DeWolf
Cynthia Mazzant
March 9, 2017
The crowd roared as he finished his stirring speech, eventually going so far as to hoist the
man on its shoulders and parade him around the venue. Atop these shoulders sat none other than
William Jennings Bryan, the famous orator, politician, and perhaps most importantly: crusader
for the common man. Having been fighting a long and arduous battle against what was seen as
an overwhelmingly oppressive elite class for years, the thousands of men and women present
at the speech and the countless others that shared in a common ideology were ready to make
history. Having found power in a whirlwind of recent years of political chess, the common
man was ready to finally claim victory once and for all by propelling William Jennings Bryan as
its nominee for President of the United States of America. Officially representing the Democratic
Party in its race against Republican frontrunner William McKinley, to many William Jennings
Bryan was a beacon of light shining through the darkness of an oppression forced upon the
average American. Bryan and his supporters rallied; ready to defeat those who had oppressed
Yet, they failed. William Jennings Bryan lost that race, and two more presidential
elections after it. Like many before him and many more to follow, Bryan traversed a long-
standing trail of populists losing in United States presidential politics. Although Bryans political
platform varies from the populists before him and the populists to come for the next 120 years,
something common can be found in his populist classification. Populist leaders such as those in
the last century and a fifth of American history have stood for a multitude of eclectic platforms
and ideologies, yet have always used the same tactics of polarization, fear mongering, and false
representation of the common man or average American and his needs. Although gaining some
minor ground at various times, the notable populist leaders on the fringe of American politics
have failed to win or failed to even reach every single election until 2016, when Donald J. Trump
was elected President. The election of Donald Trump shows a major shift in American politics in
that what was once practically impossible for a populist leader has now become our reality, while
at the same time this very reality creates a paradox for the idea of populism itself. Donald Trump
has shifted populism from the failing outskirts of presidential politics with a cast of historical
failures to a viable political strategy due a mix of age-old tactics (such as railing against the
elite) and new (such as the advent and mass accessibility of social media). In short, Donald
Trumps election has ushered in a new age of American politics in which a strategy that has been
tried for decades to no avail is now a successful tactic that can be used by the very people it
For the purposes of this paper we will define populist leaders as those that have used a
similar strategy consisting primarily of polarizing rhetoric, anti-elitism, and representation of the
common man to gain support by fighting against the Democratic and Republican
establishments within Americas two-party system, no matter their individual political beliefs or
ideologies. Although populists can and commonly do use a political partys infrastructure and
organization as a platform with which to garner more support (i.e. Trump using the Republican
party to become its nominee), they identify primarily as an outsider. To clarify, what we
commonly think of as a populist may utilize a party yet does not primarily identify with the
establishment of said party. Politicians relying on populism either as a foundation or a
supplement of their electability while purposely maintaining distinction from their affiliated
party have always lost. Before Donald Trump, no populist matching our definition had since
managed to fight that battle and win. Famous figures, both historical and contemporary, have
consistently maintained the status quo that populists are unsuccessful in American presidential
politics.
Our aforementioned historical character William Jennings Bryan is perhaps the most
well-known and studied example of a losing populist. Having ran in the 1896, 1900, and 1908
Presidential Elections and having lost every single time, his best efforts could not defeat the
monstrosity of an elite political machine that he faced. Although he consistently ran as the
nominee for the Democratic Party, his foundation and basis of support was only possible and
existent due to the populist rhetoric and strategy that earned him his following. Much like future
populists later would, Bryan simply utilized the convenience of claiming the Democratic Partys
nomination without sacrificing the principles of anti-elitism that he embodied for hundreds of
thousands of Americas poor farmers and other groups attracted to populism in that time period.
Bryan was first and foremost a populist, spitting fire against the gold standard, the elite, and all
others that he and his followers deemed guilty for their sorrows. However, as is previously
mentioned, Bryan still lost all three times. Despite this, his losses would not dishearten one of the
next major populist movements to appear in a presidential race, that of George Wallace.
The late 1960s were an obviously turbulent time in United States history. With the Civil
Rights Movement, the escalation and constant disagreement over the war in Vietnam, and many
other social issues defining the American political climate at the time, many Americans felt
disheartened, scared, let down, and unrepresented. Their fear eventually gave way to anger and
resentment towards those they believed were causing this strife. In place to capitalize upon this
growing anxiety and resentment was George Wallace, the openly racist and pro-segregation
governor of Alabama. Tactfully playing off of the fears of many Americans, Wallace managed to
perpetuate the us vs. them attitude that is a foundation of populism. Wallace ran his campaign
on a message of being vehemently against those that were ruining the lifestyle that him and his
followers enjoyed. His hatred, fear mongering, and polarization were an all too familiar way of
gathering the support he needed for a third-party presidential run in 1968. Despite being mildly
successful, Wallaces bid for the presidency ultimately failed. He became yet another example of
a failing populist, joining the likes of William Jennings Bryan. It would still be over half a
century before Trump would break this mold, and more populists in between would fail. The
stories of William Jennings Bryan and George Wallace are just two examples of populism failing
in a run for the presidency. Populists that rose and fell in these years are neither few nor far
between. Each candidacy resulted in a failure, further proving that populists simply stood no
chance in an actual election. However in November of 2016, Donald Trump broke what seemed
It goes without saying that politicians must adapt to the current climate and sentiments of
a vastly diverse and quickly changing United States in order to be successful. As years go by,
new doors of electoral opportunity open while others close. The public can be reached and won
over in newer ways, while the older ways die out. The people change, the issues change, and how
to be the most electable candidate changes. Donald Trump broke this pattern of populists losing
by capitalizing upon the most effective facets of populist support, while at the same time most
effectively utilizing the newest advents and advantages of our current time period. Through
nearly all aspects of modern media, Trump has implanted himself in the mind of nearly every
American. Through traditional populist technique, Trump has claimed control of those who feel
marginalized by a changing society. In mastering strategies both old and new, Trump maximized
Trump ran at odds with the Republican Party, showing his clear disdain for the elite of the
establishment while at the same time establishing himself as an outsider more aligned with the
common man than with the ruling class. Trump successfully capitalized on the fear many in our
nation sadly still hold in their hearts, as he spoke against immigration and basic civil rights for
many. Just as the populists and demagogues had before him, Trump managed to gather his
foundational support from a group of Americans that were scared and resentful of the change
occurring around them. Those that sensed they were falling out of power in what was always a
country advantageous to them saw their savior in Trump, a man who promised to Make
America Great Again. No longer would your Average Joes feel played and taken advantage of
by the massively indestructible Democratic and Republican parties because here stood a man
promising to represent them and to quell the fears of those resisting an increasingly progressive
society that no longer placed them above everyone else. Donald Trump was the perfect populist
Before his controversial run for the presidency, Donald Trump was already a household
name in the modern age of the United States. From being a billionaire real estate mogul to a
reality television star to the owner of multiple clothing brands, the man was already impossible
to ignore. His fame along with his eccentricity were both broadcast even more vocally through
the invention and widespread use of social media such as Twitter. Trumps opinions could
immediately be broadcast to the millions of Americans eager for more. In fact, Trumps tweets
have even become a cultural trend due to the erratic style and pure oddness with which he writes
directly to the people. The ability to see and hear Trumps thoughts on television, on the Internet,
and on nearly every other form of media instantaneously is a distinct advantage that he has over
his populist predecessors. He had the means to stay relevant to a much broader audience than any
candidate before him had. Although he represented and stood for fringe ideas, Trump managed to
put himself into the thoughts and minds of nearly every American, not just those that already
agreed with him. While his opposition failed to stay relevant to key voter groups, Trump used his
mastery of public manipulation in order to be heard everywhere all at once. No populist before
has been able to do this partially due to the fact that such technology simply has not existed until
now. Trump blended the strategies of the past with the possibilities of the present, and it is a
major factor as to why he is now President when other populists never stood a chance.
politics, therefore signaling a massive shift in the concept itself. Populism has now shifted from
As is known, populism has always been partially defined by an attitude against the elite
and against the ruling class. Its leaders have always taken pride in being against those oppressing
the people, which usually is characterized as the Democratic and Republican Party
establishments. However, this logic only ever managed to work due to the fact that populism had
never won the election. Now that both the Democrats and Republicans have been forced to sit
back and watch an outsider effectively overpower them, they can simply use the strategy for
themselves. Although it is too early to tell, it is completely possible and even likely that both
parties will adopt the strategies of Donald Trump and his predecessors. The Republican Party
knows that it only won this election because it was strong-armed by Trump, just as the
Democratic Party knows it lost this election by choosing a nominee that was not quite populist
enough. The solution for both is obviously to find a balance between management and restrain in
order to mold the perfect candidate. Donald Trumps victory changed American populism forever
Populism has shifted in such a way that the very characteristics that define it are being
used by those it seeks to rally against. The heart and soul of what has characterized populism for
over a century is now its antithesis. The political doctrine that defined itself by standing apart
from the establishment has handed that very establishment a convenient victory. The Republican
and Democratic Parties are composed of thousands of elite strategists and seasoned political
veterans with one goal in mind: victory. They would have to be blind, deaf, or plainly stupid to
ignore the prospects and possibilities now ahead of them. The Democratic Party is already dazed
and confused about the fact that it lost this most recent election to somebody that was widely
considered a joke and a nonfactor until it was too late. The candidate they selected to run against
Trump was clearly a member of the political elite that struggled every day in the election season
to relate to a majority of Americans. Although it can be argued that Trump does not truly relate to
the average American either, that fact is arbitrary in the world of politics because he convinced
Americans otherwise, whilst Hillary Clinton did not. Political victory is not about truly standing
for anything, it is about convincing others that you believe in what they believe in, that you stand
for what they stand for, and that you will fight for them in your name for those core beliefs in
order to make your name more appealing, relatable, and therefore electable. On this front,
Trumps billions of dollars, privileged upbringing, and lifestyle of fame and luxury were
all conveniently masked behind the populist strategy he and his advisers (such as Steve Bannon)
worked so effectively to their advantage. Donald Trump knew without mainstream political
support in the name of the Republican Party, he would lose the election. Likewise, Reince
Priebus and the rest of the elite of the Republican Party knew they would lose without the
populist support Trump had already gathered for them through his previously mentioned hybrid
In conclusion, the history of populism is riddled with literal losers and is the host of a
unprecedented victory in the 2016 presidential election has marked a change for populism. What
was once a generally out of touch and fringe set of political doctrine rallying for the common
man and against a perceived elite class with no specific political leanings has now become a
winning strategy. From William Jennings Bryan to Donald Trump, populism has shifted from the
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"Historical Presidential Elections." Historical U.S. Presidential Elections 1789-2016. N.p., n.d. Web.
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History.com Staff. "William Jennings Bryan." History.com. A&E Television Networks, 2009. Web. 09
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