‘Champ de Vénus’ on ‘Roller Island’
Jacob Haafner’s description of Mauritius, 1786-1787
Paul van der Velde
Including the Dutch original and an English
translation by Rosemary Robson-McKillopContents
Foreword
by Shawkat M. Toorawa & Mahmood H. Toorawa
‘Champ de Vénus’ on ‘Roller Island’
by Paul van der Velde
Translation into English of Jacob Haafner's
description of Mauritius (1786-1787)
by Rosemary Robson-McKillop,
edited by Paul van der Velde and Shawkat M. Toorawa
Haafner’s description of Mauritius
in the original Dutch
edited by Paul van der Velde
Appendix
‘Translation into English of Jacob Haafner’s description
of Réunion by Paul van der Velde, followed by Haafner’s
description of Réunion in the original Dutch
edited by Paul van der Velde
Biographical notes
Trust Visitors
Trust Publications
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42Foreword
In September 1998, Dr Paul van der Velde, world authority on Jacob
Hafner (1754-1809), was in Mauritius to participate in a conference
organized by the International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, and the
University of Mauritius, on the occasion of the 400th anniversary of the
Dutch arrival in the Indian Ocean. Dr van der Velde's paper on Jacob
Haafner’s description of Mauritius was subsequently. published in the
conference proceedings. Dr Shawkat Toorawa, who also presented at the
conference, approached Dr van der Velde and inquired whether he was
willing to have the Trust publish account of Haafner's stay in Mauritius.
The Trust is grateful to Dr van der Velde for graciously agreeing to this,
and for equally graciously showing tremendous indulgence when the
‘Trust found that it had to delay publication.
We finalized our edits in earlyf 2004 and are delighted to include in our
Occasional Paper Series, ‘Champ de Vénus’ on ‘Roller Island: Jacob
Haafner’s description of Mauritius, 1786-1787, comprising a critical
essay by Dr van der Velde, the Dutch original (in its first Mauritian
publication), and a translation of the description into English by
Rosemary Robson-MeKillop. In an Appendix we include Haafner’s short
description of our fle soeur, Bourbon (Réunion).
We are grateful to the Department of Near Eastern Studies at Cornell
University for financial support toward an editorial meeting held in
‘Amsterdam in July 2002; to friends of the Trust for helping subvent the
cost of publication; to the Blue Penny Museum for the cover; and to the
Société de I’histoire de I'lle Maurice for co-sponsoring publication of this
the sixth in the Trust’s Occasional Paper series.
Shawkat M. Toorawa
Mahmood H. Toorawa‘Champ de Vénus’ on ‘Roller Island’*
Paul van der Velde
Jacob Haafner’s direct literary style and his adventurous life blended to
make his books both popular in his day and appealing also to the
present-day reader. His descriptions of everyday life bear witness to his
sharp powers of observation and love of indigenous cultures. These
qualities prompted Hafner to criticise prevailing colonial conditions.
From a historical ‘and literary perspective the works of Jacob Healer
are a monument to Dutch travel story writing.
‘At the beginning of the ‘nineteenth century selections from his travel
accounts were translated into German, English, French, Swedish and
Danish and were widely appreciated. In Britain the liveliness of his
adventures was admired, in Germany he was called a humanitarian and
a unprejudiced observer, and in France he was praised as a “penseur
original et profond, qui a rendu ses idées dans un style aussie brillant
que énergique.” [1]
The love of travel
Jacob Gotfried Haafner was born in Halle, Germany on 13 May 1754 to
a French father and a German mother. Shortly after his birth his father
settled in Emden to work as a physician. In 1765 the family moved to
cosmopolitan Amsterdam. When Haafner senior’s practice failed to
altract enough patients, he decided to enlist as a ship's surgeon in the
service of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). His decision to take
his son with him had far-reaching consequences for the course of Jacob
Haafner's lifé. Hardly had they reached Cape Town when Haafner
senior died. At first a friendly Dutch family cared for Jacob but, after
having supported him for two years, his foster parents decided that
Jacob should start working. Thus, in 1768, Hafner mustered as a cabin
boy on a ship bound for Batavia (present day Jakarta), the capital of the
Dutch East Indies, There he took the position of tutor to the children of
a high-ranking VOC official for several months. Realising that he was
not a bom teacher, he retumed to Cape Town where a slave-trader
employed him. Mounting conflicts with his employer about the
treatment of slaves made him decide to return to Amsterdam in 1770.
Haafner became an artist’s apprentice but the atmosphere of the city
soon began to oppress him, one of the reasons being his vexatiousmother, who had tried in vain to gain possession of the money Haafner
had earned as a VOC employee. Hafner, who claimed he was gripped
by travel mania, decided to go east. Of this passion he writes, “The love
of travel is an unfortunate, incurable desire, ending only with life itself,
which it frequently shortens. I have been possessed by this desire from
my childhood; it troubles me still now I have grown older, and embit-
ters many of my days. This insatiable curiosity to examine everything
myself and a foolish passion for adventure have exposed me to many
dangers, and been the occasion of much adversity and vexation; it has
often rendered me unhappy, or forced me away from the happiness I
enjoyed.”
After two years of sailing on the high seas, Haafner enlisted as an assis-
tant bookkeeper at Negapatnam, the head office of the VOC on the
Coromandel Coast in 1773. In 1779 he became secretary-bookkeeper at
a branch office in Sadraspatnam, a post which could have been the
beginning of a promising VOC career, but the outbreak of the Fourth
Anglo-Dutch War in 1781 cut this prospect short. He was taken
prisoner of war and was held in Madras for one year. After being
released at the end of 1782, he arrived in Ceylon at the beginning of
1783 and made a joumey through Ceylon lasting from June to
September of that year. Then he went to Calcutta, where he arrived at
the end of 1783. He became bookkeeper to the former Governor of
Benares, J. Fowke. During his two-year stay in the city he moved in the
circles of the Asiatic Society, which was founded by the famous
Orientalist Sir William Jones in 1784. In 1786 he made an extensive
trip through Orissa and the Coromandel Coast. He had no difficulty
surviving in the intemational business community of the Subcontinent:
he was fluent in modem European languages and also in Tamil and
Hindi, and he had a limited understanding of Sanskrit. During the last
years of his time in India he amassed a small fortune, then in 1787
retumed to Europe.
Haafner traveled extensively throughout Europe and in 1790 settled in
Amsterdam where he met his future wife A. M. Kreunink. They had
three children. Until 1794 he probably led the life of a gentlemen
scholar but in that year, in the wake of the Revolution, his investments
in French bonds were no longer worth the paper they were printed on.
To provide for his family he opened up a shop as a pipe merchant and
simultaneously started writing about his experiences in Asia. His first
travel account was published in 1806. The works inspired by his travels
met with success but his allacks on colonialism and missionarysocieties isolaied him from the rest of society. Haafner died of chronic
heart disease at the age of 55, on 3 September 1809, while still at work
on the manuscript of his book on Ceylon. The last lines he wrote were
probably those at the end of the general description of Ceylon: “Fare
thee well thou ingratiating objects that have enchanted my soul! Fare
well!”
Haafner was one of the very few Dutch authors of the time whose
books were translated. The first German translation appeared in 1806,
French and Swedish ones appeared in 1811, and English and Danish
ones in 1821. [2] Haafner’s travel stories, which reached a wide
audience, got positive reviews, achieved great popularity in Holland,
and were reprinted several times in the "20s and ’50s of the nineteenth
éentury. (3] Thereafter, interest in the works of Haafner waned, but he
continued fo enjoy great popularity in a small circle of connoisseurs. In
his travel stories he recounts his adventures in Asia, his work in the
service of the Dutch East India Company, his contacts with Indian and
Ceylonese civilisations, and his life at the Dutch factories on the Indian
and Ceylonese coasts. In many instances his description of life in Asia
departs from the fairly stereotypical depictions of other travel writers.
His sketches of the informal, relaxed life-style, of the interactions
between Europeans and local populations, and of the many friendships
resulting from these, not to mention the parties, are enthralling. Now
that his travel stories have been republished chronologically, they also
constitute one of the few voluminous autobiographies written in the
Netherlands.
Proto-Orientalist and Anti-Colonialist
Haafner was not just the author of fascinating travel stories, he was also
a proto-Orientalist. After his return from Asia, Hafner took an active
interest in the study of Indian languages and cultures and even rendered
part of the Ramayana in his Proeve van Indiase Dichtkunde volgens
den Ramaijon (1823) [Sample of Indian Poetry on the Basis of the
Ramayana} [4]. He tried to start a joumal on India but his plan never
materialised: the intellectual climate in Amsterdam at that time was not
conducive to the study of Indian languages and culture. There is
evidence too that Hafner collected Indian texts, but his death in 1809
prevented him from publishing these texts himself. Although Hafner
must have had a basic’ understanding of Sanskrit grammar and must
have known many Sanskrit words, his rendering of the Ramayana only
offers an excerpt of this epic which he must have based on oral sourcesand on Tamil, Hindi, and Bengali versions of this masterpiece. [5]
Hoafner's translation was the very first to appear in’ Dutch. At the end
of the nineteenth century his efforts were validated by the Dutch
Indologist J. Ph. Vogel, who viewed Hafner as the pioneer of Indian
Studies in the Netherlands, also seizing the opportunity to praise
Haafner for the humanitarian attitude that permeates his writings. Vogel
was referring specifically to Haafner’s Verhandeling over het Nut van
Zendelingen en Zendelings-Genootschappen: (1807) [Essay on the
Usefulness of Missionaries and Missionary Societies). [6]
This book is essential to our understanding of Haafner’s ideas about
colonialism and the influence of the Enlightenment and Romanticism
on his way of thinking. Hafner sent his manuscript to the Enlightened
Teyler's Theological Society in Haarlem that was offering a prize for
the best answer to the question: What is the usefulness of missionaries
and missionary societies? In his answer Haafner completely rejected the
mission as such and condemned the behaviour of the missionaries.
Haafner’s one piece of advice for future missionaries was to advise
them to try to Christianise the Europeans in the colonies and to leave
the local population alone. Haafner also argued for the complete
withdrawal of all imperial powers from their colonies — it would take
150 years for Haafner’s wish to come true. The Directors of the
Theological Society were probably floored by Haafner's manuscript but
were nevertheless willing to give Haafner the award if he polished his
text and quoted his sources. Haafner accordingly buttressed his
arguments with quotations from a wide range of writers, including Volt-
aire, Rousseau, De Las Casas, Ziegenbalg, Charlevoix, Bemardin de
Saint-Pierre, and Gage: this gives an idea of the wide range of
Haafner’s reading and the writers who influenced him.
One way Enlightenment authors would criticise Westem culture was to
create a philosophic foreigner who passed critical, comments on
Westem culture. Hafner created a sanyassi who abhors Western
hunting practices and the eating of meat. Haafner claimed to” have
become a vegetarian under his influence and describes with repugnance
scenes in Amsterdam where the blood of butchered animals gushed
through the gutters. The use of a spokesman from another culture to
criticise one’s own can also be found in the writings of Romantic
authors who held up distant lands and distant times as a model for
Westem man. This explains the similarities between Enlightenment and
Romantic writing despite the fact that the differences are considerable.Penseur original et profond
The main tenets of Enlightenment thought are universalist. Voltaire
argued that reason would in due course conquer all particularist
tendencies. This linear process would result in the growth of supra-
national juridical, aesthetic, and moral concepts based on humanitarian
insights. This way of thinking had a profound influence on French
revolutionary thought, which did away with tradition and based itself
and the individual's membership of a state on that individual's free will.
This meant that man, no longer the prisoner of a certain regime,
religion, or country, had become a creature of all seasons, unfettered by
traditions. In a world turned upside down, institutions could no longer
derive their authority from traditions but had to feed on ideals. This
break with historical consciousness gave birth to a timeless will and
ideals whose absolutist. aspirations fostered imperialistic tendencies.
‘The main tenets of Romantic thought, on the other hand, are
particularist. The German philosopher Herder argued that man did not
‘belong to a nation by virtue of free will but was chained to it by birth,
language, and religion. Under such circumstances man could only be
understood in the context of his time. The institutions by which he was
govemed derived their authority from their longevity. These
determinist, particularist claims excluded universalistic aspirations.
How are these elements of Enlightened and Romantic thought reflected
in the works of Haafner? There is a strong contradictory undertone in
Haafner’s way of thinking. He was unquestionably a child of the
Enlightenment but although he shared the basic attitudes of the
Enlightenment, he did not share its universalist claims, certainly not if
this involved colonial rule, In a Romantic vein, he stated that every
nation should be govemed by its own rulers. In the case of India this
was reflected by his admiration for Hyder Ali Khan, whom he
considered the leader of a pioneering liberation war. It is no wonder that
Haafner viewed Western influence on indigenous cultures as detri-
mental: for him, its representatives were depraved colonisers who
enslaved or decimated whole populations, and missionaries who were
completely uninformed about the people they wanted to convert.
Haafner feared that it would lead to their destruction and, like
Rousseau, he admired these ‘barbarians’: “The desires of barbarians are
few." he said, “and are easily satisfied. Therefore they are always
happier than civilised men whose desires are beyond telling.” Haafner’s
saying that “from a humanitarian point of view I could become
barbarian ” can be understood as meaning, “from the point of view ofthe Enlightenment [ could embrace Romanticism.” In fact, Haafner
wanted to be one with the indigenous population: “I could not forbear
laughing to myself when the good old man took me for a mestizo. It is
true I had altogether the manner and extemal appearance of one, and he
was only in part deceived, for besides being without shoes or stockings,
my face was quite sunbumed, and I spoke the Malabar language very
fluently.” This yearning to become a ‘barbarian’ was completely alien
to the Westem frame of mind at the beginning of the nineteenth
century.
Haafner’s way of thinking shock his contemporaries. This can best be
illustrated by the reactions to Haafner’s abovementioned “Essay on the
Usefulness of Missionaries and Missionary Societies.” This work,
which can be viewed as his intellectual testament, was the topic of
heated debates in missionary circles in the Netherlands. Four essays
were written to refute his assertions, The authors tried to undermine
Haafner’s scientific and moral reputation and accused him of lack of
faith and of being opposed to missionary endeavors. They wrote that his
historical knowledge of the mission was inadequate; that he had not
used the “politically correct” sources and literature, that when he did so,
he quoted these out of context, and that his way of thinking was based
on false conceptions. Haafner’s starting point was a respect for the
nature, way of thinking, and customs of indigenous populations: he
invoked these in order to show that attempts to convert them would be
fruitless. Haafner, affirming other civilisations and putting other
civilisations on an equal footing with Christianity rather than putting
Westem civilisation first, was utterly unacceptable to his
contemporaries. When Haafner praised the Vedas as an original Hindu
work, for instance, one ‘of his critics stated that they could only have
been borrowed from the Christian Scriptures. This critic maintained that
the Vedas were a corruption of the Holy Scriptures, and that it was time
to re-introduce the real Vedas — this was what. the Hindus were ‘waiting
for! It was difficult indeed for many of Haafner’s contemporaries to
appreciate or even understand the multi-cultural perspective of this
original and profound thinker.
Almost paradise
Haafner’s description of Mauritius is. part of the book Reize naar
Bengalen en Terugreize naar Europe (1822) [Travel to Bengal and
Homebound Voyage to Europe]. [7] It was one of the three travel
accounts edited by his son Christiaan Matthias. The latter did this on thebasis of the notes his father had made while travelling. These accounts
are less complete than those published by Haafner himself. This
probably explains the absence of his comments on the slavery on
‘Mauritius, a practice which he abhorred and which he treated in full ir
his descriptions of South Africa and in a separate treatise. [8] Hafner
must have fully agreed with the remark made by Bemardin de Saint-
Pierre, who lived on. Mauritius from 1768 to 1771, in his book Voyage
@ Vise de France; published in Amsterdam in 1773 because of
censorship in France, namely, “Je ne sais pas si le caffé & le sucre sont
nécessaires au bonheur de I’Europe, mais je sais bien que ces deux
végétaux ont fait malheur de deux parties du monde. On a dépeuplé
VAmerique afin d’avoir une terre pour les planter: on dépeuple
PAfrique afin d’avoir une nation pour les cultiver.” [9] Nor does
Haafner mention the history of the short novel Paul et Virginie of
Bemardin de Saint-Pierre published in 1788, a bestseller which put the
Ile de France definitively on the map of the francophone world. (10)
Haafner, who left Pondicherry on 17 October 1786, artived in Port
Louis on 3 December after a voyage of 48 days. [11] This trip normally
took a month but they were bedeviled by calms interspersed with
storms. It is on this 3" of December that Haafner's description of
Mauritius begins. After a discussion about the value of Mauritius to the
French, in which he ‘debates’ P. Sonnerat’s Voyage aux Indes
Orientales et @ la Chine, Haafner tums to the physical appearance of
the island, its produce, and its climate, noting that its two principal
‘plagues’ are cyclones and, far worse, rat infestation He avers that this
is why the Dutch abandoned Mauritius, thus echoing Sonnerat: “les
rats y sont en si grande quantité, que souvent ils dévourent un champ de
mais dans une seule nuit. Ils mangent aussi les fruits, & détruisent les
‘jeunes arbres pour leur racines. Ce fut, dit-on, la cause pour laquelle les
Hollandais abandonnérent cette ile.” [12]
Houses and Morals on Rollers
Haafner then tums his attention to Port Louis and its inhabitants. He is
not impressed by the fortification of the city by the engineer J. F.
Charpentier de Cossigny, but does remark on the “well equipped
hospital.” [13] This observation should be seen in light of Haafner’s
unrelenting criticism on the health care of the VOC. The Champ de
Mars, an exercise field for soldiers, does not escape Haafner’s attention,
principally because in the evening it is transformed into a Champ de
Vénus (my characterisation) for “all those women who can claim anounce of youth and beauty.” [14] And that is not all Haafner has to say
about the women of Port Louis: “The morals are as corrupt as the
climate is temperate and pure, at least at the time I was there. There is
no girl or woman, whatever her position in society, who could claim to
have an unblemished name. However, they have far more right to claim
exceptional beauty, which, especially among those of European
parentage, is almost universal... [The] négresses are even less inhibited
than the others., and are willing to sacrifice everything for their
embellishment. In particular they lavish money on cloth from Pulicat
which they wind around their heads in a most becoming fashion.” [15]
The only exception to the low morals of the women appears to be the
wife of Haafner’s friend, the merchant Cockrell, with whom Haafner
stayed while he was on Mauritius. Haafner fails to detail the moral
behaviour of men on the island, but it would have had to match the
standard of the women
One of Haafner’s most fascinating observations is the following: “The
houses are constructed mainly of timber with but one upper storey
because of the cyclones, and they stand on sturdy rollers which allow
them to be pulled from place to place using a rope.” [16] This is not a
widely attested fact but a recent book on architecture in Mauritius does
state: “The first cases of Port-Louis were simple wooden boxes,
roughly hewn and without foundations; they were often moved, in
pieces or as a whole on rollers.” {17] What the purpose of the houses on
rollers was (and why ‘the goverment forbade the construction of
wooden houses precisely at this time) is unclear. [18] The most
satisfactory explanation for this particularity would seem to be
movability. Rolling the house makes it possible to angle and place it
with its head’ into the wind during cyclones. The wind then blows
through the house causing an under-draught which pushes the house
towards the ground, but not to the extent that it is crushed, even if
the gusts exceed 200 miles an hour,
Heaven and earth vanished from sight
Haafner in fact witnessed a cyclone during his time on Mauritius. He
describes it in some detail and dates it 14 January 1787. De Burgh
Edwardes mentions two cyclones of that period: “In January 1784, a
violent cyclone visited the island (which had been spared for eleven
years) and caused much damage {and on] 31 December 1788, at night,
a most violent cyclone visited the island. Heavy storms took place,
lasting twenty-three hours.” [19] Magon de Saint-Flier notes that thelatter occurred in 1789 but does not give a precise date, (20] Neither
does H. C. M. Austen, who dates the cyclone to 1786. [21] Since the
cyclone season lasts from November to April, the cyclone Austen
mentions must have occurred either at the beginning or the end of that
‘year. Given the fact that Haafner’s book was published by his son on
the basis of the notes made in Mauritius, and the fact that Haafner is
seldom mistaken in matters of chronology, we can safely assume that
the date Haafner gives is correct. This is comoborated by VOC sources
‘conceming the ship De Paer! that was hit by a devastating cyclone 200
miles off the coast of Mauritius on 15 February 1787. [22]
Haafner, who had witnessed the devastating effects of a cyclone in
Madras in 1782, began to take precautions. (23] He had his goods
unloaded and everybody laughed at what was assumed to be his foolish
and cowardly behaviour, except Haafner’s host, Cockrell, who politely
followed his guest’s example, a courtesy that paid for itself a
thousandfold. Although the islanders and captains of the ships should
have known better, Haafner explains their behaviour by saying that it
had been a long time since a devastating cyclone had hit the island. [24]
‘They had grown careless and therefore they ignored the signs and
portents they in fact knew so well but had not seen major catastrophes
in the recent past. The new prosperity must also have contributed to this
lax attitude. On the basis of this information, it seems safe to assume
that it had been at least a decade since a major cyclone had hit the
island. After having described these portents Haafner paints the full
impact of the unnamed cyclone.
‘The most lamentable spectacle
In her book on Mauritius Carol Wright describes two cyclones of great
magnitude as follows: “The harbour was reported a forest of masts, and
even massive cyclones, which in the eighteenth century twice threw
many ships up the shore, did not diminish its importance.” [25]
Wright’s long-term analysis may be correct but, according to Hafner,
the cyclone certainly had a profound short-term effect on the island’s
economy too. He writes: “All trade was suspended for the time being,
and all necessities of life became extremely scarce and frightfully
expensive. It was a fortunate circumstance for the wretched citizens that
the ships from Bengal were soon to come because these always carry
cargoes of rice.” [26] Although Haafner had stowed his merchandise in
safety and had already sold the bulk, he was unable to sell the
remainder because the prices had plummeted as a consequence of thecyclone. Nobody had either the money or the desire to buy his Indian
wares. He was in a quandary: “After the cyclone, remaining on Isle de
France became repugnant to me and by no means a delight. Everybody
looked equally depressed, had suffered a severe loss, or was
complaining about the high cost of the necessities of life or the
suspension of all trade and traffic. The pleasures of life had departed the
island for some time to come, and on top of this life on the island had
become more than twice as expensive. Moreover, there was little hope
that it would improve in the near future. I wanted to leave Isle de France
but where could I go?” [27]
This existential question was solved with the arrival of the ship
Cléoméne from India, which was soon to sail on to Orient in France.
Haafner struck a favorable deal with its captain, Cazal, who allowed
Haafner to take his Indian wares with him to Europe where these would
fetch much higher prices. [28] After a stay of almost two decades in the
East, he now longed for home. On 9 February 1787, he left Mauritius
on the Cléoméne which called first at Réunion. There he made a
drawing of St. Denis, an engraving of which was included in Haafner’s
Adventures and Early Sea Voyages. The vessel also called at the Cape
of Good Hope before reaching I’Orient, France on 25 May 1787. [29]
Here he sold his goods and seemed to be destined for the life of a
gentleman in Europe, but, as noted above, fate would lead him instead
to become a writer of distinction. Haafner’s description of Mauritius,
howsoever brief, is striking proof of this.
Notes
* This essay is a revised and abridged version of my article “Jacob Haafner on
Mauritius: 1786-1787, Houses and Morals on Rollers,” which appeared in
‘Sandra J. T. Evers and Vinesh Y,Hookoomsing (eds), Globalisation and. the
South-West Indian Ocean (Réduit 2000), pp. 117-27, 1 thank, Shawkat’M.
Toorawa for his comments and assistance in tracing several individuals and
sources.
1. M, Jansen, in Voyages dans la péninsule occidentale de |'Inde et dans I'ile
de Ceilan, 2 vols (Paris 1811), vol. 1, p. ix. [Note: This introduction and the
next three paragraphs are based on the summary in.volume 3 of J. A. de
Moor and P. G. E. I J.van der Velde (eds), De Werken van Jacob Haafner
3 (Zutphen 1997), pp. 471-76),
2 Landreise langs der Kiiste Orixa und Kormandel auf der westlichen
Indischen Halbinsel (Weimar 1809), Voyages dans la pénninsule
occidentale de l'Inde et dans Vile de Ceilan, 2 vols (Pasis 1811); J.
10Haafners Landresa langs med Orixas och Koromandels kuster, 3 vols
(Stockholm 1810-1811); Fussreise durch die Insel Ceilon (Maagdenburg
1816); Travels on foot through the Island of Ceylon (London 1821);
Fodreise igiennem Ceilon (Kisbenhaven 1821),
Lotgevallen en vroegere zereizen (1820) [Adventures and Early Sea
Voyages] dealing with his first sea-joumey and his time in South Africa
and Batavia; Lotgevallen op cene reize van Madras over Tranquebar naar
het eiland Ceylon (1806) [Adventures on a Journey from Madras via
‘Tranquebar to Ceylon], dealing with the period 1773-1783, his sojourn in
Negapatnam, Sadraspaam, his escape from Madras to Ceylon; Reize te
voet door het eiland Ceilon (1810) (Travels On Foot Through the Island of
Ceylon}, being an account of his joumey through Sri Lanka in 1783; Reice
in eenen Palanquin (1808, two volumes) [Travels in a Palanquin}, being an
account of his jourmcy along the Coromandel Coast in 1786 and his
infatuation with the Indian dancer, Mamia; Reize naar Bengalen en
lerugreize naar Europa (1822) [Joumey to Bengal and Homebound voyage
to Europe], about his stay in Bengal from 1784 to 1786 and his return
voyage to Europe. All these books were reprinted in four volumes, 1826-
1828,
J. G. Haafner, Proeve van Indische Dichtkunde volgend den Ramaijon
(Amsterdam 1823).
P.G.E. I. J. van der Velde and J. A. de Moor, “De Heilige Tale des
Lands.” Jacob Haafner als voorloper van de studie Sanskrit in
Nederland'in: Hanneke van den Muyzenberg en Thomas de Bruijn (eds),
Waarom Sanskrit? Hondervijfentwintig jaar Sanskrit in Nederland (Leiden
1991), pp. 86-94.
J. A. de Moor and P. G. EI. J. van der Velde (eds) Verhandeling over het
‘Nut der Zendelingen en Zendelings-Genootschappen (Hilversum 1993).
J. G. Haafner, Reize nagar Bengalen en Terugreize naar Europa
(Amsterdam 1822), pp. 326-52. This corresponds to De Werken van Jacob
Hafner 3, pp. 404-14.
J. A. de Moor and P. G. E. I. J. van der Velde (eds), De Werken van Jacob
Haafner 1 (Zutphen 1992), pp. 66-80.
Bemardin de Saint-Pierre, Voyage al'Isle de France, a U'Isle de Bourbon,
‘aut le Cap de Bonne-Espérance (Amsterdam 1773), 201: “I do not know
whether coffee and sugar are necessary for the happiness of Europe but I do
know that these two plants have brought misery to two parts of the world.
‘We depopulated America so as to have earth in which to plant them: and
‘we are depopulating Africa so as to have a nation to cultivate them.”
i10.
iT
12,
13,
14.
15.
16.
17.
19.
20.
2
22.
Bemardin de Saint-Pierre, Paul et Virginie (Lyon 1945). The valley in
which the love story of Paul and Virginie unravels is only a few miles from
Réduit and grew into a place of ‘pilgrimage.’
This in accordance with the travel times recorded in Auguste Toussaint,
Roitte des ies (Paris 1967).
P. Sonnerat, Voyage aux Indes Orientales et d la Chine, 3 vols (Paris
1782), vol. 2, p. 83: “the rats are found there in such great numbers that
often they devour a field of grain in a single night, They also eat the fruits
and destroy saplings for their roots. It is said that this was the reason the
Dutch abandoned this island.” The chapter on Isle de France and Bourbon
is in volume 2, pp. 80-89.
Haafner 3, p. 407.
Haafner 3, p. 407.
Haafner 3, pp. 406-07. Pulicat is a town 25 miles north of Madras.
Haafner 3, p. 407.
Living in Mauritius. Traditional Architecture of Mauritius (London 1990),
p.15.
J. Addison and K. Hazareesingh, A new history of Mauritius (Stanley
1993), p. 21
S.B. de Burgh Edwardes, History of Mauritius, 1507-1914 (London 1921),
pp. 26-27,
F. Magnon de Saint-Blier, Tableaux historiques, politiques et pittoresques
de I'Isle de France (Port Louis 1839), 226-27.
H.C. M. Austen, Naval History of Mauritius from 1715 to 1810 (Port
Louis 1935), p. 55.
Hafner 3, p. 454,
Haajner 1, pp. 203-07.
‘The 1784,cyclone S. B. de Burgh Edwardes describes closely resembles the
one of Haafner. Both happen in January and after a long cyclone-free
period.
Carol Wright, Mauritius (Newton Abbot 1974), p. 23.
128
29.
Hafner 3, p.410.
Hafner 3, pp. 410-11
According to Toussaint, Rofite des tles, p. 286, the captain's name was not
Cazat but Cazal.
In Hafner 1, p. 96, there is a half-page description of La Réunion. The
Dutch text and an English translation are included in the Appendix below.
Haafner was probably in Réunion from the middle of December 1767 to
the beginning of January 1768.
13