people, prompted by the irrefiftible force of
hunger and nakednefs, endeavour, by fome means or other, to get redrefs? May not calamities of this na-
ture create a kind of defperation amongft his majefty's fubjects, and the confequence prove of the moft dan-
gerous nature, if not foon put a flop to ?
If miniflers are at a lofs to reduce our moft burthenfome taxes themfelves, that opprefs the oppreffed, whjr
do they not employ and reward well, thofe who are able to do it in their ftead '? 'Till this can be done by
fomebody, why do they not put in execution what they have in their immediate power, to put a ftop to mo-
nopolizers, foreftallers, and regraters? It will not be faid, that it is not in the power of the legiflature to ef-
fect this. Why then do not our miniflers lay the matter before them without delay ? Why have the moft
fulutary meafures that can be thought of been delayed fo long ? Can any thing be unequal to the vvifdom of
a Britifh parliament? Though we cannot be of opinion that the removal of thofe caufes, which we have
termed temporary, will be ftnking at the root of our grievances, yet ought not every thing be done that can
rhe ill Shite of our Finales : with a Plan far a more inlbrejling Union between Great Britain and America, &c. xxxvii

be towards the lower. n- the prfi - of provifions in tlie fird place, to pacify the map; of the working people,
tillthe molt effedboal meal ires ;h..!i b I ll eh to ledfefi the public debts and taxes ? U not the burthen of
neat eight millions a year, befltfeS the vail expencc of collection, burthen fufflcient for the nation to
in time of peace, without bearing our cnoimous tax incumbrances for public debts a!fo moreefpecially when -,

it is confidered, that the whole weight of national burthens fall upon trade, as the ultimate Teat ^un J that
fupports all other ?

Let any impartial man duly confuler, what cannot be too often inculcated, to what an intolerable height
our enhancements upon enhancements dill further augment the valt national expencc and to what a dill ;

greater degree our poor's rax, and all other heavy p.irochi taxes incumber the whole commerce of the king- .1

dom and then let him judge, whether this caufc alone is not adequate to every calamity the kingdom at

prelent groajas under ?

'Tis no compenfation to the nation to attribute the caufeof our misfortunes to this or the other adminiftra-
tion we may complain upon this head to eternity, without redrefs. I las it mended, or can it mend public

affairs, merely to turn out one miniftry and put in another raw and unexperienced ? Can chancres alone
amonglt men of power relieve the kingdom from millions of the national taxes from which it requires to be
relieved ? Has granting fome great men penfions, the Ions and relations of others places upon places, contri-
buted one jot to render the nation more profperous and more happy ? Has not this political farce been too
long acted to bear being brought upon the ftage any more ? Is not fuch date-craft grown quite ridiculous
in the eyes of every wife and upright man ? Does it not incline every one to think, that nothing more is
meant thereby than mere miniderial fcrambles for places of profit and honour? Mult not this prove a crreat
affliction to the belt of fovereigns ? Would he not enjoy a far greater fhare of complacency and confolation,
we repeat it again, had he lefs indead of more lucrative places to bellow, fincc they occafion fuch eternal
wranglings, intrigues and detractions in the nation ? Is it not Jcandalous to behold fuch numerous profitable

places fan! to be in the gift of the crown and yet the whole power of bellowing them wrefted out of the royal

hands by over-ruling cabals and intrigues, that feem to care as little for the honour and dignity of the crown,
as they do for the felicity of the people ? But if a Uriel fcrutiny is made into the poffeffors of all places of
truft, honour, and profit, faid to be in the gift of the crown, for it is no more than a fay-fo, on whom fhall
we find them bellowed, and for what public fcrvice have they been beftowed on the poffeffors "in mod reigns ?

Have they been given to men who have deferred them-, who have done any real fervices to the foverei-n
or the nation ? Was this matter duly enquired into, where is the lift of thole fuperlative patriots who have
laboured to keep the kingdom free from debts and taxes ? Inftead of recollecting any large catalogue of
the names of thole worthies, I confefs myfclf at a lofs to think of one fingle great perfonage, who has for
many years filled any of the great polls of profit and honour, that has diflinguifhed himfelf in preventing
thofe grievances the nation now labours under. Were we happy enough to have been bleffed with but a few
of thefe, we could never have been reduced to the condition we are now in. On the contrary, it would be
no difficulty tofurnifh, within my own time, a very large lift of perfons, among whom, and their relations
and dependents, many millions upon millions of the public trcafure have been amaffed, together with great
titles of honour. But where are our celebrated financiers, who have annihilated our tax-oppreffions ? And
wherein conlills the public virtue of heaping tax upon tax upon the nation, which has heaped calamity upon
calamity upon it, till we are brought to the date we are at prcfent in ?
The fyftem of multiplying debts and taxes is now carried to great lengths ; and our ftatefmen will not be con-

vinced it is carried to its full be out of our power to carry it further.

extent, till it fhall But if we are to wait till
that very day comes, before we fha!l begin to think of changing the fyftem, will it not then be too late to do it ?
How far diliant that very day may be, is no great difficulty to prejudge, from the feveral national fymptoms,
that are lb llagrant at prefent. What other prognoftics of its near approach would we have, than what we at
prelent experience, and are rcprefented through the courfe of this fhert difcourfe ?
The prelent money fyftem calls aloud for reformation for this, added to the accumulated force of what has

been here urged, occafionsthc magnitude of our public calamity, by the exceffive high prices of every thing
in England , from thofe of provifions in general, to thole of all other commodities and manufactures.
If the effects of that great paper circulation which is now carried on in the nation be duly confidered, we
fhall find that to be a caule that contributes to the evils ; we complain of and
indeed is a neceffary effect pro-
ceeding from our mighty public debts and taxes. The price of labour, and the value of commodities, it is
evident, would not be the lame in this ifland, when there is twenty millions of pounds in circulation, as when there
is forty millions of paper but as the monied intereft has arofe to the pitch they are, and in confequence thereof

paper circulation has become fo very extenfive, it has created this artificial kind of circulation. Add to this,
the greatnefs of banking carried on in the kingdom, by the filent but inceffant iffuing of notes this has more ,

than doubled the new coined current fpecie of the ifland confequently a crown will not go further than half a

crown would have gone formerly. Thus they have in a manner flrippcd the landed gentlemen of a great part
of their incomes, as one thouland a year is now of little more value than five hundred pounds, through this
artificial increafe of paper money for the price of labour and commodities has arifen in a fafter proportion

than the landed gentleman's property has been improved.

If we examine the extent of this circulation, we fhall find it immenfe. It has been computed by fome ju-
dicious perions, that including our national debts, and every other kind of paper currency, there are notes
exifting in this kingdom at prefent, in the proportion of twenty, or rather twenty-four pounds in paper, for
every pound in gold and filver. Almofl the whole of this artificial fpecie has been coined, year after year, by
private perfons ; and opportunities of loans to the government has been the very inlet by which they have in-
finuated their nominal money into circulation. Neither the whole of the gold, nor of the artificial fpecie, is
kept up currency ; but from the flighted attention to money-matters at prefent, we may perceive, that
in actual
there above ten times greater quantity of the latter kind of money ufed, than of the former. All fums of

one thoufand pounds, or upwards, are now paid almod wholly in paper. It is nearly the fame with fums of
one hundred pounds nay even fhopkeepers and tradefmens bills, of twenty or forty pounds, are now gene-

rally paid in bankers notes. The ltewards of noblemen and gentlemen, in the r'emoteft parts of the ifland, '

receive the rents chiefly in paper: and it is even faid, that a very few years ago, for fome time, cer-
tain copper-plate preffes have worked off many hundred of notes a day for circulation. Does not this de-
monflrate the neceflity of redraining fomehow the power of fuch artificial coinage in the hands of monied
men, who feem not to care how ibon they unnerve the nation, provided the public diftrefs will afford them an
opportunity of enlarging their fortunes ? While there is a malady fubfifting in the date, corrupting its very
blood, in vain do we attempt to reflore health by mere palliatives. If we Would effect a cure, we mud apply
remedies to the very root of the evil.
This renders the order of monied men a very dangerous nuifance, indead of an ornament, ftrength, and advan-
tage, to the kingdom. May not this, in time, conduce to their ruin, inllead of their further aggrandifement at the
public expencc ? Formerly we had no confiderable monied men out of the order of merchants and undertaking
xxxviii The ill State of our Finances : with a Plan for a more interefling Union betiveen Great Britain and America, &c.

manufacturers (exclufive of the gentlemen of landed property-,) but within this half century, numbers have
ftarted up great monied men, without having been concerned in manufacture or traffic, or being poffeffcd of
land. Can fuch fortunes be otherwile railed, than by preying upon the necefficies of the flare, or upon the
indultry of private perfons ? Confcqucntly, Ihould not a bufinefs of fo detrimental a nature be fomehow re-
trained, if no: totally fuppreffed, by every well policed government ? And how can this be moft effectually
done, but by the equitable annihilation of the public debts and taxes, as foon as poflible, and contract no per-
petual taxes for fuch debts evermore ?
.While monied men have been encumbering the flate, and finking the value of money, by their arbitrary in-
creafe of paper currency, the wicked practice of ftockjobbing has added occafionally to the confufion and
diflrefs. The greateft part of the profels'd money-jobbers may not unjuftly be termed public robbers ; for by
their artifices they have, for thefe feveral years part, llripped innocent individuals of more of their property
than all the highwaymen in Great Britain. Their practice is exactly fimilar in its effects to that of houfe-
breakers. A fuppofe, buys iooo/. flock for iocjo/. and locks up his title thereto in the
gentleman, we fhall
fcrutore, or has it Here he may reafonably think it fafe ; yet the event has proved the mif-
legally transferred.
take for the tricks of the money-jobbers fhall have fuch an influence upon its value, that when he offers it for

fale at market, he will find it is not worth quite ycol. Would it have made any difference to this gentle-
man, to have had his fcrutore broke open at home, and out of iooo /. cafh contained in it, to have found 300 /.
carried off by thieves ?
Had no annual loans, the flocks would have ceafed to fluctuate as they have done ; and by the
there been
eflablifhment that ought to take place, they fhould be continually kept up at par, or very near it, till we can
annihilate the whole, even in times of war. This would give new life to trade, fave millions from going out
of the kingdom. Though the flucf uating flate of the funds fhould not really affect the public credit of the
flate, yet iheir inflability and low price tas too frequently given an opportunity to foreigners to draw large
fums out of the kingdom, and tempted many manufacturers and traders to forfake their bufinefs, and go into
Exchange-alley with their money ; where for every eight pence they could purchafe a fhilling, which has
been a greater profit than they could expect by following their occupation. This profit, however, few of
them ever receive for not being able to wait to realize their fhilling, by feeing flocks rife to par, they are ob-

liged, by the neceffity of their affairs, to fell out at much the fame rate they bought in, and find themfelves fuf-
ferers by having neglected honefl induftry. The broker, however, ftill thrives, by a fucceffion of new bubbles ;
but trade, in the mean time, is daily receiving frefh wounds under fuch a fyflem, and that fpirit of induftry,
which is the very life of the flate, by continually fupplying new refources from agriculture, and the labour
of artifts, and the folid arts of commerce, declines more and more into a fpirit of gaming, which fubfifls
merely by devouring the folid refources of opulence.
Part of every new loan is made up by deductions out of the old funds for the money-lenders are gainers

even by felling out of the old funds one per cent, lefs, when they fubfcribe the fame money into a new loan of
two per cent, advantage. The funds, by this means, are kept gradually finking, and the government, on the
other hand, is obliged proportionally to augment its premiums the burthen of all deficiencies being laid atlaft
upon the flate. The public funds are like a granary, with a hole at the bottom. While the grain is drawn
out every day by that opening, it is no wonder that the heap finks down, notwkhftanding any fmall fupplies
that may be poured in at top but if the opening were once flopped up, the granary would foon be filled up,

by the brought to it from all parts.

frcfh ftores
In the like manner, the funds mufl immediately rife, if the government once ceafes to make anv demands
for fupplies from the monied men ; for no part of the yearly expence of government being drawn from thence,
the number of fellers would be very few in comparifon of the buyers, which is always the moft certain means
of raifing the market. If there were to be no transfers or deductions from the funds, but thofe occafioned by
real neceffities of flockholders, lefs than half a million of money brought to market would be fufficient toraife
them to par at any time.
The mifchievous practices of fwellingour paper circulation are far from ending with the war even in time of :

peace, perfons not only affume the coinage, but the fole direction of the circulation of all our paper money,
which is a power too great to be left in the hands of private men, who are every day extending it more and
more, to the great prejudice of the flate. Though the bad confequences of this paper coinage have never
been attended to at home, yet the colony of Connecticut have not only remarked them, but guarded againft
them by a wife law, which ordains, " That any society, presuming to emit or issue bills of cre-
" utterr of such bills shall forfeit double the sums." Douglas's Summary of American Affairs,
vol. II. p. 200.
If bankers are fuffered to proceed without any kind of legal controul, at this rate they alone will be in pof-
feffion of all the gold and filver in the nation in which cafe, exclufive of the great power they would ac-

quire, trade would be as much burdened by an over-abundance of paper fpecie, as it is at prefent by taxes.
Bankers, at prefent, by iffuing notes, draw all the cafh to themfelves, which they offer in loans to the go-
vernment ; and as thefe loans are paid at eight or ten different payments, it renders it ftill more eafy to keep
up their arbitrary paper circulation.
According to the vulgar prejudices, indeed, loans often or twelve millions have been raifed for fome years
together, from the mere favings of our wealthy traders ; but this opinion, from what has been urged, mult
appear to be falfe and abfurd in the highefl degree.
Befides the opportunity which a loan affords to the bankers of iffuing notes, which exift as fo much paper
wealth, and lie as a burthen on the flate till they be redeemed by parliament, that is, till the debt be paid off.
The fway and influence of our paper-monied men, as things have been unhappily managed for the nation,
have been very formidable but is not that entirely owing to their being made ufeful engines to the flate, to

multiply the public debts and taxes ? What would their power and intereft be, if they were not fupported by
their connection with the government ? Should the government wifely detach themfelves from their old fyflem
of raifing money, they would become of all men the moft dependent; for as the richeftof them have iffued
more paper obligations than they can well anfwer at certain times, inftead of being able to check others, they
will be checked themfelves, with the perpetual apprehenfion of fuch runs upon them far cafh, as might end
in the ruin of numbers. This would force them gradually to abridge their dealings in paper, and turn them-
felves to fome other bufinefs, which would be doubly beneficial to the flate.
It would neither be cruel nor injurious for the flate to oblige any body of men, who thrive by diftrefling the
public, under the appearance of ferving them, to quit their pernicious occupations, and betake themfelves to
lome other means of living confiftent with the welfare of the flate. Hardly any public reformation can be
effected, without interfering, in fome meafure, with the private intereft of individuals but that is never :

thought any juft reafon why fuch reformation fhould not take place. At the conclufion of the war, a hun-
dred thoufand men were turned out of bread ; that is, were deprived of their then means of fubfiftence, and
6 compelled
The ill State of our Iinances : with a Plan for a more interefling Union between Great Britain and America, tic. xxxix

compelled to look for fome other but this was no reafon why the war fhould continue for ever, Idl thofe who

made it their profeffion fhotild want employment. When the ale of printing wai invented, numbeilcfs perfons
got their living by writing. This had no weight againft the encouragement of the arc of typography, fince it
has been judged in all well-policed countries, that as many, or mure, might get their living by piintino-, as
ever had done by writing, and the world become infinitely better inftructed. The intereft of watermen^who
ply on the river Thames, was oppofed to the general conveniency that would arife from the building of Lon-
don, Weitminfter, and Blackfriars bridges, and others ; yet thefe ufeful undertakings have not been dif.
couraged in the leaft on account of that trifling objection. The intereft of the water carriers in London, who
were formerly a very nurrieroiis body, was oppofed to the fcheme of introducing the New River water into the
metropolis ; but though it was eafily forefeen that their trade would be ruined, if the rlew fcheme fhould take
place, yet the extraordinary convenience that would accrue to the public, from theconftant and plentiful fup-
ply of water, outweighed all confiderations of the private intereft of thefe individuals, who could earn a live-
lihood by turning themfelves to fome other employment. The fociety of water-carriers, it will be allowed, is
but much miffed in this great city, the inhabitants of which are now better fupplied with water by the New
River company, and the Bridge Houfe, &c. who, for a fmall expence, circu'ate it in pipes through theftreets
and houles, in great abundance. This circulation has been attended with fo many conveniences, that the trade
of the water-carriers has long been rendered ufelcfs and obfulete and to thofe who are accuftomed to think

only of modern times, it now feemsodd that fuch a fociety ever exifted. If ever, therefore, this great point

of paper circulation in this kingdom fhould be duly confidered by the legjflature, as perhaps may fooner be-
come the cafe than many are wont td apprehend, the whole fyftcm may be reformed that we have too long-
been habituated to \ and the intereft of all the monied proprietors may be put upon a more fecure eftabliftiment
than ever it will be withuut it. They will then think well and refpect the memory of all who (hall have endea-
voured to promote the required reformation and it is better it fhould come upon them gradually, as the na-

tional incumbrances might very eafily be lefTcned, than fuddenly, to their intire deftruction. Before the late re-
Volution, there was no diftinftion of monied- intereft, norfcarce a fingle banker in ail London, much lefs a bank-
ing- houfe in every great city ; yet in thofe times trade flourifhed, the people lived in plenty, the prices of things
were in the general extremely cheap to what they at prefent are ; which made our manufaftures find every where
a ready market, and the national llock of gold and lilver kept annually increafing. If the nation could then
profper without fuch paper credit, and paper circulation, which has contributed its (hare to the prefent ftate
of things in this kingdom, why fhould it be thought that it could not ftill flourifh, though we were not incum-
bered with a fhilling of national debt, nor a fingle banker in the nation ; efpecially as our liberties and pro-
perties might then be better fecured, and great improvements added to the arts, and the intercourfe between
us and our colonies likely to be infinitely extended ?
And whether the prevalence of fuch a practice hath not contributed, in conjunction with our mighty tax-
incumbrances, to the prefent high price of every thing throughout the kingdom, may one day well deferve the
moft attentive deliberation of the legiflature for it is to be feared, that this has been none of the leaft grievances

under which the nation hath too long laboured, as it has facilitated the raifing immenfe fums of paper-money
for the fervicc of the government, and thereby made it eafy for minifters to increafe the public debts and taxes
to the height to which we have feen they are arrived And it is now full time toconfider, whether this uncon-

trouled arbitrary augmentation of paper circulation, to fuch degrees beyond the folid wealth of the nation, will
not one day fo bloat the kingdom with imaginary treafure inrtead of real, that the whole paper fabric muft
at laft inevitably blow up, if it is fuffered longer to prevail without any fort of legal check or rcftrainr.
And if to the vart ftretch of private paper credit and paper circulation, we continue to add the ftill further
increafe of public debts, we ffull, at length, certainly arrive at an immenfe degree of paper riches. While
iuch forts of paper wealth and paper circulation (hall be deemed as good as folid gold and filver, and merchan-
dize of every kind, we have nothing elfe to do but to multiply this fpecies of national treafure and if we :

can only devife ways and means to pay intereft for paper public debts, both abroad and at home, with paper,
what have we to do but to coin on ? Ari admirable fyftcm to grow rich as faft as we pleafe There can be !

no end of fuch a Babel of treafure we may tower it to what height we pleafe ; the larger the fabric grows

the firmer it will be the more our public paper debts* as well as private, augment, the fafer will fuch mo-

nied property become. This will doubtlefs be the infallible way to render every thing as cheap as wc pleafe,
and the nation moft formidable, without further trouble !

Notwithftanding what has been reprefented, the affairs of this nation are very far from being irremediable ;
yet we judge it requifite to apprize our rulers of the difficulties with which* we apprehend, they have to en-
counter, to the end that they may be the better prepared to fubdue every obftacle to the common profperity,
and the more fpeedily take every proper ftep to ad offenfively and defenfively againft any enemies that n\xy
deferve chaftifement from this nation;
We have at prefent a notable foundation laid in America for the moft beneficial commercial union between
Great Britain and her colonies a union that might be as glorious as interefting, if it fhall not be obftructed

by a weak adminiftration, but forwarded by a wife, an able, and an upright one. And on whom can the
kingdom fo fecurely confide to accomplifh this happy defign as a tried, a faithful* a wife, and a fuccefsful
minifter a minifter beloved by the people, and will ever render his fovereign univerfally fo, while he himfelf

mall retain the confidence of the people the minifter, whofe weighty interpofition at once united the hearts

of the Americans with their mother country ? Can any minifter be prejudged fo likely to carry the dtfireable
commercial harmony between this kingdom and her plantations to its pirch of fupreme reciprocal emolu-
ment ? No man in the nation is fo fit to bring about this great work and this event alone will conduce to :

bring about many other we ftand in need of. It will rectify our affairs at home as well as abroad. For if
his majefty fhall ^racioufly condefcend again to place the great commoner at the head of his affairs, what is
it he will not be able to effect* if through his means a coalition of men of the beft abilities fhall act in con-

cert with fo wife and fo weighty a guide at the head of public bufinefs, and an end is put to minifteria! cabals,
intrigues, and diffractions ? Such then may the Jaft peace become, if duly improved, upon the principles here-
in fuggefted, that we fhall have no lefs reafon to efteem the peace makers and the peace improvers, than the
fuccefsful war conductors.
The improvement of the laft in America
to the utmoft ftretch of found policy, is the great point
this nation has to purfue ; and wifely done, a reform in the money fyftem may foon be
if that is fteddily
brought about, under an adminiftration of apparent public virtue and true public fpirit, let whoever will be at
the head of it. And it is to be hoped, that we have many wife and good men in the kingdom fit to be fo,
fhould the great commoner not chufe to be fo, and be rendered by any means incapable of fo important jv
truft, in the opinion of a wife fovereign, and the voice of his loyal and well-intentioned people.

The End of the Firs.t Preliminary Discourse*

Vol.1, *


Animadversions on the Foundation laid for a more interesting Commercial Union between
Great Britain and British America, by the Definitive Treaty of Friendship and Peace
between his Britannic Majesty, the most Christian King, and the King of Spain, con-
cluded at Paris the 10th Day of February, 1763 To which the King of Portucal acceded

on the same Day :


Of the good Effects And Consequences such Union may have towards the better enabling
Great Britain to redress the National Grievances represented in the preceding Preli-
minary Discourse :


Considerations upon the Conduct of Great Britain, with respect to Alliances with Euro-
pean Potentates to preserve the said Peace, or to carry on War, when the same shall

be needful.

FROM what has been urged in the foregoing difcourfe, fome may imagine that it is not very likely
to have any good tendency to preferve the prefent tranquillity ; inftead of intimidating thole po-
tentates difpofed to break through it, fuch a melancholy reprefentation of the affairs or" this king-
dom, may rather encourage a rupture than prevent it.
Be the confequence as it may, fuch premonition will be of utility. If the reprefentation of our affairs therein
given be true, could it anfwer any wife or good end to conceal it? Will it not, on the contrary, apprize
our rulers of the difficulties they have to encounter and will not that the better enable them to make provi-

fion, in time, for the purpofe ? If they fhall prove falfe and groundlefs alarms upon due examination, and
that we have no fuch grievances to redrefs, of which we have complained, fo much the better >, our rulers may
pafs them by as a kind of political romance ; and they will have the lefs trouble upon their hands. But
great care mould be taken that they are not deceived themfelves inftead of the v/riter. If he happens to be
fo, the fallibility of a private man is not to be wondered at, and the confequence is of little concern ; but if
men in power, if thofe on whom the nation, and his Majefty depend to redrefs every public grievance, fhall
difregard what it is their duty to enquire into, can we admire that a general difcontent fhall fpreacl itfetf
throughout his Majefty's dominions? Can v/e be furprized, that our gracious Sovereign has no fooner made
choice of one let of minifters, than he fhall experience the neceffity of taking another into his royal fervice ?
For if minifters fhall be difinclined or indiffererit about enquiring into the true caufe of general murmurs,
complaints, and diffatisfacYion in a ftate, how is it pofTible that they fhould ceafe ? The eternal changing of
minifters will never change the ftate of the national grievances it will increafe, inftead of redrefs them 5 and

therefore minifters are more obliged to them who lay the caufes of public maladies before them, than to
thofe who fhall ftifle or palliate them : can the ftate-phyfician cure ftate-diftempers, unlefs the caufes fhall be
expofed to his view? Can he preferve the affections of the people, or of his Sovereign, without he is able
to effect the cure ? He deferves neither the one nor the other nor will enjoy it in this kingdom.
And how
can he expect it? How then can we be furprized, that the nation fhould be diftracted with changes of men in
power, when the people do Rot experience relief, relief fufficient to render them eafy, contented, and joyous,
inftead of the reverie ? No minifters can reafonabiy expeft to fit eafy in the feat of power, nor any fovereicrn
enjoy complacency of mind, unlefs the people do fo too, iri this kingdom.
National ferments will fometimes fpring from imaginary, and not real caufes -, thefe are only temporary
in free ftates, and fubfide When the caufe comes to be difcovered. The prefent difcontents of the people
feem to proceed from caufes every way adequate to them, in our humble opinion ; and therefore, until thofe
caufes fhall be competently removed, 'tis greatly to be feared, that general murmurs, difcontent, and diffrac-
tion will increafe in the kingdom. I could heartily wiili and rejoice at my miftakes, as a private man, de-

lighting in the general happinefs of my country. 'Tis from no other motive I write as being unpaid, un-

penfioned, and unplaced I write not to diffract,

: but to conciliate men in power to unite in a coalition of
abilities and refolution to ftrike at the root of the public evils ; for many there molt certainly are, and I am
willing to believe I have exhibited the principal. But it is not talking or writing of them that will cure
them, though thefe are previoully neceffary for if our rulers are not convinced of the caufe, they can never

be able to cure them : if they are once convinced of that, they will prefcribe themfelves the method.

Left the foreign enemies of this kingdom fhould prefume to take advantage of the prefent ftate of our
affairs, and break the peace, I take the liberty to fay they will molt affuredly repent it, far more than they
have yet done the effects of the laft war. For there is nothing reprefented as a grievance in all v/e have
urged in the foregoing difcourfe, bur what, in our humble opinion, is to be redreffed, and that foon too, not-
withstanding they may be judged otherwife. We apprehend that one fure foundation for that purpofe is
already laid; we mean a foundation in the ftate of our American affairs, as the arrangement thereof has been
adjufted by the laft definitive treaty of 1763. This is our private fentiment and 'tis upon this foundation

we would defire to be understood, that we aim at the firm eieclion and eftablifhment of that further com-
mercial union we have attempted in thefe difcourfes between this kingdom and Britifh America. This
ftep, 'tis conceived, carried to its due extent of policy, upon the general principles we have before fuggefted,
will prove the iecondary foundation, whereon the mutual profperity of the mother-kingdom, and her colonies,
may be laid for the redrefs of grievances in both.
Should it be faid, that this is a work of long time, before it can ripen to fuch maturity as is requifire fo
to inrich the kingdom, as to enable it to reduce our public debts and taxes to any degree to be fenfibly felt
by the people: ytc arc oi a contrary fentiment i more efpecially if the proper coinciding fteps be alfo taken
in England to co-operate the more immediately and the more powerful to promote that happy commercial
Union v/e would intend.
But if our minifters fhall once rcfolve upon die general meafure, and our Northern colonifts fhall determine
to act in concert with them, in fome fuch manner as has been intimated, every requifue ftep may then be
previoully thought of to render whatever we have in view effectual.
Foundation laid t>y the Peace of 763 for the more inter-ejling Union between Great Britain and
America, &fc. xli

And if once France, and her allies in the family compact, (Kail find that we are in earneft to promote
the propoled union to the utmoft, they will, doubtlefs, endeavour to thwart it, and that
by an infraction of
the l.ilt treaty of peace, and an open rupture.
We (hall, therefore, at prefcnt, enquire how far it may be prefumed to be in the power
of France and
Spain to defeat our intentions.
In our former dilcourfe we have fhewn the poffibility of the independency of the Northern
colonics from
their mother-kingdom, provided a more interefting commercial union fhould not take
place berween them and
this nation. Bur, as we fhall prefume, that no wife meafure will be left untried to prevent an
event of that
kind, as well on the part of the colonies, as on that of Great Britain, it may be necefiary to
confider how
and in what manner the foundation has been laid by the definitive treaty of 1^63, to conduce to
the further
commercial union, the better to anfwer the purpofe hereby honeftly dcfigned.
By the DEFINITIVE treaty of 1763, all Canada, and its dependencies, the river St. Laurence, the coafts
of Acadia, or Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, are ceded and annexed to the crown of Great Britain. .

Hereby is fecured ro this nation an uninterrupted intercourfe to the gulph and river Sr. Laurence all
ifiands contiguous thereto, and to the (traits of Belle-Ifie. This, together with our freedom of navigation
and from Hudlon's Bay, renders us formidable in this part of the world.
By the cetfion of all Canada, and its dependencies, to this kingdom, and the very triflinir pofTeflions the
French at prefent enjoy of the fmall ifiands of St. Peter and Miquelon, for a fhelter only for their fifher-
men at Newfoundland, cannot enable that nation to annoy us from thence in any of the territories of Canada
and its dependencies. Stripped as France now is of the territory of Cape Breton, called very properly
the Dunkirk of North America, as well as that of Newfoundland, they arc deftitute of every place, by the
means whereof, they are not capable to rendezvous any formidable nival power to do us anv reat injury in
this part of America, if we fhall take due care to keep all our territories in thofe parts in a proper plight and
condition, and be able to lultain our brave Americans with a due degree of maritime force.
And although the fame definitive treaty grants the fubjects of France the liberty ci" fiihing and drying on
a part of the coalls of the ifland of Newfoundland, fuch as is fpecified in the thirteenth article of the treaty
of Utrecht, which is renewed and confirmed thereby, except as therein excepted, &c. yet as they have no
place to refort to where they can form any degree of marine or military force, they being limited to a o-iaard
of fifty nien only for the police in the fmall ifiands of Miquelon and St. Peters, what hinders but we c n
at any time, when they fhall break treaties with us, deprive them of" this fifhery fjr ever after? So that as
fhe will be in no condition in thole leas to refill us if a clue union fhall be prefcrved between this kingdom
and North America, we, on the contrary, (hall be able to do them the greatelt mifchief by turning them uitp i

out of this valuable fifhery.

By the celiion of Canada to the crown of England, and extirpating the French, we have alio fecured to
us the interna] navigation of all the great lakes and rivers within the extent thereof, arid. hereby laid the fureft
internal foundation in North America to raife a more numerous race of fcamen than we ever -ad there be-
fore :and ,the navigation of the gulph and river St. Laurence, and all our other dependencies upon Canada,
will admin ifter conllant employment for a great number to be employed externally as well as internally.
Had not the cxtenfive and valuable territories of Canada been fecured to us by a free navigation to and
from the great gulph and river of St. Laurence ; or had the French been left any other poffeffions in this
part of the world, except the trifling ifiands of St. Peter and Miquelon, without force, we might have been
liable to their infults or interruption ; but now we never can be (o t without being enabled to chaltife them for
any infolent condudt to us in thofe leas.

Whence it fliould leem, that France will not be able to prevent or interrupt our further defirable commer-

cial union between this nation and this part of North America, without being likely to fufTer aneternal de-
privation of the privilege of fifhing in thofe feas at all. And what Briton would not rejoice at this ? To
what degree would not our gallant North Americans exert themlelves to difpofifefs them for evermore of that
liberty they long to enjoy to themfeWes, in conjunction with the reft of their fellow Britons ? France have al-
ways been lofers by waging war with us in America and they will be infatuated to tljink they fhall be gain-

ers by another, let them attempt it as foon as they will.

By the definitive treaty we have likewife fecured to ourfelves the fafe and uninterrupted navigation to and
from all our other colonies on the American continent, as w.-ll from Spain as France. By fettlements at Mo-
bille and Penfacola in Florida, and our rightof navigation into the great river MifTifippi, in the other gujph of
Mexico by our fettlements likewife of St. Auguftine and St. Mattheo, in the gulph of Florida, together with our

fituation at the Bahama ifiands, and at Georgia and the Carolihas, we nolt certainly fhall be far better able to
protect and defend our fouthern continental colonies from any attempts cf the Spaniards, than we were be-
fore, if due care is taken of them for that purpofe. And as we fhall be able to do tins, fo we are alio in a bet-
ter condition to ad offenfively againit Spain than ever we before were in the gulphs of Florida and Mexico.
Have we not therefore lb well fecured all our North American colonics by dint of a free navigation to and
from them, as to afford us more encouragement than we ever before had to enlarge and cement a more in-
terefting commercial union with them ? Were we not fo lecured by the navigation to and fiom the three
great gulphs, we might be difcouraged to make farther attempts to extend our union with them ; but the defi-
nitive treaty has left us every motive, and every incitement to do it to the utmoft of our power. So that as
our North American colonies are fecured to the more northerly parts from France ; fo are they from Spain to
the more foutherly. For although fince the conclufion of the faid definitive treaty, France has agreed to
transfer New Orleans to Spain, for latent confiderations, we apprehend will foon appear, yet we cannot look
upon fuch a ftep as difadvantageous to this kingdom, the Indian nations not being fo much under the influ-
ence' of the one as they have heretofore been under the other ; there, indeed," having been an inveterate an-
tipathy between them-and Spain, inftead of a friendfhip bctwixrthem and France..
'Tis true the Spanifh American territories are nearer to ours On the continent than they ever were before :

and are not ours nearer to theirs ? May we not regard this rather as an advantage than otherwife ?
"We being now lituated in the gulph of Mexico, as well as that of Florida, will not this in time of peace
more facilitate our trade with this part of Spanilh America, than when our dominions were at a greater dif-
tance ? In times of war, do we not approach nearer to La Vera Cruz ? Are we not more contiguous to the
Spanifh Mexican mines of treaiure ? And will not the freedom of navigation in the MifTifippi give us ad-
vanu. over the Spaniards here, when occafion may ma'.e it eligible to take it ? May not our adjacency

to the Havanna render its conqueft now more eafy than ever it was before ? Though we, no lefs than the
Spaniards, once thought that key of the Spanifh wealth invincible, yet Spain, to their lofs, have experienced
it otherwife and what has happened may again more probably, from our nearer and our flrongcr neighbour-

hood thereto ; and more efpecially when a more formidable union between Great Britain and North America
fhall happily take effect. Can the Spaniards hinder it ? We fay, they now are not near fj able as they were
before we poffefied the Floridas, the right of navigation in the Mexican gulph, and to and from the MifTi-
fippi ; they are not fo able to do it, while we have the ports of Mobille and Penfacola in that great gulph,
and thofe of St. Auguftine and $t. Mattheo, in that alio in the gulph of Florida. Are not alio, in confe-
5 .

Jclii Foundation laid by the Peace of ijS^for the more inter efiing Union between Great Britain and America, ist.

quence hereof, the Bahama iflands become of more importance to this nation than ever we knew them be-
fore ? When we be at war with Spain, is not the Havanna at prefent, as it v-ere, quite furrounded
with Britifli dominions and Britifh power ? And are not thofe dominions from their natural contiguity more
able to give mutual aid and affiftancc to each other, and therefore to render the whole Britifh maritime power
more formidable in this part of the world than it ever was before the laft definitive treaty of 1763 ? Port
Royal, in South Carolina, together now with the ports of St. Auguftine and the Bahamas, arc all fo contigu-
oufly fituated, that they can foon give affiftance to each other. Carolina- Port Royal is capable of receiving (hips
of any fize or number; and thefe, with (hips ftationed at St. Auguftine, and cruizers at the Bahamas, now
lie conveniently not only to guard our northern colonies on this fide, but to affemble a maritime force, when

occafion, to attack any enemy in thofe parts.

The Spanifh galleons or flota, from the Havanna, in their paffage through the Gulph of Florida, may now
be eafily intercepted by South Carolina-Port Royal and Auguftine, aflifted by fuch
a fquadron ftationed at
private advices as the cruizers belonging to Providence may conftantly be able to furnifh them with : but
there is no inftance of the king's (hips ftationed at Jamaica having ever intercepted the Spanifh galleons or flo-
ta in their return home) for they have either had notice from Jamaica before a Britifh fquadron appeared, or
when they have feen our (hips cruizing for them, they have lain fafe and quiet at the Havanna till the Englifh
have been tired out and retreated through ficknefs, or for want of provifions, or elfe carried with the ftream
through the gulph, and then the Spanifh fleets have loon followed and efcaped us. Is not likewife our fitua-

tion at Mobille and Penlacola, in the Gulph of Mexico, more likely to catch the flota from La Vera Cruz to
the Havanna than ever it was before ?
Britifh (hips bound to Jamaica from Great Britain or Ireland, or the plantations on the American continent;
or from the coaft of Africa, infiead of paffing through the Gulph of Florida; where the current is ftrong
againft them, or through the Windward-Pafiage, which is equally hazardous, (hape their courfe fo as to fail
down fo far fouthward, till they arrive fomewhat eaft of the Caribbee-iflands, in a parallel latitude with Ja-
maica ; to which end they generally make the ifland of Antigua, or others in that neighbourhood, from whence
they alter their courfe due weft, and bear away with the trade wind to Jamaica. But when fuch (hips arc
homeward bound to Europe, or the northern colonies on the continent of America, they have their choice of
two courfes, viz. either through the Windward-Pafiage or through the Gulph of Florida.
From clearing the weft point of Jamaica to the weft of Cape .St. Antonio, in the ifland of Cuba, the (hip
has the advantage of the trade-wind upon her (larboard quarter all the way ; but when (he doubles Cape St.
Antonio, and changes her courfe to bear away for the Gulph of Florida, which is in the teeth of the trade-
v^ind, (he then lofes much more time and way than (he had gained in her quick paffage from Jamaica to the
leeward of Cuba and while (he has been thus beating againft the wind between the coaft of Cuba and the

Gulph, (he has been in great danger from the Spanifh guarda coftas from the Havanna j and fuppofing (he
efcaped them, and was juft entered the Gulph, (he was (till in danger from the coaft and current of Florida.
Now we are in pofieffion of Penfacola and Mobille in the Gulph of Mexico, and St. Auguftine, we can difpatch
cruizers after them, and intercept the Spanifh trade or their guarda coftas much better than ever we could
before ; whereby the navigation from Jamaica is rendered more fecure. Befides, next to being in actual pof-
feffion of the Havanna itfelf, we are now as happily fituated as we need be, as well for our own fecurity as to
annoy the Spaniards.
There is no other homeward courfe* except that through the Windward-Pafiage, in which the trade-winds
blowing continually from eaft to weft, and the moft difficult part of this paffage being from Port Royal point in
Jamaica to Morant, which is directly againft the wind, often detains (hips for a month or fix weeks together ;
and even after that, many have been forced to return to Port Royal in Jamaica, and pafs through the Gulph of
Florida^ So that as our moft confbnt courfe of mercantile navigation is through the Gulph of Florida, fo
likewife is that of the Spanifh flota and galleons, though the latter have fometimes fleered through the Wind-
ward-Pafiage ; but the unwieldinefs of thofe (hips making it rather more difficult than private merchant (hips,
they very rarely chufe this paffage.
Upon the whole, therefore, our fettlements as well in the Gulph of Mexico as Florida, confidered ar pre-
fent in conjunction with thofe of the Bahama iflands, and thofe of Georgia and South Carolina, feem to be
happily fituated, as well to intercept the Spanifh treafure in the galleons and flota, in their courfe home to
Old Spain, either before they may reach the Havanna, or when they (hall fail from thence for Europe.
Next therefore, as obferved, to our being in pofieffion of the Havanna itfelf, we could hardly be better fituated
for the purpofe of fuch interception of the Spanifh American treafure ; efpecially if we wifely embrace every
other advantage we may enjoy in thefe parts, in confequence of the laft peace, however badly it may have
been reprefented by many, who do not feem to me to have duly confidered the benefits we may derive from
it by our prefent whole American fituation.
The reafon for my obfervations hereon at prefent, is owing to the confideration of the prepared ftate Bri-
tifh America is now in for the commercial union herein fubmitted. For if our colonies were not in that ftate;
of fecurity the laft peace left them ; if the French or Spaniards continued fo fituated on the continent of North
America as they were before the laft war, and we were liable to the fame perpetual diffraction by their machina-
tions with the Indian nations, we could not have that encouragement we at prefent have to attempt that cxten-
five commercial union we have fuggefted in the foregoing difcourfe. As we fliall increafe the trade on that con-
tinent, we (hall find more commercial employment for the Indian nations in general , for we cannot profper
but they muft do fo likewife ; and when once the arts of agriculture, planting, and raifing every produc-
tion which Great Britain (hall find it her intereft to encourage, the Indians themfelves, as well as the Euro-
peans, may naturally fall into the like, there being fo clofe a connection and affinity with the prefent Indian
way of life, and thofe of agriculture, planting, &c. The wants of the Indians may, by good policy, be in-
creafed, and this inftigate to their efforts to fupply them-, which, together with intermarriages between their
people and our Europeans, will create a defireable incorporation between them. This will produce harmony and
affection, inftead of fcalping and wars ; they will experience more felicity to arife from fuch amicable and
commercial connections than they ever did from the reverfe. May we not, therefore, prefume, that the whole
face of things will foon be entirely changed on this continent, when a due commercial union (hall be promoted ?
The Indians alfo may as eafily be induced to ftrike into the employment that will be afforded them, by a
very extenfive inland navigation, as from a great increafe of agriculture, hufbandry, and planting, &c. 6cc
it is an eafy tranfition from hunting to agriculture and planting, and from fifhing to a trading navigation.

By the more interefting commercial union between this kingdom and North America, we may create fuch an
Univerfal fpirit of commercial induftry, as well amongft the Indians as others, as will infpire univerfal love and
amity amongft the people in general and if wife regulations are made to prevent every fpecies of the wonted

fraudulent impofitions upon the Indians, they will become one united people with us. This will remove the
common caufe of thofe broils and mifunderftandings we have too frequently had with thefe people.
On thefe confiderations it very clearly appears, that we are better fituated than ever this nation before was, to act
offenfively as well as defenfively againft Spain, in America-, and in the former in the mot important manner, and
to the moft important purpofes. For as affuredly as we took the Havanna itfelf, fo certainly are we better able
6 now
Foundation laid ly the Peace 0/1763 for the more intercfling Union between Great Britain and Jnuxica, (Jc. xl:i i

now to retake it than we ever before

were, from the circumftances of the preceding account. The contiguity
of the lit nation of our molt ioutherly continental colonies is fuel), that we may have aid much fooner, and
much more formidable, from the continent in thofe parts than we ever had ; and we may do much greater exe-
cution there againft Spain than we could ever before do. From the Carolinas to the Floridas, we are in a
ity to raile a more confiderable land and maritime force than was ever before in our power, from
rica alone and, therefore, may we not reafonably prcfume, that we fliall be able to do more execution againft

the Havanna itleif in a few months than heretofore we have been ever able to do till the laft war? Nay,
upon any future rupture with Spain, it is to be hoped, that we fhall level our whole maritime ftrenoth, as well
from the American continent as from Europe, directly againft the Havanna \ this being the fhort cut to
chaftife them at once effectually, and by no means to trifle with oui felvCs or them at all in Europe. Will not
this ever prove the lead exptnlivc, the fliortcft, and the molt forrni lable way to deal with that nation, without
fpending our ftrength ellewhere ? Will not this conduct in Great Britain be far more eligible then e'en wait-
ing for the interception of their flota or galloons ? For they may keep them a tedious while locked up in their
Other Spanifh American ports at a great uncertainty to us and therefore at a great expence to us, in waiting

for them whereas, if we once again poffels ourfclves of the Havanna, how can that nation be able to get

home their American treafure ? Or, how can they with fafcty bring any from Old Spain to New? With
the grcateft difficulty will they be capable of doing either and when the whole currency of this Spanifh trade

ihall be flopped Up, and obftructed, what will become of the Spartifll revenues ariling from this the mod va-
luable part of their whole commerce ? By a refolutioh in the court of London to level the whole of that force
the Britifh nation can apply againft Spain, in any future rupture with that nation, wholly at once againft the
Havanna, we do more execution againft that nation, when they fliall deferve it, in one twelvemonths,

than in our former dilatory and vague ways of dealing with Spain we have done in fome years in fuch a :

condition has the definitive treaty of 1763 put this kingdom with relation to that of Spain. And may net
fuch management lave us millions upon millions of expence hereafter, which heretofore we have expended
to right ourfelvea againft that infolent Spanifh nation ?
As by means of the advantageous fituation we at prefent have in North America, we are better enabled
to take the Havanna again when that point fliall be refolded on by the government of Great Britain; fo is
there not the grcateft probability thai we Hall not be difappointed in our attempt ? Have we not now
fafe contiguous harbours for our fleets to fit and refit ? Can we not reinforce them as we fliall have occa-
fion, as much and as expeditioully as the Spaniards fliall be able to guard or to defend themfclves at the
Havanna ? Are we not at prefent better able than ever we were to furround fuch part of the ifland of Cuba
as fliall be conducive to our luccefs, as well from Jamaica, as from Port Royal in Carolina, the Bahamas,
St. Auguttine, Penfacoia and Mobille ? Can we not give afliltance all "1 from our logwood fettlement in the
river Baylis, if that fettlement be made the proper advantage of? Can we not likewife very eaflly take pof-
feflion from Penfacoia, and elfewhere, of the bay of Campcachy and from thence carry a great maritime

force to the Havanna? In fhort: while the Havanna fliall be open at top, as our brave Admiral faid for-
merly at the taking of Gibraltar, what is it that our gallant and magnanimous Briiifli fejimen and foldiers
will not chearfully attempt and fucceed in ? What is it they will not accomplifh, if wifely conducted by har-
mony between our and land officers, under a wife adminiftration, which fliall engage them by encou-
raging rewards to exert themfclves ? By fuch like animating meafurcs, whatever is poflible to be done, by
the braveft of men, we may take for granted will be done. They have been lately accuftomed to conquer;
and what is it they will not determine to conquer under an adminiftration they have been wont to conquer?
An adminiftration beloved at home, and dreaded abroad; an adminiftration judicious in the choice of officers
of every kind to conduct our forces officers tenacious to fupport their honour as Britifh feamen and foldiers ;

determined to live in triendfhip, and unanimoufly refolved on victory ?

We do not flatter ourfelves with impoffibilities the prefumption of fuccefs, we may, with great truth,

fay, is more probable than ever, becaule we are better fituated to obtain it than ever of the Spaniards. And
are we not in the like circumftances with relation alfo to Fiance in North America, as we have before briefly
fliown ? Well then as we have icen thatFrance is not in lefs danger on a future rupture with this nation

to lole for ever the privilege of the Newfoundland fifheries, from the happy fituation we are in, by virtue of the
definitive treaty in America: fo is Spain of loflng the Havanna for ever on the like occafion. Perhaps,
France may think this a vilionary idea, that may appear plaulible upon paper only. We pretend tonodivina-
tory gift of prediction but we hope we are not difpoffeffed of that of common fenfe, which furpaffes every en-

thufiaitic phantom. Let them judge from numerous things we foretold, from the principles of common fenfe,
for many years before the la ft war: whether we are likely to be miftaken in our future, if they and Spain
force us into one foon again. And this, we conceive, they will do and fo fure as they do, they will rue it.

For notwithstanding the prefent ftate of our domeftic affairs may look with a melancholy afpect, from the re-
presentation given of them in the former Preliminary Difcourfe, yet, we know, that every grievance, as before
intimated, therein complained of, may be redreffed and that foon too to their forrow. And although they

may pleafe themfclves with our prefent minifterial diviflons and think this the proper time to take advantage

of us ; let them remember, that all Britons will unite to fcourge them when there fliall be occafion for it.
This their great minifter Richlieu ever forefaw, though weaker ones may nor.
We are happy in the enjoyment of the liberty of the prefs we are happy even in the abufe of that liberty ;

was it for no other reafon than to deceive our enemies; for 'tis obfervable, that they rarely diftinguifn the
difference between party and national writings. All we write is for the national fervice, having nothing to
do with party diffractions of any kind and if we put our rulers in mind of any grievances, 'tis only from a

motive to have them redreffed not to lliow that it is impracticable.

: We, however, fliall have no reafon to
be forry if our enemies fliall make another ufe of them than what we intend ; they will repent it. Will nor.
their lofs of Jamaica, and their lofs of the Floridas, and our gain of them, and the ports of St. Auguftine,
Penfacoia, and Mobille-; and our gain of the freedom of navigation to and from the Miffifippi, make Spain
dread the further confequences of quarrelling with Great Britain ? Let France too remain infenflble to their
lofl'cs of Canada, and all its dependencies, of Cape Breton, the iflands of St. Johns, Mifcou, Richlieu, &c.

&c. &c. let them remember that they are now poffeffed only of the trifling iflands of St. Peters and Miquelon
in their own right, and the privilege of fifliing at our will and pleafure under Britifn reftrictions and let them ;

judge what chance they will ftand to retain this privilege upon another rupture with this nation ; and they
muft be infatuated to quarrel with us foon again.
We not only behold with pleafure, the ftate of affairs at prefent in all North America, and the ability we
are there in to act offenfively as well as defenflvely, but we view alfo the riling condition of our new acquired
Ifland territories in America.
By the definitive treaty of 1763, the three iflands of Dominica, St. Vincent, and Tobago, are yielded
in perpetual fovereignty to the crown of Great Britain, and the ifland of St. Lucia is ceded to France, in
exchange for the ifland of Granada, with the Granadines, and all their dependencies, which are alfo for
ever yielded to this nation.
Vol. I. 1 Such

xliv Foundation laid by the Peace of 1763 for the mere interesting Union between Great Britain and America, tSc.

Such is the fituation of the ifland. of Dominica, that befides the immediate afliftance it may receive from
our ancient ifle of Barbadoes, a refpedtable fquadron, on the firft appearance of a rupture with France, might
be fenc to Prince Rupert's Bay for its protection ; and will ferve as a place of arms, and the rendezvous of
our forces from all parts of the Well Indies; and from the nature of its fituation, the whole of the French
commerce in thefc parts will inftantly become precarious, and all their fettlements lie at British mercy.
The ifland of St. Vincent is fnuated directly to the leeward of Barbadoes, and may in a few hours b;
reached from thence; and is, at the fame time, fo feated, as to cover and connect the i'mall iflands that lie be-
tween it and Granada. By the ifland of St. Vincent, Great Britain has likewile gained an additional check
upon the French inland colonies in general ; and particularly on that of St. Lucia. There can be no mealurc
taken there, of which we may not have immediate notice; and if we confider the fituation of this ifland in
refpect to that, and the reft of the French iflands, now that Granada and all its dependencies are become Britifh,
it is apparent that we may from thence eftablifh a cruize ; by which the French may be effectually blocked up,

or at leaft deprived of all commerce in cafe of a future war. This ifland may likewife ferve us for a place of
arms, by which forces may be tranfplanted from the other adjacent iflands, and embarked very conveniently
for our future expeditions in this part of the world. It alfo contributes to cover and connect all our other pof-

feflions, that together we have acquired by the peace ; and from thence reinforcements and fupplies may be
fent with equal eafe and expedition to Dominica.
Tobago, the mod remote of all our new acquired iflands in America, being fituated near to the Spanifh
main, is an advantage that may tend to render this ifle of important utility. It may open to us a correfpon-

dence with the free Indians, who live upon the continent ; and who would be glad to have commerce with
us ; and with good management we might thereby make an acquifition of people as we have done of coun-
try. From hence we might be able to annoy the Spaniards, as well on the ifland of Trinidada as on the con-
tinent, if we fhall find it worth our while in time of future war, as they have done us from that Spanifh
ifland during the laft war.
Another advantage we have gained by the definitive treaty, is that of annexing the ifland of Granada to
the crown of England. By our molt accurate accounts, it appears to be about twice as large as Barbadoes,
larger than St. Lucia, St. Vincent, or Tobago. The harbour, which lies^ to the north-weft end of the ifland,
and is called the Carenage, the harbour of Port Royal, or the Old Port, has been always reckoned one of
the beft harbours in the Weft Indies, as poffefting almoft every advantage that can be defired. It is fo capa-

cious as to hold, with eafe, afquadron of twenty-five ships of the line, where they may ride with perfect
fafety, in refpect to wind or weather. In time of war, this ifland will give us very great advantages againft
the Spaniards no lefs than the French :and if it fhould fo happen, that by a multiplicity of fervices, our naval
force fhould be fo divided as to leave us only an inferior fquadron in thofe parts, the Carenage would afford
us a fafe retreat, without obliging our fhips to quit that ftation :a circumftance well worthy our regard, of
which the French availed themfelves often, fo long as this ifland remained in their pofTefTion. Nor fhould it
be forgot, that our ifland of Granada, and its dependent Granadines, are free from hurricanes ; to which alfo
our ifland of St. Vincent is feldom expofed.
By the arrangement of things in the Weft Indies, in confequence of the treaty of 176*3, there is not now
an ifland fmall or great there, the right and pofleffion of which is not duly afcertained. By virtue of this ad-
juftment, we pofiefs a new and considerable province in the West Indies, compofed of iflands well
fituated; as well for the mutual protection of each other as for their offenfive annoyance of an enemy ; and
for their general intercourfe with Great Britain. This new diftribution of territorial property has brought us
much nearer to the Spanifh main, and this in time of peace may enable us to furnifh them with fupplies of
negroes, and other neceflaries, which they have long received from the French and Dutch. From thefe iflands,
we have in times of war effectual means of keeping enemies fleets in awe, interrupting all correlpondence
between their Weft: India fettlements, and making defcents upon their coafts, let them break with us as foon
as they will.
The French judged Martinico could not be fecure without St. Lucia. They were ftrangely prepofieffed
with the notion of St. Lucia, not to difcern, that we pofiefs in Dominica much more than we could pofflbly
have had, if we had kept St. Lucia. For Dominica lies in the very middle of the channel, between Marti-
nico and Guardaloupe, to the windward of the laft of thefe iflands, and not fo much to the leeward of the for-
mer ; but the vefifels can eafily fetch the road of St. Peter, which is its principal town and port from Domi-
nica. Wehave alfo in that ifland, to leeward, Prince Rupert's Bay, and to windward the Great Bay ; fo that,
having Barbadoes to the windward of all, and Antigua to leeward of Guardaloupe, it is fcarce poflible in time
of war, that either trade, or supplies, fhould get into thefe French iflands. Dominica is of large extent,
and great natural ftrength ; and may be defended againft any force St. Lucia is fo acceflible on every fide, that

it mult of neceffity fall to a fuperior maritime force. Dominica will ferve to cut off the communication be-
tween Martinico and Guardaloupe in time of war, and reduce the inhabitants of both thefe French ifles to the
laft extremity.
Upon the whole : it appears, that the proportion between the property, and confequently between the power
of Great Britain and France in the Weft Indies, is now extremely altered to what it was before and fince the
conclufion of the peace of 1763. Our property, in the former period, compared to theirs, was no more than
one to five whereas 'tis now as near as ten to fifteen, or nearly as two to three. If, therefore, when we were

in fo much a weaker ftate, we were ftill able to protect, even the fmalleft of our iflands, during all the late wars
between the two crowns, and in a condition to conquer almoft all theirs ; fhall we have any reafon to fear when
we have acquired fo large an acceffion of united force in the Weft Indies ?
Befides: the fituation and difpofition of our iflands give us, in refpect to France, ftill greater advantages.
Our northern iflands will remain what they always have been ; a perpetual check on them on that (ide. Do-
minica lies, as fhewn, in the very center of their pofTeffions ; fo as to command and diftrefs the navigation
equally of Martinico and Guardaloupe. At the fouthern extremity again we have Granada, and its depen-
dencies, connected with St. Vincent ; from whence we have an eafy correlpondence with Barbadoes, and a num-
ber of lafe and commodious ports, whereto our fleets may at all times refort all which confiderations, taken

with their united force, may banifh the apprehenfions of danger, either to our old or new colonies in thefe parts,
ip cafe of another tupture with France.
From this concife view of our prefent fituation, in point of fecurity, to act defenfively and offenfively
againft the united powers of France and Spain, both in North America, as well as in the Weft Indies : what
can Great Britain have now to dread from thofe mighty potentates ? We
have little to fear from thefe nations
but they have every thing to fear from the due exertion of the force of Great Britain once more being turned
againft them both.
But what Avill they not have to fear, from the additional commercial union proposed to be made
between Great Britain and her North American, and her ifland colonies ; and as well between thofe of ourBritilh
colonies on the continent as our iflands ?
After this view of their fituation for defence and offence, we fhall now give an idea of the additional com-
merce we may derive from our new acquired ifland colonies.
3 Dominica

Foundation laid by the Peace of r/Cj for the more vilcrefling Union between Great Britain and
America, &c. xl /

Dominica is a large Mand,

twenty eight Fnglifh miles in length, and about
at leaft
t thirteen in breadth,
in circumference about tinny leagues. It is not interfered by large
inlets of the fea, as many others, both
of the larger and Idler of our own, as the French Welt India iflands are, and
of" courfe contains more land
Some have judged It near twice as large as Barbadocs, and the French eftcern it near half the fize of
nico. The climate in general is reputed wholcfome. The face of the country is rough and mountainous,
wards the lea flde efpecially, and within land, there are many rich and hue vallies, and
fome fpacious and fair
plains. The declivities of the hills are commonly gentle, io as to facilitate their cultivation, and the
foil in
general a deep black mould, and commended tor its fertility, by the Spaniards and
French, as well as the
Englifh. It is well watered, by at thirty rivers ; lome of which are
fpacious and navigable for feveral
miles, the relt commodious fur planting, and variety of fifh. It abounds in all kinds of timber that are
cuftomary in the Welt India illes. Their fruits are luperior to thole in Maninico and Guardaloupe.
both wild and tame, are in plenty, as well as molt lorts of fowl. Ground provifions in general are here
as good
as in any of the other ifles I'm h as bananas, potatoes, maniac, from which the caflada
is made, the common
bread of the Indians, Negroes, and even Europeans.
The fectlements made here by the French upon the coaft were efteemed equal, if not fuperior in produce, to
thole in their own ifles. There are feveral
ports and convenient creeks. On the north-weft end of the
ifland there is a deep, fandy, large bay, well defended by the adjacent mountains from moft winds,
Rupert's Bay, where our armament under the late lord Cathcart lay very commodioufly, and which' was
great fervice to our fquadron in the cuuile of the late war. There is good anchoring-ground alon^ in all the
The Frent h have acknowledged, that fugar, cotton, coffee, cocoa, and indeed every thing, that either they,
or we have been able to raife in any of the other iflands, may be produced in large quantities, as well as in
great perfection in this ifland. As it is greatly peopled already,
induce to^hc difcovery of that mine
ic will
for which this ifland has been always famous, as believing it, from tradition, to be iilver, but what the
French well know to be gold > and though it fliould not be judged expedient to open it ; yet the certain know-
lege of it could do us no injury, as the fame of ic might invite numbers there, and prove of oreat
The ifland of St. Vincent from north
to fouth about twenty-four miles in length, and about half as many

in breadth , fixty, or thereabouts, in

circumference. It is rather bigger than Antigua, and if no larger,
lealt as lar^e as Barbadoes,_ fomewhat fmaller than St. Lucia, and much about two thirds of the bigneis
Dominica. The warmth of the ifland is lb temperated with fea breezes, that it is looked upon as very healthful
and agreeable, and on the eminencies, that are numerous, the air is plealantly cool.
Ihc (oil in general is extraordinary though the country is hilly, and in fome places mountainous.
fruitful :

Amongft the former there are pleafant bottom of the latter fome fpacious and luxurious plains.
vallies , at the
No ifland of the like extent is better watered i from the mountains there defcend rivers, and lefler ftreams run
on both fides from alnioft every hill. There are various fine fprings at a fmall diftance from the fea-, and the
Hopes fo eafy and regular, that there are hardly any, and no Handing waters on the ifland. There are
befides large quantities of valuable timber, as well as good fruit trees ; fome peculiar to this ifle. It abounds
with wild fugar canes, from which the natives make a pleafant liquor corn and rice, and all forts of around

provifions are railed in plenty, and without great trouble. In the fouth part, where the French have railed
fome large and flourifhing fettlements, they have coffee, cocoa, indigo, anatto, and lignum vitx, and very fine
tobacco. They have plenty of cattle and poultry. The rivers are ftored with divers forts of frefn fifh and ;

the lea contiguous to its coafts abounds with thole proper to its element and the general nature of the climate.
Land and water fowl are in great plenty.
With refpect to its produce in general, it bids fair to become inferior to none of the other ifles, according
to its extent and it has many commodious bays on the north and north-welt fides, with abundance of con-

venient creeks and good anchoring ground on every fide. At the fouthern extremity there is a deep, fpacious,
fandy bay, called St. Antonio, where fhips of large fize may lie fafely and conveniently. The French for
feveral years went on fettling, planting, cutting timber, and raifing every kind of Weft India commodities,
except fugar, and carrying on a very lucrative trade to their other iflands, in which a number of fljopa
were employed.
Tobago is thirty-two miles from fouth-eaft to north-weft, which is the greateft length, and where broadeft
is about nine miles, from eart to weft, fomewhat more than feventy miles in circumference. It differs not a
great deal in bignefs from the ifle of St. Vincent, is rather larger than Barbadoes, and of confequence than any
of our leeward iflands. The climate, though it lies only eleven degrees and ten minutes n :rth from the
equator, is not near fo hot as might be expected the force of the fun's rays being happily tempered by

the coolnefs of the fea breezes. 'Tis another favourable circumftance thac this ifle lies out of the track of
There are many rifing grounds over this ifland, but they cannot be properly ftiled mountainous, except, per-
haps, in the nocth-weft extremity, and even there they are far from being rugged or impaflable. The foil is
well divertified being in fome places light and fandy, in others mixed with gravel and fmall flints, but in

the general it is a deep, rich black mould. From the extraordinary fize of the fame fort of trees that giow
in the other iflands and from the trials made by the Courlanders and the Dutch, this ifland is efteemed to be

luxuriantly fertile ; well fuited to the different productions that are raifed in the Weft Indies ; and from the
concurrence of various circumftances, may be wrought with eafe, and is not liable to the blaft, and other acci-
dents, which are fometimes fatal to the moft promifing crops in fome of our leeward iflands.
It is generally agreed, that hardly any country can be better watered than this is. Befides fprings that are
found in plenty all over the ifland, there are not fewer than eighteen rivulets thac run from the hills into the
fea, fome on the eaft, fome on the welt fide. Some of thofe take a ferpentine courfe through the meadows
others pent up by rocky channels, roll with fuch rapidity, as renders them very fit for driving of mills ; buc
there are very few or no morafles or marfhes, or lakes, pools, or other collections of ftanding water, which of
courfe muft render it more healthy, and in all parts of it alike habitable.
Yet this diftribution of frefh water is not more commodious than the difpofition of the bays and creeks of
the fea upon its coafts. At the fouth end lies the bay of La Guira, and at- a fmall diftance the lefler and
the great Rockley bays. The latter of thefe may, with propriety, be ftiled a harbour, for it is land-locked
on every fide, and is very fecure. In this bay, the Dutch and French fleets engaged in the year 1677, m
which engagement the French fhip called the Glorieux, of feventy guns, belonging to the fquadron of count
D'Etrees, was blown up; which fhews that it is capable of receiving as considerable fquadrons, and thofe of
as large fhips, as are uiually fent into thofe feas. To the northward of thefe lies Fat Hog bay, and beyond
that Grand River bay, Great Hog bay, Little Hog bay, and L'Ancre Batteau, covered by the ifland of Little
Tobago. Oppofite to this, on the other fide of the ifland, is John Moor's bay, now Man of War bay,
very deep and Ipacious, with ten fathom water dole to the fhore, with two fine rivulets running into the bay,
xlvi Foundation laid by the Peace 0/1763 for the more inlerejling Union between Great Britain and America, Wt.

it being furrounded by high

where our (hips may careen, with the utmoft cohveniency and greatett fafery ;

hills, come down dole to the more, by which the vcfiels lying there will be effectually (heltcrcd from both
wind and weather. There are alfo ieveral little commodious bays between tins and Great Courland bay, and
Sandy Point bay, which brings us again to the l'outhern extremity of the ifland.
Whence it evidently appears , is in all refpects moft convenient for commerce, and afford
that this ifland
many obvious and extraordinary advantages to provide for and preferve its fecurity.
This ifland is covered with all that vaft variety of valuable timber, that is to be found in molt countries
in the Weft Indies-, many forts of which are no lefs extraordinary in their fize than excellent in their natuje.
The fame may be laid with refpect to fruit trees, and amongft theie there are fome that are peculiar to Tobago.
Such, for inftance, as the true nutmeg tree ? which the Dutch themfeloes, who are good judges, affirm to
have found there. They, indeed, fay it is a wild nutmeg, that the mace is lefs florid, and the tafte of the nut
itfelf more pungent, though larger and fairer to the eye, than the fpice of the fame kind brought from the Eaft
Indies by them. The cinnamon tree grows likewife in this ifland, though the bark is faid to have a
tafte of cloves as well as cinnamon. Here alfo grows that tree which produces the gum copal, refcmbling
that brought from the continent of America, and very different from what goes by the fame name in the reft
of the Weft India iflands.
All ground provifions are produced here in great abundance, as well as perfection. Here likewife are plenty
of wild hogs and other animals, together with large quantities of fowl, and an amazing variety both of lea and
river fifh. Durino- the time the Dutch poffeffed this ifland, which was not many years, they exported large
quantities of tobacco, sugar, cassia, ginger, cinnamon, sassafras, gum copal, cacao, rocou,
indigo and cotton, befides rich woods, materials for dying, drugs of different kinds, and ieveral forts of
delicious fweetmeats. Thus we have a profpect of raifing here all the moft valuable commodities which the
Weft India iflands produce. There is no fort of improbability of our being able to produce a great parr, if
not the variety of spices of the Eaft Indies in this very ifland.

fhall now confider what commercial advantages may be derived from our poffeffion of the ifland of
Granada* and the Granadines. This ifland lies fouth from St. Vincent feventeen or eighteen leagues; fouth-
weft from St. Lucia about thirty-five leagues fouth fouth-weft from Martinico fifty leagues
; fouth-fouth-weft ;

from Dominica fomewhat more than fixty leagues ; weft-north-weft from Tobago thirty-five leagues, or
according to fome charts forty leagues fouth from St. Chriftophers one hundred leagues, and north from the

Spanifh main about thirty leagues. It lies in the latitude of eleven degrees thirty minutes north, the fartheft

to the fouth of any of the Antilles. It is upwards of thirty miles in length, fifteen or fixteen in breadth, in

fome places, though in others lefs, and is about twenty-five leagues in circumference. It is near twice as big
as Barbadoes, larger than St. Lucia, St. Vincent, or Tobago, and according to fome French memoir writers,
contains of cultivatable lands near one-third of what is to be found in Martinico.
Though the fituation of this ifle is warm, yet the French writers affure us, that it is much moderated by the
regular returns of fea breezes, by which the air is rendered cool and pleafant. From the fame authority we
may afferr, that it is wholefome. The feafons are remarkably regular; the blaft has not hitherto been known
in this ifland, and it lies out of the track of hurricanes ; which, with refpect to the fafety of the fettlements on
fhore, and the fecurity of navigation, is an ineftimable benefit in this part of the world.
There are in Granada fome very high mountains but the number is fmall, and the eminencies fcattered

through it are in general rather hilly, yet gentle in the afcent, of no great height, fertile and capable of culti-
vation. The foil is every where deep, rich, mellow, and fertile in the higheft degree fo as to be equal in all :

refpects, if not fuperior, to that of any of the iflands in the Weft Indies, if the concurrent teftimony both of
French and Britifli planters may be relied on.
It is perfectly well watered by divers ftreams of different fizes, and running in different directions, flowing
from a large lake on the fummit of a high mountain fituated very near the center of the ifle. There are fmall
brooks running from moft of the hills, and very fine fprings almoft every where, at a fmall diftance from the
fhore. All thefe rivers abound with variety of good fifli, and are reforted to by multitudes of water fowl.
There are likewife in Granada feveral salt ponds, which have their ufes and their value.
The great produce of this country, at our firft pofleffion of it, was a prodigious variety of moft forts of
timber that are to be met with in the Weft India iflands, which is of no littie advantage. It abounds with
many rich fruits, valuable gums, dying woods, and diverfity of vegetable productions-, fuch as oils, refins,
balfams, &c. which have always born an high price here. All the various kinds of ground provifions, which
are fo requifite to the fubfiftence of Weft India plantations, are here in great quantities, and fome kinds of
grain ripen very kindly in this, which are not raifed at all, or are raifed with difficulty in other iflands. River
and fea fifli are here in great abundance; in refpect to the latter, turtle of large fize and fine flavour, as well
as lamentins. They have plenty of all forts of fowl, and prodigious quantities of game, ortolans, and a kind
of red partridge efpecially. The woods are ftored with many wild animals, that afford excellent food, and
are very rarely met with in the other iflands. They have much cattle; and as their hills yield excellent paf-
ture, they increafe daily.
But the diftinguifhing excellency of Granada does not lie limply in its great fertility, or in its fitnefs for a
vaft variety of eftimable commodities, but in the peculiar quality of its foil, which gives a furprizing and in-
conteftable perfection to all its productions. The sugar of Granada is of a fine grain, and of courfe more
valuable than either that of Martinico or Guadaloupe. The indigo is the fineft in all the Weft Indies.
While tobacco remained the ftaple commodity, as once it was, of thofe iflands, one pound of Granada to-
bacco was worth two or three that grew in any of the reft. The cacao and cotton have an equal degree of
pre-eminence ; nor is this founded fimply in the opinion of the French, but is equally known and allowed by
the Englifh and Dutch.
By memoirs of the French, the true cinnamon and nutmegs are here this ifland, with Tobago, may render

us mafters of valuable fpice iflands. In refpect to fituation, and thofe expofitions that are effeiuially requifite
to the proper cultivation of thofe valuable productions, thefe iflands are every way equal or, if upon making :

the experiment, Granada fhould be found preferable to Tobago, it will be preferred accordingly.
There is good anchoring ground on all the coaft, and many commodious creeks and bays, both on the eaft
and weft fides; which will be infinitely advantageous to commerce, when this ifland fhall be completely cul-
tivated. There two large ports of great excellence, and which deferve particular notice. The firft
are befides
of thefe is the harbour ofCalivenie, at the fouth-eaft extremity of the ifland, and is Angularly fafe and
fpacious. It con fills of an outward and an inward port. The former is rhree quarters of a mile broad at its
entrance, but widens as you advance, and becomes above a mile in extent within. As to the entrance of the
interior port, it is above a quarter of a mile broad, but prefently expands itfelf on both fides, fo as to be
very capacious, and has about feven fathom water, with a toft and muddy bottom; from whence feamen will
judge of its utility. Ships lying here in the utmoft fafety, may from warehoufes take in their lading very

conveniently, and may then with great eafe be hauled into the outer port, which has this peculiar advantage,
9 that
I'aindation laid by the Peace of 1
763 for the more interefiing Union between Great Britain and America, &c. xl vli

hat fhips either come into or go out of it with the ordinary trade wind.
may This port, fuppofincr there wa'*
no other, an ifiand thus fituated, and fo very capable of being improved, would, in a tradino-'nation like
ours, render it a moll important acquifition.
But the worth of Granada mull be highly enhanced, when wt- confider, as before hinted, the other harbour^
which lies at the north-well end of the ifland, and is called the Carenace, the harbour of Port Royal, or die
Old Port, which has been always efteemed one of the bell harbours in the Weft Indies, as p jff-fli.ig aim oil every
advantage that can be defined. It is a full quarter of' a mile broad at its enhance, and, when
once enrered i<?
lb capacious as to hold with eafe a fquadron of twenty-five fhips of the line, where they nny ride in perfect
fafety in refpecf. either to wind or weather. There lies alfo, at a fmall diltance from this port,' a lake of a
confiderable fize, very deep, and which, by cutting through a land bank, might be eafily joined to the port,
and would then make it one of the finclt bafons in the world, and afford all the convenicncies that could well
be wilhed, for careening the largeft fquadron of the largelt fhips that are ever employed in this part of the
world. The benefits that may be jullly expected from fuch a port, that may be fortified to what decree we
pleafe, an ifland fo well fituated, and producing fuch a diverlity of valuable commodities, are fo obvious
that it is needlefs to enter into a detail of them. In time of war it will give us inexprefliblc advantage
the Spaniards as well as the French and if at any time it mould fo happen, that by a multiplicity or" ferried

our naval force mould be fo divided, as to leave us only an inferior fquadron in thofc parts, the Carenage
would afford us a fafe retreat, without obliging our fhips to quit that llation ; a circumtlancc worthy atten-
tion, and of which the French availed themfelves often, fo long as this ifland remained in their poffefilon.
The French, for fome years before this ifland came into Bruifh hands, produced 12,00 h< gflieads of sugar )

annually, befides coffee, cocoa, and a large quantity of excellent cotton. Yet they never f.ttled above
one-half the country, nor received above one-half the profit even that would admit of, had the inhabitants
been better planters, and better fupplied with flaves.
Exclufive of thefe productions, this ifland was of great utility to the French during the laft war, when the
fingle fhips of force they fent to the Weft Indies, with the transports under their care, came reoularly hither,-
with little danger of falling into the hands of cruizers. Here they remained in fafety, and from hence they
fent fupplies of men, ammunition, and
provifions, in fmall veffels, which creeping along the Granadines, St.
Vincent, and Lucia, arrived generally fpeaking fafely in the harbour of St. Peter's in Martinico.
St. In this
refpect, as well as many others, the French will very fenfibly feel the lot's of this ifland, as we fhall the advan-
tage arifing from our poffcflion of it. A Britifh fquadron iiationed here, will certainly be a fevere check both
upon the Spaniards and French in time of war.
From the fouthern extremity there runs a long range of fmall islets, extending about twenty leagues.
Their number is about twenty three, capable of cultivation. Their foil is remarkably rich, and the climate
pleafant. They will afford large quantities of indigo, coffee, and cotton ; nor are they unfit for sugars.
They abound with excellent timber. They were formerly ferviceable to the planters of Barbadoes, who cue
large quantities of mill-timber for their fugar works. But for many years paft the French have not only
prevented this, as injurious to their property, but by ftationing guard-ffnps upon the coaft, made prizes in
time of full peace, of all Englifh veffels they found at anchor there-, and even of fuch as appeared in fioht of
them, which was a great detriment to our navigation. For if veffels bound to Barbadoes, either through thick
weather, or being difabled, miffed that ifland, and run down the fouth of it, which was the common rout, they
came of courfe upon thefe iflands, and fell into the hands of the French guard-lhips; the apprehenfion of
which made them fo cautious, as to render their voyages to that Britifh ifland longer and more tedious than it
now need to be, which inhances the value of thefe iflands.
There are befides thefe, five larger iflands dependent on Granada, covered with valuable timber, interfperfed
with rich fruit-trees, and are capable of variety of Weft India improvements, which render them eftimable.
They are named Carronacou, which has a convenient and capacious harbour, ifle of L'Union, Carmoen,
Moustiques, or Moskito Island, and Beeovya, or Bekia.
The confideration of thefe fmaller iflands led to the queftion, whether they might not, all circumftances cori-
fidered, be more proper for the introduction of spices than even that of Tobago ? The five iflands of the
Moluccas, which are Ternate, Tydor, Motier, Marquien, and Bacham, were fo many fcparate
kingdoms, before they were known to the Europeans. They lie in a line like thefe, and none of them larger
than fome of the five of ours. They have fmall ftraits of the fea between them like the Granadines, bear
the fame trees, herbs, and roots, are fome of them like thofe, deficient in frelh water, and produced ori-
ginally cinnamon and nutmegs, as well as cloves, the ufes as well as the method of cultivating and
curing of which were taught them by the Chinefe, as Dr. Angenfola, who wrote an excellent hiftory of the
Molucca Islands, informs us. Banda, where the nutmecs originally grew, is not above half the fize of
Bekia and Ambovna, to which the Dutch feem at prefent inclined to confine both nutmegs and cloves, is

rather inferior in point of extent to our Granada.

To judge of the true value, and to afcertain the real importance of all our new ifland acquifitions, we
mull view and contemplate them in all their different lights, from which they may eyery one of them become
more or lefs, immediately or remotely, directly or indirectly, affifting to the interelts, increafing the power and
commerce, extending the navigation, and thereby promoting the welfare of Great Britain or, in other words* ,

conducing to the induftry, the independency, and the happinefs of their fellow citizens and fellow fubjecls,
who are the inhabitants of the mother-country.
In virtue of the general arrangement of things by the treaty of 1763, many of our old plantations will avail
themfelves of thofe fupplies of timber, from which they were for many years before precluded. The run-
away negroes will not be able to fhelter themfelves any more in uninhabited iflands, and thofe impediments to,
and enlbarraffments of our navigation, which have often been feverely felt, and in confequence of which fo
many frequent and loud-complaints have been made to almoft every government in our colonies, is now re-
moved, by taking away the caufe. For there is not now an ifland, fmall or great, in the Weft Indies, the right
to as well as the poffeffion of which, is not clearly afcertained.
Our old fettlements will gradually difburden their fupernumerary inhabitants on territories belonging to
their mother-ftate, inftead of reporting, as has been too notorious that great numbers have done, to Danish
and Dutch fettlements.
If we advert to the alterations this new diftribution of territory has made, in regard to the French in thofe
parts, it appears plain enough from what has been already obferved, that they have loft the conveniency of
raifing vail quantities of frefh provifions, as well as very confiderable fupplies of valuable commodities of the
various kinds before enumerated, as belonging to our refpective new acquifitions in the Weft Indies, which
the French conftantly received from thofe that were filled neutral, but fo far as this went, were in reality
made French iflands. They have alfo loft the advantage of felling timber and building sloops, and even
larger veffels in Dominica and St. Vincent, as they were accullomed to do-, and all thefe benefits are now
thrown into the Britilh fcale of wealth, power, and fecurity. Befides, they are deprived of their communica-
Vol. 1. m tion
xlviii Foundation laid by the "Peace of 1 763 for the more interefting Union between Great Britain and America, i3c.

tion with the Indians in the one, and with the Indians and the free Negroes in the other of thofe ifUnds, from
whence they derived, by their own confeflion, iuch Cervices as were productive of variety of advantages, ex-
clufive of the check they kept upon us. They no longer enjoy the turtle and lamentin fifhing round the
coait of Tobago, which wjs their annual bun are now confined
relort, within the bounds and to the coufts of
their own iflands.
Thefe confequences, when confidered together* have given very great advantages to our planters, and
brought very fenfible difficulties upon the French planters, and a larger number of hands for procuring thoft
neceiiary fupplies, which they formerly received in great abundance, with little trouble and very fmall ex-
pence. It will alio follow, as all who are acquainted with thofe countries muft know, that from being thus

Itreightned they are compelled to employ more negroes; and yet, even with this increale of (laves, Ids will
be done in their lugar plantations than formerly, when almoft all their wants with refpect to fubiiftence, and
even with regard to building, were fupplied upon fuch eafy terms, as we have feen. In this fituation likewife
as many vefiels of different fizes were continually occupied in their intercourfe with thofe ifles, with 'which
they can now have no further connections, their navigation of courfe declines.
By the arrangement made, the French have not only loft the additional produce of fugars, coffee, cotton,
&c. of the feveral before defcribed iflands, which taken all together mufc be very considerable, with all title to
any further improvements they have not only loft there, but all the advantages of thoie various fate and
commodious ports before deienbed, as belonging to our feveral new colonies they have loft the fa ility which

they had from thence of fuccouring all their iflands, even when we had iuperior fquadrons in thofe leas, to
which for the future they muft in cafe of future war with us be inevitably expofed. They have alfo been
deprived on one fide of the intercourfe they had with the Spaniards, and muft hereafter run much greater
hazards than formerly, in receiving, when their neceffities fhall require them, fupplies of proviflons and mili-
tary ftorts from the Dutch.
As to the French having St. Lucia, they can receive no great benefit from that ifland, nothing compar-
able to what we do from the reft before reprefented. For that ifland is far from being healthy. It is fo
full of venomous crearures of different fizes, that the French can fcarce ftir abroad but in boots. It is
not only very mountainous, but even the flat country is full of marfhes. Befides, it lies fo immediately within
the view, and under the power of the well fettled colony of Martinico, that without being at a -great expence
in fortifications, and keeping a conltant military force there for its defence, we could fcarce hope that it
would ever have been thoroughly fettled. Jf even with the afliftance of fortifications and a regular force, it
had been fettled by us, it might have been found impracticable to have fecured it, as there are ib many land-
ing places in different parts of the ifland ; and as in cafe of a war, this fmall fettlement would have been im-
mediately expofed to the whole ftrength of the French iflands, fo that the inhabitant? might have been ruined
before any afliftance could have been fent them ; and this, if the county had been recovered, or quitted by
the enemy, would certainly have difcouraged our people from fettling it again. As the cafe now ftands. the
French are liable to all thele inconveniencies ; and whoever confiders the fituation of this ifland, and of thofe
belonging to us in its neighbourhood, and reflects at the fame time on the fuperiority of our maritime force,
will fee, that in time of war it muft be a very precarious poffefiion, more efpecialiy if fo thoroughly fettled as
to make the conqueft of it a matter of much confequence to us.
Our new Britifh ifland colonies, like our old ones in America, muft depend entirely upon vs, and draw from
hence every neceffary, every conveniency that they want, either for their own fubfiftence, or for carrying on
their plantations j and how extremely beneficial this is, and fo confiderable an increafe of commerce muft it
be to the mother-country, has fufficiently appeared.
There can be no room to fear that our new fettlers will not find wherewithal to make confiderable returns,
from the particular valuable Weft India commodities before enumerated to be produced. So that the increafed
intercourfe of trade between the new colonies and their mother-country, as it has from the caufes before re-
prefented began, fo the advantages arifing from it will diffufe themfelves generally over the whole ifland of
Great Britain ; indeed through the whole fphere of the Britifh dominions in Europe, fince very large quanti-
ties of linens and fait proviflons will be exported for the ufe of thofe colonifts and their fervants from Ireland ;
their increafed demand, we may reafonably hope, will, in a great meafure, abforb thofe fupplies with which
the inhabitants of that ifland have hitherto furnifhed the French and Spanifh fhips, and contributed thereby to
their navigation much cheaper than otherwife they could have done.
But exclufive of the benefits flowing from their direct trade with us, they will bring in likewife confiderable
advantages by the encouragement they will afford to other branches of our commerce. The African trade
has received a new fpring from their demands, fince all that they can do at prefenr, or in future, muft chiefly
arife from the labour of negroes. The fupplying them with flaves, therefore, will be a continual iburce of
wealth in that fhape to fuch as are employed in that branch more efpecialiy to thofe who have the largeft

fhare therein, the merchants of London, Liverpool, and Briftol.

This trade is of importance to Great Britain, as it is carried on principally with our own manufactures,
and more efpecialiy with woollen goods of different kinds, to a large amount ; and in all the incidental pro-
fits, exclufive of what is produced by flaves, which arife from our correfpondence with Africa, whether ob-

tained by the purchafe of elephants teeth and gold duft, upon the coafts of that country, or from the fale of
commodities to foreigners in the Weft Indies, finds its way hither. On the winding up of the account, there-
fore, as the fale of the negroes centers in the Weft Indies, the profits arifing from them, and every other ac-
cefiion of gain centers ultimately here, and becomes the property of the inhabitants of Britain. 1

This will appear with greater degree of evidence, when we reflect, that more than the moiety of that part of
the cargo for the African trade, which is not made up of our own goods, confifts of the manufactures of the
Haft Indies. Befides the quantity of India goods employed on the coaft of Africa, there is likewife no fmall
demand for the fame commodities in our old sucar colonies, and of courfe there will be the like demand
in our new.
From what we have faid, we may difcern in what manner the comprehenfive chain of commerce is united,
and in what manner the different products of the molt diftant parts of the world are carried to and brought
from thefe diftant countries in Britifh fhipping and all the emoluments arifing from this extenfive navi-

gation, which will be daily augmented, by our new acceflion of territory, in the Welt Indies only.
And if the further interefting commercial union fhall be promoted to the full degree and extent to which
the fame will now admit of with greater fafety and fecurity than ever it could do heretofore, what vaft emo-
lument muft not inevitably from hence arife ? To what an amazing height in trade and navigation may this
kingdom not arrive by an increafe of the circulation of commerce between Great Britain and her colonies and
plantations in America and Africa ? Nay, will not our Afiatic trade likewife derive great advantage from the
augmentation of general traffic that will hence enfue ? And while thefe fhall go on daily advancing, will not
our European trade receive advantages proportionate hereunto ? Efpecialiy fo, provided in confequence here-
of, we fhall fo increafe in opulence as to become able to leflen the public debts and taxes to that degree as

5 . fhall
Foundation laid by the Peace 0/1763 for the more interejling Union between Great Britain and America, 6fa xlix

fhall make our commodities of every kind cheaper for

exportation, as well our plantation commodities in general,
as our native manufactures in particular: especially, we fay, when our native commodities in general fhall be
reduced to a degree 01 cheapnefs equal to thole or our molt detrimental competitors, by the due reduction of
taxes in this kingdom ?

Theprodigious compafs of this additional commercial circulation, will be efTentially defective, if we fhould
omit mentioning the conftant connection that will fubfift between all the new British sugar colonies and
our new Northern colony acquisitions. A
connection equally neceffary, and reciprocally advantageous
to thol of our fubje&s who fhall be fettled in both ; a connection, that will be ever maintained between them,

by winch the daily in< reafe of numerous fubjects of Britain, who continent of America,
(hall fettle either in the

or in the Weft Indies, to their mutual benefit, as well as that of

mother empire.

The Britifh northern colonies fupply the fugar ifiands chiefly with lumber and provifions, which are articles
capitally lucrative to both. Hereby they difpofe of numerous bulky commodities, derive immenfe advanta-
ges trom their filhenes, fupport an cxtenfive navigation, which is fo much the more profitable to them, as it
is carried on intirely with fhips of the northern colony built circumftances which to the eye of a judicious

circle of this commerce, will place this trade, and all its benefi-
reader, who extends his view to the whole
cial that attend it, in a
very confpicuous and interefting point of light; and convince him, that
nothino- can be either more convenient for thefe people, or more to their profit and therefore, the more the

new ifland colonies fhall take of the northern colonies, the more the new as well as the old northern colonies
will be benefited.
Onthe other hand, the benefits that will refult to the inhabitants of the new fugar colonies, are not lefs
confiderable. They draw all thefe neceffary fupplies from the ncareft, and confequently from the cheapeft
markets-, markets that by the additional advantages they have received by the peace, will become more and
more inexhauftible, more and more plentiful, and therefore more and more cheap on all their productions,
if the additional commercial union fhall take due effect, and upon which our fugar ifiands may always depend
for a cheat) and ample fupply. Thefe are brought to them both by their North American countrymen to
their own doors which is a circumftance exceedingly luitable to their fituation, as it fpares them the pains

and labour requifite to provide them, which would otherwife be a great drawback on their induftry in their
fugar plantations. Thele fupplies they pay for in their own produdtions of another kind, which is a great
advantage, and no obftruction to their different commercial improvements from all which circumftances,

comprehended together, it is apparently obvious, that the convenience of this mutual correfpondence, and be-
nefits refulting from it, arc equally
on both fides, and exactly fuited to the genius, the temper, and the fitua-
tion of the people by whom it is thus
carried on.

By the attentive confideration of this conjunction of intercfts, we cannot but plainly difcern, that by thefe
new acquifitions in the Weft Indies, new markets are opened, to which our new fubjects on the continent
may rclort. Thefe ifiands will more than replace to the people of Canada, the trade they formerly carried

on to the French colonies , and will, a r the fame time, enable our other fettlemcnts
upon the continent, to
find "new cuftomers for all their additional commodities, without leaving them that colour of neceffity which
was the only plaufible excufe they had to plead for fupplying our rivals with the materials efTentially neceffary
to the fupport of their fugar plantations, and of co ri mental in the fame degree to thole of their fellow-

fubiects. Befides, as the increafe of our fugar ifiands affords them the increafe of commerce, fo from their
fituation they will be a great bar to that illicit and injurious trade with the French and Dutch, which cannot
for the future be carried on with the fame facility as it has heretofore been.
As the inhabitants of the fugar colonies are continual purchafers from fuch as are fettled upon the continent
of America, the amount of their purchafes constitutes a ballance from them in the favour of all thofe who

difpofe of them. On the other-Jiand, the inhabitants of the northern colonies, drawing large and conftant

fupplies of commodities and manufactures from hence, we at prefent, for the fame reafon, have a ballance in
our favour aeainft them. And upon the promotion of the further commercial union between us and them,
the mutual fales and purchafes may be highly augmented on both fides, and the general equilibrium of trade
between them rendered more equal than it ever yet has been.
There will be room in our new ifiands for attempting many things, and improving more. The planting
cocoa walks cannot be confidered as impracticable, fince we fee the French have fucceeded in it and fo, no ;

doubt, may we, at leaft in a degree fufficient to furnifh our own and our North American confumption.
We have coffee alreadv in our ifiands, but it would certainly turn to more account if the culture of it was bet-
ter underftood ; in order to which, pains fhould be
taken to be thoroughly informed of the manner in which
it is not at all improbable that the flavour, in which only our coffee is defi-
it is manaoed in Arabia, fince

cient, depends upon the culture and the method of cuiing it. Tea, if we may believe the French, is a na-
tive of the Weft as well as of the Eaft Indies ; in refpect to which it would be certainly right to make due
enquiries, and in confequence of them experiments; and if from thence it fhould, if it is not already there,
it might eafily be carried thither, and a trial
made whether it might not be cultivated to advantage. It
has been no difficult matter to introduce black pepper, rhubarb, and fenna, and leveral other eftimable drugs
are faid to have been railed in the Weft Indies by the curious to great perfection. If the culture of thefe,

and other medicinal plants, were once underftood, they might be rendered profitable articles of com-
merce. The laudable Society for promoting arts and manufactures, have given feveral premiums with refpect
"to farfaparilla, and other things ; and it is to
be wifhed, that thofe endeavours, (o well intended, may have
o-ood effects ; for the increafing the number of our commodities appears to be an affair of no little
The fuccefs attending thefe, or any other experiments of the like kind, might become the means of im-
proving many fpots of ground that would otherwife prove ufelefs ; as it is well known that either lands worn
out, or which are utterly unfit for either fugar or cotton, might be employed for cochineal'. The raifing a
variety of more commodities, would prevent the lofies that enfue from fhort crops ; a feafon unfa-
vourable for fome things, might be advantageous to other. In refpect to many articles that have been men-
tioned, the cultivation of them might be carried on 'with fewer negroes, and yet afford comfortable fubfift-
ence to white families ; the increafe of which in our colonies, is an object of great concern ment, and is a
matter conftantly attended to by the French. Add to this confideration, that though tea, coffee, and choco-
late are at prefent not improperly reckoned as articles of luxury, they would be much lefs fo, if they only, or
even if they principally, came from our own plantations; and the confumption of them fhould become much
oreater than it is at prefent, would likewife promote and increafe the confumption of our great ftaple com-
moditvof fugar, and thereby augment the revenue thereon. In thefe, and in divers other lights, fiich plan-
tation improvements would be experienced of great confequence,
and are therefore extremely well wor-
thy of confideration for the extending our commercial union of trade between Great Britain and Britifh
1 Foundation laid by the Peace of 1 763 for the more inter cfiing Union between Great B< it air. and merica, tjc.

profperous fett'.ement of our new iflands in the Weft Indies can be no detriment to our old fugar Co-'
lonies. It has been generally allowed, that there was a want or more fugar- land in the Weft indies and this -,

being admitted, it is certain, that Britain is a great gainer by the peace ot land lit for the cultivation of fugar
in our own plantations plentifully. This was not only an opinion, in refpect to the truth of which the belt
iudges agreed, but it was a point alfo decided from matter of fact becaufe it is known, that numbers of Bri-

tifh fubjects reforted to countries in the polTeffion of other powers. No one will deny, that many En^hfh
iubjecls are fettled in the Danifh fettlements of St. Cruz-, that there are many refident in EustatJa, and
that many more are interefted in the Dutch fettlements upon the continent ot America. Did it not, there-
fore, become highly neceffary to remove this growing evil, by giving fuch adventurers an opportunity of
exercifing their induftry in countries belonging to their mother country ; and to thefe many or them have
returned ?

Moreover, as from facts it has appeared, that old fugar colonies began to be overftocked, fo as to afford
little encouragement to new plantations, it feemed incumbent upon us to have an eye at making the peace to

this circumftance, to prevent fuch enterprizing people, who were determined to feek their fortunes in thofe
parts, from being driven into foreign fettlements where their labour and induftry, inftead of benefiting us,

would continue to have turned to the advantage of our rivals-, and foreign markets would have been fupplicd,
for the profits of foreigners, by commodities railed by the fkill and pains of Brit:fh fubjects.
Nor can we but obferve, from what has already fell out, that indigent people here, would go in fearch of
fubfiftence elfewhere-, and we muff, alio be fenfible, that by providing countries for fuch people to refort to,
their induftry, though not their perfons, will (till be preferved to Britain. By that increafe of trade, which
their labour abroad gradually produces at home, the number of our neceflitous people here have been greatly
leffened. There have been alio large quantities of our commodities and manufactures wanted, that are requi-
fite in our plantations-, and to fupply thofe, numbers have been fet to work, who were either idle before, or

fubfifted by the poor's rate, or took methods of fubfifting more injurious to the public, and much lefs to their
own advantage and comfort, than if they had betaken themfclves to honeft labour here, or even went abroad
to thofe new iflands.
From what has been faid, it mult appear to every candid and impartial man, that our new Weft India ac-
quisitions have contributed to lay a moft notable foundation for that mod lucrative commercial union we have
recommended to be fuperftrudted thereon. This has been accomplifhed by the laft peace, hkewife, with the
refpect to our continental colonies. Wehave already confidered the points of fecurity, and of adting defen-
iively and ofFenfively in virtue of the laft peace againft both Spain and France in North America, as well as in
the Weft Indies. There remains nothing more to be faid, than to fpeak at preient more fully with regard
to the improvement of the commerce of the continental colonies between the mother kingdom and them, for
the further extenfive promotion of our mutual commercial union, harmony, and concord.
Were not our North American colonies acceffible by our mercantile (hipping and royal naval power, the
vaft extenfivenefs of thofe new acquired colonies would have rendered them rather a burthen than emolument
to this kingdom. But fo wifely has the peace been devifed, as to render them acceffible on the north, the
south, and the west, BY sea, as our ancient colonies were before on the eaft only, as we have before ihown.
And does not this maritime acceffibility add an invaluable eftimation to thofe colonies, while Great Britain
fhall preferve her fuperiority of power on the ocean ? While this (hall be the cafe, will not this happy circum-
ftance adminifter a more permanent (lability and fecurity, as well to our old as our new acquired colonies
and plantations, than they ever before had ? Nay, will not the increafe of mercantile navigation to and from
the gulph and the great fpacious river of St. Laurence ; to and from the gulph of Mexico, and the great river
Miffifippi, and to and from the gulph of Florida, contribute to the maintenance of that (lability and fecurity
we have obtained ? And will not this at all times enable us to act as well ofFenfively againft France and
Spain, as defenfively, in this part of America, as we have before fhown ?
But to what degree our mercantile fhipping in North America will increafe, by virtue of that maritime ac-
ceffibility, we, at prefent, enjoy, has not yet been duly reprefented. Wherefore, it will be neceffary to give
fome idea of that matter, with relation to the additional internal mercantile navigation, that this vaft continent
will afford to our Britifh traders. For provided our mercantile navigation fhall daily increafe there, as well
as to and from the Weft India iflands, will not this give additional (trength to the whole royal maritime power
of the Britifh empire ? Will not a vaft additional increafe of mercantile internal navigation in North America,
greatly contribute to expedite and facilitate that further commercial union we plead for between the mother
kingdom and thofe colonies ?
The whole country of North America, now annexed to the crown of Great Britain, abounds with every
advantage to promote a more beneficial commercial union between them and the mother kingdom. 1 1 abounds

with very large rivers, which it were endlefs to enter into the detail of. The river Sc. Laurence is the Iargeft
in all North America, and inferior to few in the world, it being computed about twenty-five or thirty leagues
wide at the mouth, and two hundred fathoms in depth, and one hundred and fixty leagues in length and ,

yet by the help of a good fouth wind, and the currents, which are pretty ftrong, may be lailed, according
to Charlevoix, in twenty-four hours. As to its fource, though the European miffionaries have failed up ic
above 700 or near 800 leagues, that is as far as the lake of Alemipigon, yet ic is (fill unknown, unlefs it
really fprings from that lake, which no one hath yet been able to decide. That lake dilchargcs itl'elf into
that called the Upper or Superior, and this into that of Huron, and this again into that of Erie, or
Conti, and this laft into that of Frontenac, or Ontario ; all this by means of the same river, from
which it feems to iffue out with a fmooth courfe during the firft twenty leagues ; after which it becomes more
rapid during another thirty leagues; that is till it comes to Montreal. From this it refumes its fmooth
flow quite to that of Quebec, growing ftill wider as it runs, till it empties itfelf into the fea above one hun-
dred leagues below it but according to the report of the Indians, this famed river anfes out of another lake,

farther up, and larger than any of thofe we have mentioned, and which they call the lake Assinipolis, or
Assibouels; and this laft is faid by them to lie about fifty or fixty leagues above that of Alemipigon, and
is fuppofed to have a communication with the northern sea ; and it is not improbable but that a northern

paffage into it may be found by means of this lake. There are falls or cataracts, fuch as that of Nia-
gara. The river is, however, deep almoft all the way, and hath a number of pleafant iflands in it the moft -,

remarkable of which are Cocdres, Orleans, Montreal, St. John, Miscou, Richlieu, and feverai
others. The high land is well wooded, and fome low lands well inhabited and manured, infomuch that they
yield vaft crops of corn and other grain, befides fruits, pulfe, &c. The fettlements, which are moftly round
the fhore, are alfo well fnuated and built, and yield a noble profpect as one fails by them the fame may be faid

of the rt ft.

The river St. Laurence receives feverai confiderable rivers in its courfe, the chief of which are called Des-
prairies, or or the Meadows ; the Mons, the Treble River, and the large one of Sanguenay, and
Foundation laid by the Peace of fjC^for the more ini crefling Union between Great Britain and America, &c. li

St. Margaret, mouth of it. All thefe, and many other lefs remarkable, fall into it on the north
near the
fide :
on the fouth.
there are others alio
The river Missisippi runs through the whole province, which was
the French Louisiana, from north to fouth, and overflows, at certain fealons, a vaft quantity of land, and
renders the fame the more fertile in the general this great river is called by the Spaniards la Pallisada,

from the prodigious quantities of timrer of divers kinds, which are lent down upon it in flotas to the fea.
It is known to be navigable 450 leagues up from its mouth. The fpring head remains ftill unknown, though
the natives fay, that it flows from a large ftream that comes down from a hill in the country of Isati, about
the fiftieth degree of latitude. We have extraordinary accounts of the numerous tribes of Indian nations met
with on each fide of this river, and they are reprefented as an hofpitable civil people, and willing to com-
merce with Europeans. The French formerly made two fettlements, the one near the lake Assinipolis,
which is computed about thirty leagues round the other among the Chogafkadcs, or S.out People, who live

in their neighbourhood.
The Missisippi receives a great many fpacious rivers into it; and the country on both fides is fruitful
enough, and inhabited, as obferved, by a great variety of nations of different appellations* for which we refer
to Monfieur Sale's account thereof, who failed down it in the year 1638, made lbme fettlements on each fide
of it, and hath marked the diftances between all thofe rivers that fall into it, and the names of the feveral
tribes that live between them on each fide ; the amount ot which, from the river of the Illinois, from which
he firft fet out, down to the mouth of it, he computes to be 653 leagues. The river difchargts itfelf into the.
gulph of Mexico by two branches, which form an ifland of confiderable length.
The molt important place upon the Miffifippi is reckoned to be at the Forks of that river, where the
Ohio falls into the Miffifippi which, like another ocean, is the general receptacle of all the rivers that

water the interior parts of that vaft continent. Here thofe large and navigable rivers the Ohio, river of the
Cherokees, Wabache, Illinois, Miffouri, and Miffifippi, befides many others, which fpread over the whole con-
tinent, from the Apalachean mountains to the mountains of New Mexico, upwards of one thoufand miles,
both north, fouth, eaft, and weft, all meet together at this fpot ; and that in the belt climite, and one of the
molt fruitful countries, of any in all that part of the world, in the latitude of thirty-feven decrees, the lati-
tudes of the Capes of Virginia and ot Santa Fe', the capital of New Mexico. By that means there is a con-
venient navigation to this place from our prefent fettlements to New Mexico ; and from all the inland parts
of North America, farther than we are acquainted with it and all the natives of that continent, thofe old

friends and allies of the French, have by that means a free and ready accefs to this place ; nigh to which the
French formed a fettlemem, to fecure their intereft on the frontiers of all our fouthern colonies" In fhort, this
place is in the center of this vast continent, and of all the nations in it, and feems to be intended by
nature to command them both ; for which reafon it ought not to be neglected by Britain.
As foon as we pafs the Apalachean mountains, this feems to be the molt proper place to fettle at and was ,

pitched upon for that purpofe, by thofe who were the belt acquainted with theft countries, and the proper
places of making fettlements in them, ot any we know. And if the fettlements of this place had been made
by the Englifh, as they were propofed, about twenty-three years ago, they might have prevented, or at lealt
fruftrated, the late attempts to wrelt that country, and the territories of the river Ohio, out of the hands of
It faid, that thofe inland parts of North America will be of no ufe to Britain, on account of
may be
their diftance from the fea, and inconvenience to navigation. That indeed might be faid of the parts which
lie immediately beyond the mountains, as the country of the Cherokees, and Ohio Indians about Pitfburgh,
the only countries thereabouts that we can extend our fettlements to, which are inconvenient to navigation.
For that reafon, the firft fettlements we make beyond the mountains, that is, beyond thofe we are now poffeffed
of, fhould be upon the Miffifippi, convenient to the navigation of that river; and in time thefe fettlements
may come to join to our prefent plantations ; and we may by that means reap the benefit of all thofe inland
parts of North America, by means of the navigation of the Miffifippi and the other great rivers that fall
therein, which will be fecured by this pott at the Forks.
This great river the Miffifippi, is navigable upwards of two thoufand miles to the falls of St. Anthony, in
latitude forty-five degrees, the only fall we know in it, which is fixteen degrees of latitude above its mouth ;
and even above that fall, there is thirty fathom of water in the river, with a proportionable breadth. About
1000 miles from its mouth it receives the river Ohio, which is navigable jooo miles farther, fome fay 1500
nigh to its fource, not far from Lake Ontario in New York in all which fpace there is but one fall or

rapide in the Ohio, and that navigable both up and down, at leait in canoes. This fall is 300 miles from
the Miffifippi, and 1300 from the fea, with five fathom of water up to it. The other large branches of the
Ohio, the river of the Cherokees, and Wabache, afford a like navigation from Lake Erie in the north, to
the Cherokees in the fouth, and from thence to the bay of Mexico, by the Miffifippi; not to mention the
great river Miffouri, which runs to the north-weft part of New Mexico, much farther than we have any good
accounts of that continent. From this it appears, that the Miffifippi affords the moft extenfive navigation of
any river we know, fo that it may be juftly compared to an inland fea, which fpreads over nine tenths of all
the continent of North America, all which the French, before the laft peace, pretended to lay claim to for no
other reafon but becaufe they were poffeffed of a paltry fettlement at the mouth of this river.
If thefe things are confidered, the importance of the navigation of the Miffifippi, and of a port at the
mouth of it, will abundantly appear. It is the only navigation for all the interior parts of North America,
which are as large as a great part of Europe ; no part of which could have been of any fervice to Britain without
the interior navigation of the Miffifippi, and fettlements made upon it. It is not then without reafon that we fay,
whoever are poffeffed of this river, and of the vaft tra&s of fertile lands upon it, mutt in time command that
continent, and the trade of it, as well as all the natives in it, by the fupplies, which this navigation will en-
able them to furnifh thofe people. Had the French, therefore, or any others, been left in poffeffion of the
Miffifippi, while we had neglected it, they muft have commanded all that continent beyond the Apalachean
mountains, and difturbed our fettlements much more than ever they did, or were able to do 5 the very thing
they engaged in the laft war to accomplilh, and we to prevent.
The Miffifippi, indeed, is rapid for 1200 miles, as far as to the Miffouri, which makes it fomething diffi-
cult to go up it by water. For that reafon the French have been ufed to quit the Miffifippi at the river
St. Francis, from which they had way to the Forks of ths Missisippi by land. But however
a nigher
difficult it may be notwithftanding done, and its rapidity facilitates a defcent upon it,
to afcend the river, it is

and a ready conveyance for thofe grofs commodities which are the ftaple of North America, from the moft
remote places of the continent abovementioned ; and as for lighter European goods they are more eafily carried
by land, as our Indian traders do, over great part of the continent on their horfes, cf which this country
abounds with great plenty.
The worft part of the navigation, as well as of the country, is reckoned to be at the mouth of the river,
which, however, is from feventeen to eighteen feet deep, and will admit fhips of 500 tons, the largeft gene-
Vol. I. n rally
lii Poundation laid hy the Pane of tyCj, for the more inkrejiihg Union between Great Britain and America, L'c.

rally ufed in the plantation trade. And even this navigation might be eafily mended, not only by clearing
the river of a narrow bar inthe paffes, which Charlevoix, and others, think might be eafily done ; but Jik<>
wife by means or' a bay, defcribed by Mr. Cox, from the actual furvey of his people, lying to the weft ward
of the fouth pal's of the river, which, he fays, has from twenty-five to fix fathom water in it, clofe to the
fhore, and not above a mile from the Millilippi, above all the ihoals and difficult pa Acs in it, and where the
river has 100 feet of water. By cutting through that one mile then, it fhould appear, that a port might be
made there for (hips of any burthen the importance of which is evident, from, its commanding all the inland

parts of North America on one fide, and the pals from Mexico on the other, fo as to be preferable in thefe
iefpects even to the Havanna not to mention that it is frefli water, and free from worms, which deftroy all

the (hips in thole pyres. And if we have another war with France and Spain, 'tis not unlikely that we (hall
leave neither of them any more footing here ; and then we may obtain fuch a valuable port independent of
If the ftate and extent of our ancient colonies in North America, before the laft peace, be confidered, it
wili be found that we really Hood in need of an increafe of continental colonies, inftead of pofTeffinc* too much
land there before the peace, as fome people have afferted.
Our ancient poffeffions in North America, between the fea and the mountains, appeared, from many fur-
veys and actual menfurations, as well as from all the maps and other accounts of them, to have been at a
medium about three degrees of longitude, or 140 miles broad in a ftraight line: and they extended from
Georgia, in latitude thirty-two degrees, to the bay of hundi, in latitude forty-five degrees (which is farther
than the lands appeared to be of any great value) which makes thirteen degrees difference of latitude, or 780
miles: this length multiplied by the breadth, 140, makes 109,200 fquare miles. This is not much above
the quantity contained in Britain and Ireland, which by Templeman's Survey make 105,634 fquare miles.
Inftead or bring as large as a part of Europe, as we have been commonly told, all the lands we pof-
feffed in North America between the fea and moutains, did not amount to much mce than thefe two iflands.
This appears farther, from the particular furveys of each of our colonies, as well as from the general eftima-
tion of the whole.
Of thefe lands, which are thus pofleffed, both the northern and fouthern parts are not of the extraordinary
kind. It is only in our middle plantations, Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina, that the lands produce any
staple commodities for Britain. It is only the more rich and fertile lands on and about Chefapeak bay,
with a few lwamps in Carolina, like lands on the Miffifippi, that turns to any great account to this nation in all
North America, or that were ever likely to do it. This made the quantity of lands that produce any ftaple
commodity for Great Britain in North America incredibly fmall, and vaftly lefs than what has been com-
monly imagined. It is reckoned that there are more fuch lands in Virginia, than in all the reft of our old
colonies ; and yet it appeared from the public records, about twenty- eight years ago, that there was not above
as much land patented in that colony, which is at this time the oldeft of any in all North America, than is in
the county of Yorkfhire in England, to wit, 4684 fquare miles, although the country was then fettled to the
mountains. Our colonies are already fettled to the mountains, and have no lands, either to extend their fettle-
ments, as they increafe and multiply ; to keep up their plantations of ftaple commodities for Britain, or to
enlarge the Biitifh dominions by the number of foreigners that remove to them, till they pafs thole m
and fettle on the Miffifippi.
This fcarcity of land in the colonies proceeds from the mountains, with which they are environed, and by
which they are confined to this narrow tract, and a low vale along the fea fide. The breadth of the continent
from the Atlantic ocean to the Miffifippi appears to be about 600 miles, of fixty to a degree, of which there
is about 140 at a medium, or 150 at moft, that lies between the lea and mountains; and there is fuch ano-
ther, and rather more fertile tract of level and improveable lands, about the fame breadth, between the wef-
tern parts of thofe mountains and the Miffifippi-, fo that the mountainous country, which lies between thefe
two, is equal to them both, and makes one half of all the lands between the Miffifippi and the Atlantic ocean ;
if we except a fmall tract of a level champaign country upon the heads of the Ohio, which is poffeffed by the
Six Nations and their dependants.
Thefe mountains and barren defarts, which lie immediately beyond our ancient fettlements, are not only
unfit for culture themfelves, and fo inconvenient to navigation, whether to the ocean or to the Miffifippi, that
little or no ufe can be made of them, but they likewife preclude us from any accefs to thofe more fruitful
lands that lie beyond them, which would otherwife have been occupied long ago, but never can be fettled, fo
at lead as to turn to any good account to Britain, without the possession and navigation of the Mis-
sisippi, which is, as it were, the sea of all the inland parts of North America, beyond the
Apalachean mountains, without which those inland parts of that continent can never be
of any advantage to this nation.
This makes the poffeffion of the Miffifippi abfolutely neceffary to reap the benefit of,it. We pcfTefTed but
one- fourth part of the continent between that river and the ocean ; and but one- tenth part of what lies eaft of
Mexico, and can never enjoy any great advantages from any more of it, till we fettle on the Miffifippi.
How neceffary fuch fettlements on the Miffifippi may be, will farther appear from what we poflefs on this
fide of ir. The lands in North America are in general but poor and barren ; and if any of them are more
fertile, the foil is light and fhallow, and foon worn out with culture. It is only the virgin fertility of frefh
lands, fuch as thole on the Miffifippi, that will render them of any great and lafting value to Great Britain.
Such lands in our colonies, that have hitherto produced their ftaple commodities for this nation, are now almoft
exhaufted and worn out, and we meet with none fuch on this fide of the Miffifippi. But when their lands are
worn out, neither the value of their commodities, nor the circumftances of the planters, will admit of manuring
them, at leaft to any great advantage to this kingdom.
The ftaple commodities of North America are fo grofs and bulky, and fo fmall in value, that it generally
takes one-half of them to pay the freight and other charges in fending them to Britain ; fo that unlefs our
planters have fome advantage in making them, fuch as cheap, rich, and frefh lands, they can never continue
to make any , their returns to Britain will then be neglected, and the trade will be gained by others, who have
thofe advantages, as the Germans, Ruifians, and Turks, who have plenty of lands and labour cheap by :

which means they make more or our ftaple of North American tobacco than we do ourfelves, while we cannot

make their ftaple of heri?p,fiax t iron, pot afo, &c. &c. By that means our North Americans have been obliged
to interfere with their mother country, for want of the ufe of thofe lands of which there is iuch
plenty in North America, to produce thefe commodities that are fo much wanted from thence.
The confequences of this may be much more prejudicial to this nation than is commonly apprehended.
The trade of North America, whatever may be the income from it, confifts in thofe grofs and bulky commo-
dities that are the chief and principal fources of navigation, which maintain whole countries to make them,
whole fleets to tranfport them, and numbers of people to manufacture them at home; on which account this
trade is more profitable to a nation than the mines of Mexico and Peru.
Foundation laid by the Peace 0/1763 for the more inter efling Union between Great Britain and America, cJiV. iiil

Thofe prof's commodities that afford thefe fuurcesof navigation, however valuable they may b<* to the public,
and to this nation in particular, are far from being (o to individuals they are cheap, and oi fmall value, ei-

ther to make or to trade in them by the planter, and for that realbn t^ey are NEGLECT! ivate people

unlefs the public take care to give them all due encouragement, and let them about thofc employments for ;

Which purpole good and proper land;, ftich as thole on the Miffifippi, nre become abioluai, ucceflary, with-
out which we lhall make no advancement, but decline in this eftimable trade.
The many advantages of fuch lands that produce ftaple commodities for Britain in North America, are in-
expreffible. The whole intereft of the nation in thofe colonies depends upon them, if not tin: colonies rhem-
felves. Such lands dune enable the colonies to take their manufactur ts and other necessaries from

Britain, to the mutual advantage of jiOTH. How neceffary that may be, will appear from the (late of
thele colonies in North America, which do not make one with another, as much as is fufkeient to lupply them
only with the neceffary article of cloathing, not to mention the many other things they ftand in need of, and
would take from Britain, were they enabled to do it by proper encouracement. In fhort, it would
appear that our colonies in North America cannot i'ublift much longer in a (late of dependance for all their
manufactures and other neceffaries, unlefs they are provided with frefh lands that may enable them to purchafe
them ; and where can they find any fuch lands, but fuch as the peace hath given them upon the Mifiilippi ?
When their lands are worn out, are grown poor and barren, or are in an mproper climate or fituation, fo
that they will produce nothing to fend to Britain, fuch lands can only be converted into corn pafture
grounds ; and the people in our colonies are thereby neceffarily obliged, for a bare fubfillence, to interfere with
Britain, not only in manufactures, but in the very produce of their lands.
By this we may difcern the abfurdity of the popular outcry, that we have already land enough, and more
than we can make ufe of in North America. They who may be of that opinion, fhould (how us where that
land is to be found, and what it will produce, that may turn to any account to this nation. Thofe people de-
rive their opinion from what they iee in Europe, where the quantity of land that we pofleffed in North America,
before the peace, would maintain a greater number of people than we had there. But they fhouki confider,
that thofe people in Europe are not maintained by the planting of a bare raw commodity, with fuch immenfe
charges upon it, but by farming, manufactures, trade, and commerce, which our colonies would foon have been
reduced to, had they continued confined to our antient lettlements, between the fea coaft and the mountains
that furround them.
Lands fhould be made in North America both cheap and plentiful, by which they might reap much
greater profit by planting than by manufacturing. That is, moreover, a pledge for the allegiance
and dependence of the colonils; and at the lame time makes their dependance become their in-erelt It
has been found by experience, that the making of a ftaple commodity for Britain is more profitable than manu-
factures, provided our colonies have good lands to work on.
There is an inconvenience attending fome of our ancient colonies, with regnrd to any improvements on
them for Biitain, which is not to be remedied. The climate is fo levere, and the winters fo \^<, that the
people are obliged to fpend that time in providing for the neceffaries of life, which fhould he employed in
profitable colonies, on the making of fome profitable commodity, and returns to Britain. They are obliged
to feed their creatures for five or fix months in the year, which employs t'eir time in fummer, and takes up
the bed of their lands, fuch as they are, which ihould produce their ftaple commodities to provide for them-
felves and their ftocks a<,ainft winter, for that realbn the people in all our northern colomes are ne.effarily
obliged to become farm rs, to make corn and provifions, inftead oi planters, who make a ftaple commodity for
the mother country, and thereby interfere in the molt effential of all employments to a nation, agriculture.
Neither the foil or the climate of our ancient northern colonies will admit of any additional improvements for
Britain. If they could produce any thing of that kind it muft be hemp, which yet never could be made in
them to any advantage, as appears Irom many trials in New England, according to Douglas's hiiiory of America,
and Elliot's improvements of New England. The great dependance of thole northern colonics is upon the
fupplxs of lumber and provifions, which they fend to the illands. But as they increafe and multiply, their
woods are cut down, lumber becomes fcarce and dear, and the number of people inhances the value of land,
and of every thing it produces, efpecially provifions.
If this is the cafe of thofe northern colonies on the fea coaft, what can we expect from the inland parts ; in
which the foil is not only more barren, and the climate more levere, but they are, with all other difadvantages,
fo inconvenient for navigation, on account of their diftance off the river St. Laurence, that it is- to be feared
thofe inland parts of the northern colonies will never produce any thing for Britain, more than furs, which they
will do much better in the hands of the natives than in ours.
However, thefe northern colonies are very populous, and increafe and multiply very faft. There are above
one million of people in them, who C3n make but very little upon their lands for themlelves, and ftill !efs for
their mother country. For thefe reafons it isprclumed, it would be an ad v n rage to then, as well as to the
nation, to remove their ("pare people, who want lands, to thofe vacant lands in the fouthern parts of the conti-
nent, which will turn to much better advantage than what they are poffelfed of. There they may have the
neceffaries of life in great plenty ; their ftocks maintain themlelves the whole year round, with little or nocofl
or labour, " by which means many people have a thoufand head of cattle, and for one man to have tvvo hun-
*' died is very common, with other flock in proportion." See Deicription of South Carolina, p. 68.
This enables them to bellow their whole labour both in fummer and winter on the making of fome ftaple
commodity of the mother kingdom, getting lumber and provifions for the iflands, &c. which both inrichesthem
and the whole nation. That will be much more preferable, furely, than to perifh in winter for want of c loath-
ing which they mull do uniels they make it, which will excite thofe jealoufies, that will ever fubfiil between
thf m and Great Britain in their prelent (late, and grew fo much the worie, the longer they continue in it.
The many advantages that would enlue, from the peopling -of thofe fouthern parts of the continent from
our northern colonies, are hardly to be.exprtfild. We
might thereby people and fecure thofe countries, and
reap the profits of them, without any lois of people, which are not to be fpared for that purpofe from Britain,
or any of her dominions. This is one great ufe and advantage that may be made of the expulfion of the
French from thofe northern parts of America. They, before the peace, obliged us to ftrengthen thofe northern
colonies, and confined the people in them to towns and townihips, in which their labour could turn to no great
account, either to themfeives or to the nation-, by which we loll, in a great meafure, the labour of above
one-third of the people in our colonics.
But as they are now free from any danger on their borders, they may extend their fettlements with fafety,
uilperfe themfeives on plantations, and cultivate thole lands that may turn to advantage both to them and to the
kingdom they may now make fome ftaple commodities for the mother country, on which the intereft of the

colonies and ot the nation chiefly depends, and which we could never before expect from thofe colonies.
iiv foundation laid ly the Peace of 1763 for the more intending Union between Great Britain and America, tit.

The ftaple commodities we might get from thofe fouthern parts of North America will appear, when we
mention hemp, flax, and silk, thofe great articles and necefiary materials for manufactures, for which alone
this nation pays one million and an half a year, if not two millions, and we could never get them from all
the colonies we had. Cotton and Indigo are equally ufeful not to mention copper, iron, potafh, &c. &c.

which with hemp, flax, and silk, make a great ballance of trade againft the nation, and drain it of its trea-
fure -, when we now might have thofe commodities from our colonies for manufactures, and both fupply our-
lelves, our colonies and others with thefe manufactures from Great Britain. Wine, oil, raifins, and currants^
&c. thofe products of France, Spain, and Portugal, on which Britain expends fo much of her wealth to enrich
thofe nations, might likewife be had from thofe her own dominions. Britain might thereby cut off thofe re-
lources of her enemies, fecure her colonies for the future, and act, when occafion (hall require, more powerfully
againft them in time of war.
The fea coaft in general is the fame with all the reft of the coaft of North America to the fouthward of
New York, and indeed from thence to Mexico, as far as we are acquainted with it. It is a low flat fandy
beach, and the foil for fome twenty or thirty miles diftant from the more, more or lefs, is a pine barren. But
however barren this coaft is in other refpects^ it is intirely covered with pines, which afford great (tore of
pitch, tar, and turpentine. Thefe pines likewife make good malts for fhips, which have lafted twenty
odd years, when it is well known, that our common (hip-malts of the New England white pine, will often
decay in three or four years. The cypress, of which there is fuch plenty in the fwamps on this coaft, is
reckoned to be equally ferviceable, if not more fo, both for malts (of which it would afford the largeft of any
tree that we know) and for (hip-building. And fhips might be built of both thefe timbers for half
the price, perhaps, of any other, both on account of the vaft plenty of them, and of their being fo eafily
In moft parts of thefe coafts likewife, efpecially about the Miflifippi, there is great plenty of cedars and
ever-green oaks, which make the belt fhips of any that are built in North America. And it is faid, that
of thefe cedars, and the American cypress, the Spaniards built their fhips of war at the Havanna. It is
not without realbn, therefore, that Monfieur le Page du Pratz tells us, the largest navies might be built in
that country at a very small expence. From this it appears, that even the fea coaft, barren as it is, from
which the whole country has been fo much depreciated, is not without its advantages, and thofe peculiarly
adapted to a trading and maritime nation.
All along the Miflifippi, Dumont tells us, the lands, which are free from inundations, are excellent for
culture, and produce Indian corn, tobacco, &c. and all kinds of provifions and efculent plants, with little or
no care or labour, and almoft without culture, the foil being in all thofe places a black mould of an excellent
quality. Thefe accounts are confirmed by our own people, who were fent by the government of Virginia
in 1742, to view the weftern parts of that province ; and although they only went down the Ohio and Mif-
fifippi to New Orleans, they reported, that " they faw more good land on the Miflifippi, and its many large
branches, than they judge is in all the Englifh colonies, as far as they are inhabited ; as appears from the re-
port of that government to the board of trade." What makes this fertile country more eligible and valuable,
is, that it appears both from its fituation, and from the experience the French have had of it, according to

Du Pratz, to be far the moft healthy of any in all thofe fouthern parts of North America ; a thing of the
laft confequence in fettling colonies, efpecially in thofe fouthern parts of America, which in the general are
not fo very healthy. Thofe lands on the Miflifippi are high, dry, hilly, and in fome places mountainous at
no great diftance from the river; befides the ridges of the Apalacheans before mentioned, that lie to the
northward of them, which muft greatly refrefh and cool the air over all the country, efpecially in comparifon
of what it is on the low and flat, fandy and parched fea coaft of our ancient colonies. Thefe high lands begin
immediately above the drowned lands, at the mouth of the Miflifippi above which the banks of that river

are from 100 to 200 feet high, without any marines about them, and continue fuch for 900 miles to the river
Ohio, on the eaft fide of the river. Du Pratz.
Such a fituation on rich fertile lands in that climate, and on a navigable river, muft appear to be of the
utmoft confequence. It is only from the rich lands on the river fides (which indeed are the only lands that
can be called rich in all countries) that this nation reaps any thing of value from all its colonies it has in North
America. How ought we then to value fuch rich and healthful countries on the Miflifippi ? As much
fure, as fome would depreciate and vilify them. It may be obferved, that all the countries in America are
only populous in the inland parts, and generally at a diftance from ocean navigation as the fea coafts both

of North and South America are generally low, damp, exceflively hot and unhealthful, in the moft fouthern
parts, of thofe from which we can expect any confiderable returns. Inftances of this may be feen in the ad-
jacent provinces of Mexico, New Mexico, Terra Firma, Peru, Quito, &c. and far more in our fouthern colo-
nies, which never became populous till the people removed to the inland parts, at a diftance from the fea.
This we are prevented to do in a manner in our ancient colonies, by the mountains which furround them, and
confine us to the coaft ; whereas on the Miflifippi the whole continent is open to them, and they have, befides,
this healthy fituation on the lower part of the river, at a fmall diftance from the fea.
It is by this means, that we have not been able to get, in one hundred years, above twenty-five thou-
fand people in South Carolina. The low and drowned lands, indeed, about the mouth of the Miflifippi
muft, no doubt, be more or lefs unhealthful ; but they are far from being fo very pernicious as many would
reprefent them.
The Floridas, eaft and weft, being annexed to the crown of Great Britain, and our colony of Georgia having
them for a barrier, whatever can be produced here will, we hope, be encouraged in thofe moft fouthern parts
of our continental colonies, efpecially as we are poffefled of the ports of Penfacola and Mobille in the bay of
Mexico for our further protection, the former in north latitude thirty degrees twenty-five minutes, and which
is a road, wherein fhips can be fafe from all winds. It is land-locked on every fide, and will hold a great
number of (hips, which have very good anchorage in it, in a good holding ground, and from twenty-five to
thirty-four feet of water. There is not lefs than twenty-one^feet of water on the bar, which is at the entrance
into the road, provided you keep in the deepeft part of the channel.
As there is but half a foot rifing on the bar of Penfacola, every (hip of war, if it be not in a ftorm, may
depend upon nineteen, perhaps twenty feet of water, to go into the harbour, as there are twenty-one fee: on the
bar. Ships that draw twenty feet may be towed in. By this we fee, that (hips of fixty guns may go into this
harbour, and even feventy gun fhips, the largeft requifite in that country in time of war, if they were built
flat-bottomed, like the Dutch fhips, might pafs every where in that harbour.
In the year 1719 Penfacola was taken by Monfieur Champmcflin, in the Hercules man of war of fixty-
four guns, but carried only fifty-fix, in company with the Mars, pierced for fixty-four guns, but had only
6 fifty.
Foundation laid ly the Peace of 1 763 for the mere intending Union between Great Britain and America, &V. \?

fifty-four, and the Triton, pierced for fixty-four guns, but carried only fifty, with two frigates of thirty-fix
and twenty guns *.
The road is fubject to one inconvenience ; feveral rivers fall into it, which occafion ftrong currents, and
make boats or canoes, as they pais backwards and forwards, apt to run aground but as the bottom is all

land, they are not apt to founder. On the other hand there is a great advantage in this road, it bein<* faid
to be free from worms, which never breed in frefh water, fo that vefTels are never worm-eaten in it. If we
may credit F. Laval, royal profeflbr of mathematics, and mailer of the marine academy at Toulon, who was
lent to Louifiana on purpofe to make obfervations in 1719, and had the accounts of the officers who took
Penfacola at that time, and furveyed the place.
F. Charlevoix ieems to contradict this lalt circumftance M The bay of Penfacola would
be a pretty
" good port, fays he, if the worms did not eat the vefTels in it, and if there was a little more water in the
" entrance into it-, for the Hercules, commanded by Mr. Champmelin, touched upon it." It is not fo cer-
tain then, that this harbour is altogether free from worms ; although it may not be fo fubject to them as
other places in thofe climates, from the many fmall frefh water rivers that fall into the bay, which may have
been the occafion of thofe accounts, that are feemingly contradictory.
However, in fuch a place (hips might be prelerved very probably from worms, by payino- their bottoms-
with aloes, or mixing it with their other ingredients: that has been found to prevent the bitin- of thole
worms, and might be had in plenty on the fpot, Many kinds of aloes would grow on the fandy lands about
Penfacola and in Florida, which is the proper foil for them, and would be a good improvement for thole
It has been objected, that the French Louifiana country is not likely to turn to any account, becaufe the
French made fo little of it.
But that objection, however common, will appear to proceed only from the ignorance of thofe who make
it. No country can produce any tiling without labourers, which, it is certain, the French never had in their
Louifiana, in any number, at lead, fuflicient to make it turn to any greater account than it has done. The
reafon of this appears not to be owing to the country, but to their proceedings and mifcondud in it. Out of
the many thoufand people, who were contracted for by the grantees, to be Vent to Louifiana in 17 19, there
were but 800 lent and or thole the great- il part were ruined by their infamous fchemes, which made them

and others abandon the country entirely. The few who remained in it, were cut off by an Indian maffacre in
1729, which broke up the only promifing fettlements they had in the country, thofe of the Natches and
Yafous, which were never afterwards rcinttated.
Jnltead of encouraging the colony, the minifter, cardinal Fleuri, either from a fpirit of oeconomy, or be-
caufe it might be contrary to fome other of his views, withdrew his protection from it, gave up the public
plantations, and mult thereby, no doubt* have very much difcour agedothers. By thofe means, the French
had few or no people in Louifiana, but fuch as were condemned to be fent to it for their crimes, women of ill
fame, deferted foldiers, inlolvent debtors, and galley (laves who, " looking on the country only as a place

" of exile, were difheartened at every thing in it, and had no regard for the progrefs of a colony of which
** they were only members by compulfion, and neither knew nor confidered its advantages to the ttate. It is
' from fuch people that many have taken their accounts of this country, and throw the blame of all mif-

' carriages in it upon the country, when they are only owing to the incapacity and negligence of thofe who

' were intruded to little it." Charlevoix Hilt. N.France, torn. III. p. 447.
There remains nothing for our further confideration immediately relative to our further commercial union
with Britilh America, than a view of the Canadian parts of the northern continent, from whence an idea may
be formed of the commercial emolument we may derive from thence like wife.
Before the laft definitive treaty of 1763, the boundaries of Canada and Louifiana, and thofe between the
Britifh and French colonies, were ever left vague and undetermined on the whole continent. At prefent, they
are clearly and explicitly afcertained, by the laid definitive treaty, without the leaft uncertainty or ambiguity :

an advantage this nation, nor her American colonies, ever before enjoyed an advantage that we have ever

flood in need of fince we have had any territory in the new world ; an advantage from whence we may now
raife a fuperftrufture of invaluable other benefits, which were before not with fafety to be attempted by Great
Britain. See our article America, where the reader will find the definitive treaty at large, to which, together
with our map of North America, we refer our readers to, that there may be the lefs interruption relpecting
our prefent animadverfions.
All that part of Canada and its dependencies, which before the treaty of 1763 lie on the eaftern fide of the
Miffifippi, belonged to the French, being annexed to the crown of Great Britain; its extent is fo great both
in length and breadth, that its temperature, climate, foil, &c. cannot but vary accordingly. All that part
which lies along the banks of the great river St. Laurence, is, generally fpeaking, pretty cold in winter,
though hot in fummer, as molt of thofe American tracts commonly are, which do not lie too far to the
northward. The reft of the country is interfered with large woods, lakes and rivers, and has no inconfider-
able quantity of good fertile lands ; which, by long experience, has been found capable of producing corn*
barley, rye, and other grain, in abundance, and tobacco, which it has yielded in large quantities.
There are plenty of flags, elk, bears, foxes, martins, wild cats, caftors, and numerous other fpecies of
wild animals in the woods, befides great plenty of wild fowl and game. The fouthern part in particular,
breeds great numbers of wild bulls, deer of a fmall lize, divers forts of roebucks, goats, wolves, &c. and a
prodigious variety of other animals, both wild and tame.
The meadow grounds, which are all well watered, -afford excellent grafs, and breed great quantities of large
and, fmall cattle, and where the arable land has been well manured, it produces large and rich crops. The
mountains abound with coal mines, and fome, we have been told, of ftlver, and divers other metallic and mi-
neral productions. The marfhy grounds, which are likewife very extenfive, fwarm with otters, beavers, and
other amphibious creatures, and the rivers and lakes with fifh of moft forts, and fine of their kind. We
before given fome idea of their numerous and extenfive lakes, and of their vaft interior navigation that may,
and certainly will be carried on by means thereof.
We have alfo given a brief view of their prodigious river navigation, which it is endlefs to enter into a
further detail of ; the great rivers, thofe of St. Laurence, the Miffifippi and the Ohio, &c. abound with great
variety of fifh, and receive confiderable fmaller rivers in their courfe.
Canada Proper, as 'tis called by geographers, includes all the north and weft of the great river St. Lau-
rence and lakes ; hath on the north Terra de Labrador, Hudfon's Bay and New Wales. On the eaft, the
* Theadmiral was on board of the Hercule?, which drew twenty-one feet of water, and there were but twenty-two
feet into thenarbour in the hiheft tides, fo that they defpaired of carrying in this (hip. But an old Canadian, named
Gr^neau, a man of experience, who was peifectly acquainted with that coait, boafted of being able to do it, and fuc-
ceeded; for which he was the next year honoured with letters of noblesse (Dumont, an officer here at that time) II. 22.
Vol. L o river

lvi Foundation laid by the Peace in 1763 for the more inter efiing Union between Great Britain and America^ &c.

river Sanguenay divides it from the province of that name. The numerous Indian nations of thofe parts are
enumerated by baron la Hotan, to whom we refer the reader for a particular account. We fhall only obfervc,
that between our European colonifts and them, an immenfe fcene or valuable trade may be cultivated. For
why may we not bring them gradually, by humane and juft ufage, and equitable dealings, to conform to the
cuftomary European modes of living, and thereby induce them to induitry and planting of divers kinds ?
Why may we not civilize perfons of fuch ftrong natural underftandings, and incline them not only to afford us
the material for manufactures of fkins and furs, as they have for years done, but difpofe them to planting
2nd agriculture, increafe their wants, and thereby rouze their active induftry to matters of more pleafurable
benefit and advantage to themfelves as well as to this kingdom ? Can we pronounce this impracticable, efpe-
cially now we have no European competitor to difturb and annoy our plantations here, without being able
ftverely to chafiife them for fo doing ? Why may not our people intermarry with them, and we and they
become gradually one people ? May it not prove as good policy to think of every means of turning the
aborigines of America to every European art of cultivating lands to advantage, as merely thinking of peop-
ling of our new acquired territories with Europeans ?
The Three Rivers, fo called from the three rivers which form their currents near it, and fall into the
great one of St. Laurence, was the capital of the French government formerly, and much refoned to by fe-
veral nations, who came thither to trade confiderably in valuable furs of divers kinds. It was the common

empory for the Indian trade. The country about it is pleafant, and fertile in corn, fruits, &c and hath a
good number of lordihips and handfome feats,, and there is on each fide of the river a vaft number of genteel
houfcs, fcarce above a gun-fhot from each other, and the river is full of pleafure and fifher boats, which
catch vaft quantities of fifh.

Mont-Real is on an ifland of the fame name in the river St. Laurence, about fourteen leagues
long and four wide, where broadeft, and is very fertile in corn, fruits, &c. This town drives a prodigious
trade with the natives and Europeans. The great concourie of Indian traders begins about June, and fome
of them are laid to come hither about 500 leagues. The fair is kept along the banks of the river, where
thofe natives baiter their commodities with the European colonifts.
Sanguenay, a province in the Eaftern Canada, is divided on the weft from that properly fo called, by
the river of its name. It has adjacent feveral Indian nations. Its extent is computed from the Three Rivers,
which is the frontier of Canada Proper, quite to the farther end of the bay called the Seven lies. I

The territory and land on each fide the river here were found fo indifferent, and that the colony that had
fettled here iuffered fo much, that they were for a time difcouraged ; but at length, upon their failing up as
high as Quebec, they found fuch encouragement as produced great profperity there.
The river Sanguenay fprings from the lake St. John, and falls into that of St. Laurence, at the town of
JadoulTac. The haven is capable of containing twenty-five men of war, and hath a good anchorage and fhel-
ter from ftorms, it being of a circular figure, and deep, and furrounded at a diftance with very high rocks.-
'Tis needlefs to dwell longer in the defcription of this province, it being much the fame, as to its foil, cli-
mate and inhabitants, with that of Canada Proper. It is, indeed, remarkable for an extraordinary plenty of
marble of feveral kinds, infomuch that not only the principal towns, forts, churches and palaces, but even the
houfes of private men are built of it.
Quebec, the metropolis of Canada, is fituate on the confluence of the great rivers St. Laurence and St.
Charles, or the Little River, and on the north fide of the former, and about one hundred and forty leagues
from the fea. The haven is large, and capable of containing at leaft one hundred fail of fhips of the line.
Without the enumeration of the feveral tribes of Indians, who inhabit contiguous to this part of Canada,
it feems moft ufeful only to take notice of the Iroojuois, who are the moft confiderable, and the beft known

hereabouts. They are ieated along the north fide of lake Ontario, Frontenac, and along the river of that
name, which is that which carries the water of the lake into the river St. Laurence. They are bounded on
the north by the nations called Algonkins and Outavais, about Montreal ; and on the eaft and fouth-eaft
by New England, New York, Jerley, &c. on the fouth by part of Canada Proper, and the lake Erie, and
on the weft by that of the Hurons, and the canal between thofe two lakes. Before Canada became Britifh,
the Iroquois were fo advantageoufly fituated between the Englifti and French, that they could join forces either
with the higheft bidder, or with thofe who could keep them in the moft fubjedtion. Now we have difpof-
fvflcd France of thofe parts, it will be our own faults if effectual meafures fhall be neglected fo to attach them
to the b ngiifh nation, that they may be inftrumental to keep all the other Indian tribes, with our proper
aid, in a ftrict commercial alliance with us, as well for the general benefit of trade, as for defence and offence,
when we may have occafion. It feems they at preient complain of the Englifh at New York, having en-
croached greatly on their, territories, wherein they fhould be righted.
The Illinois Indians inhabit near the lake and river of that name. They live in villages at a great dif-
tance from each other on the marfhy plains, on both fides of the river, near which are' large woods and
hills, covered with a delightful verdure about nine months in the year, whilft the current thereof, which is
moftly fouth-weft, is fo fmooth and agreeable, that veffels of a confiderable fize may fail up and down it with
eafe and fafety, for a courfe of one hundred and twenty leagues, before it falls into that of the Miffifippi.
The lands on each fide afford fuch plenty of pafture, that they are covered with herds of large and fmall cat-
tle, as well as goats, deer, and other animals of the wilder kind. The river fwarms with water fowl of di-
vers fpecies, fuch as fvvans, geefe, cranes, ducks, &c.
The Illinois have been great friends to the French, as they were wont to protect them from the other In-
dian nations, with which they were at enmity ; and the French always dealt with them with honour and ho-
neftv, and inviolably adhered to their alliances with them. Were not thofe the natural means to attach them
to the intereft of our enemies and rivals ? Shall we not regard the like meafures to engage them to us, now
we have got rid of fo troublefome a neighbour, when it is more in our power than it ever was before ?
The between Britain and France, relative to Acadia and Gaf-
eternal dilputes that have heretofore fubfifted
pefia, are finally adjufted 763, as being included in Canada and its dependencies ; fo that
by the treaty of J

we are now in a condition to reap uninterruptedly all the benefits of Nova Scotia. La Hontan fays, that al-
molt every part of Acadia yields corn, fruit, peafe and other pulfe; that in feveral places there are masts
all the ncceffaries of life, in every feafon, to fubfift the inhabitants without much fatigue. He alfo fays,
that Mcnfieur Denys, who publifiied an accurate defcription of this country, in which he refided a longtime,
and was proprietary and governor for the French king of the eaft coaft, reports, that one single grain
or wheat, sows near La Hurve, produced one hundred and FIFTY EARS, VERY long, and so
loaded, that they were forced to support them with iron hoops. The jefuit adds, that here
are mines both of copper and coal, and that about three-fourths of a league from the ifle of Monano, which
fhows the way into St. John's river, on the north fide of Funda Bay, there is a rock of lapis lazuli,
6 "which
Foundation laid by the Peace 0/1763 for the more interejling union between Great Britain and America, fcfo J v [i

which almolt covered with the Tea

is , and Monfieur Denys, who faw a piece that had been taken
off it and
it was valued at ten crowns an ounce. The bay of Funda breaks two hundred miles into
Cent to France, fays
the land from Cape Sable, the moft louthern point of New Scotland, to the ilthmus, which joins the penin-
i'ula to the continent. According to Charlevoix, it is two French leagues over to the river of St.
John, and
has a clean (bore, with depth of water enough to carry the laroi si mips to the lessek bay.

. Annapolis, which lies in a fair clean bay within the bay of Funda; Charlevoix fays this harbour has but
one fault, which is the difficulty of entering or coming out of it, fo that only one (hip can pais in or out of
it at a time. This, fays he, excepted, nature has fcarce omitted one thing to make it the fineft harbour
the world. It is two leagues in length and one in breadth, having a fmall illand called
Goat Ifland, almoft
In the middle of the balbn, which, it
is laid, is able to contain all the ships in America, where they
may lie fecurc from all winds. In a word, by means of the ifle of Cape Breton, St. Johns and Anticofte, &c.
and all the dependencies of Canada, England now commands the navigation to Canada by the Gulph and river
St. Laurence, and a MOST excellent additional fishery on all this coaft, togethei with feveral good
harbours for our (hipping and when the natural commercial advantages mall be made of the whole
of the
territories here annexed to the crown of Great Britain, what increafe of trade and navigation (hall we not ex-
perience, at the co. of the French ?

By our poiVeiTionof all Canada and its dependencies, here is prefented to this nation an unfpeakable fource
of commercial benefit, even from what hath hitherto been fet forth rejecting this point. But if we
confider the numerous Indian nations that lie on the back of our ancient northern colonies, now within our
own new ceded acquifitions, with the countries they inhabit, and the valt productions that may be made to arife
from thofe countries; if we fo happily manage the natives to fall into the arts of cultivating lands, and duly
planting them by fu it able encouragements, why may we not expect advantages no way inferior to thofe we de-
rive from the furr trade by their hunting ? How glorious would it be for us to undertake the cultivation of
men as well as lands within thofe continental territories ? To civilize fo many nations, and improve fo large
and fpacious a country from north to louth, as well as from ealt to welt, may be made toadminifter an im-
meniity of wealth to this kingdom, and the reign of George the Third rendered the moll confpicuous sera that
this nation ever yet beheld, by communicating our conftitution and liberties, both civil and religious, to fo
many numbers of rational beings, whole delight and happinefs would increafe at the fame time that an in-
crease of trealurt and power will be added to Britain !

Have we not experienced the benefit of inftructing and civilizing the Mohawks, amongft the great na-
tion of the Irocfuois, who from a mere warlike people have been trained to trade, and entered into alliances
with all the nations round the lakes Huron and F.rie, to the weilward of the Mifufippi which trade is now

firmly ellablifhed by the gain they make by it, and the advantages we have acquired by the pofTefTion of Ca-
nada and its dependencies. The Englifti from New York have fixed at Ofwego, Niagara, St. Jofeph, Mifi-
liacmac, at the bottom of the Illinoife lake, in their country, and 'tis to be hoped they will not act unequi-
tably by thole people, who are difpofed to carry on a large trade with us, and with other numerous nations,
whofe names were unknown to us before.
By thofe and many other fettlements that we are now pofiefied of, Ave alfo may the more fafely encourage
the Hudfon's Bay traffic to unfpeakably greater benefit to this nation than we ever before did. We
may now
be effectually incited to lay open this monopoly for the general advantage, which would open a greater vent
for Britilh manufactures, as well for this trade as that in all North America. Whereas all the trade we have
at prefent, whillt it is confined to the company, is only the employment of about 2jo men in all their con-
fined factories, and two or three (hips in the trade, manned with about 200 men in time of war, to enrich nine
or ten merchants at their country's expence , at the fame time it is faid that they have betrayed the nation, by

allowing the French to encroach upon us at the bottom of the bay, they giving up heretofore the greateft part
of their trade there to the French, rather than their own countrymen fhould reap the full emoluments of it,
was this eftimable branch laid open by parliament.
It is, therefore, humbly fubmitted to the government, at prefent, whether it is not ju(t, as well as prudent,
as we are now fo happily fituated for the purpofe, to open this whole trade to all Britifh merchants, and re-
fume at the fame time the charter, fo far as to take from them all the lands they have not reclaimed or occu-
pied, after eighty years pofTeiTion ? leaving them only their factories, and fuch lands as they have reclaimed
adjoining to them, and to give grants, as uiual in other colonies, to all who fhall go over tj trade and make
fettlements in the country , for no grants were ever intended to be made to them, to enable them to prevent
other fubjects of Britain from planting thofe colonies, which they themfelves would not plant or occupy ; for
fuch a power, inftead of being beneficial, is highly prejudicial to Britain.
All the objections that have ever been made to this great point by the company, have appeared to be frivo-
lous, and it is to be hoped, will no longer be regarded, as 'tis needful for us to open every channel of ad-
vantageous commerce. For the whole itate of this matter, and anfwers to objections againlt it, the reader is
defired to turn to our article Hudson's Bay, where he will find, that fince Canada and its dependencies are
ceded to the crown of England, we can now do that with great benefit, which might before have been
attended with great difficulty. This affording us an additional field of trade, to which our Canadian
fettlements may become a grand barrier, we are willing to hope, it will be duly attended to, as well as every
other branch that may be cultivated with the Indians, and to which they may in any fhape be rendered lucra-
tive to the Britifh empire; fince we have every inducement of fecurity to promote it, from every part of the
Britifh American continent, in virtue of the late peace.-.
But above all, we fhould not be unmindful of that moft valuable branch of trade which we may derive
from our fisheries of every kind upon our prefent extended coatts of North America, the definitive treaty
having pofTeiTed us of greater advantages for that purpofe than this nation ever enjoyed before. For although
Britain has condefcended to fuller the French to fifh upon the coaft of the dependencies of Canada, yet it is
only while they (hall keep within the limits to which they are by the treaty retrained. As foon as they fhali
deviate therefiom, we have a right to deprive them of that privilege. In the like manner, when they fwerve
from the fpirit of the treaty that has granted them the liberty to fiih on the coaft of Newfoundland, we may
with great juftice ceafe to grant them that liberty , and that without their being able to refill us in thofe feas.
Their pofTefTion of the trifling iflands of St. Peters and Miquelon, is reftricted to an infignificant force merely
for the police of thofe iflands, which are fuffered only for a fhelter for their fifhermen there. Befides, we have
not excluded ourlelves from fifheries where we have indulged France; fo that we can always watch their mo-
tions and prevent their infraction of the treaty. We
can, therefore, only look upon this privilege granted
to France of fifhing at all on thofe feas in the light ot a trial for their good behaviour; the moment they fhall
tranfgrefs the treaty, they being liable to have that privilege taken from them, by a far fuperior force in thofe

parts, as we have before fhewn. And if we fhall be again provoked to turn them out of thefe whole fifheries,
they will hardly ever be reinftated again ; as we fhall endeavour further to fhew before we have fwiifhed thefe

l'viii Foundation laid by the Peace of 1 763 for the more inter cfiing Union between Great Britain and America, eJV.

But we defire the reader to recapitulate in his own mind, from what has been repfefented the foundation

laid in America by the treaty of ^763, for that future enlarged commercial union between Great Britain
and Britifh America that we recommend; and then let him judge, whether we have not, at prefent the
greater! inducement and the greateft encouragement to attempt to raiie a molt notable fuperftructurc
commercial profperity, by the means of our happy fituation in America ? Whether we could well wifh no be-
better circumftanced than we are there, to act either defenfively or ofFenfively againft France and Spain
mould they difturb us in extending our commercial union in thofe parts ? Whether we can have any thin" to
fear from France in North America ? Whether, on the contrary, that nation has not every thing to fear
from us on the whole lea coafts ? Whether we have any thing to fear from France with refpect to the inte-
rior parts of the American continent? What can we have to intimidate us there from increafino- our com-
mercial union ? Have the French now power there to do it themfelves ? No one will fay this. On whom
then muft France depend to do this great work for them ? It will be laid, perhaps, the Indians.
That feme
of the Indians, who had been many years in the friendfhip of the French, may by their occafional machina-
tions be influenced to mifbehave to the fubjects of Great Britain refident the molt contiguous to them
have we not more numerous Indians already attached to our interefl, who will take up the hatchet ao-ainft
our Indian enemies ? Are we not daily making frelh friendships amongft thole people, and drawing
numbers into our fcale of power ? And as all the eaftern parts of the Miflifippi belong to the crown of" Eng-
land, and thofe parts grow more and more populous with our European fettlers, will not this make
the ba-
lance of dominion greatly preponderate in Britifh favour ? If not by dint of amicable alliances more
for the
Indian intereft than is now in the power of France to do, by the dint of our arms, we can reduce everv
dian enemy to our Subjection; though 1 am perfuaded that the moll friendly, jult, and equitable
meafures -

will be pradtifed towards the natives, as being meafures by far the mod eligible for both parties.
are not we mafter of the navigation of all the lakes, and the great and fmall rivers contained within
our own
territories? Can we not by means thereof greatly humble the Indian powers, which confift only of
jointed nations, whofe interefts lie different to each other ? But have not thefe Indians experienced that
Britain has conquered her great European enemies there ; and that we are now in poSfeflion of all
their lands
they before enjoyed? Can it be fuppofed, that this has not ftruck a great awe into all the Indians
in ge-
neral ? And will not their good fenfe lead them to difcern, that thofe who have been able to conquer and
extirpate the French themfelves from thence, will be able, if provoked to it, to do the fame much
eafier bv
them ? Muft they not know, therefore, that it is their natural intereft to maintain friendfhip and harmony
with us, who are So much their fuperiors in power ? '

Well: but if the French, at prefent, have it not in their power, with the aid of fome few of their deluded
Indians, to hurt us, may not the union with them of the Spaniards, who are now poflelfed of New
on the American continent ? What can the Spaniards do to irritate Indians againft us, who are fo remark-
ably abhorred by them ? Is it not far more likely, that the Indians would rather join with
us ao-ainft the
Spaniards than them againft us ? Has not this giving up New Orleans by France to Spain, precluded France
from any fettlement on the eaft of the Miflifippi ? And whether this very ftep hath not alfo precluded them
from all navigation to and from the river Miflifippi, in virtue of the definitive treaty may be queftioned
For by the feventh article it fhould feem that France had left to them New Orleans only for the fake of the
navigation of that river, as well as the Englifh and if they give up the pofleflion with which the

was given, do they not give up the privilege itfelf ? For we have not heard of any new treaty made by
tain to grant the right to France of that navigation to Spain as well as France. And if we granted France
that privilege, it does not follow that Spain fhall enjoy the fame, although France may have given them
New Orleans and therefore, the Spaniards, without the confent of the crown of England, can have no right

to the navigation of the Miflifippi. And although the good behaviour of the Spamards towards this nation
may induce us to continue the privilege to them ; yet when they ceafe to deferve it, can they expect we fhall
longer grant it ? No nor the poflefllon of New Orleans itfelf-, and then we fhall have no competitors on the

American continent that can injure this nation. It does not feem that this gift of France can be any detriment
to us, but it may be of fome to Spain, efpecially if they have given up the Spanifh part of Hifpaniola,
any other equivalent to obtain it, feeing Spain may one day loie New Orleans, without any reftoration
fuch equivalent.
From the united weight of what has been urged, it appears, that the way is quite clear now for us to make
what further additional commercial union with our colonies we fhall judge eligible, without fear of any
struction either from France or Spain, or from the Indians. What hinders then that we fhould not do it to
the utmoft ftretch of good policy ? Have we not every motive to induce thereto, as we have fhewn in our
firft difcourfe, and that upon the broadeft bottomed fyftem that we can ?

Have we not Seen how eafily evafible all treaties of commerce are with European potentates in our prior
preliminary difcourfe ? For what avails the molt feemingly beneficial treaties of commerce with any
potentates whatsoever, while we lhall be underfold in the dominions of that very potentate, by a foreign
in trade ? Had we, indeed, an exclufive treaty of commerce with a nation, it might, perhaps, be of fome
extraordinary advantage, whilft our commodities continued as dear as they at prefent are, and thofe of our
petitors as cheap as they are yet this extraordinary advantage would be greatly diminiflied by
the fmuo--
gling trade of our rivals into fuch country. But we can never"expect fuch exclufive trade with any country
and therefore we can never expect to make a beneficial treaty of commerce with any ftate, while we fhall
liable to be underfold the underfilling nation ever Supplanting us, and depriving us of any imaginary
vantages we may flatter ourfelves with having obtained ; and this they will do, without having any
treaty of
commerce fubfilting with the fame nation at all. How then fhall we deceive ourfelves with great expectations
from any extraordinary commercial treaty with Ruflia or any other power, while France lhall be
permitted to
fell the very fame fort of goods in their empire as we fhall be permitted to do ?

Inftead of amufing the nation with fuch fort of advantageous treaties, would it not be far more
elio-ible to
put the kingdom into a condition to be able to fell our commodities upon an equality of price with
ourrivals ?
For that is the previous ftep requifite to render any treaty of commerce beneficial; and without it we are
lulled with imaginary gain for our real lofs, becaufe as fuch treaties always ftipulate mutual
advantages to both
ftates, if we grant any to our disadvantage, and we are diSabled to reap any to our benefit,
we are certainly
deceived, and the nation is injured inftead of advantaged by fuch fort of treaties of commerce, however
mon it has been to impofe fuch conduct on the nation for Superlative ftrokes of Britifh policy.
But in the name of truth, wiidom and found policy, why are we folicitous to make treaties of commerce
with foreign countries, whofe advantage muft at beft be doubtful, as our trade is at prefent loaded with
incumbrances, and to neglect them with our own colonies and plantations ; where we may be certain to
the full benefit of them, if grounded on the maxims we have urged throughout thefe difcourfes ?
And in-
deed, the additional commercial union hereby intended, may not improperly be confidered as a new
for the
4 folid
Foundation laid by the Peace of lyC^/or the more interejling Union bet-ween Great Britain and America, tec. \\x

iolid mutual permanent intercft we fay, what hath been fuggeftcd may be confidcrcd
of both. In this light

nay, it is ought to be confidcrcd it is in that, however, it is de-

the only rational view wherein the matter j

fined by the writer, let others put what conftrudtion they pleafe thereon. For herein we have not' It fl Com-
prehended the interelt of the colonies than that of the mother-ftate judging it a weak and fandy foundation

to ground our new commercial fuperftrudture upon the intercft of Great Britain alone, without: including that
of our colonies at the fame time: we would be underitood to be advocates as well for the one as the other,
cllceming their interefts infeparable.
Without entering, with all poffible brevity, into the detail we have exhibited, and without exhibiting the
fame in the divers lights wherein we have done it, no true judgment could have been made of the foundation
that is America for that extenfive commercial union we have recommended between this kingdom and
laid in

her colonies. Speaking in general would have carried no conviction, nor have anfwercd the purpofe we have
in view, which is to fhew to what degree fuch further union might be prefumed to contribute towards the
redrefs of thole grievances, of which we have complained in our firft preliminary difcourfc.
That our new acquired continental as well as illand colonies, are daily increafing in Europeans from various
parts is certain. That the Indian tribes in both are extremely numerous is no lels (05 and that they daily
grow more and more friendly and tradable, and have a better rclifh for the Britifh government and confti-
tution, and are more inclined to civilization, is not to be doubted. On the continent, they have experienced
our fupenority of power and dominion and this mult have impreffed on them a formidable idea of the mag-

nitude of our ftrength in war, feeing we have obtained the maftery over both France and Spain, and left
them no more territory on the whole eaflern part of the Miffifippi, than the trifling fpot of New Orleans.
Mutt not this give the numerous Indian tribes an excellent conception of the mighty fway and fupreme power
and authority of the Britifh nation, by which fuch great feats have been uccomplilhed ? Than fuch events
fo illuftrious to this kingdom, nothing can have a more happy duct to excite in them the ideas both of dread
and attachment. And will not thefe operate, by kind, humane, and equitable treatment, to cement concord
and harmony between us? They affuredly will promote a lifting frieiulihip between us and all the Indian
tribes and perhaps they are not in the whole lei's numerous at prelent on that continent, than all the Euro-

peans taken together. Nay, if we once gain the hearts of all the Indians within our own boundaries, will
not this naturally draw them to us from remoter pans ? Whence it appears, that we have not only gained
fen extent of territory, but
we have gained numerous people, which mult render fuch territories proportion-
ably lucrative to the mother empire. For now we have no weighty European competitor to deal with on the
continent-, we have, or loon may, put an end to all machinations to irritate the Indians againft this nation.
This being done, may we not expect, that thefe fenfible Indians can by good policy on our fide, be brought
to the cultivation of lands, as they have been naturally dilpofed to hunting and fifhing for their maintenance ?
The tranfition from the one to the other is fo familiar, that the one may foon become as pleafing to them
as the other and then they will divide their time into a more delightful variety of objects-, and their old

men may direct agriculture, farming, and planting, with due inftruclions, while their youths fhall execute
the laborious part. Why not ? They lay claim to large territories ; and if they are put into a more fure way
of preferving them to their pofterity, by cultivation, and having them fecured and guaranteed to them by
Britilh laws, may they not be convinced that their interelt is infeparably united with ours ? Will not this
prove the means of preventing thole broils and mifunderftandings in future about the extent and rights of
lands, more effectually than by any other whatfoever ? They will not want underftanding to be made fenfi-
ble hereof-, and when once they become convinced that no injury, but benefits fhall be intended them, why
cannot their native robuftnefs and activity be turned into channels to increafe their felicity ? Cannot the
wifdom of the Britifh government devife ways and means to render thole people more beneficial to the ftate,
as well as happier within themfelves, than they yet ever rrave been ? As it is beneath the dignity as well as
interelt of Britain to neglect this, we will not luppofe it we will, on the contrary, pleafe ourfelves with the

agreeable idea, that Indian labour and induftry may be converted to the Britifh no lels than Indian happinefs.
And why not intermarriages between them and Europeans become as fafhionable as heretofore between them
and the French ? When luch confanguinity and incorporation of families fhall take effect, will they not be-
come a more united and civilized people amongft our Europeans ? When thefe things fhall be effected,
will not the Indian tribes be eafily brought to habit in the European modes and this increafe of their wants,

and ability to fupply them, will increafe their demand for Britilh manufactures, as it will our demands for the
productions of their materials for every purpofe of that kind.
We look upon it as not the leaft advantage to have fuch a body of new Britifli fubjects united to this
kingdom, provided we fhall be wife enough to make the right ule of them. If we do not, it will not be the
fault of the Indians-, but it will be an eternal ignominy to this nation. Who will believe that good huntl-
men and fifhermen fhould not make good planters, vine-dreffers, flax and hemp-drefiers ? Who will cre-
dit that even their women and children cannot nurfe the filkworms in their proper clime, as well as raife flax,
and hemp, and food ? 1 W
not olives grow in America, as well as flax, hemp, and cotton ?
i 1 Why fhould
we not be fupplied with oil as well as wine and raifins from Britifh America, no Ids than fugars ? Let any
man caft his eye on the Book of Rates, and let him view the thoufands of articles that we import from other
countries at a great expence, that we may now have from Britifli America, at a far greater advantage, as
might be fhewn in numerous particulars ? Is it not bad policy to neglect it as we are at prelent circumftan-
ced, when we fhall be certain that the more we take from America, the more the Americans will be able to
take in return from us upon the plan propofed ? But how are we certain of this from any foreign country,
as the dearnefs of our commodity almolt exclude us from too many markets ? Is it not wiler to enjoy a cer-

tain lucrative degree of foreign trade and navigation of our own, and under our own direction and manage-
ment, than to be liable to the will and caprice of any foreign ftates and empires folely ? I could wifh to fee

this point duly weighed and confidered by our rulers, being perfuaded icwould turn to the unfpeakable intereft

of the Britifli empire, and their eternal glory at this time.

Let me not be understood to contend for an exclufion of this nation from all trade with other European
countries except with Britifh America; this would be repugnant to the whole fpirit of my writings : but this
I would be underftood to mean and intend, that fince we are poflefled of fuch great advantages in America,
it is right that we fhould not neglect them if we do, we have fhewn how fuch neglect may tend to the de-

triment of the nation, by rendering America independent of Britain. If we embrace them to the full ex-
tent they will now admit of, it will make the Britifh colonies more and more dependent on Britain, and
ftrengthen and aggrandize both to a degree beyond what this nation ever before experienced. This is what we
contend for-, and we alio contend for the diminution of our foreign imports from every nation we have deal-
ings with, as they fhall diminifh in the importation of our commodities, let it proceed from what caufe it
will. This will be the way to prevent many of our particular balances of trade being fo much to our difad-
vantage, and will contribute to turn the general balance to our general advantage. ~ This is what I have
ever aimed at in all my labours for the public fervice, and what I would be judged to defign at prefent. For
by this means only can the nation become folidly wealthy ; by this means only can we be puc into a condi-
Vol. ton
I. P
ht New Foreign Syjlem to Jave Great Britain the Expence of engaging in the Continent al Wars of Europe.

tion to reduce the public debts honourably; and by this means only can we obtain a competent annihilation
or our taxes, and enable us to our native as well as our plantation commodities at cheaper rates.

The reader will hardly forget, that we have endeavoured to (how the improbability of France and Spain
obtaining any advantage by a frefh rupture with us in America. However, left thefe nations fliould again
think of quarrelling with Britain, the fooner fhe extends her commercial union with her own colonies, the
better will lhe be prepared to cope with them and therefore it will be impolitic to be dilatory in a matter of

futh immediate important concern.

But if we mould be again forced into a war, it may not be inconfiftent with this work to fay a word with
refped to every other preparatory ftep requifite to be purfued, as well in regard to Europe as to America :

indeed this will be expeded, feeing we have promifed fome confiderations upon this point, which we call

A New Dcsign to render the Peace of Europe more lasting, and to save Great Britain

NO man in
carry on the
kingdom, we apprehend, no more than
war could ever have
ourfelves, ever imagined that the fupplies to
rofe to the height they did, nor the fucceffes of the war have been
fo extraordinary as they proved.
Wherefore, at the commencement of the laft war, the writer drew up a trad, which was intitled, Great
Britain's True System; wherein is endeavoured to be ihewn, i. That the increafe of the public debts
and taxes mult, in a few years, prove the ruin of the monied, the trading, and the landed interefc. 2. The
neceffity of raifing the supplies to carry on war, within the year. 3. That fuch a defign, however feem-
ingly difficult, is pradicable and, 4. An expedient to fupport the public credit in all limes of public

The fundamental principles whereupon the raifing the fupplies within the year was grounded, was, that the
government mould deal with all contradors for the navy and army, &c. payable within the year, or rather, if
pofllble, at three months credit, which is efteemed equal to ready money dealings, if punduality could be de-

pended on. That to enable the government to have complied therewith, the fupplies mould be raifed as early
in the year as poffible, and that all contradors mould have been paid as foon as pofllble ; fo that by the money
colleded from the people returning into their hands again as foon as poflible, fuch a quick circulation from
and to the hands of the public, the fupplies might have been raifed without running the nation further in
debt, and the nation opprefTed with no additional taxes after the war had been ended.
This propofition was fupported by a variety of realonings in divers lights, all which fcems to have corrobo-
rated the reditude of the meafure. Though the manner of handling the fubjed was well received by the
greateft men in the kingdom, yet party diftradions prevented that being carried into execution, which every
one approved and applauded. And this may poffibly prove the fate of the extensive commercial union
between Great Britain and her colonies the writer has propofed in thefe difcourfes ; and that from
the like party broils and diflfentions, there appearing a fimilitude of c ire urn fiances between our great men
at prefent as heretofore and there may be the fame caufe to repent the negled of the one as there has been

that of the other. For,

Had publicaffairs been fo happily conduded as to have left the nation exempt from thofe great addi-

tional tax incumbrances we now fultain, in confequence of adhering to the deftrudive ways of funding and
borrowing, the circumftances of the kingdom would have been widely different from what they are at preient;
not only the induftrious poor would have been in a much happier condition, but every rank of people in
the community.
As things have happened otherwife, the writer is not weary of well doing ; and therefore taking the ftate
of our affairs as they are, he is willing to hope, that he has fallen upon the moil natural way to extricate the
nation from the prefent difficulties under which it groans. Though fuch policy may be prefumed to operate
but (lowly to redrefs the public grievances, yet he prefumes to fay the effeds will be fure. Befides, this
capital ftep, the writer apprehends, may be aided by fome others, that will both facilitate and expedite it,
and that much fooner, perchance, than may be judged pradicable, by thofe unacquainted with what he may
poffibly hereafter have leifure to confider. The writer's other daily avocations not admitting of his digeft-
ing, at prefent, what he conceives will co-operate with what he has already fuggefted, he is obliged 10 defer
it, till he (hall have time to execute it to his intentions. And if he (hall be able to accomplish his end to his
own fatisfadion, he may probably fubmit the fame to the confederation of the legiflature, provided he (hall
be affured previoufly, that he (hall be intitled to an adequate parliamentary recompence for his public
fervice, which, he humbly apprehends, would be very important, whether the nation continues in peace, or
is compelled to go to war. Without this he is obliged to attend his private affairs, take care of his family,
and damp inltead of cherifh that public fpirit which is fo natural to him, as appears throughout all his la-
bours. But there being in thefe our happy days no encouragement for any private man to ferve his coun-
try, he has no hopes to be enabled to execute what he judges of the most important concern to the
kingdom at this time.
In the beforementioned treatife of raifing the fupplies within the year, the writer has in the Introdudion in-

NECTIONS on the continent of Europe. This plan of foreign affairs, before the laft war, was intended
in aid of the plan to raife the fupplies within the year without increafing the public debts or taxes, and was never
yet made public ; but the writer put it into the hands of the miniftry, it being then not proper for publication.
But as it may prove of public ule hereafter, he will communicate a part of the fubitance of it, preparatory to
what he (hall fubmit upon the Tame topic at prefent.
It never being imagined that we mould attempt to increafe the territories of Great Britain to the degree we
have done, the foreign plan was adapted to render the war as fuccefsful againft the enemy as we could,
at the lead expence to this nation. The new foreign fyftem offered for that purpofe was to have formed, at
the beginning of the war, a general Protestant commercial confederacy againft France, and all the
Catholic allies she should join with acainst Great Britain and her confederates.
The new commercial Protestant confederacy was (ounded on the eventual fuccefs againft the ene-
mies ,and each power was to be intitled to its due fhare of new acquired territory that fhould be taken from
the enemies of the confederacy, and that in proportion to the ftipulated quota of maritime or landed force
that each confederate fhould be able to advance to promote the fuccefs of the common caufe. Thus the
intertlt of every confederate being concerned in the eventual fuccefs of the war, no one would be backward
in furnifhing the full degree of force fuch confederate fhould be in a capacity to advance, according to they
Nc-jo Foreign Syjlan to favc Gnat Britain the Expence of engaging in the Continental Wars cf Europe. Ixi

Puliation or their circum fiances fo to do j and that the divifion of the new acquired territory that fhould be
obtained from the enemies, mould be made by the congrefs appointed for that purpofe in the moll equitable
manner, as well as every circumilauce of conducting the confederate war to a fuccefsful ifllie.
That as Great Britain was at the head of the Protectant commercial confederacy, and v/as prefumed to be
the mod capable to contribute a luperior fhare or quota of maritime ftrength ; fo her (lipulated fhare fhould
be fettled at the congrefs and fhe fhould be intitled to no more of the new acquired territory, or other com-

mercial wealth, than fliould have been proportionate to her quota of men, fhips, &c. In a word, every pre-
liminary article was to have been ftipulated by the congrefs of the confederate powers, before the fword mould
be drawn, and after the fame Ihould be fheathed, the moft advantageous peace fnould be made for their
mutual benefit.
That the Proteflant commercial confederacy mould ever fubfift for the prefervation of the tranquillity of
Europe, againll any Catholic Hate whatever that fliould interrupt it, and for the due prefervation of perfect
amity, concord, and unity between the Protectant confederates.
That no Catholic (late whatever fliould be admitted amongft the Proteflant commercial confederates, left
fuch Hate fliould have been any way inltrumental to have diflblved the proteflant alliance, &c.
That fuch of the Protellant confederates who fliould not then be in a capacity to raife as much decree of
force as they were defirous of doing, fliould have the liberty to have raifed what money they required amonxtt
any of the confederated Hates, for which they fhould pay four per cent, interefl till the principal fliould "be
repaid to the lenders and that the whole confederacy fliould have been guarantees for the dticharge of both

the principal and interefl. And that as a further collateral fecurity to the lenders, the new acquired fhare
of territory, or any other fort of acquifition by the capture of [hips and merchandizes, 6cc. fliould have been
mortgaged for the fame loans, &C. to the whole confederacy, &c That the confederates agreed, that all the
acquisitions of wealth or territory made by the united force should never have been restored.
Thefe were the outlines of the new foreign British system intended : the whole may one day, perhaps,
fee the light.
That a more adequa'e idea of the whole may be at prelent formed, be it fuppofed, that the millions which
were railedby Great Britain alone, had been railed amongft the whole body of Protellant confederates \ and
that the acquifni ns that were made, had been done by the united aid and afliftance of the whole confederacy,
inftead of Britain alone.
Suppoie alio, that there were six Protestant st \tes confederated for the purpofe aforefaid, and that Great
Britain was admitted to bear two-fixths, equal to one-third of the whole expence, and the other five flates two-
fifteenths each of them, and the whole acquilitions made were to be equitably divided amongft the confederates,
by the congrefs fettled for that purpofe this fuppofed, then all the captures and territory obtained by the laft

war would have belonged to, and have been divided amongft the feveral parties interefted therein.
Thole who are of opinion, that we have obtained too large a fhare of territory, may not judge the preceding
plan of foreign politics a romantic or vifionaiy fyftem. Had the cafe been, as fubmitted by the new plan, we
could have been intitled to no more than one-third of the conquelts the whole confederate force fliould have
made-, and then we fhould have been at no more than one-third of the expence we have been at, and fliould
have faved the other two-thirds. Which of the two might have been more eligible for Great Britain, is a
queftion that others may think of; we are certain, that the whole Proteflant caufe would have been a much
more conliderable gainer in general than this kingdom has been, and the Catholic ones would have been a
much greater loler. For the Protellant intereft would have gained the Havanna amongft them, as well as
the French fugar iflands, except their part of Hifpaniola.
Kad the poffefTion of the 1 favanna, the key of the Spanifh Indies, together with the whole fifheries of New-
foundland, amongft other parts of the conquell, been allotted to the fhare of Great Britain, and the States
General of the United Provinces, for their feven-fifteenth parts, and had the refidue been as equitably pro-
portioned as could have been, between the other confederates, would not this have drawn the teeth and have
pared the nails both of Prance and Spain ? Would not nine-tenths of the whole fugar trade of the world have
been poflfeiTcd by the Protellant intereft, as well as the principal fifheries of America ?
With refpect to the American continent, and all to the ealtward of the Miffifippi, fuch parrs might have
been appropriated as would have tended to the (ecurity and due enlargement of the anticnt Bntifli colonies, and
the remainder might have been dillributed amongft fuch other of the confederated powers as mighc have chofe
it-, and the whole dillribution of territory might have been made under the guarantee of the whole confede-
rated Protellant allies and who would have wrefted the Cime out of their hands ?
; So likewife might the
American conquered iflands have been dillributed amongft the Proteflant flates. In virtue of the proportion
coming to Prullia, might not that monarchy have been conftituted a maririme power, and Sweden and Den-
mark have received their proportion of eftimable commercial conquell taken out of the enemies fcale of power,
and thrown for ever into that of proteilantifm ?
Be it further prefumed, that the Englifh and Dutch had, in conjunction, pofiefllon of the Hivanna, and in
conlequence the whole iftand of Cuba, as the French and the Spaniards poflefs the illand of Hifpaniola, might
not England and Fiolland have made the Spaniards forever tributaries to them, for permiflion to have traded
to Spanifh America, had the Proteflant confederates chofe to continue to them that privilege under fuch cer-
tain regulations and restrictions as they fliould have granted it, as a check upon them for the future ? And
by the Spaniards being obliged to have paid England and Holland for the privilege of trading to their
American colonies, through the medium of the Havaiina ; and the refort thither of the galleons and ft>ta,
the advantages arifing from thence, would have well enabled Britain and Holland to have maintained the Ha-
vanna, and have virtually conftituted them mafters of (lie whole Spanifh American commerce, under the gua-
rantee of all the Proteflant confederates;
This nvght have proved the high importance of the Proteflant con-
federated interefl againll Spain and with relation to France, when they Tiad been deprived of the whole of the

Newfoundland fifheries', and the fugar colonies, and all the neutral iflands, what injury could they have ever
after been able to do to any of the Proteflant powers in Europe, while the fame commercial confederacy fub-
fifled, as it was propo fed to have always done ? They could not have dared to have maltreated the leall re-
ipectable Proteflant flate in Europe, the confederacy rendering every individual as powerful as the whole.
Moreover, thole flutes would, doubtlefs, have had Dunkirk, abfolutely demolifhed and razed to the
ground, and all the barrier towns put into Protellant hands, and effectually upheld and maintained at the
joint charge of the whole Proteflant confederacy, and not iupported in fuch a fcandalous condition as they
have been between a Catholic and a Proteflant flate, whofe intereils are ever incompatible. Had this taken
place, what future danger could the Proteflant intereft have been in as well in Europe as America, when Auf-
ttia no lefs than French Flanders had been at the mercy of the Proteflant confederates ? Could France
and the houfe of Aultria have ever more been able to have waged wars in Germany, provided a potent barrier
Prateftdnt ftmcmgn \r^ been fectled in the Auflrian Netherland, as was further propofed by the new Pro-
tellant Syltem, by the conll-r.r of the confederates ? Need Great Britain, or the States General, or his PrufTian
7 majefty,
lxii New Foreign Syjlan to fave Great Britain the Expence of engaging in the Continental Wan of Europe.

majefty, Sweden or Denmark, or our fovereign's German dominions been longer in danger; or this nation
obliged to expend more money on the continent to prevent wars there with Catholic ftates ?
Or, if a powerful proteftant barrier prince had not been judged eligible to have been fettled, by the confent of
the confederates in Auftrian Flanders, and duly fupported and guarantied by them, the States General of the
United Provinces might have more naturally, perhaps, had their dominions extended thither^ and they have un-
dertaken to have maintained the Proteftant barrier againft the houfes of Bourbon and Auftria, under the permanent
fupport and maintenance of all the Proteftant confederates that is to fay, that the faid confederacy being pre-

fumed to be perpetual, that whenever the Proteftant barrier fhould have been attacked, the active union fhould
inftantly take place, to withlcand fuch attack, and the quota of each confederate being ftipulated in the alli-
ance, it might have rendered the barrier impregnable: and Dunkirk being abfolutely demolifhe 1, French
Flanders would be open to the penetration of the confederates on one fide, and the Auftrian dominions on the
other. For, as foon as the tranquillity of the barrier ftate had been difturbed, the confederates would have
inftantly taken the alarm ; Great Britain might, in conjunction with the States General, immediately have had
forty or fifty, or even one hundred fail of men of war ready, with a competent military force, ready encamped
in the Ifle of Wight, to have powered into French Flanders, and prevented the junction of France and Auf-
tria, by ravaging all the coalts of France. On the other fide, the Proteftant confederates alfo would have been
prepared to have kept the Houie of Auftria in due fubjection, and hereby have maintained the peace of Ger-
many. This, however, was the writer's plan, and the defign of the new confederacy ; and whether the fame
might not have been lb improved upon by the joint wifdom of the confederates, is humbly fubmitted to thofe
who are judges of it, from the fketch exhibited.
But it did not end here. It was extended to Africa no lefs than Afia, as well as America and Europe,
wherein fuch a confederacy might have been rendered fuccefsfully formidable to any Catholic compact that
could have been formed againft if. The defign, in a word, was fo devifed as to have preferved the tranquil-
lity of Europe in all probability far more durably than it ever had been before, and wouiJ have lowered the
creft of all oppofers to as great a degree, perhaps, as might have been found requite.
The reader will pleafe to obferve, that this new fyftem at the beginning of the war was bottomed upon the
prevailing fentiment, that Great Britain did not ftand in need of any extraordinary addition of territory, if
that (hare of which fhe was poffeffed had been made the beft ufe of. As it has fo fallen out, that we have
obtained a far greater fhare of valuable territory than was ever before thought neceffary, we have feen the
foundation that is laid to reimburfe us the great expence we have been at to gain it : and it is wifjom to make
the beft advantage we can of it.
The writer had taken no notice of the former propofed foreign confederacy at this time, did he not conceive,
that if another rupture fhould take place between this kingdom and the Catholic ftates, this plan might either in
part, or in the whole, be adopted. Should the Family Compact extend itfelf to a far greater degree than
we may at prefent be apprized of, we have feen in what manner it may be effectually matched for the benefit
of the Proteftant caufe. And a Proteftant commercial confederacy might, perhaps, ftand a fairer chance for
greater fuccefs, than they could have done in the laft war, had it then taken effect ; feeing Great Britain is at
prefent fo happily fituated in America to act offenfively for the benefit of the confederates; and fuch being
more likely to be benefited by their alliance with Great Britain than the latter with them, their intereft might
probably prompt them chearfully to enter into fuch alliance, to inlarge their commerce and territory, if the
fame fhould be properly reprefented to them.
Another principle whereon the Proteftant confederacy was grounded, was that of its being unnatural for any
Proteftant ftate whatever to league with a Catholic one.
There have been no more inveterate animofities between ftates, than thofe which have fprung from the dif-
ferences of religion ; the prefent neceffity may, indeed, diflemble them, but it is fcarce poflible that time fhould
not difcover them ; and how is it to be imagined that amity can ever be maintained between them, when the
one cannot truft the other ? When the ruin of this is the intereft of that ? Confederacy with thofe of a dif-
ferent religion is lawful, when its end is the intermifiion of war and liberty of commerce, fuch as that was
which Ifaac made with Abimelech. 'Tis the well known maxims of Popilh ftates, that no obligations are to
be kept with Heretics, as they ftile all Proteftants. Hence has the Gallica fides towards England and other
proteftant potentates become proverbial.
In the reign of Charles II. there was a tract publilhed, entitled Chriftianifllmus Chriftianandus, in which
the author endeavoured to prove, that the moft Chriftian king was himfelf void of all the common principles
of Chriftianity ; and this very treatife was encouraged to be printed by Lord Danby, then Lord Treafurer ;
yet this very treafurer fuddenly changed fentiments, and by his councils, his mafter in the clofet formed a moft:
dangerous alliance with that crown. We
never gained any advantage by leaguing with that nation, as we ex-
perienced alfo when we allied with them in confequence of the treaty of Hanover in the year 1725 ; for when
Gibraltar was attacked by the Spaniards, they gave us no manner of afliftance. How we have fuffered by
our alliances with the houfe of Auftria, let our national debts declare. Nor did they give us any fort of
afliftance at that time, though we were put to a great expence to prevent the confequences of the treaty of
Vienna, notwithftanding the Spaniards feized the effects of the South Sea company, to a very great value, at
La Vera Cruz, and took our merchant fhips at fea.
Our former alliances even with Proteftant powers having never been devifed upon the principles of the
New Syftem, were never of any great advantage either to Great Britain or her allies. They were grounded
upon temporary, fubfidiary, or auxiliary treaties only. Had they, on the contrary, been bottomed upon com-
mercial and territorial acquifuions, the tranquillity of Europe might have been of far longer duration than it
ufually has ; for fuch interefting ties and inducements would have made the confederates more faithful to each
other than ever they were, it being once refolved that every commercial advantage they could obtain by war
fhould never be given up at a peace. Our former alliances have only proved a rope of land, being left always
of a very vague and precarious nature, and never calculated but as temporary expedients to anlwer merely
the prefent purpofe. The New Syftem we fee was quite otherwife projected.
If any thing of the kind here planned fhould ever take place amongft the Proteftant ftates, it will be firft previ-
oufly neceffary to fecure their mutual fafety in Europe, before they turn their eyes on the inlargement or their
trade and territories in America, or elfewhere. To contribute to that, Great Britain would advance her
reafonable quota of expence chearfully, and certainly could be more aflifting therein, by the aid of her mari-
time force, than by exhaufting herfelf by any continental expence :fo that if it again fhould become neceffary to
oppofe continental meafures, the other powers moft likely to fuffer thereby ought to take care of that matter for
their own fakes ; or, be the confequence as it might, Great Britain will be obliged to take care of herfelf and her
Britiih territories, and not intermeddle with the continent, if thofe who are more nearly concerned do not think
proper to do fo. If the reft of the Proteftant ftates will neglect their own fafety, they can never again expect
fupport from this nation, be the confequence in regard to the king's German dominions what it may. For
by dint of our maritime power, we fhall be in a condition to oblige any Catholic ltate to reftore them again
to the elector, his Britannic majefty, though the Germanic body and conftitution would hardly lutfer them
6 to
Foreign Syjlpu to fave Great Britain the Expcnce of engaging in the Continental IVan of Europe. Uiii

to be wrefted ouc of our monarch's hands, while they mould embrace a neutrality, if the reft of the Prote-
ltant Hates il.emlclvcs lhall thufe to prefer a ftate of inaction upon fuch an occafion.
Should a ceneral I'ROTtsrANT commercal confederacy be thought uneligible or impracticable at
firft,the next point that may concern Britain to confider with refpect to alliance, will be, whether that of a com-
mercial one with the States General of the United Provinces might take place, fuch having been ever judged
a natural alliance preservative of both powers. And is there no way to bring this about f lf7 indeed, it is
not in the power of Britain to make it as much for the commercial interefl of Holland to engage offenfively
in conjunction with her againft any Catholic ftate, it will be in vain to expect them to relinq uifh their neu-
trality as well hereafter as they have done heretofore. Unlefs, we fay, the States General can be thoroughly
convinced of this, they cannot be expected to break with France or any other power by whom they will gain
more advantage by their neutrality. Should Britain, therefore, think at all of any ofTenfive alliance in cafe of
a future rupture with France, 6fc. and Holland be thought of for the purpofe, it feems to be in our power
to offer the United Provinces terms that they may probably accept.
The fifheries of iolland are jultiy efteemed by thf Dutch as more valuable than mines of gold. They

were the fir ft rife of that republic, and have been the grand prop and fupport of their commerce and navi-
gation. The moll eflimable of all their fifheries is their herring fifheries, which the Dutch carry on upon the
coafts of Great Britain and Ireland. Sir Walter Raleigh informed king James, that the Dutch fifhed on the
coaft of Great Britain with no lcls than 3000 fhips and 50,000 men, and that they employed and fet to
iea, to tranfport and fell the fifh lo taken, and to make returns thereof, 9000 fhips more, and 150,000 men
befides and, if we hereunto add what he fays further, viz. that twenty buffes maintain 8oco people, and that

the Hollanders had in the year 6 1 8 no lefs than 20,000 fhips at fea, as alio their fifhing, navigation and

traffic by lea, with its dependencies, fince that time to the year 1667, increafed to one-third more ; if this

befo, we may then eafily conclude, he obferves, that the lea is a fpecial means of Holland's fubfiftence, feein-
Holland by this means alone yields, by its own induftry, above 300,000 laps, of fait fifh.
The French too make great advantage by the herring fifhery on the coafts of Britain and Ireland. When
the French king was moved, in the wars of queen Anne, to admit the Dutch and Englifh fifhing boats into
Dieppe, Dunkirk, St. Vallery, and other ports, with their he.- rings, the king aniwered, No! eynomeans:
do? Upon which, the merphants of thole parts immediately fitted out vcflels, and took herrings fuffkient
for all the country, and have continued to do lb ever fince upon our coalks.
There is no treaty lubfilting between Great Britain and the United Provinces that grants the Dutch the
privilege of fifhing on our coafts, neither is there any that grants the French that privilege-, they both enjoy
this liberty only as a matter of favour and indulgence, and not as a matter of right, as is fhown under our
article Fifheries.
Now, as neither of the fubjetts of either of thofe pov/ers have any fuch right by treaty ; be it fuppofed,
that in order to lay the foundation between Great Britain and the United Provinces, for a better Protestant
commercial confederacy, it was propofed by this nation to grant by treaty, amongft other commercial
articles to be ftipulated between the contracting parties, the fubjects of the United Provinces the full
liberty of fishinc on the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland, the fame manner as is done to
the fubjects of his Britannic majefty, without being liable to any moleflation.
II. That the fubjecls of France, or any other power, fhall be excluded from carrying on the faid fifheries

upon the coafts of Britain and Ireland, and the fubjects of all other powers, unlefs thofe who fhall be invited
and accede to this Proteftant commercial alliance.
III. the fubjects of the United Provinces fhall be intitled to the right of fifhing on the coafts of New-
foundland i and that the fubjects or France, and of ail other ftates, fhall be for ever excluded from the
Newfoundland filheries, unlci^ thole \vh.; fhall be invited and accede to this commercial alliance.
IV. That this alliance ihall be extended to what other branches of their fifheries the contracting parties fhall
judue proper, and alio the fubjects of thofe powers who fhall accede hereto.
V. That this alliance may be alio extended for the mutual protection of the commerce and territories, both
offenfively as well as defenfively, of the contracting parties, in all parts of the world, and all other Prote-
who fhall be invited and accede to it.
ftant ftates
VI. That this alliance fhall fubfift in time of peace, as well as war ; and that in times of war, the quotas
chofen to be ftipulated by the feveral contracting parties, fhall be explicitly agreed on to act offenfively or
VII. That the feveral parties to this alliance fhall have the privilege to borrow any sum or sums of mo-
ney in the dominions of each other, to enable them to advance their refpective quotas at per cent.
VIII. That it be agreed, that all commerce or territory the allies fhall be able to take from their ene-
my or enemies, fhall be divided amongst them as equitably as possible, according to the proportion
of the expence which they have been at jointly with the reft.
IX. That the eventual territories taken from the enemy fhall be a fpecial security to the lending
parties in the feveral ftates, and that the whole confederacy fhall be a collateral security for all fuch
fums oi money that fhall be borrowed for the purpofe of annoying and diftreffing their common enemies.
X. 1 hat no Catholic ftate whatever fhall be admitted to accede to this Proteftant commercial alliance.
XI. That no new acquired territory lhall be given up at the end of the war.
XII. That this alliance be perpetual, and fhall exift as well in time of peace as wap, and fhall be fur-
ther cemented by fuch ftipulations as lhall be judged necefTary by the contracting parties.
XIII. That no treaties or alliances fhall be entered into by any of the confederates without commu-
nicating the same to the rest, for their confent and approbation ; _and without their unanimous confent,
no treaty or alliance either between themfelves or with any Catholic ftate fhall be entered into.
Thefe will ferve as a iketch of the outlines of this new Proteftant alliance to counteract the family com-
pact made amongft the Catholic ftates, to preferve peace, and to extend the commerce and navigation of all
the Proteftant ftates.
Without entering into a further detail of other ftipulations for the perpetuation of the Protestant
confederacy, and for the common fecurity of their trade and territories, and for the extenfion thereof,
the writer judges that he lias intimated fuffkient to convey the general idea of his intention, leaving any
additions or amendments thereto to the wifdom of thofe who may think the future prefervation of the Prote-
ftant intereft againft the family compact, &c. merits attention.
It be naturally obferved, that the propofed commercial alliance between Great Britain and the
United Provinces, may be made to terminate in a grand general Proteftant commercial alliance, as before
Vol. I. q The
Ixiv New Foreign Syflem to fave Great Britain the Expence of engaging in the Continental Wars of Europe.

The writer being of opinion, that it is unnatural for Proteftant ftates to ally with Catholic ones, has re-
ftrained what he has humbly fubmitted to the former, the latter having already entered into a compact, that
may make fuch a counter alliance fooner necefTary than many may be inclined at prefent to conceive.
Wherefore, he apprehends the time of peace is the proper time to ruminate on what may he done to pre-
ferve the tranquillity longer than has been hitherto the cafe of Europe.
Notwithstanding the United Provinces, during the two laft wars, have not been induced to relinquifh their
neutrality, and join with Britain offenfively againit her enemies; yet it is not improbable that the time may
foon arrive, when the States General may poffibly be glad to ally both offenfively and defenfively with this
nation. For the United Provinces are fituated between two fires ; and they may, perhaps, one day be at-
tacked on the one fide by a warlike m
h, as well as by France and her allies on the 6ther in fuch cafe, on :

whom can the States depend for protection but their old friends Great Britain ? who, let them remember,
have facrificed many advantages on their account, fince the treaty of Utrecht, which ought to wipe off any
ill imprefTion which that treaty juftly made on them. And if this nation (hows a due regard, without injury
to herfelf, to promote the commercial intereft of the United Provinces, fomething in the manner that has
been fhown, it may contribute to revive and cement that ancient friendfhip that ever ought to havefubfifted
between thefe maritime powers, for their mutual benefit.
Being Upon the topic of commercial union, it is no way repugnant to our fubjectjuft to mention that of
Ireland with Great Britain, which is not lefs defirable than that with her colonies and plantations.
The great obftacle hereto has been that of Britain's public debts and taxes and while thefe fhall remain

to the degree they are, 'tis no wonder that mould be ever defpaired of. Whereas, were they duly diminifhed,
that Ireland might be induced to acquiefce and follicit this kingdom for fuch union, that fhe might be exempt
from thole restraints in trade to which fhe is liable, it Would contribute to their mutual emolument, by tak-
ing that (hare of trade out of the hands of our rivals, which we of this nation are not able to do at prefent,
or rather to put both nations on a level in trade. Wherefore, ought not this to be a further motive to us to
try every poffible meafure to accomplish that defirable end ? For the advantages thereby arifing to Ireland,
would in a great meafure center in Britain, and add to the inrichment and ftrength of the united empire.
To leffen the public debts and taxes, we have fhewn in the former difcourfe the indifpenfable neceffity of,
as well to promote and extend the further commercial union between this kingdom and her plantations, as
between us and For when we fhall be able to fell our manufactures cheaper to our colonifts, they
will the more redily decline every fpecies of fmuggling therein in which cafe, they will take larger quanti-

ties of Britifh manufactures which will enable us to give them greater encouragement to fupply us with every

fpecies of material, and every kind of production that they fhall be capable to raife.
In order to advance thefe feveral commercial unions which we recommend, there is another kind of union,
that feems to be the fource, and indeed the grand bafis of all the reft we mean an union between thefe Bri-

tish personages who are likely to be the rulers of the state, under his majefty's gracious choice
and authority. This is a union at home amongft ourfelves, of which we highly ftand in need > and which to our
grief be it bed of fovereigns has not enjoyed to
faid, that the content everfince his reign, except
his defirable
juft at the commencement of it. To what caufes can this be 'Tis much to be feared, that our
attributed ?

late divifions, diftractions, and animofities, that have fubfifted amongft the great people, have been owina to
his majefty's having in his power too many favours to beftow. This may be a greater misfortune poffibly
to the beft and wifeft of princes, in a free Mate, than is commonly confidered ; for if a monarch has lefs to
beftow, he may have lefs foliicitations for his liberality, and consequently there will be lefs struggling for
the loaves and fifties, than where he has more to give by lucrative places and penfions. This creates jealou-
fies and envy, and at length invidious cabals and intrigues amongft the great folks, to fupplant each other in
the favour of their Sovereign.
Another realbn of thofe diffentions may be, that the road to pofts of truft, profit, and honour, hath not always
been made fo refpectable as could be wiftied ; for when the prince is eternally diffracted with thofe perfonal in-
trigues, to gain them, it is impoffible for the beft intentioned monarch always to beftow them upon the moft de-
ferving and the moft meritorious objects ; whereby, oftentimes, the greateft places have been wrefted out of the
prince's hands by objects the leaft defervingof them. Whereas, were there much fewer very profitable places
in the gift of the crown, and were thofe filled only by fuch perfonages that had, in the opinion of all wife and
good men, earned them by their meritorious fervices to the king and kingdom, where is the Briton that would
exprefs his difpleafure at fuch choice ? Would not the people have reafon to confide in the future behavi-
our of thofe, whole advancement had been owing folely to their public and private virtues ? Would not this
render the people ever happy and contented as well as their monarch ?
Moreover, by cuftom, not reafon, it is ufual, when fovereigns have been, as it were, forced to beftow one
great place upon a great bad man, and a very weak man, and this great man fhall have in his gift a fcore, or
perhaps many more places belonging to his department, will fuch a great bad man beftow his fubordinate
places, by whom the whole of the public bufinefs is oftentimes tranfacted, on good and able men ? Will
he not, on the contrary, beftow his liberality upon underftrapping wretches of the fame kidney with himfelf ?
Perfons who fhall be ready to do every fpecies of dirty work their worthy patron fhall put them upon ? And
will not fuch people blood-fuck the public from fecret combination, to aggrandize themfelves at the expence
of the nation ? Will not this make the people feel the oppreffion of, and magnify every tax-burthen that
is levied on them, far more grievoufly than otherwife they would do ? This has been another great fource
of national difcontents.
What can be expected from the fale of places, but the purchafers will make the moft of them at the pub-
lic expence? Has not this rendered the perquifites of offices fo exorbitantly great upon the public, that a
petty clerk of 100/. a year falary, fhall out-ipend the country gentleman of 500/. per annum? Do not all
fuch like burthens fall upon the public, and render every thing dearer and dearer in the kingdom ?
Were there much fewer places in the dilpofal of government, and thofe for life, beftowed on fuch
only who had done fome diftinguifhed public fervice, the government and the nation would be well ferved.
While alfo adminiftrations are eternally upon the change, who will accept of places as changeable as thofe of
minifters themfelves ? The glory and intereft of the itate being thus made the certain road to preferment,
what unfpeakable emolument might not the community expect from fuch policy ? The whole nation would
then become genuine patriots nor would the public want a fucceffion of thofe who fhoulcl ftudy the public

profperity and happinefs.

What a univerfifl emulation to ferve the nation would not fuch conduct in government create throughout the
whole Britifh empire as well within doors as without, when meritorious deeds were made the only way to obtain

all places of truft, profit, and honour ? Inftead of our moft gracious fovereign being eternally tormented by
minifterial changes, cabals, and intrigues, the prince would inftantly pitch upon fuch men for his minifters, who
had themfelves done the greateft public fervices ? And would not fuch men ever have the voice of the people
on their fide ? Would not fuch a prince ever attach to himfelf the hearts and affections of his fubjects ?
2 What

New Foreign Syjlem tojave Great Britain the Expenee of engaging in the Continental IVars of Europe. bcr

What way could be fo effectual to unite the king with his people, and the people with his minifters ?
There perhaps,
is, no art of government that could do it to fuch good purpdlV, as there is no furer method
to extricate the nation out of every difficulty, as loon as any was feen growing. Inltead of minifters beino
cverlaffcingly on the itretch to devife new taxes, we fhould have no occafion for them. Every head would
then be at work to abolifh moll: of the old ones, which we mould foon be able to do, if due rewards and
honours were fure to attend the doing fo.
To bring a defign of this kind to the ultimate perfection, every man fhould print any thing for the
public fervice and if his majefty made his minifters, who had the moll public merit themfelves, judges there-

of, no private man would be fhamefully tricked out of the merit of his own labours by thofe who had none of
their own to boaft of. For that, in our happy days, is the common practice of the pret-.nded patrons of
private perfons. And have not many great men made themfelves greater by fuch deteflable perfidy, and in-
creafed both their honours and eftates by fuch like nefarious practices ? Was this the cafe, private people then
need not dance attendance and dependance upon the unworthy. They need only make their intentions
public in print, and fend them to thofe, whom the wife and good prince fhould authorize to examine into their
utility, and have their reward accordingly. And fuch who might not chuie their recompence by places of
profit and honour, as might be the cafe of many advanced in years, fhould have it in money, for the benefit
of their families. What honour would not the mnifler deferve, who fhould advifc the adoption of fuch a
defign for the encouragement of public merit? What ineffable public advantages would not the flate derive
from fuch a wife inftitution ? What glory would the prince obtain, who fhould wifely countenance an efta-
blifhment of this kind, fo as not to be abufed ? Might not this be inftrumental to call forth, or raife
numbers of great genii of every clafs and degree for the national fervice and Iplendor ? fhould not c.en We
fee men of the firit rate underftanding buried in obfeurity, lamenting their ill treatment received from fome
But while this nation fhall be unhappily diftracted by party cabals, only from mercenary and ambitious prin-
ciples, we can never expect that any noble defigns will take root in the kingdom.
When difcord reigns amongft thofe who ought to unite for the public fervice, the confrquence is generally
no lels unhappy for the people than the prince they will catch the flame of difcontent when kindled amongfl

their fuperiors; and has not that frequently terminated in inlurrections and civil wars ? The fmalleft things
increafe by concord ; by difcord the greatelt fall to the ground. Thofe, which being divided, were weak
and impotent, when united refift any force whatever. Thefe have been reprefented in various fimilitudes.
The many-fold cord is not quickly broken. What arm can pull off the horfe's main, when the hairs fhall be
well twitted, or break a bundle of arrows ? And yet either of thefe, of itfelf, is unable to withftand the
lead violence. By emblems of this kind, Sertorius and Scilurus, the Scythian, exprefTed the itrength of con-
cord, which of many diftinct parts make one united, and confequently ftrong body. All the works of na-
ture are preferved by amity and concord j and when this fails, they decay and die. What is the caufe
of death but the prevalence of difcord in the human body ? The very i^mc happens in common-
wealths -, as common confent made them between the greatelt or molt power-
a fociety, fo a difTention

ful part diflblves again, and diffociates, or new models them.

This diviiion engenders hatred, whence
revenge arifes, and from that a difrefpect to laws, without the authority of which, jullice lofes its efficacy j
and where that fails, arms are taken up, and inteftine wars breaking out, the order of the ftare, wholly con-
fifting in unity, is confounded. The bec^ no fooner fall out, but their commonwealth is deftroyed. If it has
the fame effect between citizens, how will they be able to unite for the common defence and intereft ? Plato
ufed to fay, nothing was fo pernicious to commonwealths as divifions. Concord is the wall and guard, no
lefs than the ornament of ftates. Domeftic difTentions are fo many victories for the enemy, as thofe for-
merly of the Britons were to the Romans, no/iris Hit dijfentionibus, &
dijeordiis clari, vitia hojiium in gleriam

exercitus fui vertunt, fays Tacitus in vit. Agric. and ellcwhere, converts ad civile helium animis^ externa fine
cura habentur.
What differs from, and is at variance with itfelf, muft of necefllty fuffer, and what fuffers can never be
lafting. Who, when divided, can keep the flames of diffention within certain bounds ?
a republic is Who
will afterwards quench it, when all are involved in them ? For thefe, and fuch like reafons, ought not dif-
cords to be nipped in the bud, and union encouraged in a ltate ? And is not that eafily maintained, if none
be advanced to places of truft and honour but thole who fhall have deferved them, as well in the eye of the
people as the prince ? Where the equal difbibution of favours and gratuities are made amongft the merito-
rious, they will be a true fupport and aid to the good prince under the greatelt difficulty and diftrefs. Under
the adminiftration of fuch a monarch, the whole executive part of government will be faithfully obferved;
the laws duly obeyed and inforced ; the indultrious poor duly kept to their honeft toil, by the encouragement
of trade and commerce, and have corn and provifions cheap and plentiful-, the nobility in government em-
ployed in arms and ufeful literature, will difcourage and ftifle cabals and clandeftine meetings to diftract the
ltate ; the great ones will be kept frugal and modeft, and the inferiors peacefully and univerfally contented
ail which will conduce to a greater mediocrity in wealth, and a general poverty prevented amongft the mafs
of the people. From the reformation in regulating of thofe things, relults good government ; and where
that is, there peace and concord ever flourifh.
There is but one cafe wherein it feems warrantable to kindle difcords in kingdoms-, that is, when they are
already troubled with feditions and inteftine broils for then to diftract them into factions, will be a means to

weaken the power of the bad, the only end in that being to render peace to the good. And it is a piece of
felf-prefervation, not to fuffer difturbers to be at quiet, in as much as the concord of ill men is to the
prejudice of the good : as it is to be wifhed that thefe may live peaceably, fo it is that thofe may be in dif-
cord-, for good men and good fubjects always come by the worft, when bad. men are united. Concordia
malorum contr aria eji bohorum, &
ftcut cptandum eft, ut boni pacem habeant ad invicem, ita cptandum eft, ut mali
fint difardes. Impeditur enim iter bonorum, fi unitas v.on dividatur malorum.
When the fame thing is done occafionally between minifters, it may have its ufe ; fome kind of emulation
and diffidence one of another, might make them more attentive to their duty for if once through a ne- -,

glect of this, they difTemble and conceal each other's faults, or with one confent are fuffered to join the pur-
fuit of their own interefts, there is as great danger to the prince as to the ftate, without remedy in that -,

none can be employed but by their hands. But if a pubiic-fpirited and generous emulation to ferve the na-
tion (hall degenerate into averfion and enmity, it will create the fame inconveniencies for they will then be

more intent on contradicting and thwarting one another, more follicitous to overthrow each other's councils
and actions, than to promote the public good and their prince's fervice. Every one has his friends and
creatures, and the common fort of people are apt to be led into factions ; whence generally arife tumults 2nd
infurrections. For this reafon, Drufus and Germanicus joined themfelves, left the flame of diffention kindled
in the palace of Tiberius, fhould be increafed by the blaft of their favour.


A ^
The of the alphabet, not only in the
firfi letter
Englifti, but moft otherlanguages. Merchants,
bankers, and book-keepers ufe it, cither alone, or
followed by fomc other initial letters, as an abridg-
ment of certain terms in trade for faving time, and room in
16 ounces. According to this, the aam, filled with common
water, weighs 288 pounds, and makes of Paris pints
and not 250, to 260, as Mr. Savary fays
liih pints the fame number
pints, the Englifh pint of water being a
From hence
it makes inEng-


that of pounds, viz.


their journals, and other books of account. it is plain, that the mingle makes more than two

Being fet alone, after mentioning a bill of exchange, A Hands Englifh pints, by about four ounces ; but retail traders in
for accepted ; in French accounts A. S. P. fignifies, ' accepte the fame provinces make ufe of the divifion of two pints, as
fous proteft, i. e. accepted under proteft.' A. S. P. C. ' ac- Monf. Ricard fays, by way of obtaining good meafure.
cepte fous proteft, pour mettre a compte ; i. e. accepted under Laftly, the aam of oil, among the retail traders, is reckoned
proteft, to be placed to account.' A. P. fignifies to proteft. no more than 120 mingle*, by reafon of the wafte to which
Merchants commonly diftinguifh their fctts of accounts by it is liable.

the letters A, B, C, Sec. which anfwers theendof No. i, 2, ABACA, a kind of flax or hemp, gathered in fome of the

3, Sec. in order to refer by thefe letters, from new fetts of Manillas or Philippine iflands.
books to the old, to certain articles which had their rile in There are two forts of it, the white and the grey. This
the preceding books. plant is a fort of Indian plantane, which is fown every year,
AAGGI-DOGGII, a Perfian word, fignifying ' The bitter and, being gathered, it is fteeped in water, and beaten as

mountain.' It is fo called, on account of being a very hemp is. The

white abaca ferves for making very fine lin-
dangerous paffage for the trading caravans, which travel into nen ; but the grey is employed for nothing but cordage.
Perfia, and take their route of Conftantinople to Ifpahan. It ABAGI. SeeABASsi.
is fituated a day's journey from Louri, on the frontiers of The abagi (which feems to be the fame thing as the abaffi,
Perfia, near Chaouqueu. although of different value) is worth at TefHis, and through-
When thefe caravans are arrived at the pafs of this mountain, out all Georgia, about 36 fols French money ; four chaouris,
all the camels and hcrfes are numbered, for each of which which are alio called fains, make one abagi. An ufalton
the caravan-bachi t;,kes a duty, which he employs partly is worth half an abagi, or two chaouris. Forty afpers, or
for the pay of foldiers that guard the caravans, and partly carbequis, make one abagi. Finally, the fequin of Venice
for other fmall charges but he detains the greateft part for
: is worth fix abagis, or three chaouris.

himfelf. ABASSI, a filver coin in Perfia, in figure and fize very much
AAM, or HAAM, is a meafure of 4 ankers, or 2 ftekans, or France. The abaffi
like the ancient pieces of fifteen fols in
32 mingles, the mingle being of 2 pints of the meafure of takes its name from Shah-Abas II. king of Perfia, who or-
Paris. 6 Aams make one ton of 4 hogfheads of Bourdeaux, dered the coinage of it. It has on one fide, for legend, the
each hogfhead making at Amfterdam 12 ftekans, and 50 profeffion of the Mahometan faith, ' There is no God but
ftekans the ton, or 800 mingles of wine and lees which ; God, and Mahomet is his prophet;' and on the other the
amount to 1600 pints of Paris, and confequently the aam* king's name, and that of the city where it was coined.
contains about 250 to 260 pints of Paris. This coin, which has a great currency in Perfia, is worth
The aam is alfo a meafure which the Dutch ufe generally in two mammoudts or foyr chayes ; the chaye being eftimated
the feven united provinces of the Low Countries ; it agrees to at the fate of nine fols fix deniers of French money, makes
that of the hogfhead, barrel, or ton, provided the contents the abaffi worth thirty-eight fols, or feventeen fols of Hol-
of each of thefe vefiels be 128 mingles, which is a Dutch, land. They have alfo pieces of five abaffis, in value nine
meafure alfo, ufed for liquids, and which weighs about 36 livres, and from twelve to thirteen French fols; andlikewife
ounces avoir-dupois. pieces of two abaffis, which are in value one half of the
The Bourdeaux and Rhenifh wines, brandies, and the diffe- former. Of thefe they coin but few, and they are fcarce
rent forts of oils, are fold in tiie fame provinces by the aam. current in commerce, being commonly accounted a fort of
Mr. Savary is miftaken in faying, that the mingle makes two pocket-pieces. The pieces of five abaffis are round, a little
pints of Paris meafure, it making only one pint, and about thicker and larger than a French crown, and the half of
i. His error was occafioned by Ricard's Treatife of the trade thefe in proportion.
of Amfterdam, which he made ufe of, where in page 19 it is In trade, both at Ifpahan and in the reft of Perfia, the filver
faid that it is divided into two
Ricard, not having
pints Mr coin partes by weight, not by tale the bags contain 50 to-

explained *hat pint he meant, oceafions foreigners to mif- mans, which make 2500 abnffis they are weighed by weights

take him it is the Englifh pint that he intended, which

; of one toman, or fifty abaffis each. If they fufpecT: that there
makes a lit 1 more than the half pint of Paris, whole diffe- are any light or counterfeit pieces, they difcover them by
rence is not above half an ouice; for tne Paris pint, filled weighing 25 of them againft 25, and fo on.
with common water, weighs 31 ounces, and that of England
Vol. I. A ABA-

ABATELEMENT, a term ufed by the French in the ports (hillings a pair. They alfo fend them over to Holland, and
into the north and eaft feas, in great quantities
of the Levant, fignifying a fentence of the confjl, which im- ; yet the poor

ports a prohibition of commerce to all merchants and traders

who knit them, if they get two pence fterling a day, think
of the French nation, who will not ftand to their bargains, they make a good day's work.

or who refufetopay their debts. This prohibition is fofevere, They have a great exportation of pickled pork, packed up

that thofe againft whom not fuffered to fue any

it is iffued, are in barrels, which they fend chiefly to the Dutch for victual-
ling their Eaft India fhips, and their men of war, the Aber-
perfon for the payment of their debts, till they have madefatis-
faction, according to the conful's fentence, and have got the
deen pork having the reputation of being the beft cured, for
abatelement taken off, by the execution of its full contents. keeping on long voyages, of any in Europe.
ABATEMENT, otherwife REBATE, a term in ufe among They alio export corn and meal ; but they generally bring it
traders for a difcount or abatement in the price of certain
from the Firth of Murray, or Cromarty, the corn coming
commodities, when the buyer advances the fum directly, for from about Invernefs, where they have great plenty.
which he might have taken time. The people of Aberdeen are indeed univcrfal merchants, fo
As traders are not always inclined to pay ready money, an far as the trade of the northern part of the world will extend ;

abatement or deduction of fo much per cent, per ann. has and it may be juftly efteemed the third city in Scotland ; that
is to fay, next after Edinburgh and Glafgow.
been devifed to induce them thereto, that they may take the
advantage of the cuftomary difcount. . Peterhead, in this fhire, on the fouth fide of the water
'Tis alfo the practice of feveral great trading companies in of Ugie, is a fea-port of confiderable trade, and has a bay or
foreign countries, to allow difcount for payment of ready road that will contain 100 fail of fhips with good riding in 8
money, and of that of the Englifh haft-India company in or 9 fathoms. 'Tis high water here when the moon is di-
particular, to allow 6 percent, to the buyer for prompt pay- rectly fouth.

ment, as it is termed. . Strathbogy, in this fhire, is fruitful in corn and pafture,

Abatement. fometimes happens, that goods upon de-
It has black cattle, fheep, and horfes for exportation ; and is
livery at the cuftom houfe are found to have received da- remarkable for its fine linnen yarn, fpun here by the women,
mage. In this cafe, the furveyor and landwaiter are to and fold to the merchants.
make their report on the back of the warrant, and return it Remarks.
to the collector and principal officers ; who are then to chufe The trade of Scotland, particularly the linnen manufacture,

two indifferent and experienced merchants to view the goods, being at a very low ebb, before the year 1725, the royal
and upon oath to determine the quantum of the damage. boroughs, who are the guardians of the trade of Scotland,
Then the furveyor and landwaiter certify, that the goods took under their confideration the ftate of their trade and ma-
nufactures, in their general annual convention, held at Edin-
viewed by the merchants are the fame for which duty was
paid :whereupon a certificate of the whole proceedings is burgh, in July 1725, and in feveral fubfequent meetings of
their grand annual committee in that year.
made out, and a proportional abatement of the duty is made,
and repaid to the merchant upon his figning the receipt. The alfo for the improvement of agriculture, and

ABB, fo the clothiers call the yarn of a weaver's warp. They many perfons well (killed in trade and manufactures, formed
alfo fay abb-wool in the fame fenfe. propofals and fchemes for encouraging the manufactures and
fifheries : the refult of which was, that, in their meeting of
ABBAASIES, a filver coin current in Perfia. See Abassi.
ABEL-MOSC, which the French call ambrette, or grainede February 1725-6, they refolved to addrefs his. majefty, to
mufc, (mufk-feed) is the feed of a plant growing in Egypt, have the monies, fettled by law for the encouraging of their
and in the Antille iflands, having greenifh and velvet leaves, manufactures applied for that purpofe, in fuch a manner, as
very much refembling thofe of the marfh-mallows ; for which that all mifapplication might be prevented.

reafon the modern botaniits have given it the name of the The effect of this was, that his late majefty was gracioufly
velvet marfh-mallow of the Indies. The feed is fcarce bigger pleafed to write the following letter to the royal boroughs,

than a very large pin's head, formed like a fmall kidney, of which was prefented to the convention by his majefty's ad-
vocate, upon the 6th of July 1726, and has had very happy
a greyifli colour, and, as it were, fhagreened on the upper
fide, of a fcent like a compound of amber and mufk. its confequences in regard to their manufactures in general ever
principal ufe is in the compofition of fome perfumes, with fince.

which it is difficult to incorporate, without knowing how to

manage it. The Italian perfumers ufe a great deal of it
Superfatted GEORGE R.
and France the nuns and pater-nofter makers ufe it to
in Tjufty and well beloved, we
greet you well. having We
make chaplets, or bead-firings. This plant is ftiled by obferved, that the feveral fums of money referved and pro-
Monfieur Tournefort, ' ketmia jEgyptiaca, femine mof- vided by the treaty of union, and by divers acts of parlia-
chato, ^Egyptian ketmia, with feeds fmelling like mufk ;' and ment, to be employed for the improvement of fifheries and
the ingenious Mr. Miller (Gardener's Dictionary) obferves, manufactures in Scotland, have not hitherto been applied to
that it is commonly called mufk-feed in the Weft-Indies. the ufes for which they were intended ; principally, becaufe
The ambrette of Martinico is the beft of ail. It ought to no particular plan or method hath been concerted, directing
be chofen new, plump, dry, neat, and of a good fcent. the manner in which thefe fums fhould be applied for the
ABERDEENSHIRE, in Scotland, is bounded on the fouth faid purpofes. And being defirous to remove that hindrance
with part of Angus and Merns, or rather with the river Dee as fpeedily as may be, we have thought good to recommend
and the Grandfbain mountains ; with part of Bamf on the to you, that, at your firft general meeting in the month of
north-weft j part of Murray on the north ; the German July next, you do take into your confideration the ftate of
ocean on the eaft; and the river Spey and part of Badenoch the faid fifheries and manufactures, and of the monies pro-
on the weft. The chief places of trade in Aberdeenfhire are, vided for encouraging the fame; and that by yourfelves, or
I. Aberdeen, one of the principal cities in this fhire; there by committees of your number, you do devife and propofe
are two towns or of that name, the old and the new;
cities the particular methods, rules, and regulations, which to you
the old about a mile northward from the new, and is
lies (hall feem the moft proper, for the application of the faid
mouth of the river Don, which is remarkable
fituated in the fum towards the encouraging and promoting fifheries, and
for its extraordinary plenty of falmon and perch. fuch other manufactures and improvements in Scotland, as
1. New Aberdeen is fituated at the mouth of the river Dee. (hall moft conduce to the general good of the united king-
It exceeds all the cities in the north of Scotland for largenefs doms ; and that you do return to us the propofitions in which
and beauty. It ftands in a fine air, and has a great revenue you (hall have agreed, to the end, that, upon due confide-
arifing from its falmon fifhery. The adjoining fea not only ration thereof, a certain method may be fettled for the ap-
furnifhes them with plenty of fifh, but reproaches them with plication and management of thefe fums for the future. The
their negligence, when they fee the Dutch flee..., perpetually welfare of our loving people of Scotland, and the profperity
fifhing on their coafts, to very great advantage: but it has of the royal boroughs, is fo much concerned in what we re-
been till lately the humour of the inhabitants to apply them- commend to you, that we doubt not you will go on in the
felvss chiefly to the falmon-fiihing, and to neglect that of all execution of what is expected from you, with the utmoft
other forts. diligence, unanimity, and impartiality and, on our part, wc

The quantity of falmon and perch, taken in both rivers, is allure you of our countenance and encouragement in what'
a kind of prodigy. The proprietors are united into a com- you (hall propofe for the real good of your country, confid-
pany, there being fo many fharcs, of which no perfon can ent with the general intereft of our united kingdom, cVc.
enjoy above one at a time. The profits are very confider- Holles Newcastle.
able, the falmon being fent abroad into different parts of the
world, particularly into England, France, the Baltic, and In confequence of this letter from the throne, the conven-
feveral other parts. tion agreed upon an anfwer, wherein they expreffed their
The herring-fifhery is a common bleffing to all this fhore of joy and gratitude to his majefty, for his tender concern for
Scotland, and is like the treafure of the Indies at their door, the welfaieof Scotland; which filled the hearts of the moft
were it properly ufed by the Scots in general by this, how- : knowing people, with great gratitude and loyalty, and ani-
ever, the merchants of Aberdeen arc enabled to carry on a mated them z,ealoufly to exert themfelves to obtain feveral
trade to Dantzick and Kuningfberg, Riga and Narva, Wy- acts of parliament for regulating their linnen manufacture,
bourg and Stockholm. and promoting the fifheries in general of this part of the-

They have alio a very good manufacture of linnen, and wor- united kingdom. And, fince this period of time, the linnen
(led (lockings, which ihey And to England in great quanti- manufactures of Scotland have arofe to a very extraordinary
'1 hey make fome fo fine as to be fold from
14 to 30 perfection and 'tis now to be moft ardently wifhed and de-

8 fiKd,
fneJ, that their fiiherics will meet with fuch fuecefi and pro- ABUCCO, ABOCCO, or ABOCCHI, a weight ufed in the
(ocrity, as to employ numbcrlefs of the diftrefled poor, and kingdom of Pegu. One abucco is twelve
teccalis and a half

prove as good a nurfciy for our Britifh feamen as the coal two abuccos make an agiro, which is alfo
called giro
has been.

gin make halt a biza, and the biza weighs
ico teccalis' that
The rcafon for taking notice of his late majeftv's regard to is to lav, 2 pounds 5 ounces the heavy weight, or
2 pounds o
the improvement of the Scots manufactures and fifherics, is ounces light weightof Venice; See Venice forits
with a view to obferve, what great and happy effects proceed ABUKESB,

or ASLANI. See Aslani. '

from proper encouragement being given by authority to any ABYSSINIA, or upper Ethiopia, is bounded on
particular branch of trade. The commiflioners and trtrftces
appointed in Scotland in confcqucncc hereof, for the care of
Nubia or Sennar. On
the north bv
the caft it had formerly the
and the coaft of Abex 5 on the fou.h by
Alaba, Jcndero of
their trade, were Co affected with his majefty's tender con-, as the Portuguefc write it; on the weft by
cern for their profperity, that they beftowed their time and river Malcg, which falls into the Nile, and by this aft

attendance upon the fervice of the public, without fee 01 to the boundary of Nubia. For the more tedious difputable
reward. Their meetings were frequent and regular. Every dcfcnptions with refpeft to its boundaries,
we refer to thofc
fedcrunt manifefted, that their fervice was of great ufe and who have profeiTedly written thereon
; our view being only
importance to their country, by contributing greatly to ad- to take a furvey of what commerce they
have, and this is
vance the improvement and extenfion of their fiftieries and very trifling for fo cxtenfive a kingdom.
manufactures of every kind. Numbcrlefs letters were re- Remarks.
ceived by their fecrctary from every corner of their country, Trade and manufactures arc wholly wanting here;
and tho'
for the folution of doubts and qucftions, and petitions and their way of living makes them need
the fewer, yet'even
applications for encouragement of various kinds upon diffe- thofe that are moft neceffary, they are
fupplied with by the
rent branches of trade; alfo memorials and complaints of Jews ;
fuch as weaving fluffs for drefs, and forging
abufes, defeats, flovenly and unprofitable practices in the ma for their lances, kc. They have a natural averfion for all
naement of many parts of their manufacture, and propofals fmiths, as people that deal in fire, and live in
a kind of hell
of improvements, and of the mod frugal and expeditious me- as they conceive of and yet their princes are not infen-
it ;

thods of carrying on feveral branches of trade to the beft fiblc of the great advantages a plenty of
all forts of trades
advantage. Thefc the commiflioners duly weighed, and would be to their dominions, though they dare not,
it ficms
gave full fatisfadlion thereto by regular anfwers, according to force their fuhjecls to what they would deem
an infupport-
the beft information they could pofiibly receive. And fuch able flavery ; witnefs the letter, which David
one of their
have been the good effects of this correfpondcncc, and zeal monarchs, fent to John III. of Portugal, wherein he
for the intereft of trade fince, that wc may truly fay, that the him to fend over to him fome printers, armourers,
whole face of Scotland But, under the head of
is changed. phyficians, furgcons, architects, carpenters,
mafons, gold-
Scotland, wc fhall rcprefent the general ftate of the trade of Imiths, miners, bricklayers, and jewellers.
that part of the united kingdom, as we fhall the particular They fcem indeed by their churches, and other
branches carried on in the feveral fhircs or counties. places, to have heretofore encouraged
architecture. But the
ABLAQUE, as la foye Ablaqtie, or Ablaque (ilk, is the Ar- workmen were from other countries, and were forced
fent for
daflinc filk, which comes from Perfia by the way of Smyrna. to do all themfelves
fo that when thefe fabrics were
It very beautiful, and hardly inferior in finenefs to the
is efpecially the imperial palace built by Peter
Pais, a Portu-
Sourbaftis. It is but little ufed, however, in the manufac- guefc architect, the people flocked from all parts
of Ethiopia
tures of hlk fluffs made at Lyons and Tours, becaufe it will to view it, and admired it as a new wonder of the
not bear hot water in the winding. The French have given However, thefe occupations which they have amon" them'
it the name of Ablaque filk. are always conveyed from the father to the children."
ABORTIVE VELLUM, is made of the fkin of an abortive Gold, filver, copper, and iron, are the principal ores
calf. Sec Vi LLUM. which their mines abound in this extenfive part of Africa-
ABOLCOUCHOU, a fort of woollen cloth made in France, but not above one third part is made ufe of by way of
particularly in Provence, Languedoc, and Dauphine, defigned chandize, or converted into money; of which they have
for E^ypt. See the article Cloth, where mention is made or no ufe in Abyffinia.
little They cut their gold indeed into
of thofe that are fent to the Levant by the way of Marleilles fmall pieces for the pay of their troops, and for expences
ABRA, a filvcr coin in Poland, worth from 24 to 25 French the court, which is a pretty modern cuftom among them ;
fols. The ahra is current at Conllantinople, and in all the the king's gold, before the end of the feventeenth centuryj
dominions of the Grand Seignior: it is received there upon being laid up in his treafury in ingots, with intent never to
the foot of cue fourth of the aflani, or Holland's dollar. See be carried out, or never ufed in any thing but veifels, and
Aslani. trinkets for the fervice of the palace.
ABRIDGMENT, a fummary or contraction of a writing, In the lieu of fmall money, they make ufe of rock fait
&c. wherein the lefs material things being omitted, or more white as (now, and as hard as a ftone. This is taken out
briefly mentioned, the whole is brought into a lefler compafs. of the mountain of Lafta, and put into the king's warehoufes
the name of a certain where it is reduced into tablets of a foot long, and three
muffin, or clear, white, fine cotton cloth, brought from the inches broad, ten of which are worth about a French crown.
Eaft Indies, and particularly from Bengal, being in length When they are circulated in trade, they are reduced ftill
76 French ells and 3 quarters, and in breadth five eighths. into fmaller pieces, as occafion requires. This fait is alfo
ABRUZZO, a province in the kingdom of Naples in Italy. applied to the fame purpofe as common fea fait.
It is divided into two parts the one called the Farther
; This fait is were, weight for weight for gold.
fold, as it

Abruzzo, the other the Nigher Abruzzo. The former of With this mineral
the Ethiopians purchafe pepper, fpices,
thefe is bounded on the north-weft, by the Marca d'Ancona ;
and filk fluffs, which are brought to them by the Indians, in
on the fouth-weft, by Sabina and Campagnia de Roma ; on their ports in the Red Sea.
the fouth-eaft, by the Nigher Abruzzo; and on the north- Cardamrms, ginger, aloes, myrrh, caffia, civet, ebony-
eaft, by the Adriatic fea. wood, wax, honey, cotton and linnens of various
This country is cold and mountainous, being croffed by the forts and colours, are merchandizes which may be had from
Apennines yet is fertile in grain, fruits, and efpecially in
Abyffinia; to which may be added fugar, hemp, flax, and
faffron and breeds great quantities of beaftt both wild and
; excellent wines, if thefe people had the art of preparing
tame. It is healthy, pleafant, and well inhabited, and the them.
people are induftrious, given to traffic, and fome manufac- It has been thought, that the coffee-berry was originally
tures, particularly the woollen. tranfplanted from Ethiopia into Arabia, from whence a great
The Nigher Abruzzo, is more mountainous and cold than quantify is brought: but this is uncertain, as there are no
the other, and yet is far from being fo healthy as that. The figns of it among them at prefent.
rivers of it are the Lenta, Foro, Moro, Feltrino, Sangto, 'Tis affirmed by good hiftorians, there are in this country
Afignella, and Irigno. The country watered by them pro-
the fineft emeralds that are any where to be found and tho' ;

duces great plenty of corn, rice, wines, fruit, and efpecially they are found but in oneplace, they are there in great quan-
faffron ; but here are many large woods ; that fhelter great tities, and fomeTo large and fo perfect, that they are inefti-

number of wolves, bears, and other wild creatures, wnich mable in value. Alfo on the iflands near Arqua (which for
oblige travellers to go always in troops and well armed : that reafon the Turks keep a garrifon at) they find very good
which prevents improvements in trade. bright pearls, and very large, fome of which are of the
Ortona al Marc, in this province, fo called to diftinguifh it fineft colour.
from Ortona di Marfi in the fame province, is an ancient The greateft part of the merchandizes, whereof we have
town belonging to the Frentani, and fituate on the Adriatic fpoken, are more for foreign than inland trade. Their do-
gulph, between the rivers of Foro and Moro, It had for- mcftic commerce confifts chiefly in fali, honey, buck- wheat,
merly a convenient and fafe harbour for fhipping, but is now fe
rey peafe, citrons, oranges, lemons,
and other provifions,
thinly inhabited and little frequented, becaufe the Venetians with and herbage neceffary for the fupport of life.
fpoiled the havn. Thofe places that the Abyffinian merchants frequent the moft,
Remark. who dare venture to carry their commodities by fea them-
We may
here obferve, that, in places where there is nu felves, are the Arabia happy, and the Indies, particularly
trade, they are hardly worth taking notice of, unlefs to ma thofe of Goa, Cambaye, Bengal and Suruatra.
nifeft the neceffity of cultivation in our own country, where With regard to their ports on the Red Sea, to which foreign
ever it apptars practicable. merchants commonly refort, the moft confiderable are thofe
of Mette, Azum, Zajalla, Maga, Dazo, Patea, and Brava.
cline very much downward. Its leaves are broad and ftreaked

They had formerly Ercocco and Quaqueu ; but the Turks with many veins, and round at the end. The bloffoms,
which grow in and are of a very agreeable fmell,
ruined thefe ports towards the middle of the feventeenth cen-
are white, when they firft open, and afterwards of a carna-
tury, and with them others of their maritime cities.
tion and purple colour. Its fruit is of the form of an apple
The trade of the AbyiTinians by land is inconfiderable. There
are, however, bands of Abytiinians who arrive yearly at
fomewhat oblong, covered with a thin rind of a lively red,
and crowned with a kind of creft of an olive colour. In the
E^ypt, particularly at Cairo, laden with gold duft, which
infide are fpungy filaments, which yield a juice between fweet
they bring to barter for the merchandizes of that country, or
and four, very good for quenching the thirft, and againft
of Europe, for which they have occafion.
Thefe carilas or caravans, if we may be allowed tbus to call
fainting fits, when mixed with fugar. The Indians make a
liquor of it, which will inebriate like wine and laftly, the
a body of 40 or 50 poor wretches, who unite together for

ftone or feed, which is what the druggifts and grocers at Pa is

their mutual ^iTilrance in their journey, are commonly three
fell under the name of acajou, is a kind of chelnut in the
or four months on their route, traveling forefts and moun-
tains almoft impaffable, in order to exchange their gold for ne-
form of a hare's liver, within which there is a kernel, and
that being peeled is an excellent ftomachic.
ceffaries for their families, and return immediately with the
greateft part of the merchandize on their backs. Sometimes The acajou nuts fhould be chofen frefh, and of an olive co-
the Jews or the Egyptians will give them credit. lour. When made in the acajou tree, it emits
incifions are

'Tis extraordinary that thefe merchants fhould give thefe gum, very like the gum arabic.
a clear tranfparent

poor wretches credit, againft whom they have no recourfe, if The Chevalier des Marchais, in his Voyage de Guinee,
they fail of payment. But experience has fhewn, that they Tom III. p. 266, fays,

have never abufcd the confidence repofed in them, not even That two kinds of acajou
there are the firff. is that
; to

on account of their death ; for, if that happens, their fellow- which the Spaniards have given the name of cedar, on c-

travellers take care of the effects of the deceafed, for the

count of the fcent of its wood, though in reality it differs as

benefit of their families, and in order therewith to difcharge

much from the cedar, as the cedar does from the apple tree.

thofe debts contracted at Cairo.

The fecond kind has retained throughout all America, the

Other nations with whom the Abyflinians carry on trade by

name which the Indians of all nations have given it, with (o
little difference from each other, that it is plainly known to
kingdom of Adel, the Turks
land, are the inhabitants of the
Quaqueu, the Melen- be the fame in all their idioms. This tree is fo common,
who are now mailers of Ercocco and
that there are whole forefts of it in Brafil and Guiana. The
dians, the people of Mofambique, and the Portuguefe who
Portuguefe have no remedy more fure for curing their negroes
are fettled upon thofe coafts.
of a pain in the ftomach, which is a kind of dropfy, tnan
Befoie we conclude, it fnould be remembered, that one of
the principal branches of trade of thefe people, is that of
to leave them to themfelves, in places abounding with thefe
flaves, who are greatly efteemed in the Indies and Arabia for
trees. Hunger prefling thofe poor wretches, and they not
finding any other food but the fruit of the acajou, they glut
the beft, and the moft faithful of all that the other kingdoms
The Indian and Arabian merchants fre- themfelves with it ; and the fruit foon cutting the noxious
of Africa furnifh.
quently fubftitute them as their factors ; and, on account of humours, that occafion the diftemper, thefe dropiical flaves,
their good fervices and integrity, not only often give them
who were fcarce able to ftir, are feen in a ihort time running-
like flags, and in a wonderful ftate of health.
their liberty, but liberally reward them.
Though the productions and populoufnefs of this part of the The nut, which the fruit bears at its extremity, contains in
the fhel! an oil, which is the more fharp and bitin & the 'efs
world, would admit of a furprizing improvement in general .

ripe it is. This oil is however of a wonderful ule, in

commerce with the Europeans ; yet it is as little cultivated g i

here, as in any other parts of Africa. See Africa, and up and cleanfing the oldeii ulcers, and all other difesfes of
its feveral divifions from that general head.
the fkin ; and alfo for killing thofe dangerous iniects mat
ACACIA according to Pomet, the fruit, or rather the feeds
get under the toe-nails, and into the wrinkles of the item,
of a yellow fruit inclining to red, of the fize of a magdalen-
where they occafion ulcers that are frequently incurable.
pear, or lefs than that of an orange. The tree which bears The Portuguefe call them bichos, the Spaniards niguas, and
thefe, is, according to the Sieur RoufTeau's letter, 5 or 6 feet the French chiques.
high, adorned with leaves of a yellowifh green, and fomething In proportion as the fruit ripens, the fharpnefs of the oil de-
of the fhape of ivy. The flowers are fmall, and grow in tufts, creafes ; but there always remains more than enough to make

of a carnation colour 3 from whence comes a yellow fruit, the tongue and gums of thofe fmart, who are fo imprudent
or feed, of the bignefs of a chefnut, of the fhape of a kid- as to crack that nut with their teeth.

ney, and of an olive colour, covered with a nut or ftone, There is no occafion to extract this oil in the country where
wherein is a white almond, which, after it has been roafted the fruit grows, in order to bring it to Europe; it being
like a chefnut in the fire, is pleafant to eat. fufBcient to fend the nuts thither. Though they be never fo

The Americans cut the yellow fruit in flices, and eat it in the ftale, they always retain oil enough. In order to extract it,
manner we do a China orange, as well to revive the fpirits, the nut muft be fplit, and its pieces laid upon burning char-
as to cool them, becaufe they are full of a well-tafted juice. coal. The oil, which is contained between the two coats of

You muft chufe fuch as are large and new, of an olive co- the fhell, comes out as foon as it feels the fire it is collected :

lour, with white kernels, which are the certain figns they are with a little cotton, and applied to the ufes mentioned above.
frefh ; and not of a chefnut colour, which is a fign of their The kernel contained in this fhell is white, folid, delicate,
and of a better tafte than the beft almonds, and is much like
being old and over- ripe.
is, according to many authors, the thicken that in the ftone of a pine-apple. Thefe nuts are eaten raw
ed juice of a large tree, growing in Egypt and Arabia, whofe when frefh gathered, after having been fteeped for a fhort
bloifom is white and purgative, and which is all over thorny, time in water, with a little fait many like them better roaft-

except its trunk. From this tree it is, as fome other au- ed. In order to that, the fhell is a little broke, and laid for a
thors pretend, that the gum arabic iffues. However that moment on the coals it then opens of itfelf, the kernel is

be, for the opinion of both has but a flender foundation, taken out, and a little brown fkin, that covers it, being peeled
this thickened juice, from what tree foever it is produced, off, it is then of a delicious tafte. .Thefe nuts will keep

comes from the Levant, in round balls of different fizes, many years, and fcarce lofe any thing of their goodnefs. The
wrapped up in very thin bladders. Indians fet fo great value upon the fruit of the acajou, and
The acacia vera, to be good, ought to be full ripe, of a tan the nut that adheres to it, that they often make war with
colour, of a reddifh brown, fmooth and fhining, and of a each other, for the crop of this fruit, which in Guiana is
ftyptic and fomething difagreeable tafte. This drug is ufed ripe in the months of December, January and February.
in the compofition of Venice treacle. This fruit is of the form of an apple. The fkin is thin
ACACIA GERMANICA, or German Acacia, is a counter- and fmooth, of a fine red on the fide next to the fun, and
feit drug, made of
the juice of floes, or wild plums, which of a gold colour on the oppofite fide. Their fmell is
grow upon the black-thorn ; that juice is boiled afterwards fweet, agreeable, and comforting. Their fubftance is en-
to a folid confidence, and put into bladders like the true tirely fpungy, and full of an exceeding tart and ftyptic li-
acacia, which comes from Egypt. But neverthelefs it is quor, before the fruit is ripe; but iweet, pleafant, and,
fcarcc poflible to be miftaken in it; the acacia vera being of wholefome, when it has attained its maturity. They re-
a reddifh tan colour, and the acacia Germanica as black as frefh and exhilarate ; ard, though they are a little binding,
common Spanifh liquorice. Lemery fays, the true acacia is yet they wonderfully provoke urine.
made by expreflion out of the fruit, and that either ripe, or They make a tart and pleafant wine of it, which is heady,
unripe. From the ripe fruit there is a black juice from the : kept two or three days; after which it turns into a very
unripe fruit a red or yellowifh juice, the colour not fo black, fharp vinegar. People of (kill might make a wine of it, that
but more inclining to red, and of a fwcet fcent. This, he would keep longer fome have cauled the juice of the acajou

adds, is the true acacia of Diofcorides, which is to be ufed fruit to be diftilled, which has produced a very ftrong Ipirit.

in making Venice treacle. This tree, during the great heats, emits lumps of gum, of
ACAJOU, is the fruit, or rather the feed of a tree, growing an amber colour, hard and fiiable, or apt to crumble. The
in the Antillc iflands, and in many places of the continent of Indians difiolvc it in water, and give it with fuccefs to wo-
America, and efpccially in Brafil. men troubled with hyfteric diforders, or their periodic mala-
There which bear this name, but
are three kinds of trees dies. This gum has little or no fcent.
there but one of them that produces fruit. The fruit bear-
is ACANTHUS, otherwife called branca urfina, or bear's-
ing acajou is a tree of a middling fize, with branches that in- breech, is a plant ufed in medicine. Its leaves are fomewhat
5 like
like thofe of the tluftlcthe flowers are labiatcd* ; the under nufafturcs of all kind*, fuch as muflins, callicoes,
(jfc. Yet

lip of the divided into three fegments, which in the

flower is the Spaniards find feveral thing* which the
Acapulco' fhips
beginning is curled up in form of a fhort tube : in the plarc bring, with which the natives of thofe countries
arc greatly
of the upper lip are produced the ftaraina or feeds, which taken, and for which they get in return the product
of the
fupport the pointals : the cup of the flower is compofed of countries they come from ; which being of very little
leaves which are prickly } the upper part of which is bent there, and of great value in America, the traffic
is by fo
over like an arch, and fupplies the defeat of the upper lip of much the eafier ; as particularly beads, loys, looking glafTes,
the flower. The fruit is of an oval form, and is divided in pins, needles, and all kinds of fmall wares
of iron, fteel-
the middle into two cells, each containing one fingle fmooth pewter and brafs; with variety of glafs ware, which
is par-

feed. ticularly valued by the Indians in general.

!n return, the
There are four fpecies of this plant known, viz. product of the place is itfelf rich, and infinitely valuable
1. Acanthus fativus, vel mollis Virgilii. The fmooth- among the Spaniards; as particularly their eftimable per-
lcaved garden bcar's-brcech. This is the fort ufed in medi- fumes, which being originals, and the produce of mere
cine, and fuppofed to be the mollis acanthus of Virgil. ture, are extremely dear when they come
2 to New Spain, as
Acanthus aculeatus, the prickly bear's-breech. 3. Acan- ambergreafe, civet, bezoar, &c. Nor docs any nation in Europe
thus rarioribus &
brevioribus aculeis munitus, the middle or America ufe more than the Spaniards, both men and women,
bear's-brcech, with Ihort fpines. 4. Acanthus Lufitanicus, and especially in tholehot climates of Mexico and Peru.
ampliflimo folio lucido, the Portugal bear's-breech, with Befides thefe, they have feveral other valuable products,
large Aiming leaves. All thefc plants are eafily propagated which never lofe or lefl'en their price, amongft Chriftian na-
by parting their roots in February or March, or by feeds tions, although they may have the fame thingsamong them-
fown at the fame time. felves : as particularly, 1. Very large pearls, of a good co-
Spain or Mexico, that bears
a plant of lour, which the Spaniardstell us are the beft in the Eafr,

the long pepper. Its trunk grows winding like that of the the oriental pearl being found on the coaft of India, in
vine, and has leaves upon it like thofe of white pepper, but mouth of the Perfian gulph, and at Ormus, and parts ad-
longer and more pointed, of a very ftrong fcent, and a hot jacent in the Perfian gulph they being finer and fairer than

and fharp tafte. The fruit is round, and from two to three any of the Batavian or B rneo pearls, or moft others. 2.
inches long, of a pretty red colour, when it is near its ma- They have alfo gold, which is found in almoft the pure
turity ; which it can never attain entirely on the plant; fo metal, and of the moft perfect quality, in the rivers, as
it is in other countries, and fome in the
that it is neceflary to gather it, as foon as it begins to red- mountains they :

den, in order to complcat its ripening in the lun. find about the value of 50000 doubloons a year to New
This pepper is eaten either green or dried, and both ways Spain in this metal only. How that agrees with the account
gives a very high relifh to meat, provided, that, after fealon- fome give us, that this country cofts the king of Spain
ing therewith, it be not put again to the fire; in which cafe- 250000 pieces of eight a year to fupport it more than the
it lofes part of and ftrength.
its tafte produce, is not eafily reconcileable we are rather of opti-

ACAPULCO, a port town in America, fituate in Mexico, on on, that they fupply the treafury of Spain with thofe
a large bay of the South-Sea, from whence a rich fhip has doubloons in gold every year, as the
produft of this govern-
been faid to fail annually to Manilla in the Philippine Iflands, ment ; for if it were otherwife, how ihould the governors,
near the coaft of China, in Afia ; and another returns an- who live in fuch ftate and pomp that fome fovertign princes
nually from thence to Acapulco, laden with a great trcalure do not equal, lay up fuch immenfe fums in the eight years
from the Ealt-Indies. One of thofe rich fhips loaden with of their government, (for fo long they continue at the Phi-
filver, and bound from Acapulco to Manilla, was taken by lippines) and appear fo rich in Europe as it is fdid they do

the late Lord Anfon. For we are told that they generally return back to Europe
or to Acapulco, with a treafure of two millions of pieces of
Remarks. eight, or more.

It is a great, though general miflake, that the Spaniards em- They have alfo great plenty of honev and wax ; both which,

ploy but two fhips to Manilla, whereof one goes and one but Specially the latter, is very valuable in Spanifh Ameri-
returns every year ; for they fend out two (hips or galleons, ca, and is carried thither yearly in large quantities. They
and receive back two every year. Sometimes indeed it hap- have eftimable drugs and gums of divers kinds, which the
pens that they come not back till two years, but that is ex- Spanifh padres, who are generally phyficians, gather and
traordinary and by accident. The burthen or cargo which fend to their particular focieties in America, and they a^ain
thefe fhips carry very great ; the ordinary loading, befides
is to Europe : fo that they are a kind of merchandife peculiar

their guns and ftores, being ;ooo to it 00 ton each: and to themfelves. Of thefe they name feveral which are in
they had one many years which cacried 1600 ton. great eftimation, as the Caflia, .Iocs, gum arabic, fago,
Thofe Manilla fhips are always full loaden outwards with camphire, and feveral others, as likewifc medicinal herbs,
European goods, befides the filver, and bring back likewifea of which they have no fmall variety.
full loading of all forts of Eaft-India and China goods; and The articles are very confiderable that enable the Spaniards

all thefe goods, both out and home, except what are fent to make fo rich a return to America by their Acapulco fhips.

Southward to Panama and Lima, are carried by land carriage They have the richelt fpices of the eaft, drugs, diamonds
from and to Mexico, which is about 240 miles and :
and gold, muflins, callicoes, china, tarfaties, rich atlafies,
thefe goods by computation, befides what may go to Lima and ieveral other forts of the richefr wrought filks, china
and that way, cannot be lefs than 4000 ton in weight, that ware, and tea, fine lacquered ware, cabinet work, tables,
is 2000 ton one way, and 2000 ton the other, and this cn- fcreens, umbrellas, and other niceties of the country. Thus
creafes the trade of the country in the employment of peo- the Philippines, by the courfe of their neighbouring trade, are
ple, horfes, mules and carriages. furnifhed with ftcres of merchandize for making their returns
The Acapulco ihips carry all forts of European goods from to Acapulco, and that in a manner fully to the fatisfaftion
America; and thefe furnifh the Spaniards therewith at Ma- of the Spaniards, who ufually make a profit of four for one
nilla chiefly, and the Indians of the Philippine Iflands in in all the goods they fend from Acapulco to Manilla.
general, whom the Spaniards have taught to go cloathed It may be wondered why the Spaniards fo ftricily confine

after the Spanifh manner, with all kinds of European ma- themfelves to the fending of no more than two fhips a year
nufactures fome of thefe are alfo fold to the Maylayans,
: on this trade; nor can we eafily fuggeft the reafon for it:
and the Indians of all the coafts and iflands contiguous ; but however, the merchants make themfelves amends another
much more confiderable in value are the utenfils, weapons, way, for they build thole fhips fo vaftly large, that they or-
fire-arms, workmen's tools, and all heavy goods made of dinarily carry from ten to twelve, or fourteen hundred ton,
iron and brafs, which are brought from Acapulco, which are fome have faid to fixteen hundred ton burden. So that
vended amongft all thofe Indians to great advantage; alfo though it is making a great adventure in one bottom, yet as

unwrought iron, or iron in bars, is brought from Old Spain* thofe leas are generally very fafe and pacific, they can afford
to Acapulco, and carried from thence to Manilla; and here the freight the cheaper in proportion and on the other

the Chinefe and Japanefe, who are the bell cutlers in India, hand, as thefe-large fhips are built prodigious ftrong, they
and make all manner of utenfils, purchafe large quantities are able to bear the fea with the greateft tteddinefs, if navi-
of iron and brafs of the Spaniards. Both Chinefe and Ja- gated by able feamen.
panefe are pretty curious workers in moft kind of hard- ware, Above all, they are the more fecure againft pirates and
in gold and filver: they are good founders, turners, gcld- rovers, who cannot, eafily hurt them, and dare not, as the
fmiths and lockfmiths, but not good gun-fmiths, nor good feamen term it, lay by their fide ; for they have all three
fword-blade makers. deck?, and carry large guns of 24 to 30 pound ball, which
However, being very dextrous in their way, and having the fmaller fhips cannot bear the fhot of : on the other hand,
great variety of materials by the Spanifh fhips from Aca- the fmaller fhips can hardly, except by fire only, any way
pulco, this occafions a numerous refort of traders at Ma- hurt the great fhip, and to burn them does not anfwer the
nilla, from whence they difperfe their goods to theother Indian pirate's end. When Rogers and Cook attacked the Aca-
iflands, and trade with their refpeclive countries and coun- pulco or Manilla fhips, they faw them both, and took the
trymen, even in the European factories ; as in Borneo in fmalleft, a fhip of about 4 or 500 ton ; but when they came
particular, and to Sumatra and Malacca, where fome of to attack the great carrac, a fhip of 1200 ton, they could
thofe European goods are vended amongft the natives. make nothing of it; every fhot they received made
But as for the manufactures of woollen, linen or filk, they them tremble, and ftand off to ftop the leakwhereas, the

are of fmall ufe, except to the Spaniards themfelves ; the fhot they made at the carrack ftuck in her fides, but could
Chinefe and Japanefe fupplying themfelves with cotton ma- not go thiough ; and when tney thought to board her, fhe
Vol. I. B boom bed
boombed them mul-
off with great pieces thruft out hy the exchange fhall be in writing, dated and figned by thofe upon

titude of her hands ;

for ihe had, paflengers included, whom they are drawn, or by perfbns duly impowered by
800 men on board ; and when they found (he began to open letters of attorney, the original of which fhall remain in the

her lower tier of ports, and put out guns, which were 36 hands of the notary ; and all acceptances made by fai
pounders at lead, they durfi come near her no more, tho' clerks, and others, not impowered by letters of attorney,
. there were three fliips to one. fhall be void and of no eftedt, againft the perfon upon whom
Thus, in cafe of a war, or of rovers and pirates, the Spani- fuch bills fhall be dra>vn, without prejudice however te>
ards feem to judge right in fending great fhips as the moil fe- the legal recourfe againft the accepter " This regulation or
cure, and their main end is anfwered hereby alio ; for two order was confirmed by Art. 7. of Tit. 5. of the ordon-
fhips at this rate carry as many goods as twelve fhips or nance of commerce, of March 1673, the tenor of which
more of 200 tons each would do: and it appears that the is as follows: We
do not intend to make any innovation
goods they bring are a very great quantity, and ot a very in our regulation of June 2, 1607, concerning acceptances,
great value; for at their arrival they occafion a fair at Aca- payments, and other difpofitions relaring to the commerce
pulco, as great in proportion as the fair at Porto-bello, when of our city of Lyons." And, by article 2. of the fame
the galleons from New Spain arrive there ; and the mer- title of the faid ordonnance, the manner of making accep-

chants repair to Acapulco from Mexico, Lima, from Curco, tances is regulated for the other places in the kingdom, and
from all the capital trading places of Peru, and even runs thus " All bills of exchange fhall be accepted purely

from Chili itfclf, to buy the rich goods they bring: which and fimply in writing. We
abolifh the ufe of verbal ac-
fair fometimes continues thirty days and it is not one or ;
ceptances, or in thefe words, ' feen without accepting ;' or,
' accepted to anfwer at the time;' and all other
two, no nor ten or twenty fhips only, that attend to carry conditional
oft the goods, befides the great quantities that are carried acceptances, which fliall pafs for refufals, and fuch bills fhall
upon mules and other beafts by land. So that during the be liable to proteft."
fair, which is always proclaimed and appointed on that oc- In the general, he to whom a bill is made payable, at the
cafion, the town of Acapulco, which at other times is emp- time fhould demand acceptance thereof, both for his own
ty, and only inhabited by a few flfhermen and mean people, and the drawer's fecurity, and on refufal of acceptance to
is for that time fo not able to receive them,
full, that it is return it with proteft.
much lefs to entertain the number of people. The addrefs of a bill of exchange is the directions figmfying
ACCEPTANCE, a term in the traffkk of inland and foreign by whom, and where the payment fhall be made when due,
bills of exchange. The acceptance of a bill of exchange, and to whom the poiTeflbr may apply, in cafe the party, who
is the fubfcribing, figning, and making a perfon debtor for
isto accept or pay, be not in the way.

the Aim of its contents j by obliging him in his own name, He that has the bill may demand acceptance of the perfon

to difcharge it at the time mentioned therein. The accept- the bill is addrefled to; and, in cafe that perfon hath no or-
ance is ufually made by the perfon upon whom the bill is der or power to accept the fame, the pofleflbr may defire fuch
cVawn, when it is prefented to him by the bearer. perfon, if to be trufted, to fend fuch bill to procure accept-
Bills payable at fight are not accepted, becaufe they muft be ance, or to return it with proteft. This the penon to whom
paid on being preiented,or elfe protefted for want of payment. the bill is addrefled is obliged to do, otherwife the pofleflbr
There are Tome acccprances that need not be dated, and may, before the faid perfon, make proteft for non-acceptance.
others that it is nccefiary to date. If the poiTeflbr can't fafely truft the perfon to whom the bill
The acceptances which need not be dated, are thofe upon is addrefled, to procure acceptance ; or if the drawer has
hills payable at a day fixed, at ufance or double ufance, isfc. not addrefled the bill at all ; the pofleflbr mutt caufe the bill
Upon thefe the word ' accepted' ought only to be wrote, and to be fent to fomebody, in whom he can confide, that lives
the accepter's name; dating being of no ufe in them, becaufe at the place where the perfon refides on whom it is drawn, to

they are always to run to the day mentioned for their pay- demand acceptance, and, upon refufal, to proteft.
ment. And the time for the bills at ufance, double ufance, When the remitter or pofleflbr has no correfpondent to fend
bfc. begins from the day of the date of the bills them- the bill to, who lives where the acceptant does, it is com-
felves. mon to defire the drawer to fend the prima bill, to procure
It is not absolutely necefTary to have bills of a fixed day, at acceptance, and return it accepted to the remitter, or pof-
ufance, double ufance, &c. accepted, becaufe their time is feflbr. The drawer is not obliged to do this, yet he cannot
always running it is however an advantage to the bearer
well refufe it, if he be affured of the honefty of his corre-
to have them accepted, becaufe, by virtue of the acceptance, fpondent, and that he will accept his bill.
he has the fecurity of two inftead of one, the accepter and In cafe the drawer does not in convenient time return the
the drawer. bill accepted to the remitter, the drawer is not obliged to

If the perfon upon whom a bill is drawn, at a day fixed, at give further fatisfaclion to the remitter, but the remitter
Angle or double ufance, &c. fhould make difficulties to ac- muft look to it himfelf, and fend a fecond bill to fome other,
cept it, the bearer has a right to have it protefted, for want to procure acceptance, and to enquire whether the prima
of acceptance, and to return it to the drawer, in order to be accepted, or not; if not, the acceptant muft accept
oblige him, either to caufe it to be accepted, or to give fe- the fecond bill, or a proteft muft be made for non-ac-
curity (in cafe it fhould not be paid when due, by the per- ceptance.
fon upon whom itwas drawn) to return and reftore the fum A cautious remitter will not leave a prima bill in the draw-
mentioned in it, with the difference of exchange, re-ex- er's hands to procure acceptance, unlefs he is well allured of
change, and the charges of the proteft. his worth and integrity.
The acceptances which it is necefTary to date, are thofe When the pofleflbr of fuch bill has no correfpondent at the
drawn at a certain number of days fight, becaufe the time place where the acceptant lives, nor dare truft the drawer
dees not begin to run, till the next day after that of accep- with it ; it is ufual for the pofleflbr to advife the acceptant
tance. This kind of acceptance is made thus, ' accepted fuch by letter that he has fuch a bill on him, and defire him to
a day and year,' and figned. return anfwer, whether he accepts the fame, to pay it ac
If the bearer of a bill of exchange confents to an acceptance the time, or no ; if he returns anfwer that he will not ac-
at twenty days fight, for inftance, inftead of eight days ex- cept it, nor pay it, or if he gives no anfwer at all, the pof-
prefled in the bill, he runs the rifk of the twelve days of feffor is obliged
to carry or fend the bill to that place, and
prolongation, in cafe the accepter happens to break in that there formally, by a notary public, to demand acceptance;
time j the bill remains to his account, without any re- and, in cafe of refufal, to proteft.
courfe againft the drawer. If the acceptant be an out-dweller from the place where the
If a bill was drawn for three thoufand pounds, and the bill is to be paid, it is ufual, when acceptance is demanded,

bearer fhould think fit to take an acceptance for two to defire the accepter to underwrite to whom he muft apply
thoufand only, and fhould receive no more than that fum, for payment, when due.
the remaining thoufand would be at his own hazard, as well When a bill is payable to order, by an out-dweller, and not
as in the cafe of prolongation of time. to a certain perfon, and the accepter has not ordered to whom
Thefe examples may be fufficient for acceptances of this the laft party it is affigned to, fhall addrefs for payment when
kind. It is, however, not amifs to obferve, that if the bearer due, the pofleflbr is obliged to give the accepter timely notice
of a bill fhould have written orders from the drawer, to have to whom the billmuft be paid, that the accepter may, with-
the fame accepted in either of the manners as above, in fuch in the refpite days, return an anfwer, and take care of the
a cafe, the bearer would have undoubtedly a right againft payment.
the drawer, for an indemnification. If the out-dweller remits, at the time appointed, to the pof-
In former times, bills payable during the fairs of the city of fcflbr of his accepted bill, in other bills due at the fame time
Lyons, which are called payments, were not accepted in writ- with his bill, the pofleflbr is not obliged to demand accept-
ing the perfon, upon whom they were drawn, ufed to lay
; ance, and to get thole bills paid, without provifion allowed
by word of mouth, ' feen without acceptance, to be anfwered him. But, when the accepter directs him to any particular
at the time,' and the bearer noted it in hi;; bill-book. ]>ut, peifon for payment, the pofleflbr is obliged to go to fuch
becaufe of the contefts which happened on occafion of thefe party to receive his money without provifion.
verbal acceptances through the breach of faith of acci pters, An out-dweller having a bill remitted to him payable by an
an article was inferted in the ordonnancc of the exchange of in-dwe!ler, and the out-dweller defiring his accepter at the
the city of Lyons, made June 2, it>dj, by which the man day to fend his money in fpecie, or to remit him the value
ncr of acceptances was regulated. It is the 3d article, and in other bills, the in dweller is not obliged to do this with-
is to this effect " That the acceptances of the faid bills ol
: out allowance of provifion.
by an out-dweller docs not
If the pofTeflbr of a bill payable cuftom of merchants, as in the cafe of Brown and London,
get his money he muft order a public notary to pro-
in time, 1 Lcvinz 298. 1 Mod. 285. 2 Kcble 695, 731, ?5 8, 822]
teft for non-payment, which protefl, though not made in the I Vent. 152. In which cafe, judgment was arretted after
prefence of the perfon, nor at the houfe of the accepter, is verdict, as reported by Levinx and Ventris.
valid, becaufe (lie poflcllor not obliged to pro-
of the bill is Acceptance of a bill of exchange may be pleaded as pay-
teft againft an out-dweller at his houfe or dwelling, nor to ment of an action of account.
in bar Luv
leek him out of the town where the payment is to be made Where the drawee firft accepts, and then fufftrs the bill
If an out-dweller refutes acceptance when a bill is fent to 'be proteftcd, he ft all pay nucreft from the tunc
of the pro-
him, a proteft may be made either at the houfe of the out- teft. Luc. 37.
dweller by the pofleflbr, or elfe at the place of payment. A If a bill be accepted, and afterward:, indorfed to the drawer
letter from the perfon that demands acceptance, being pro- he may maintain an action as indorfee, in cafe he had cfFedis
duced to a notary, is fufficient to ground a proteft upon, as enough in the hands of the drawee, to anfwer the bill but :

alfo in cafe of non-payment. it is otherwiSe where the acceptance was

only for the honour
Although the is not obliged to feck payment of an
pollcflbr ol the drawer. Luc. 37.
out-dweller any other place but where the bill is payable,
in A bill was drawn on the York-buildings company; one
and the drawer or accepter hath addrefled ; yet, in cafe of Biftiop, who was their cafliicr, accepts it
without writing
non-payment, the accepter or his effects are liable in any Sor the company,' or any thing to that effect an action was :

place where either can be found. maintained againft him in his private and Single capacity up-
Should an accepter of a bill of exchange fail or become in- on this acceptance.
folvent aftor he has accepted a bill, the drawer of the bill It a bill is drawn upon a merchant in London
payable to J. S.
will be obliged to pay the fame, with re-exchange, provi- at double ufancc,
J. S. is not bound in ftrictnefs of law to
fion, and charges to the pofTeflbr. procure an acceptance, but only tender the bill when the
When the perfon on whom a bill is drawn underftands that money is due: but merchants, who generally have generous
the drawer has failed before acceptance is demanded, he need Spirits, will not Surprize a man, but firft procure an accept-

not accept fuch drawer's bills, notwithftanding he may have ance or at leaft leave the bill for the party to confider, and
promifed to honour fuch bills, without indemnification from give his anSwer, and then give advice of the Same, and, if
all and every one that fhall make any demand thereof, whe- the money be not paid, then proteft.
ther it be the drawer, his creditors, truftees, or his princi- A proteft is no more but
to Subject the drawer oS a bill to
pal, for whofe account the draught was made, eifV. &c. anlwcr in of non-acceptance, or non-payment; nor
Nor ought any one on whom bills are drawn, accept them does the lame dilcharge the party accepter, if once accept-
from an infolvent drawer, though the bill is dated before the ed ; for the deliveier hath now two remedies, one againft
insolvency is known, and the letter of advice bears the fame the drawer, and the other againft the accepter.
date, whether it comes by the common poft or not ; becaufe To entitle the party to an action at law in England againft

there is reafon to Sulpcct fome fraud, and that both the bill the accepter, it matters not whether there be a proteft bui ;

and letter were antedated. to entitle the patty to a recovery againft the drawer beyond

If A draws on B, on account of C, and B before acceptance the fcas or elSe where, tiiere mult be a proteft before a public
has advice that A has failed, B fhould not accept fuch diau lit, notary.
though he promifed A he would; becaufe (J is not obliged If a merchant hath accepted a bill, and, before the fame be-
to make good the value to B. And moie efpecially fo, if comes due, he proves infolvent, or at leaft his credit is
C adviles B of A's failure, or on any fufpicion hath forbid publickly blafted, a proteft ought to go.
B's acceptance for his account, although he had ordered the By the ftatute of 3, 4 A. c. 9 it is enacted, That if the
acceptance thereof before. party on whom an inland
of exchange fhall be drawn,

On failure of a drawer, the accepter is not obliged to give fhall refufe to accept the Same by underwriting it, the parry
better fecurity for payment; but the pofleflbr muft wait till to whom the Same is made payable, may and fhall cauie
the day of payment, before he can demand any thing of the fuch bill to be proteftcd for non-acceptance.
accepter ; and then the accepter is obliged to pay, though he No acceptance of Such inland bill of exchange fhall be Suf-
accepted for the drawer's account, and has no effects of his ficient to charge any perfon, unleSs the Same be underwritten

in hand. or endorSed in writing thereupon ; and, iS Such bill be not

If an accepter rcfufes payment of a bill, on failure of the accepted by Such underwriting or indorsement, no drawer
drawer, the pofllfi'or is not obliged to return the bill and fhall be liable to pay any cofts, damages, or intereft thereon,
proteft, to the place from whence it is drawn ; it being ap- unlefs Such proteft be made for non-acceptance thereof, and
parent, that the charges of re-exchange cannot be recovered without, fourteen days after fuch proteft, the Same be Sent,
of the infolvent drawer. The pofleflbr therefore muft with- or notice thereoS be given to the party Srom whom Such bill
out delay, after a proteft is made, proceed by attachment : was received, or left in writing at the place of his uSual
for a difference in conduct is required when the drawer main- abode.
tains his credit, and when he has failed. IS Such bill be accepted, and not paid beSore the expiration
When an accepter fails or abfents himfelf, the pofleflbr is of three days after the fame fhall become due, then no
obliged to get a proteft made by a public notary, and fend drawer fhall be compellable to pay any cofts, damages, or
the fame, with the bill, to the remitter, to procure Satis- intereft thereon, unleSs a proteft be made and Sent, or no-
faction from the drawer ; and advice fhould be given di- tice thereoS be given in manner above-mentioned never- :

rectly to the firft remitter, and not to the laft endorfer only, theless, every drawer fhall be liable to pay cofts, damages,
that the drawer may, if he pleafes, order fome other to ho- and intereft, if a proteft be made for non-acceptance, or
nour his bill, and prevent lofs by the re-exchange, c5V. non-payment, and notice thereof be Sent, given, or left as
Though a pofleflbr through ignorance of cuftom, or of the aforeSaid.
acceptant's failure, or by reafon the bill did not come to Such proteft is not neceffary, unleSs the value be acknow-
hand till after due, or for any other caufe of the like nature, ledged in Such billto be received, and unlefs the bill be
does not, or cannot make proteft by a public notary ; yet drawn for 20/. or upwards.
this will not hinder the pofleflbr's redrefling himfelf on the If any perfon accepts fuch inland bill of exchange in Satis-
drawer and endorfer, though the accepter failed before the faction of a former debt, the Same Shall be efteemed a com-
bill became due. plete payment of fucn debt,
if the perfon accepting Such bill

When an accepter fails before the day of payment, if the for his debt doth not take his due courfe to obtain payment
bill be payable to order, the pofleflbr muft get a proteft made thereof, by endeavouring to get the Same accepted and paid,
and fend it to the firft remitter, but keep the bill till it falls and make his proteft'as aforeSaid.
due, that, if the drawer orders any other to honour his bill BeSore this Statute, the declaration need not have fbewn a
in time, the pofleflbr may be ready to receive the value. proteft upon Such bill, though the drawer ought to have had
If any other offer to accept and honour a bill whofe firft ac- convenient notice of" non-payment. L. Raymund 992, 993.
cepter is failed, in favour of the drawer, or any other en- But the law Seems to be altered, as to the proteft by this
dorfer, the pofleflbr is not obliged to accept fuch offer, if he ftatute.
difapproves the offerer ;' but if the offerer is a fufficient man, A bill drawn on two jointly muft have a joint acceptance,
or will give fecurity, the pofleflbr cannot refufe fuch an offer. otherwiSe it muft be prctefted ; but to two or either of them,
It is not Safe to accept a bill, whofe firft accepter is failed, e contra.
without a proteft for non-payment, declaring the bad cir- Then, if the fame be accepted
by one, it is purfuant to the
cumftances of the accepter ; and fuch an acceptant, in ho- tenor oS the and ought not to be protefted but in cafe of

nour, muft prefently fend the faid proteft, together with the non-payment; and in that cafe the perfon accepter is liable
notaiy's atteftation of his accepting the fame in honour, to to an action, but, iS it be on joint traders, an acceptance
the drawer, or to him for whofe account he has accepted by one will conclude and bind the other.
the fame. Acceptance after the day of payment paft is A factor of the Hamburgh, Turky, or India company, draws
ufual, and good. L. Raymund 364, 574. So acceptance a bill on the Same, and a member accepts the Same, this per-
for the honour of the drawer. Idem. 575. haps may make him liable, but not another member.
The queftion, whether a general indebitat affumpfit will lie So it is if ten merchants Shall employ a factor at the Cana-
upon a bare acceptance of a bill of exchange, in the argu- ries, and the factor draws a bill on them all, and one of them
ment of the cafe of Bellahs and Hefter. By Juftice John accepts the bill, and then refuSes payment, this will not
Powel, a general indebitat affumpfit does not lie on a bill of oblige the reft.
exchange ; but it ought to be a (pecial declaration upon the But

But if there be three joint traders for the common flock and If a bill of exchange by contrary winds or other occafiofij he
benefit of all three, and their facfor draws a billon them, (o long on the way, that the ufance or time limited by th^
the acceptance of the one will oblige the refidue of the com- bill be expired, and, being tendered, both acceptance and

pany. payment are denied ; protefts for both muft be made, and
A (mall matter amounts to an acceptance, fo that there be a the drawer muft anfwer the value, rcchanjie, and damage.
right undemanding between both parties as, ' leave your bill :
A bill, once accepted, cannot be revoked by the party that
with me, and I will accept it ;' or, call for it to-morrow, and accepted it, though, immediately after and before the bill
it fhall be accepted ;' that does oblige as effectually by the becomes due, he hath advice the drawer is broke.
cuftom of merchants, and according to law, as if the party If a bill is not accepted to be paid at the'exa6t time, it muft

had actually fubferibed or figned it, which is ufually done. be protefted ; but, if accepted for a longer time, the party to
But if a man ihall fay, ' Leave your bill with me, 1 will look, whom the bill is made payable, muft proteft the fame for
over my accounts and books between the drawer and me, want of acceptance accord. ng to the tenor yet he may take ;

and call to-morrow, and accordingly the bill fhall be accept- the acceptance offered notwithftanding. Nor can the party,
ed }' this fhall not amount to a complete acceptance: for if he once fubferibes the bill for a longer time, revoke the

this mention of his books and accounts was really intended fame, or blot out his name, although it is not accordine to
to fee if there were effects in his hands to anfwer, without the tenor of the bill ; for if by his acceptance he hath made
which perhaps he would not accept of the fame. And fo it himfelf debtor, and owns the draught made by his friend up-
was ruled by the Lord Chief Juftice Hale at Guildhall, on him, whofe right another man cannot give away, and
London. therefore cannot refufe or difcharie the acceptance.
A bill may be accepted for part, for that the party upon Note, This cafe will admit of two protefts, perhaps three.
whom the fame was drawn, had no more effects in his hands ; 1. One proteft muft be made for not accepting according to
which being ufually done, there muft be a proteft, if not for the time.
the whole ium, yet at lead for the refidue however, after : 2. For that the money, being demanded according to the
payment of fuch part, there muft be a proteft for the re- time mentioned in the bill, was not paid.
mainder. 3. If the money is not paid according to that time that the
Before the time of payment of the bill, the party may not- accepter fubferibed or accepted.
withftariding accept it, and pay it at the time of payment A bill was drawn payable the firft of January, the perfon
or another may accept the bill for the honour of the drawer, upon whom the bill was drawn accepts the bill to be paid the
and, if he pay it in default of the party, yet before payment firftof March ; the fervant brings back the bill : the maiter,
he is bound to make a proteft, with a declaration that he perceiving this enlarged acceptance, ftrikes out the firft of
hath paid the fame for the honour of the drawer, whereby March, and puts in the firft of January, and then fends the
to receive his money again. bill to be paid ; the accepter then refufes payment where- :

Any time before the money becomes due, the drawer may upon the perfon whom
the monies were to be paid, ftrikes
countermand the payment, although the bill hath been ac- out the firft of January, and puts in the firft of March
cepted. The countermand is ufually made before a nota- again in an action brought on this bill, the queftion was,

ry ; but, if it comes without, fo it comes under the party's whether thefe alterations did not deftroy the bill ? And
hand, it is well enough. ruled it did not.
If the bill be accepted, and the party defires to have the mo- A draws a bill on B, and B is in the country; C a friend of
ney before it be due, and it is paid, and then there comes a his hearing of the bill accepts it : the party to whom the
countermand, it hath been conceived that it ought not to be money is make a proteft for non-accept-
to be paid, muft
allowed ; for, as he could not enlarge the time, fo he could ance by B, and then he may take the acceptance of C, and
not fhorten it, but his duty is to follow his order. it fhall bind C
to anfwer the money.
The drawer of a bill is bound to the deliverer, and the ac- Where a merchant hath accepted, and, before the fame be-
cepter to the party to whom the bill is made payable; yet came due, he becomes infolvent, or ac leaft his credit pub-
both are not bound to one man, unlefs the deliverer be a fer- lickly blafted, a proteftought to go; but then there is ufu-
vant to the party to whom the money is made payable ; or ally a demand made, which once coming,the drawer is
the party to whom the money is made payable be fervant to compellable to give better fecurity ; and if a fecond bill
the deliverer: yet both taker and accepter are liable till the comes, if no proteft, then drawer and fecurity lie at ftake.
bill is paid. If a bill be accepted, and the party dies, yet there muft be a
Therefore, when you bring your action, be fure to draw your demand made of the executors or adminiftrators; and, in de-
declaration accordingly, and make the fame part of the fault or delay of payment, a proteft muft be made and al- :

cuftom as you fet it forthyou vary, you muft expect

; for, if though it may fall out, that the monies may become due be-
to be nonfuited and the party is not bound to alledge a
fore there can be adminiftrators, or the probate of the wHl
particular place of demand. be granted ; yet that is delay fufficient for a proteft in cafe of
If a bill be protefted for want of payment, the drawer is to non-payment.
repay the money and damage, or elfe he may procure a fecu- N. B. Fourteen days are allowed from the death before ad-
rity, which is no more but another perfon of value fubferibes miniftration can be committed, unlefs there be a will.
the bill, in thefe or the like words, * I here underwritten do But on the other hand, if the party be dead to whom the
bind myfelf as principal, according to the cuftom of mer- monies are made payable, and the monies are ready to be
chants, for the fum mentioned in the bill of exchange where- paid, and there is no perfon that can legally give a difcharge,
upon this proteft is made, dated,' &c. yet a proteft ought not to go for non-payment ; the reafon is,
Now the drawer, by virtue of this fupplemental agreement, becaufe there is no perfon that hath any authority either in
hath as much time again to pay monies as there was given deed or in law to make it, and a notary ought not to make
him in the bill when it was firft drawn ; fo that if the money it ; if he does, and the party receives any prejudice thereby,

be not paid, together with the rechange and charges of the an action of the cafe perhaps may lie againft him for his
party, the party may recover the fame on the principal or pains : nor does it avail, that if fecurity be offered to fave him
fecurity. harmlefs againft the executors or adminiftrators, for that is
Beyond the feas the proteft (that is to fay, for non-payment, an act left to his own difcretion ; for perhaps the fecurity may
the billbeing once accepted) under the notary's hand, is not be liked but whether good or bad, makes nothing as to

fufficient to fhew in court, without producing the very bill oblige him in law.
itfelf. But if a bill in England be accepted, and a fpecial N. B. An intimation ought to go, and that the accepter is
action grounded on the cuftom be brought againft the ac- willing to pay according to order. For further matter on
cepter, at the trial the party plaintiff muft produce the bill this head, fee Bills of Exchange, Drawer, Remit-
accepted, and not the proteft, otherwife he will fail in his ter, Indorser, Protest, Notary Public.
action at that time. ACCEPTER, the perfon who accepts a bill of exchange by
Therefore it is fafe that a bill once accepted be kept, and figning it, and obliges himfelf to pay the contents, when ic
only a proteft for non-payment be remitted ; but a bill pro- becomes due. As long as the accepter has his fignature in his
tefted for non-acceptance muft be remitted. own power, that is, as long as he has not returned the bill
If a bill is left with a merchant to accept, and he lofes the with his name to it, he may ftrike out his acceptance but, :

bill (or at leaft it is fo miflaid, that it cannot be found) the when he has once delivered it, it is no longer in his power
party fhall rcqueft the merchant to give him a note for the fo to do, though it fhould come again into his hands. In a
payment according to the time limited in the biil of ex- word, there is no retracting an acceptance once delivered :
change ; otherwife there muft be two protefts, one for non- the accepter muft pay thebill. Some ufe the word acceptanr,

acceptance, the other for non-payment: but if a note is which the ufual French term : though they alfo ufe the

given for payment, and there happens to be a failure, yet in term accepteur.
that cafe there muft be proteft for non-payment. It is the cuftom at Amfterdam, that all who accept bills of
No perfon, be it wife or fervant, can accept of a bill of exchange make themfelvcs debtors for them, by virtue of
exchange to bind the mafter without a lawful authority, as a their acceptance; and though the drawers fhould become
letterof attorney, and the like, which muft be under hand, infolvent before the term for the payment elapfes, the ac-
unlefs thatit has been formerly and ufually done by the wife cepters can have no recourfe againft the endorfers of the bills.
or fervant in fuch cafe, when the mailer hath been out of Oidinances of Amfterdam, quoted by Mr. Ricard, in his
town, who hath approved of the fame and anfwered pay- Traite General du Commerce, under the title Acceptances.
ment it muft be ufually done; but one partner may for
: ACCOMMODATION, is uled both in matters of trade
another. and of law, to fignify a friendly agreement or com position
8 between
between perform at variance, and is frequently brought about themfclves, in order to fee whether they be right, and
by the mediation of common friends, or by a partition of the to allow any out of complaifance, becaufe that
is againft
things in difpute. their matter's intereft.
ACCOUNT, or ACCOMPT, fignines in general all com- ' III. To fettle an account regularly, they ought to make
putations made arithmetically, whether by the addition of fe- an extract from the journal or day-book,
containing the
veral fums, or by fjhtraction, multiplication, or divifion. numbers, the meafures, and the prices, for which the
We account time by years, months, &c. diftances by leagues, were fold.

miles, poles, perches, &c. weights by tuns, hundreds, quar- " IV. Finally, in order to have the bill well drawn up,
ters, pounds, ounces, drams, Cffr. long meafure by rods, ells, muft compare the extract they carry, with that which
yards, bV. liquid meafures by tons, hogfheads, pipes, barrels, delivered together with the merchandize, to fee
whether they
gallons, quarts, cjfe. dry meafure by quarters, bufhels, pecks, agree ; and upon each article they fbould fet
down the tare,
,noney by pounds, (billings, c5>. if there be any, and the fum to which
firV. it amounts; and, on

Money of account is an imaginary fpcc'cs, continued in fe- their return to the warehoufe, they ought to enter it exadly in
veral dates, to facilitate the keeping of accounts, as nobles, the book itfelf, that there may be an agreement between their
angels, marks, were in England, mill-recs in Portugal, matter's book, and that of the retailer with whom
they have
Vc. fettled the account. This exactnefs keeps up the good
uhderftandihg that fhould fubfift between the merchant
Remarks relative to practical trade. wholefale dealer, and the retailer."
Account is books which
alio ufed collectively for the feveral To open an Account, is to enter it for the firtt time
into the
merchants, traders, and bankers keep, and in which they ledger. This is done by writing in large characters the
enter all their bufinefs, traffic, and bargains with each other. cbriftian name, furnamc, and place of abode of the perfon
Hence they fay, To make out an account, to pafs accounts, with whom an account is thus opened afterwards the arti-

C3V. All merchants in France, are obliged to keep books of cles are potted to it, either on the debit or credit fide,
as af-
their accounts, and all bankrupts to deliver up theirs. Sec occur.
the articlesBooks of Accounts. BooR-Keeping, (Jc. When an account is opened in the ledger for any one,
Thcfe books manner of debtor and creditor;
are kept in the name mutt be entered at the fame time in the alphabet' and
that is to fay the debit, which is the receipt of the account,
the folio of the book fet down, where the account is
is wrote on the left fide, or page; and the credit, which is the for the more eafily referring to it.

expence, on the right fide, or page. The debit fide is diftin- Merchants, who keep pen accounts with each other, fome-

guifhed by the word Dr. (debtor) which is placed at the be- times agree to honour the bills of exchange, which
ginning of the page after the name of the debtor and the ;
draw reciprocally.
credit lide by the letters Cr. for creditor, which is placed op- To pott a fum to Account, is to enter into the ledger, either

pofite to the other. The French, inftead of the word on the debit or credit fide, the articles for which pcrfons be-
and creditor, ufe the words doit (owes) and avoir (to have ). come either debtors or creditors.
There are three kinds of accounts abfolutely neceflary Counterpart of an Account, is in the bank ttile of France,
clofing books of double entries ; namely, the accounts of and in that of the clerks in the offices of the kind's farms, rhe
flock, of profit and lofs, and of balance. regifter kept by the contr.dl r, wherein he enters and
The account of flock is the particular account opened on all the articles which the book keeper, if
for the bank, or
the debtor and creditor fide of the ledger. It contains all the the receiver, if for the king's farms, charges his b^ok
effects of a merchant that is to fay, his ready money, mer-
See Bank-Royal.
chandizes, bills, promiffbry notes, bonds, contracts, ac- Order of an Account, is it's divifion into three heads, of
counts fettled, real and pcrfonal ettatc, and all in general, receipt, expence, and defalcation ; that is, the deduction
that is his own, free and clear of ail debts and mortgages. fuch fums as are taken into the account, and not received
This kind of account is fomctimes clofed on the debit, and or admitted. The French call it reprife.
fometimes on the credit fide of the account of profit and To examine an Account, is to read it exactly, to point the
lofs. On the debit fide, when the lofs exceeds the profit; articles of it, and prove the computation, in order to
and on the credit fide, when the profit exceeds the whether there be no errors, and whether the balance be

The account of profit and lofs is opened upon the ledger. It bt. I haie examined your account, it is right, there
confifts of all the lofles and gains made, by a merchant in his nothing to except againft it.
trade the lofles are written on the debtor, and the profit on To fettle an Account, is to caft it up, by calculating every

the creditor fide of the book. article of it, and balancing the fame. In the like fenfe are
This account is generally balanced annually, or when the uled the words to fliut, to balance, to clofe, to make up
books are to be clofed, in order to the opening of new ones account. Accounts are balanced upon the ledger on two

or when the merchant intends entirely to leave oft* trade. occafions ; the one, when traders fettle or adjutt affairs with
To balance the account of profit and lofs, fcparate additions fome debtor or creditor, in order to know what they owe, or
muff be made of the debtor and creditor fides, and the lefler what is due to them the other, when it is neceilary to carry

total fubtracted from the greater, of which the remainder, over accounts to (ome new folios in the fame book, or into
if the profit exceeds the lofs, is carried to the ere .'it of the another, in order to continue them, for want of room in the
account of flock, and to the debit, if the lofs exceeds the former.
profit. Prudent merchants ought to fettle their accounts at the end
The account of balance is opened in the ledger, only for the of every year, in order to cpen new ones in the beginning of
clofing of the books. When the books are to be finally the next.
clofed, it is called the account of the final balance; but, To place to Account (patter en compte) is to give one credit
when new books are to be opened, it has the name of ba- for a fum received, either of him or for him. It bonifies
lance of entry, or balance carried over. alfj to make him debtor for a fum paid to him, or for riim.
In the final balance account all that is due to flock is carried Thus, in a bill of exchange, the drawer puts fometimes
to the debit, and all that is owing from it to credit; and in thefe words after the fum, Which you'll place to my ac-
the account of balance carried over, or of entry, all on the count, or, To the account of, CsV.
credit of final balance is placed to the debtor, and all on the To purge an Account, as the French fay, is to caufe all the
debit to the creditor ; the ending or continuing trade making difputed articles to be adjudged by a referee, and the objec-
fuch reverfed entries teoeflary. tions to be obviated.
The merchants snd traders who keep their books by double Ballance of an Account, is the fum in which the debt ex-
entries, have one in particular, which they call the book of ceeds the credit, or the credit the debt, when the account is
accounts current, wherein they enter copies of all the ac- duly examined and fettled, and the ballance taken. I owe
counts which they make our, and fend to their correfpon- you 300/. for the ballance cf our account. There is fo
dents, in order to have recourfe to it occafionally. This, much due to me for the ballance of our account.
book, which is of the number of thofe commonly denomi- Account in Bank, is a fund which merchants, traders, bank-
nated auxiliaries, is ruled and kept in the fame manner as ers, and other private perfons, if they think fit, depofit into
the ledger. See Bocks, Wc. the common cafti of fome bank, to be employed in the pay-
Mr. Savary, in his Parfait Negociant, liv. 3. chap. 2. of ment of bills of exchange, promifibry notes, bonds, debts
the fecond part, lays down excellent rules for apprentice?, contracted, either in trade or otherwife, as by buying eftates
factors, or agents of merchants, or wholefale dealers in' in land, crV.
France, with refpedt to the manner of fettling accounts with The French, in their mercantile writings, commonly ufe
retailers, the fubftance of which is as follows, viz. certain characters, or initial letters, to fignify in brief, the
** I. The clerks, factors, or agents of wholefale dealers ought different kinds of accounts kept by merchants and traders ;
to go to the houfes of the retailers, to whom the merchan- C. fi^nifies compte (account) C. O. open account (compte
dizes have been fold, to fettle the account or bill with them ouvert) C. C. compte courant (account current) M. C. (mon
as fcon as poffible, in order to avoid the difficulties which compte (my account) S. C. fon compte (his account) L. C.
commonly arife, either with regard to the price or the leur compte (theiraccount) N. C. notrecompte (curaccount).
meafure of goods ; for, if that be delayed too long, the me- A man is faid to teach the keeping of books cf accounts,
mory eafily fails. when he teaches the manner of keeping them in a proper
*' II. In fettling accounts, they ought to be very careful of order, either by fing'e or double entry.
what they are about ; that is, they ought not to admit tares Merchants and traders, in France, are obliged to deliver iu
upon pieces of goods, before they have meafured them their books of accounts, in good form, when legally required.
Vol. I. C To
To affirm an is to declare and make oath that it is
Account, Jan. 12, 1750. Sold to G H, 14 ps. ditto
true. The
accountable when they deliver in their accounts, qt yards at per yard, to pay in 6
in order to their being examined, ufually write in the mar- months /
gin of the fiift page, ' Prefentcd fuch a day, and affirmed
To difpute an Account,to make remarks or objeflions
upon the an account, either for augment-
fcveral articles of Paid carriage to London /
ing the receipt, or diminifhing the expence therein containeJ. Porterage and warehoufe room J
To note an Account, is to make in the margin of each ar- Poftage of letters
ticle, certain remarks, fhewing either that there is no excep- Commiffion a per cloth f
tion to be made, and that they are to pafs as fet down, or
reafons for difputing them, and fhewing under what condi- Deduct charges jT from the Ves.
tions they are to pals. The remarks which the perfon who The net proceed is pad to the credit
audits an account, fets on the fide of each article by way of of your account, without my prejudice.
approbation, orotherwife, are called the notes (apoltrilles) of London, Feb. 10, 1750. E. E. N. O.
an account.
Account in Company, is a fpecies of account between two Remarks.
merchants, or traders, in confequence of a kind of affocia- r. . . It mud
he obferved that, in this dornedic or inland ac-
tion, or partnerfhip between them. count of fales, the manufactuier is fuppofed to run all the ha-
Account is alfo a relative term, ufed with regard to a part- zard in the fales, and that the factor has only his common
nerfhip, when two or more pel fons make receipts or difburfe- commiffion of fo much per cloth for the fale thereof. Tim
ments on account of each other. In this fenfe a man is faid is plain from the words, 4 without my prejudice' ; the mean-
to keep a good account* to fignify that he is juft in his deal- ing of which is, that, if the buyer fhould fail, the clothier
ings, and do?s not defraud his partners or mafters. mud ftand to the lofs.
Account alfo fignifics gain, profit, advantage, and, in French, 2. But fome manufacturers, perhaps the generality, rather
. .

the word compte is alfo taken for a good bargain. The mod chufe that their factors fhould run the hazard of bad debts,
common expreffions in which this teim is ufed, as to trade their rcfidence in town giving them opportunity of knowing
and merchandize, are the following: the merchants have the characters of buyers, and inducing them to be the more
perfectly found their account, in the effects they have bought cautious whom they truth In which cale, the factor is al-
this year of the French Eaft-India company, at the fale of lowed an extra-commiffion for fhnding the middle-man;
Nantz. Some manufacturers work at a better account (that which is reafonable.
is, cheaper) than others. People find their account in buy- 3. If the manufacturer chufes to run the hazard himfelf,
. .

ing goods at the firft hand, where they are made ; and, then he cannot expect his money before it becomes due from
finally, a merchant is faid to have made his fmall account (in the buyer. But if it fhould fo happen, that he ftands in need
French, fun petit compte) when he has acquired a competent of fome part of his money before that, as is commonly the
fortune in the trade wherein he was concerned. cafe, the factor permits him to draw for fuch a proportion
Account is alfo ufed to fignify voluntary difburfements and thereof as they fhall agree upon, the manufacturer allowing
charges, which are to be at the expender's lofs, and cannot be the factor the common provifion for thus advancing the mo-
palled in account. They fay, if he expends beyond his or- ney before it becomes due.
ders, it will be on his own account. If he commits errors Yet, under thefe circumftances, the factor has the fecurity of
in his calculations ; if he fufFers himfelf to be robbed, it fhall the manufacturer, as well as the buyer, fince he did not al-
be on his own account ; that is to fay, it will not be allowed low the factor an extra-commiflion to induce him to remain
in his accounts; it will be entirely to his own lofs. anfwerable for bad debts.
The French fay, to receive a bon compte, or a compte, that 4. . . As the generality of manufacturers cannot afford to be
is, on account, to fignify, to receive a fum on condition of de- fo long out of their money, as the ufual time of giving cre-
ducting it from what is due. To pay a bon compte, is to pay dit requires, it is the more ordinary practice for the factor to
on account, on condition alfo of deducting it from the ftand to bad debts, on confideration of having greater com-
debt. miffion allowed him on the fales, and to have provifion alfo
Account (compte) alfo ufed in various mercantile and pro-
is for what money he advances before the time of payment.
verbial phrafes, but with different fignifications. The French Mr. Locke that the multiplying of brokers is prejudi-
fays, '

fay, He has his account (il en a pour fon compte) that is, he ' cial to the trade
of any country ; that they eat up too great
is cheated, made a bubble, he is catched, or taken in. He * a fhare of the gains of trade, and therefore, he obferves,
takes it to his account (il le prend fur fon compte) to fignify, ' would be convenient to hinder, as much as is poffible,
that a man charges himfelf with a thing, and anfwers for it. * any one from felling any of our native commodities, but he
Good accounts make good friends; which implies, that peo- ' that makes them ; fhopkeepers in this being worfe than
ple cannot continue friends, without mutually keeping their ' gamefters ; for they do not only keep fo much of the mo-
engagements, and obferving the rules of jufiice and equity. * ney of a country conftantly in their hands, but alio make
They fay alfo, a tout bon compte revenir, good accounts will ' the public pay them for their keeping of it.'
fuffer a revifal to intimate, that thofe need not fear coming
; Thefe are fevere reflections upon fhopkeepers, factors, and
to a fecond account, when there has been no deceit in the brokers, and indeed very unju'tly grounded. For, if the clo-
fit ft, though there may have been fome involuntary miflake thier was to attempt to act both in the capacity of a factor
or overfight in it. and a woollen-draper, who muft attend his manufacture in
The French ufe the word compte (account) in feveral other the country ? While his attention was fixed in town upon
fignifications, which it would be fuperfluous to repeat here. the fales, might not the commodity dwindle and degenerate
AccouNT-Paper, is a fort of fine large paper, fo called at the in quality; and thus the clothier, by over-acting his part in
paper mills in France, and by the ltationers and others who one fhape, under-act it in another ? Was this maxim in ge-
trade in paper, becaufc accounts are commonly wrote upon it. neral to take effect, it might prove the ruin of all our manu-
It is like our port-paper in England, on which merchants ge- factures, by gradually debating therh.
nerally write their commercial letters, and draw out their va- Belides, for a clothier to take this upon him, not only re-
rious accounts. quires three times the capital, but fuch an expence by town
Account of Sales, is an account given by one merchant to refidence, as, I am afraid, would prove of little benefit to
another, or by one factor to his principal, of the difpofal, him in the long- run ; efpecially, as the nature of credit js at
charges, commiffion, and net proceeds of certain merchan- prefent circumftanced.
dizes fent for the proper, or company account of him, who 'Tis true, thefe middle-men between the manufacturer and
configned the fame to fuch factor or vender. conlumer may be faid to be inftrumental to enhance the
When the like account is inland or domeltic, the fame is price of our manufactures among ourfelves; and this was
tranfmitted in the current money of that country, wherein Mr. Locke's motive for bearing fo hard upon them. But 'tis
the bufincfs is tranfacted. As frorp a Blackwell-hall factor much to be doubted, whether the public could have their
to the clothiers in the country, or from the warchoufemen in manufactures cheaper at home, was the clothier to take upon
town, who deal by commiffion for the country manufacturers, him to act in a treole capacity, he being obliged to raife the
as bay-factors, drugget and duroy-factors, and the like. price of his commodity, in proportion to the extraordinary
expence he is at.
EXAMPLE. Manufacturers, who have thought themfelvcs injured by their
The following is the natural form of a Blackwell-hall factor's factors, which doubtlefs is fometimes the cafe, have attempted
account of fales to a clothier. this, but few have found their account in it. Some have car-
ried their view fo far, as even to turn merchant-exporters,

IID Account of Sales, charges and net proceeds [or produce]

of 20 pieces of fuperhne cloths, received per A B's
but to their abfolute ruin to my certain knowledge; for the
fkill of a manufacturer and that of a merchant are very di-

I a 20 waggon of , configned to me by C D of Wiltfhire, ttinct, the knowledge of a Solomon, in the one refpect, mak-

for his account, marked and numbered as per margin. ing him but an idiot in the other.
Thefe obfervations are not made to difcourage, but to caution
Jan. 5th, 1 750. Sold to EF draper, 6 ps. fu the ingenious and enterprizing manufacturer to be upon his
perfines, per A B. qt yards at per guard, and neither to undertake too much either at home or
yard, to pay in 6 months jT abroad.
8 Not-
' ;

Notwithftanding what has been faid, 'tis very dcfirablc that poods they arc ahlc to vend, and thofe too with
that variety
our Britifli manufactures may go as cheap to foreign mar- of aflbrtments,which engage the natives to give the prefe-
kets, as thofe of our rival nations, which are not fujietior in rence to thefe houfes, in their general dealings.
point of quality. Upon this principle Mr. Locke reafoncd ; 7. Other houfes, which take commifiions in the general,
and 'tis upon this principle that merchants of the moit money never give any in return, too often ufe no little
craft in the
and (killpurchafe commodities at firft hand of the nianu making out their foreign accounts of fales, by couching
facturer, pjy him ready cafh, and fend their goods abroad, impofitions under many of their articles of charges,
with every advantage. they have never paid.
And thefe exporters of our manufactures, who are not in 8. Nor is this the only practice which ought to be guarded
circumflanccs to fend them abroad at firft hand, are an inju- againft. Goods perhaps may be fold at three or four months
ry, rather than a benefit to the national trade ; they injudici- credir, or for ready money, and yet the principal kept out of
ously glutting the markets abroad, which finks the price too his property for years, by falfe and frivolous pretences.
often below what they can afford to fell at ; and yet they arc Thefe arts are mentioned, with a view only to guard
importunate for remittances, and thereby force their factors young and unexperienced from beine too eafily enfnared
to fell almoft at any rate. Such merchants not only hurt the and we hope they will have the good effect thereby intended'
trade of a kingdom, but are fure to hurt, ihemfejves, and ACCOUNTANT, cr ACCOMPTANT,
one who is not
all who have connexions in trade with them. only well flailed in calling up all forts of accounts,
and rea-
dily performs all arithmetical operations,
but who is verfed
A real Mercantile Example. in the art of book-keeping, by charge
and d.fcharge, or by
debtor and creditor.
Account of Sales, and net proceeds of 2 bales of druggets, This appellation is applicable to a perfon, or officer,
received per the Hollandia, Capt. Jan. Rocloff Smith, for the ed to keep the accounts of a public company,
or office; as
account of M. P. of London. i" accountant of the South-Sea, or India company,
or of
the Hank, the Cuftom- houfe, or Excife, kc.
Nov. 4. 1740. Configncd the above 2 bales of ACCOUNTAN1 SHIP, comprehend a not only a fkill in fi-
druggets qt. 1 12 pieces qt. 4875 yards as per gures or arithmetic, but a knowledge in the art of
factory [i. e. invoice, which is frequently ftiled k eping bj debtor and creditor, or by the method
of regular
fo] which a 3 \ palms per yard are palms charge and difcharge, according to the nature of the tiani-
18280 net, a fols 9 s. ^6. per palm, to p ty in actions which method keeps every diftinfl account, if they
two months
8530 13 4 are ever fo

numerous, always fit for a ballance and that bal- :

Sold and confipned 2 pieces of wh ite druggets for lancc is found by fubtracting the .'urn total on the debit
wrappers as above, for 140 co o from the fum total on the credit h\!e, or the fuin total of

latter from that of the former.

8670 13 4 To be fundamentally grounded in arithmetical operations
CHARGES, viz. requires a competent acquaintance with geometry and
bra, becaufe the geometric and algebraic way of
Freight and primage 106 5 o difcovers certain rules and theorems, whereby to
Porters landing and carrying to wareh. 6 O o numerically in the moftconcife manner: and to be properly
Opening to vilit, aflbi ting and making grounded in the nature of debtor and creditor requires a know-
up 400 ledge in the art of keeping accounts, according to the
Warchoufe room 800 of double entry, or what is commonly diilinguilhcd by
the Ita-
Brokerage 2 I per cent. 43 7 o lian method of Book-keeping, or by the name of Merchant's
To commiflion and {landing to bad Accounts.
debts a 4 per cent. 346 16 4 From hence it may be obferved, that no perfon can be pro-
514 8 4 peily Lid to be duly (killed in accountantfhip, without
fkilled in the art of debtor and creditor, as well as in that
8156 5 numbers nor, on the other hand, does any one dtferve the

A ggio deducted a 118 * per cent. 1283 o 2 name of an accountant, who is only acquainted with book-
keeping, and not with figures.
Genoa, 30 Nov. 1740. E. E. * Bco. 6S73 4 10 The art of accountantfhip is not only applicable to the re-
gular adjuftment of the variety of tranfactions among traders
* E. F.. Signifies Errors excepted in the account rendered, of every denomination, but alfo to the private affairs of gen-
and Bco, fignifies the Bank money of Genoa. tlemen and noblemen. And as it well becomes all perions of
the grcateft diftincticn to take due care of their eftates fo
Remarks. nothing, perhaps, can have a happier tendency to that end,

1. Foreign accounts of fales of merchandizes, are or ought than a knowledge in the art of debtor and creditor, as well
to be, governed in fome meafure by the invoice, lent there- as that of numbers. For merchants accounts, fays Mr.
with from the principal. See Invoice. ' Locke, thou-h a feience not likely to help a gentleman to
2. Merchants, being inured to hazard from their firft felting get an eftatc, yet poffibly there is not any thing of mere
out in life, fend their property to foreign countries with as ufe and efficacy to make him preferve the eftate he has.
much alacrity, on the good faith and honour of their cor- 'Tis feldom obferved, that he who keeps an account of his
refpondents, as a monied man lends his property at home on * income and e.\pence,and thereby has conftantly under view
land fecurity. ' the courfe of his domefiic affairs, lets them run to ruin.
Credit therefore, is the great foundation of commerce be- ' And doubt not but many a man gets behind-hand before

tween nation and nation, as well as between one man and 1

he aware, or runs farther on, when he is once in, for

another in the fame nation. W

hence it follows, that the * want of this care, or the fkill to do it. I would therefore
flift principle the trader fhould tenacieufly cultivate, is the ' advife to learn perfectly merchants accounts,

fupport of his perfonal credit. and not to think it a fkill that belongs not to them, became

3. It too often falls out, that thofe who take up their refi- it has received its name, and has been chiefly practifed
dence at foreign factories, no fooner get a houfe eftablifhed * men of traffic.
there, than they ufe every art to draw people in, to fend them Nor is accountantfhip lefs ufefu! to the gentlemen of the
large conlignnients of merchandizes by commiflion. To than to private gentlemen ; and not only to thofe who are
which end, they at firft make remittances to their principals intended for the bar, but to all follicitors and attornics
in a reasonable time, and give them an handfome profit upon litigations between traders making fo confiderable a propor-
their goods, in order to induce them to increafe their confign- tion of the bufinefs of our courts ofJaw and equity. With-
ments. out the perfect knowledge of debtor and creditor in particu-
4. When they have thus drawn people in to entruft a large' lar, accounts may be fo craftily and fophiftically ftated, as to
fortune in their hands abroad, it is then that they too often deceive the moft upright judge and jury, as well as the coun-
begin to ufe every difhonourable art, to keep them out of cil, if they are not capable of unravelling them in the courfe

their money. of their pleadings.

If you prefs for remittances, you are given to underftand, Perfons of diftinction alfo, who are concerned in the chief
that nothing can procure them but frefh confignments, which pofts of the public revenue, or who act in the fenatorial ca-
have proved the ruin of many ; and, if you draw upon them pacity, cannot be too well fkilled in accountantfhip. The
for your property, your credit may fuffer by that means at one will thereby be enabled to acquit himfelf with credit and
home. reputation, in whatever branch of the revenue he fhall be
5. On thefe confiderations, our mod opulent and experienced employed ; and the other will become perfectly acquainted
merchants have eftablifhed houfes of their ow n at many of with the finances and money affairs of the kingdom. For
the Britifh factories in foreign countries ; wherein they breed fuch is the nature and excellency of the mercantile arc of
up a fucceffion of perfons, whom they gradually take into debtor and creditor by double entry, that it is as eafily appli-
partr.erfhip, which makes it for their interell to be punctual cable to the accounts of nations as to thofe of traders, or
and faithful. private gentlemen, millions being as familiarly adjufted there-
6. Such capital houfes feldom take commiflion from any, but by, as hundreds of pounds. When once a perfon is ac-
the perfons who are the principals belonging to thofe houfes : quainted with the feveral funds from whence the national re-
and fiich are generally capable to fupply them, with whatever venue arifes, as likewife their appropriations to the payment
A C H A C (^
of intereft of certain national creditors; when it is duly Livadia and populous, and inhabited by many rich
is large
obferved in what manner the deficiencies of fome funds are Turks, who more numerous here than the Chiiftians,
occafionally fupplied, and the furplufages of others tranf- and there arc but few Jews. The trade confifts in fomd
ferred ; when the general heads of fuch accounts are under- woollen fluffs, made here, and in rice, which they fell
ftood from the ftatutes, and the accounts annually laid before ready hufked, and prepared by water-mills, and therewith
the parliament are duly attended to, any gentleman, well they furnifh all the adjacent country.
grounded in the art of debtor and creditor, may obtain as The inhabitants of Megara, which are all Chriftians, get
complete a knowledge of the money affairs of the nation, as their living by tilling thegroun I, f>r which they have half
of his own private concerns that is, when he is a mailer of
the crop ; the reft goes to the Turks, as their landlords under
the facts relating thereunto, and the diftindt heads under the Grand Seignior. They alfo make pitch, and faw boards
which the funds are kept, he will be capable fo to ftate thefe and planks out of the pines and firs, which grow in great
accounts by way of charge and difcharge, or debit and credit, abundance on the mountains about them.
as always to have a fatisfactory view before him of the ftate The trade of Salona confifts in fome cotton, but chiefly in
of the national debts and funds, and of the feveral variations tobacco; of which 15 okas are worth but one dollar: an
they fhall from time to time undergo. See Merchants oka weighs about 42 ounce;.
Accounts, or the nature of debtor and creditor, according The little trade they have at Delphos, now Caftri, confifts
to the method of double entry. in cotton and tobacco; their wine is exceeding wood.

ACCOUNTING-HOUSE, COUNTING HOUSE, or The trade of Lepanto confifts in leather, oil, lobacco, rice,
COMPTING-HOUSE, is a place fet apart by merchants, barley, and wheat: furs are alfo pretty cheap here.
and other traders, wherein to tranfact their bufinefs, and to each fide of the city, under a mountain, are fruitful vailies,
keep their books of accounts and vouchers relating thereunto. which ftretch out towards the fea. That to the weftward
is well p!?nt<:d with olives, vineyards, and corn;
and that
Remarks. to the eaftward is equally well planted, and divided into
It the cuftom of the Dutch merchants in Holland to keep
is gardens of oranges, citrons, and lemons. The wine here
a kind of Public Counting-houfes, for the reception of a nam is the beft in Greece.

ber of gentlemen's fons of fortune, more particularly of the Ail fhips that pafs out of the gulph of Patras
p;.y 3 per cent.
Englifti, Scots, and Irifh, who
pay them at the rate of one cuftom to the Emir, who pays about 6000 crowns rent per
hundred pounds and continue with them up-
fterling per ann. ann. for his office.
on that footing from year to year, as long as they pleafe. It is ACHIA, a kind of cane that grows in the Eaft Indies, which
common to fee ten, or a dozen, or more of thefe young peo- ispickled green in the country, with ftrong vinegar, pepper,
ple in a Dutch counting houfe ; fome being weak enough to and fome other fpice and ingredients. This pickle comes to
imagine, that a foreign country is the beft place to be bred in, Europe in a fort of earthen jars, about a foot high, and the
in order to underftand the Britifh commerce, and that there fame in breadth, growing narrower at the mouth. The bits
are no merchants who refide in England, are able to qualify of cane are an inch and a half in diameter, and a little above
their fons fo well as foreigners who refide abroad. two inches long, almoft of the fame confiftency with pickled
An humble attempt, however, was lately made to introduce cucumbers, being no lefs crifp, and cutting as well. They
fomething of the like kind of practice, of keeping a Pub- are of a pale yelow colour ; and, inftead of pulps, their in-
lic Counting-houfe in our own country ; and accordingly, a fide a clofe, fibrous fubftance, like that of the common

treatife was publifhed for that intent, entitled ' The Mer- canes, when the outfide coat is off. The Dutch brin" home
chant's Public Counting-houfe, or the New Mercantile Infti- great quantities of this pickle, which their cold climate makes
tution :' wherein is (hewn the neceffity of young merchants them think wholfome. They generally eat it towards the
being bred to trade with greater advantages than they ufu- end of their meals, judging it very good to quicken the ap-
ally are with a practicable plan for that purpofe.
: petite, and ftrengthen the ftomach, becaufe of the ftron"-
In this plan are digefted, in miniature, the various qualifica- vinegar, lemon, pepper, and other fpices, of which the
tions, which have been judged neceffary to form the accom- pickle is made up, and in which, the achia muft always lie,
plifhed Britifh merchant. And, however low an idea fome in order to keep it, give it a fharp tafte, and make it very
may entertain of the abilities of fuch a trader, it is prefumed hot and fiery.
that, upon the perufal of the before-mentioned tract, they This fruit is alfo called achiar. It is a green, which is pre-
will be of a different opinion. Perfons of candour and im- ferved in vinegar. It is extremely efteemed throughout all
partiality, it is imagined, will therein fee, that it is not the Eaft-Indies, and they drive a prodigious great trade in it.
thrufting a young fpark into any counting-houfe, either at The beft comes from Perfia, and is preferved in bottles,
home, or abroad, that is likely to qualify him to fave, much almoft after the fame manner as thofe imall cucumbers are
Jefs to improve, an handfome fortune by merchandifing. in France, which they call cornichons. Each fort of fruit
Thofe who are defirous of perufing this tract, may meet is not preferved by itfelf, but feveral forts are put together
with it at Mr. Horsfield's, bookfeller in Ludgate-ftreet, into the fame bottle.
by afking for Poftlethwayt's Merchant's Public Counting- ACHIAR, is a Malayan word, which fignifies all forts of
houfe, or New Mercantile Inftitution, &c. fruitsand roo;s, pickled with vinegar and fpice. The Dutch
ACHAIA, now Livadia, a province of Turkey in Europe, import from Batavia all forts of achiar, which the Chine fe
is bounded on the north by Epirus, by Thefialy, from which make after the manner of the Malayan?; but particularly
it is divided by mount Oeta, now Banina, and by the Euri- that of bamboe, a kind of cane, extraordinary thick, which
pus, now the ftreight of Negropont ; on the eaft by the Ar- grows in the Eaft-Indies, and is preferved there, whiift it is
chipelago ; on the fouth it has the gulph of Engia, or Ef;ina, It ill green, with very ftrong vinegar and fpice. This is
the ifthmus of Corinth, and the gulph of Lepanto ; and, on called bambne-achiar. The name changes according to the
the weft, the Ionian fea, and part of Epirus. Achaia is at fruitwith which the achiar is made.
prefent divided into three parts: namely, i. Livadia, pro- ACHIOTL, a name given by the Brazilians to a drug; ufed
perly fo called. 2. Stramulipa, or Stramnzupa. 3. The in dying, more commonly called Rocou. See Rocoul
dutchy of Athens. ACHTELlNG, a meafure for liquids, ufed in German".
A little way out of Thebes there is a hill, where they dig a Thirty-two achtelings make a heem'er ; four fciltems, or
kind of ftone, of which ihey make bowls for tobacco-pipes. feiltins, make an acrht&Hng.
The ftone, when it is firft dug out of a deep pit, is of the co- ACHTENDEELEN, or ACHTELlNG,
a meafure for
lour of new cheefe, and almoft as foft, being in lumps com- grain, ufed in fome
of Holland. Two hoeds of
monly as big as a man's two hits. This they bring to the town, Gorcum make five achtendeelens ; 28 achtendeelens of
and carve very curioufly into bowls of pipes ; and as foon as Afperen make 32 of Rotterdam, which contain on!v26,cf
it is dry, it grows very hard, as white as mow, and fhining. VVorcum, 20, achtendeelens of Delft make 12 vicrtels of
The natural dexterity of the people of Athens, in all the Antwerp. Four achtendeelens yf of Delft make the heed
little matters they undertake, fhews itfelf extraordinary, as of Bruges.
in buying, felling, and in all their domeftic affairs; and it is ACICOCA, an herb that ^rows in Peru, and is fometimes
obferved by Mr. Wheler, that fo much of their ancient fpirit ufed inftead of the herb of Paraguay, of which it is faid to

remains, that few towns in Turky have preferved themfelves have all the properties. A great quantity of it is yearly car-
fo well as this, or enjoy greater privileges, under the tyranny ried from Lima, and other parts of Peru, to the ci'v of
of the Turks. Some other cities, indeed, feem, by trading, Avira, from whence it is fent to Potofi, efpccially when'that
more rich but is it not a wonder, that Athens, though
: of Paraguay is very fcarce, and confequcntly dear.
flic has had but an equal fhare in the ill fortune of all thofc ACORI, or BLUE CORAL. The true acori is very
noble cities of the Eaft under the dominion of the Turks, fcarce ; fome, however, is fifhed upon the coaff of Africa,
fhould be inferior to many of them in trade, when fhe wants particularly from Rio del-re, to the river of the Carnarones.
neither good harbours, nor good merchandizes for general This coral of the merchandizes which the Dutch trade
is p irt

commerce ? The revenue of the city is raifed upon the for with the Carnarones: that of the kingdom of Benin is
cuftoms, caratchs, or poll-money, weights of the town, alfo very much efteemed. It grows, in the form of a tree,

avtnies, or amercements, tenths, and vellanies ; thefe latter upon a rocky bottom. Sec Coral.
are the cups of acorns, with which they tan their leather. ACQUIESCKNCE, in the French commerce,
fignifies the
They alfo who carry merchandizes to any fair mud pay a cer- confent that a merchant, or other pcrfon, gives to carry
tain duty to the Veivode, who receives the whole revenues, into execution the determination given either by arbitra-
and pays to the Kiflar Aga, or chief of the black Eunuchs, tion, or by a con ml, or by any other refolution, in the
30,000 crowns a year for his place, which yet brings him courfc of juftice. There is no receding from fuch a judgment
in 5000 crowns more, all charges and expences defrayed.
accl ACT
or fentence, after an acquiefcence, or agreement thereunto. to bring in, within four months from the delivery oft!,- ft

See Arbitration. quittance, a certificate in due form, that the far,

ACQUITTANCE, in France, a kind of difcharge upon dizes have been found, weight, quantity, and
ftamped paper, which is made out and delivered to traders, quality, with the bah and leads of the cuftorn<
s, p-if;:ue,

factors, or carriers, by the officers, receivers and comp- houfe, whole and entire, conformably to the acquittance*
trollers of the two grand farms, eftablifhcd for
the imports Tin, certificate, being endorfed upon the back of the ac-
and exports in the kingdom of France, and the provinces quittance, the fecurity is difcharged without any cbifjculty,
reputed foreign. The Acquittance, or certificate of franchifes, concerns
There are four forts of acquittances thofe of payment ; thofe
; the exemption from the duties of export on,
of caution, or precaution ; thofe for fecurity of pafling, or intended to bfc fent out of the kingdom, which are bought

thofe of perfonal fecurity, or bail j and thole of certificates and fent away during the franchifes, or freedom of fairs.
offranchife. They are particularly ufed at Lyons, during the four free
The Acquittance of payment mentions the quantity, qua- fairs, whichare thofe of Twelfth-day, Fafter, Au^uft, and

lity, weight, or value of the merchandize ; the number of All faints, each of which continue a fortnight free, and
chefts, bales, and packs, in which they are contained ; their begin as follows That of Twelfth-day, the firft Monday

marks and numbers ; the leaden-marlcs or tickets affixed after that feftival ; that of Eafter, the firft Monday after

to them; the fum paid for duties of import or export; the Lowfunday ; that of Auguft, the 4th of that month ; and
merchant's name for whofe account they arc lent ; the place that of All-faints, the 3d of November.
where they are to be unladen and the road the carriers are
; This acquittance, or certificate of franchifes, is at firft deli-

to go. This acquittance, or certificate of payment, muft go vered by the receivers and comptrollers deputed, or appoint*
with the merchandize, and remain at the laft office of the ed, by the provoft of the merchants, and by the aldermen of

culloms, to be revifed and examined by the clerks of the the city; it mentions the perfon for whofe account the mer-

farms, in order to know whether the duties have been fully chandizes are, their quantity, qua'ity, weight, the number
received or not ; and, in cafe they were not fully received, of ba'es, packs, or thefts that (hey have paid none of the

to caufc the deficiency to be by the merchant to whom ufual duties of the city, and that the faid bales, packs, or

the merchandizes belong. Befides all tbefe particulars being chefts, were taken away, and loaded, during the time of
enumerated in fuch acquittance of payment, the time in which the franthife, 01 freedom of the fair, and have been marked

the merchandize is to arrive at the laft cullom-houfe, is alio by them, wiih a particular mark, of which there is' a ftamp
mentioned ; after which they remain void, and cannot be re- in the margin of the certificate ; and that they contain no

ceived by the officers, except there has been fome lawful prohibited <>i contraband goods. On the back of this ac-
hindrance, which muft be pioved by a verbal procefs, in quittance, or certificate, muft be fet down the warrant of
due form. The carriers are alfo forbidden to pals by any the clerks of the general office of the cuftom-houfe, to the
other cuftom houfe, except thofe mentioned in the acquits, cleik of the gates of the city, commanding him to certify
and are obliged to carry the goods directly to all the offices the going out cf the balcv packs, or chefts, mentioned in
of the cuftoms upon their route, and prefent their acquits, in the acquittance, or certificate of the magiftrates of the city,
order to their being indorfed, viz. fcen and, finally, to
; and that the duties are allowed to have been paid during
leave them at the laft office, where, after the chefts, packs, the fair ; and that declaration has been made, that they fhall
or bales, have been opened and infpected, the officers de- be exported out 01 the kingdom, through fuch a province. It
liver to them a warrant, called brevet de controlle, without muft be obferved, that, in order to have the benefit of the
any charge. The carriers are alfo obliged to produce their franchife for exemption from duties, the merchandizes muft
acquits on the firft demand of the officers of the cuftoms, be carried out of the town, towards the end of each fair
whom they meet upon their route, at whofe difcrction it is and out of the kingdom before the firft day of the fair next
to keep them, on delivering, in the like manner, a brevet following ; except, however, in cafes of juft and le<*al
de controlle ; though the opening can be done no where but hindrances.
in the cuftom-houfes, and of fuch goods only as have not The actpiittancc, or certificate, or permit, as we term it in
been vifited before, it being prohibited, wi h regard to thofe Englifh, offranchife, muft go along with the metchandize,
that have already been examined, to open them any where to the laft office of export, and remain there.
but at the laft office of the cuftoms. All this is directed by Acquittance, among the French merchants, fignifies alfo
the Ordonnance of the five great farms, of February 1687, a receipt. Paid fuch a one, by acquittance, of fuch a day ;
Tit. 7. Act. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. that is to fay, upon receipt, or acquittance. When a banker,
The Acquittance of caution, or precaution, or of fecurity, or any other perfon, gives to a fervant, or porter, a bill of
or bail, is delivered by the officers of the cuftoms to a private exchange that is due, in order to go and receive the payment
perfon, who binds himfelf as fecurity, that a bale of mer of it, he generally endorfes it in blank that is, leaving a ;

chandize lhall be infpecled by the officers of the cuftom- void fpace above his name, that the receipt may be wrote
houfe at the place to which it is configned, and that the there. But a man muft always take cue, with regard to
cuftoms, if there are any due, (hall be paid there ; in con- thofe blank endorfements, to put the words, " pour acquit,"
fequence of which, the bale is packed, corded, and loaded, for receipt, or acquittance, under his name, that the void
at the office,where the acquittance is delivered, that it may fpace may
not be filled up with an order payable to another,
rot be opened, nor the goods changed, upon the rouie they which might be attended with very bad confequences.
are to go. And, when the bale arrives at the place of its To Acquit, fignifies alfo in French, to pay the duties of
deftination, and the merchandizes, and other things con- import or export for merchandizes, as they are imported
tained in it, have been examined and vifited by the infpector, into, or exported out of, cities, and at the cuftom-houfes.
the receiver and comptroller, on the infpector's certificate, Thus they fay, that merchant drives a vaft trade, he has
caufe the duties to be paid, if any arc due, and endorfe the ' acquitted (that is, he has paid) this year, above 100,000
receipt upon the back of the acquittance, which is after- * livres duty to the king.' It fignifies pay one's
alfo to
wards fent back to the perfon who bound himfelf, to be debts : ' this merchant has at laft acquitted himfelf towards
returned by him to the officers from whom he had it, in his creditors he has paid them entirely.
;' that is, They
order to his being difcharged from his bond. alfo fay, to acquit bills of exchange, promifibry notes, bonds,
The Acquittance for fecurity of tranfit, or paffage, relates &c. that is, to pay them.
to certain merchandizes, or materials, for working and Acquittance, a releafe, or difcharge, in writing, of a
manufacturing ; fuch as are exempt from the duties of im- payment, debt, or any other thing we are obliged to pay or
port and export in the kingdom of France, and alfo from perform. Some acquittances are made before a notary-
tolls, grants, and other imports ; as are thofe which relate public, and others only under a perfon's private fign manual ;
to the manufactures eftablifhed in the towns and diftricis of they are both equally good, but not equally fafe with regard
Lille, Doway, Orchies, Tournay, and other cities in the Low to what may happen afterwards, the latter being fometimes
Countries, conquered by the King of France in Flanders, or Ijable to very great inconveniencies.
yielded to him by
treaties of peace, or truce, and which The receipt wrote on the back of a bill of exchange that
are entered and cleared at the cuftom-houfes of Calais, is paid, is properly a. true acquittance.
Bayonne, Seftome, near Marfeilles, Pont de Beauvoifin, ACTION, a right which a perfon has to fue for any demand
Strafburg, and Peronne, to "be fent into the Indies, Spain, or pretention, at law. It is alfo faid of actions entered

Italy, and England. againft a perfon, and of the proceedings carried on for afterr-
This acquittal is ufually delivered by the officers of the cuf- ihg and proving one's right.
toms at Lifle, according to the certificate of the magiltrate Action, in French commerce, fignifies fometimes the move-
of the town, and mentions the name of the perlon for able effects: thus thev fay, that a merchants creditors have
whofe account the merchandizes are, their quantity, quality, feized upon all his actions; which is as much as 10 fay, thac
and weight; the number of the bales, packs, or chefts, in they have taken poffeffion of all his active debts, that is, the
which they are contained ; how corded, packed, and leaded ; debts owed to him.
their marks and numbers ; the cuftom-houfes through which Action Redhi bitorv, an action at law by which the is

they are to enter and clear that they are not to be lodged
: buyer may damaged goods, or
oblige the feller to take back
any where, except in the cuftom-houfes through which fuch as do not prove according to the agreement.
they are to pafs, nor opened, except at the laft office on Action of a Company is an equal part, or portion of ftock,
the frontier, where they are to clear, and to be viewed and of which feveral, joined together, make the capital fund,
vifited by the officers of the farm?. For fecurity of which, or ftock, of a trading company. Thus a company which
the merchant, or who confi^ * litem, enters into a bond
has 300 actions, of a 1000 J. eaih, has a fund cf 300,0.0 1.
Vot,. I. D whici
which is to be understood in proportion as the actions are the affiftahce oF a broker, upon the price of one or more
fettled at a larger or fmaller fum. A merchant, or any actions, and they are to be delivered, the teller goes to the
other perron, is Lid to have 4 or 6 actions in a company, Eaft-India houfe, to make his declaration to the book keeper,
when he has contributed to U.e capital flock, and is con- who immediately enters it ; and, after having made the feller
cerned in it for, 4 or 6000 ). if the actions are 1000 1. as fign caufes it alfo to be fubferibed by one of the- directors,

We have j nft fuppoied. before whom the feller muft likewife declare, by word of
/1 proprietor cannot have a deliberative vote irt the aflemblies mouth, that he has fold it. The transfer being thus regiftcrcd,
of a company, unlefs he has a certain number of actions, and the feller having informed the buyer of it, the latter has
fixed by the letters patents of it's eftablifhment ; nor can he a right to go and allure himfelf farther of it at the Eaft-
be a director, unlefs he has (till a greater number of actions. India houfe, in cafe he does not think fit to truft the perfon
This proportion of actions, in order to a deliberative vote, with whom he has negociated after which, he ought to

or the directorfhip, is mentioned in another place. See caufe the value of the actions transferred to be palled over at
Trading Companies. the bank to the fellers account, who, when he is certain
Action fignifies alfo the bonds, contracts, and acknowledge- that the value has been placed to his account, or credit, at
ments, or Stock in general, which the directors of trading the bank, returns to the Eaft-India houfe, and figns th