George H. Van Kooten, Jacques Van Ruiten The Prestige of The Pagan Prophet Balaam in Judaism, Early Christianity and Islam PDF

The Prestige of the Pagan Prophet Balaam
in Judaism, Early Christianity and Islam
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THEMES IN
BIBLICAL NARRATIVE
JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS
Editorial Board
GEORGE H. VAN KOOTEN, Groningen
ROBERT A. KUGLER, Portland, Oregon
LOREN T. STUCKENBRUCK, Durham
Assistant Editor
FREEK VAN DER STEEN
Advisory Board
REINHARD FELDMEIER, Gttingen JUDITH LIEU, Cambridge
FLORENTINO GARCA MARTNEZ, Groningen-Leuven
HINDY NAJMAN, Toronto
MARTTI NISSINEN, Helsinki ED NOORT, Groningen
VOLUME 11
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The Prestige of the Pagan
Prophet Balaam in Judaism,
Early Christianity and Islam
Edited by
George H. van Kooten and Jacques van Ruiten
LEIDEN BOSTON
2008
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Cover illustration: Balaam blessing the Children of Israel. Etching with engraving, by
Henry Fuseli, (17411825)
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data
A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
ISSN 1388-3909
ISBN 978 90 04 16564 9
Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,
IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,

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The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910,
Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.
printed in the netherlands
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CONTENTS
Editorial Statement ..................................................................... ix

Introduction ................................................................................ xi
Contributors ................................................................................ xix
PART ONE
BALAAM IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE

ANCIENT NEAR EAST, AND COMPARABLE
FIGURES IN ANCIENT GREECE
1. Balaam the Villain: The History of Reception of the

Balaam Narrative in the Pentateuch and the Former
Prophets ................................................................................. 3
Ed Noort
2. Bala am and Deir Alla .......................................................... 25
mile Puech
3. Balaam, Mopsus and Melampous: Tales of Travelling
Seers ....................................................................................... 49
Jan N. Bremmer
PART TWO
BALAAM IN ANCIENT JUDAISM
4. Balaam in the Dead Sea Scrolls ........................................... 71

Florentino Garca Martnez
5. A Qumran Cave 2 Fragment Preserving Part of Numbers
23:57[8] (2Q29 1) ................................................................ 83
Eibert Tigchelaar
6. Balaam and Enoch ................................................................ 87
Eibert Tigchelaar
7. The Rewriting of Numbers 2224 in Pseudo-Philo, Liber
Antiquitatum Biblicarum 18 ........................................................ 101
Jacques T.A.G.M. van Ruiten
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vi contents
8. Balaam as the Sophist Par Excellence in Philo of Alexandria:

Philos Projection of an Urgent Contemporary Debate
onto Moses Pentateuchal Narratives .................................. 131
George H. van Kooten
9. A Star Shall Come out of Jacob: A Critical Evaluation of

the Balaam Oracle in the Context of Jewish Revolts in
Roman Times ...................................................................... 163
Stefan Beyerle
10. Balaams Fourth Oracle (Numbers 24:1519) According
to the Aramaic Targums ..................................................... 189
Alberdina Houtman & Harry Sysling
11. Interpret Him as Much as You Want: Balaam in the
Babylonian Talmud ............................................................. 213
Ronit Nikolsky
PART THREE
BALAAM IN THE NEW TESTAMENT

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY
12. Balaam and the Star of the Magi ...................................... 233

Tobias Nicklas
13. Balaam in Revelation 2:14 .................................................. 247
Jan Willem van Henten
14. Balaam and 2 Peter 2:15: They Have Followed in the
Steps of Balaam ( Jude 11) ................................................. 265
Tord Fornberg
15. Speaking Asses in the Acts of Thomas: An Intertextual
and Cognitive Perspective ................................................... 275
Istvn Czachesz
16. To Bless with a Mouth Bent on Cursing: Patristic
Interpretations of Balaam (Num 24:17) ............................. 287
Johan Leemans
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contents vii
PART FOUR
BALAAM IN THE KORAN AND EARLY

KORANIC COMMENTARIES
17. Bal am in Early Koranic Commentaries ............................. 303

Fred Leemhuis
Index of Ancient Texts ............................................................... 309

I. Hebrew Bible .................................................................... 309
II. Apocrypha and Septuagint ............................................... 314
III. Pseudepigrapha ................................................................. 315
IV. Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Texts ................................. 316
V. Philo of Alexandria ........................................................... 316
VI. Flavius Josephus ................................................................ 318
VII. Rabbinic and later Jewish Texts ........................................ 318
1. Mishnah .................................................................... 318
2. Tosefta ...................................................................... 318
3. Palestinian Talmud ................................................... 318
4. Babylonian Talmud .................................................. 318
5. Midrashim ................................................................ 319
6. Targumim ................................................................. 319
VIII. Greek and Latin Pagan Texts ........................................... 320
1. Authors ..................................................................... 320
2. Papyri ........................................................................ 323
3. Inscriptions ............................................................... 323
IX. Christian Texts .................................................................. 324
1. New Testament ......................................................... 324
2. Patristic and other Christian Writings ...................... 325
3. Gnostic Writings ....................................................... 327
X. Koran and Koranic Commentaries .................................. 327
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van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd viii 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM
EDITORIAL STATEMENT
Themes in Biblical Narrative publishes studies dealing with early inter-

pretations of Biblical narrative materials. The series includes conference
volumes and monographs.
Publications are usually the result of a reworking of papers pre-
sented during a TBN-conference on a particular narrative, e.g. the
Balaam story, or a specific theme, for instance: clean and unclean in
the Hebrew Bible, or: the ru ah adonai and anthropological models
of humanity.
Having treated the basic texts for this narrative or theme, other
contributions follow its earliest interpretations and receptions throughout
the subsequent phases of ancient Judaism, early Christianity, and
if appropriate Islam. Also studies which illuminate the successive
inculturations into the various Umweltsthe Ancient Near East, the
Graeco-Roman Worldare included. Extensions to modern Bible
receptions and discussions of hermeneutical questions are welcomed,
if they are related explicitly to the study of early receptions of Biblical
texts and traditions.
Contributions to the series are written by specialists in the relevant
literary corpora. The series is intended for scholars and advanced
students of theology, linguistics and literature.
The series is published in co-operation with the University of Groningen

(The Netherlands), Durham University (United Kingdom), and Lewis &
Clark College (USA). It includes monographs and conference volumes
in the English language, and is intended for international distribution
on a scholarly level.
For information on forthcoming conferences, calls for papers, and the

possibility of organizing a TBN conference at your own institution,
please visit the series homepage: www.xs4all.nl/~fvds/tbn.
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INTRODUCTION
This volume contains the reworked papers of the 2005 Themes in

Biblical Narrative Conference which took place at the University of
Groningen on 1718 June 2005. Having dealt with such comprehen-
sive and solemn themes such as Creation and the Revelation of Gods
name to Moses in immediately previous years, we had decided, for a
change, on what we believed to be a more frivolous theme: Balaam and
the speaking ass. To our surprise it turned out that the speaking ass is
not such a dominant theme in the history of the earliest reception as
one might expect, but that the full Balaam narrative is indeed a very
serious topic in its reception within the Jewish Scriptures, in ancient
Judaism and early Christianity; it is also known to Islam. From the
canonical or narrative perspective of the Jewish Scriptures themselves,
the non-Israelite prophet Balaam antedates the major Israelite-Jewish
prophets. He is, in fact, one of the earliest prophets to be mentioned
in the Jewish Scriptures, almost on a par with Moses himself, who is
supposed to have written about Balaam, after their encounter in the
wilderness following the exodus from Egypt. By the very nature of his
stature as a non-Israelite, pagan prophet, the figure of Balaam raises
important questions with regard to the nature of prophecy and the
relation between the Israelite God and the pagan nations. In this sense,
the narrative about Balaam provides an example of a broader inter-
est, in Judaism and Early Christianity, in Gods dealings with pagan
figuressuch as Cyrus, depicted as Gods Messiah in Isaiah (45:1);
in the validity of pagan prophecyin the case of the Jewish Orphica
and the Jewish and Christian Sibylline Oracles; and in the authority of
pagan philosophers who are quoted, in support, in the New Testament
(Acts 17:28).
In the case of Balaam, not only the very phenomenon of a non-
Israelite prophet, but in particular the conflicting stories and potent
oracles of Balaam in the book of Numbers and other parts of the Jewish
Scriptures gave rise to reflection on this ambiguous figure, in Judaism,
early Christianity and Islam. For this reason, Balaam is described both
as a typical pagan sooth-sayer and as a genuine prophet of God (M.A.
Sweeney in The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion [Oxford 1997,
97]). His reception is in fact an ambivalent perception of the first
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xii introduction
prophet in ancient Israelite writings (Stefan Beyerle, this volume) and

touches upon the appreciation of gentiles as prophets (Ronit Nikolsky,
this volume). Thus the leading perspective developed in this volume is
the often simultaneous praise and criticism of Balaam as a prestigious
pagan prophet throughout ancient Judaism, early Christianity and the
early Koranic commentaries. Several papers also pay due and explicit
attention to the interplay between the traditions of Balaam and the
contexts in which they were appropriated. The papers are clustered in
four separate sections.
The first part is devoted to Balaam in the Old Testament and the
Ancient Near East and to comparable figures in Ancient Greece. ED
NOORT (Groningen) illuminates several phases in the history of recep-
tion of the Balaam narrative in the Hebrew Bible. An examination of
the texts on Balaam found outside Numbers 2224 shows that brief
remarks gradually darken the originally positive portrait of Balaam,
which is entirely negative by the end. In the final texts he is no longer
seen as the seer who blesses Israel but as the source of inspiration for
apostasy, a false prophet who must be put to death. The shifts in the
image of Balaam have to do with changing concepts of prophecy and
revelation, true and false prophets, the different ways the voice of the
deity can be heard, and the boundaries between us and them.
The succeeding contribution by MILE PUECH ( Jerusalem-Paris)
underpins that Balaam is indeed a historical figure, as the Deir Alla
inscriptions, discovered in 1967, make clear. Puech concentrates on
the first combination of the Deir Alla text. He gives his reconstructed
text and a translation, followed by notes to explain some choices in the
restoration of this difficult text. Subsequently he shows that the text is
an excerpt of the book of a seer, Balaam, who is of Aramaic origin, but
whose mantic influence reached as far as Deir Alla-Penuel in Gilead,
a well-known sacred place where Jacob met, fought and saw El face to
face (Gen 32:2332). The divine power the gods gave to Balaam was
transmitted by his magic book; the power was still in use in a writing
adapted to the local dialect by the servants of the sanctuary or sacred
place in the first part of the 8th century, as an effective means for the
religious needs of the local population.
To put the figure of Balaam into perspective as a seer in the
Ancient Near East, JAN BREMMER draws a detailed comparison
between Balaam and two famous seers in Ancient Greece, Mopsus and
Melampous. In this, Bremmer pays attention to the sociological and
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introduction xiii
religious aspects of the professional seer in the Ancient Near East and
Mediterranean, pointing out both differences and resemblances. This
comparative approach yields the insight that Near-Eastern and Greek
seers are geographically very mobile. Balaam is sent for by the Moabite
king Balak from his town on the Mid-Euphrates (Num 22:5). Mopsus
and Melampous also travelled throughout the ancient world. Regularly
such seers become involved in military advice, and in this light Balaams
death on the battlefield, in the service of the Midianite kings (Num
31:8), is not out of tune with what happened to Greek seers. Bremmer
finally concludes that there is a Wittgensteinian family resemblance
between the early Greek and Aramaic/Israelite seers rather than a close
similarity. Their special powers made them attractive to wide sections of
society near and far. That is why in both cases we see them wandering
and travelling through the Mediterranean and the Near East.
The second part of the volume deals with the reception of Balaam in
the various strands of Judaism in the Hellenistic and Roman periods.
FLORENTINO GARCA MARTNEZ (Groningen-Leuven) explores
the figure of Balaam in the Dead Sea Scrolls. He first studies the biblical
texts of Numbers 2224 found at Qumran, concluding that the image
of Balaam is close to a positive representation. He then touches on the
well-known messianic interpretation of the fourth oracle (especially Num
24:17), found in various non-biblical texts from Qumran. Despite the
fact that Balaam occurs as the first villain on a list of false prophets
who arose in Israel, the prophecy of Balaam was not only accepted but
used repeatedly in sectarian writings to express the diverse messianic
expectations of the group.
In a short paper, EIBERT TIGCHELAAR (Groningen, now Florida
State University) publishes a hitherto unidentified small Dead Sea Scrolls
fragment preserving part of Num 23:57[8]. He shows that two Cave
2 fragments preserving part of Numbers can be assigned to the same
manuscript, 2QNumb: these are the hitherto unidentified fragment
2Q29 1 (Num 23:57[8]) and 2Q7 (Num 33:4753). Furthermore, it
may also be possible to assign fragments 2Q9 and 2Q29 3 to the same
manuscript.
A surprisingly positive reception of Balaam is found in the pseude-
pigraphical writing 1 Enoch, to the extent that the figure of Enoch
is in fact modelled on Balaam. This is shown in a second paper by
TIGCHELAAR. The self-portrayal of Enoch at the beginning of
1 Enoch corresponds with the Balaam oracles. Not only are there parallels
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xiv introduction
between the figures of Balaam and Enoch, but Balaams famous oracle
about a future rising star (Numbers 24) is also drawn upon in 1 Enoch.
Although particular phrases in the context of Numbers may not have
been intended in an eschatological sense, they acquired this meaning
for Jewish writers of the Hellenistic age. Tigchelaar discusses the ques-
tion of whether the Enochic authors were concerned with the original
figure of Balaam, or chose those phrases which could be applied to
Enoch, without any thoughts on phenomenological correspondences
between Balaam and Enoch at all. This shows how difficult it often
is to decipher the process of reception. By broadening his material to
include the extrabiblical Deir Alla inscriptions, Tigchelaar discerns
resemblances between 1 Enoch and the Deir Alla texts which lead him
to believe that Balaam the dreamer and the seer provided a perfect
model for Enoch the dreamer and the seer.
Pseudo-Philos Book of Biblical Antiquities also presents a predominantly
positive reception of Balaam as JACQUES VAN RUITEN (Groningen)
demonstrates. This writing, dating from the first cent. bce, belongs to the
genre of the rewritten Bible, of which it is actually one of the latest
examples before the biblical text became standardized and canonized
from 70 ce onwards. Van Ruiten offers an extensive rationalization of
this genre of the rewritten Bible. The Bible needed to be rewritten to
solve apparent contradictions in the biblical texts. This technique was
also employed in Pseudo-Philo with regard to the narrative of Balaam.
Van Ruiten observes a tendency in ancient Jewish and early Christian
exegesis to solve the ambiguous portrayal of Balaam in the Bible
and to render it more negative. Against this background, he analyzes
Pseudo-Philos rewriting of the Balaam narrative. The general picture
of Balaam is positive, inasmuch as he is regarded a prophet of Israel.
By emphasizing that the Spirit of God did not remain in Balaam, con-
tradicting the book of Numbers (Num 24:2), Pseudo-Philo is able to
draw a sharp line between Balaams divinely inspired oracles, on the
one hand, and his subsequent conduct, on the other. This removes the
ambiguity of the biblical narrative.
A thoroughly negative critique of Balaam is presented by Philo of
Alexandria (fl. c. 40 ce). Philos portrayal of Balaam as a malignant,
subversive sophist, who wishes to be paid for his message, is discussed by
GEORGE VAN KOOTEN (Groningen). Balaam the sophist is the exact
opposite of the true philosopher. This image of Balaam, it is argued,
only becomes understandable if one takes sufficient account of Philos
debate with contemporary sophists. Philo, concerned as he is about the
dangers posed by the sophistic movement to the Greek-educated Jewish
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introduction xv
youth at Alexandria, seems to project his heated controversy with the

sophistic movement onto Moses Pentateuchal narratives, including that
of Balaam. In order to reach this Jewish youth it seems far more effec-
tive to warn them through anti-sophistic commentaries on the Mosaic
Pentateuch than through general treatises. This shows that the history
of reception can best be understood from the particular circumstances
of the interpreter.
Historical conditions are also fully taken into account in the contribu-
tion of STEFAN BEYERLE (Greifswald) on Balaams fourth oracle in
the context of Jewish revolts in Roman times. Beyerle points out that
whereas the picture of Balaam in the ancient Jewish sources is that of
a wicked prophet and foreign seducer of Israel, the understanding and
rewriting of Balaams fourth oracle about a rising star turned this text
into one of the cornerstones of the eschatological hopes in Judaism
and, with some reservations, in early Christianity. Beyerle examines
the reception of the much appraised fourth oracle of Balaam against
the backdrop of the Jewish revolts in the Diaspora in 115117 ce
and of the Bar-Kokhba Revolt in 132135 ce. Although reference to
Balaams oracles does indeed occur, and a religious, sometimes even
messianic milieu is not to be denied, Beyerle cautions against applying
straight connections between Balaams oracles and the Jewish revolts.
These revolts are, Beyerle suggests, rather amalgams of religious and
political factors.
The continuous ambivalence towards Balaam is also highlighted by
ALBERDINA HOUTMAN (Kampen) & HARRY SYSLING (Kampen)
in their contribution on Balaams fourth oracle in the Aramaic Targums.
Although rabbinic sources generally depict Balaam as a villain and sin-
ner, the targumic interpretation of the fourth oracle is different: The
Palestinian Targums on this oracle without exception describe Balaam as
a highly honoured person, and a genuine prophet, who even surpasses
other prophets. They differ amongst themselves, however, as some
interpretations turn this oracle into an outspoken messianic prophecy,
whereas others, though strongly eschatological in character, do not go
so far as to employ the term Messiah. Balaams prediction that One
out of Jacob shall rule, and destroy the survivors of Ir (Num 24:19)
is interpreted by the targumic translators in an anti-Roman way: they
refer to the destruction of Rome by the future redeemer.
RONIT NIKOLSKY (Groningen) follows neatly with a contribution
on Balaam in the Babylonian Talmud, which focuses on a particular
text, namely Sanhedrin 90a106b. On the one hand, she demonstrates
the unique view of the Babylonian Talmud about Balaam by analyzing
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xvi introduction
the particular sequence of narratives present in the pericope of this

biblical figure. The Babylonian Talmud presents Balaam in a negative
tone. He is ugly, impertinent, and he deliberately chooses to be evil,
even when he can avoid it. His prophetic abilities vanish, and he is
reduced to an advisory role which eventually costs him his life. At the
same time, by discussing examples of reworking older material into the
pericope of the Babylonian Talmud, Nikolsky highlights a process of
narrative continuum which enables the text to introduce new points of
view as well as to keep its own integrity. While advancing the unique
perspective of the narrative, the Babylonian Talmud also conserves the
cultural repertoire and makes it relevant for its audience.
The third part of the volume contains papers on the early Christian
reception of the Balaam narratives. Although the papers have been
grouped as part III, one should naturally bear in mind that, chrono-
logically speaking, this early Christian reception is contemporary with,
or sometimes even predates ancient Jewish understandings of Balaam.
TOBIAS NICKLAS (Nijmegen, now Regensburg) discusses the Star
of the Magi in the Gospel of Matthew against the background of the
rising star of Numbers 24. Although ancient Jewish interpretations do
understand the star of Numb 24:17 in a messianic sense, the question
of whether Matthew was alluding to Balaams star in Matthew 2 is
not easily answered. Nicklas reviews several arguments and explores
the potential meanings of an intertextual reading of Matthew 2 and
Numbers 24. He also discusses some of the earliest interpretations of
Matthew 2.
Balaam is mentioned explicitly at three points in the New Testament:
in the Revelation of John, and in the epistles of Jude and 2 Peter. Com-
mon to these writings is that they all refer to Balaam in the context of
strong disagreement with (in their eyes) aberrant forms of Christianity.
This clearly implies a negative image of Balaam. JAN WILLEM VAN
HENTEN (Amsterdam) discusses the reference in Rev 2:24 to those
who hold to the teaching of Balaam in the Christian community at
Pergamum. Van Henten shows that the way in which this teaching of
Balaam is understood is very similar to the re-interpretation of the
Balaam narratives in post-biblical Jewish literature, notably by Josephus.
Johns charges in Revelation 2 against the Balaamites in Pergamum
are discussed in detail. Seeking a particular, concrete context for this
community to which John wrote, Van Henten explores the possibility
that Balaam in fact serves as a negative symbol for non-Jewish prophets
who manifested themselves in the Pergamene Christian community and
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introduction xvii
became a factor in an ongoing struggle of competing prophetic groups

for whom the interaction with non-Jewish culture was a major issue.
TORD FORNBERG (Uppsala) examines the injunction in 2 Peter
against those who follow the road of Balaam. In this, the author of
2 Peter is dependent on the letter of Jude, which had already presented
Balaam as a negative example of noteworthy sinners. In some sense
2 Peter appears to be more positive about Balaam because, unlike Jude,
he is aware of the positive contents of Balaams oracle regarding the
rising star. Nevertheless, the main thrust of 2 Peter is to depict Balaam
in very negative tones: He was the heretic par prfrence, and he was
punished accordingly, as will be the heretics of our epistle. As in Rev-
elation, Balaam has become a chiffre for aberrant Christian movements
which are to be mistrusted.
Although the speaking ass is often unimportant or even absent in the
reception of the Balaam narratives, it is present in the Acts of Thomas.
ISTVN CZACHESZ (Groningen, now Helsinki) reviews the passages
about speaking asses and other speaking animals in the Acts of Thomas
and in the major apocryphal acts and also examines them in the context
of the famous ass novels of Pseudo-Lucian and Apuleius. He concludes
with some cognitive considerations about speaking animals as a possible
explanation for why these narratives exerted such a great appeal.
JOHAN LEEMANS (Leuven-Erfurt), in his contribution, offers
insights into the patristic interpretations of Balaam. Among the quo-
tations from the Balaam passages, Num 24:17on the rising star
of Jacobis paramount. As was already touched upon by Nicklas
in his paper on Matthew and the star of the Magi, but is now fully
demonstrated, the Church Fathers link the star from Balaams oracle
with that of the Magi. It is surmised that the Magi knew Balaams
prophecy and that they either shared the same profession or were his
descendants. Leemans suggests that, as the Christians in fact inherited
the message which the Magi had received from Balaam, the Balaam
narrative becomes important for the self-understanding of Christianity
as a Church embracing the gentiles: the reception of Balaam contrib-
uted to the formation of a Christian identity vis--vis other religions
of Late Antiquity. Despite their high appreciation of Balaam, some
Church Fathers felt the need to deny that the accuracy of Balaams star
prophecy offered an argument in support of astrology. Ultimately, the
patristic evaluation of Balaam also remained ambiguous. Among the
most accommodating views was Origens: Balaams skills at divination
made him an appropriate vehicle of Gods word.
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xviii introduction
The final part of the volume contains a paper by FRED LEEMHUIS

(Groningen) on early Koranic commentaries which discuss a possible
reference to Balaam in the Koran: and recite to them the tidings of
him to whom We gave our signs, but he rejected them . . . (Srat al-a raf
7:175176). The commentaries on this passage seem to centre on the
question of whether Balaam was a true prophet. They objected to the
possibility of a prophet of God going astray and losing his prophet-
hood and decided that, for that reason, Balaam could not have been
a prophet in the first place.
All contributions, whether from a Jewish, Christian or Islamic perspec-
tive, confirm that Balaam is an enigmatic figure which has given rise
to very deeply ambiguous interpretations. The reception of this figure
can indeed be characterized as the simultaneous praise and criticism
of a pagan prophet.
A vote of thanks is due to the Board of the Faculty of Theology and

Religious Studies at the University of Groningen for continuing to fos-
ter and host this annual conference at the faculty. We are very grateful
to them, and to the Groningen Research School for the Study of the
Humanities, for making this conference possible. On the occasion of
the presentation and subsequent discussion of the papers, we were very
privileged to enjoy the stimulating presence and participation of Prof.
Emanuel Tov (Hebrew University, Israel). Finally, we wish to thank the
staff at Brill for their continuous support. The index of ancient texts
was kindly prepared by Birgit van der Lans and Judith van der Wel,
student assistants.
Groningen, August 2007
George van Kooten

Jacques van Ruiten
University of Groningen
Faculty of Theology & Religious Studies
Oude Boteringestraat 38
9712 GK Groningen
The Netherlands
Website: www.rug.nl/theology
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CONTRIBUTORS
Stefan Beyerle, Professor of Old Testament Studies, Faculty of Theology,

University of Greifswald, Germany (with effect from Autumn 2008)
Jan N. Bremmer, Professor of the General History of Religion and Com-
parative Religious Studies, Faculty of Theology & Religious Studies,
University of Groningen
Istvn Czachesz, Post-Doctoral Research Fellow of the Netherlands
Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), Faculty of Theology &
Religious Studies, University of Groningen; now Research Fellow at
the Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies, Finland
Tord Fornberg, Associate Professor of New Testament Exegesis, Faculty
of Theology, University of Uppsala, Sweden
Florentino Garca Martnez, Professor of the Religion and Literature of
Early Judaism & Director of the Qumran Institute, Faculty of Theology
& Religious Studies, University of Groningen, and Research Professor,
Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium
Alberdina Houtman, Researcher and Lecturer, Department of Semitic
Languages, now Professor for the Study of Jewish-Christian Relations
(endowed chair), Kampen Theological University/Protestant Theologi-
cal University
Johan Leemans, Professor of Early Church History and Patristics, Faculty
of Catholic Theology, University of Erfurt, Germany; Visiting Lecturer
in Patristics, Faculty of Theology, Catholic University of Leuven
Fred Leemhuis, Professor of Islam (endowed chair Groningen University
Fund), Faculty of Theology & Religious Studies, University of Groningen
Tobias Nicklas, Professor of New Testament Studies, Faculty of Theology,
Radboud University Nijmegen; now Professor of New Testament Exegesis,
Faculty of Catholic Theology, University of Regensburg, Germany
Ronit Nikolsky, University Lecturer in Hebrew, Faculty of Arts, University
of Groningen
van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xix 1/22/2008 7:40:08 PM

xx contributors
Ed Noort, Professor of Ancient Israelite Literature, Old Testament Inter-

pretation, the History of Israelite Religion and Intertestamental Literature,
Faculty of Theology & Religious Studies, University of Groningen
mile Puech, Researcher CNRS Pariscole biblique et darchologie
franaise de Jrusalem, Jerusalem
Harry Sysling, Researcher, Department of Semitic Languages, Kampen
Theological University/Protestant Theological University
Eibert Tigchelaar, Fellow of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific
Research (NWO) at the Qumran Institute, Faculty of Theology &
Religious Studies, University of Groningen; now Professor of Religion,
Department of Religion, Florida State University
Jan Willem van Henten, Professor of New Testament Studies, Department
of Biblical Studies, Faculty of Humanities, University of Amsterdam
George H. van Kooten, Professor of New Testament & Early Christianity,
Faculty of Theology & Religious Studies, University of Groningen
Jacques T.A.G.M. van Ruiten, Senior University Lecturer in Ancient
Israelite Literature, Old Testament Interpretation, and Early Jewish
Literature, Faculty of Theology & Religious Studies, University of
Groningen
van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xx 1/22/2008 7:40:08 PM

PART ONE
BALAAM IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE

ANCIENT NEAR EAST, AND COMPARABLE FIGURES
IN ANCIENT GREECE
van kooten_f2_1-24.indd 1 1/22/2008 4:48:14 PM

BALAAM THE VILLAIN:
THE HISTORY OF RECEPTION OF THE
BALAAM NARRATIVE IN THE PENTATEUCH AND
THE FORMER PROPHETS
Ed Noort
To the Memory of Timo Veijola, 19472005, a Friend and Colleague1
1. Introduction
In the Hebrew Bible, Balaam is a famous foreign seer, a truly remark-

able character in Numbers 2224. Israel escapes a near-death situa-
tion in the desert by being blessed instead of cursed. The leading role
in this drama is taken by the diviner Balaam, the man whose sight
is clear, . . . who hears the words of El, who obtains knowledge from
Elyon and sees the vision from Shadday.2 In the narrative itself he
has no title. He is not called a prophet (aybn), nor a seer (hzj/har), nor
a man of God (yhlah vya). But, as all his actions show, including his
answers to Balak and his repeated statements to the leaders of Moab,
he has the ability to curse and bless3 as well as tell the future.4 Yet he
uses his powers only after listening to the word of YHWH. On the one
hand he is a stranger, foreign to Israel. On the other hand, he acts like
an Israelite seer, even like a prophet bound to the word of YHWH.
Although other currents are present, the main stream of the final text
of Numbers 2224 is a positive narrative. Balaam is an intermediary
who saves Israel, blessing the people as ordered by YHWH.
1
Timo Veijola belonged during the seventies to our group of doctoral students at
Gttingen together with Walter Dietrich (Bern), Hermann Spieckermann (Gttingen),
Christoph Levin (Mnchen) and Dietrich Baltzer (Mnster). Our small class met at the
home of Walther Zimmerli, later on at the faculty with the other supervisors Rudolf
Smend, Lothar Perlitt and Robert Hanhart.
2
Num 24:15b, 16ab, cf. 24:34.* Cf. the use of the verb hzj and the noun hzjm.
Balaams professional praxis is that of a hzj.
3
Num 22:6.
4
Cf. the explication by H. Seebass, Numeri (BKAT 4.3.1), Neukirchen-Vluyn 2004,
73 and his translation of ymsq as instruments for divination, not fees for divination
and 23:23 und 24:1 (y)vjn as omen(s).

4 ed noort
This paper does not focus on the fascinating central narrative, but
on illuminating several phases in its history of reception in the Hebrew
Bible. Sometimes there is a great distance between the original narra-
tive and its final reception. The differences may be clear, but why they
came about is not. Therefore I focus on a range of texts with more or
less related traditions thereby studying the development of changes to
Balaams image in Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua and Micah. Brief
remarks gradually darken the portrait of Balaam, which is entirely
negative by the end. In the final texts he is no longer seen as the seer
who blesses Israel but as the source of inspiration for apostasy, as a
false prophet who must be put to death. Two texts refer to his execution
with the approval of the biblical author. Surprisingly, another tradition
in the history of reception understands Balaam as a messianic prophet.
He is connected to Isaiah and is the source of inspiration for the Magi
in the Gospel of Matthew. Balaam truly has two faces.
Here I focus on the negative traditions because even more interesting
than the changes themselves are the reasons behind them. The shifts in
the image of Balaam have to do with changing concepts of prophecy
and revelation, of true and false prophets, of the different ways the
voice of the deity can be heard and of the boundaries between us and
them. The study is organized as follows. I start by describing the geo-
graphical scene of Moab in the biblical tradition. It is the homeland of
King Balak who ordered Balaam, a foreign seer, to curse Israel. Then I
demonstrate the main historical lines of interpretation by analyzing two
Dutch paintings. After this I examine the texts on Balaam found outside
Numbers 2224 and explore the reasons for the growing negativity of
his image, touching in turn upon the concentration on Word-of-God
theology, the YHWH prophets of the 7th and 6th centuries bce and
the condemnation of all other religious specialists (Deuteronomy 18).
The journey ends with regret for the literary death of poor Balaam.
2. The Geographical Scenery and Biblical Background
Balaams activities take place in Moab, a plateau in the mountainous

region east of the Dead Sea. This couleur locale, seen in a canonical con-
text, is highly relevant because being one of Judahs neighbours always
provoked controversy. No reader can miss the conflicting feelings about
Moab, already evident in Gen 19:3038, where Lots daughters take
control of their future and give birth to the brothers Moab and Ammon

balaam the villain 5
through an incestuous adventure with their father. Highly remarkably,

the narrative does not condemn what has happened, although Moab
and Ammon are mocked somewhat for being the incestuous offspring
of the daughters and their drunken father.5 But there is no link with
the intellectual world of laws in Leviticus 18 and the narrative demon-
strates that in the view of the genealogy (Lot/Abraham) Ammon and
Moab are regarded as relatives. In the battle against Sihon of Heshbon
(Numbers 21)a strange intermezzoMoab plays only a minor role.
Both Sihon and Og narratives serve a specific purpose. The entire East-
Jordan territory is represented by the legendary kings Og and Sihon. They
are historicized, their territory is conquered and subsequently divided.6
This view holds Israel in possession of the East-Jordan territory.
Balak and his Moab nation represent another stage, seen most clearly
in the Balaam cycle of Numbers 2224. Moab and King Balak want
Israel cursed, but receive a blessing instead. This negative image of
Moab is intensified in the next chapter (Numbers 25) where Moabite/
Midianite women mingle sexually ( hnz 25:1b) with the Israelites.
According to deuteronomistic doctrine the consequences are crystal
clear. The Israelites start7 (the sinful) worship of Ba al of Pe or.8 The
tendentious nature of the story is clear from the thin line connecting
Ba al of Pe or in Num 25:12 with Moab. The leading part is claimed
by a Midianite, not a Moabite woman (Num 25:6). Even the war of
revenge in Numbers 31 is directed against Midian, not Moab. These
stories reflect a religious-political situation in which Northern Moab
5
It is suggested that Genesis 19 provides an alternative to the flood narrative, since a
catastrophe is required between the paradise story and the world as it was experienced
by later readers or listeners. Perhaps the now locally situated narrative of Genesis
1819 originally functioned as a worldwide catastrophe. The daughters approached
their father because our father is growing old, and there is not a man on earth (rab)
to come into us after the manner of all the world (Gen 19:31). Cf. E. Noort, For
the Sake of Righteousness: Abrahams Negotiations with YHWH as Prologue to the
Sodom Narrative. Gen 18:1633 in: E. Noort & E.J.C. Tigchelaar (eds.), Sodoms Sin:
Genesis 1819 and Its Interpretations (TBN 7), Leiden 2002, 315.
6
E. Noort, Transjordan in Joshua 13: Some Aspects, in: A. Hadidi (ed.), Studies in
the History and Archaeology of Jordan III, London 1987, 12530.
7
According to MT a logical consequence of the sexual love affair. The sin of Peor
is referred to in Hos 9:10; Deut 3:4; Josh 22:17. Of course Philo knows more details
than his predecessors. He tells of the beautiful Moabite women charging a price for
their bodies. A sacrifice to Ba al of Pe or is needed before the party starts (Philo, De
vita Mosis 292301).
8
Pe or: Ra Muaqqar. Settlements: Muaqqar East and West: 2238.1337 and 2239.
1335. Map: Tbinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B, IV 6 (northern part, detailed map).

6 ed noort
changed hands many times and where political aspiration translated

into religious conflicts.9 At the end of the book of Numbers, Moab
is merely a place of preparation10 for crossing the Jordan. Num 25:1
(Shittim) as a point of arrival is linked with Josh 2:1 and 3:1 as a point
of departure. In Deuteronomy all the voices, both positive and negative,
are heard. Here YHWH assures us that Israel has no claim to the land
of Moab, because He Himself has given it to the sons of Lot.11 Moab
is the place on the threshold of the Promised Land where the entire
Torah is proclaimed during the final day of Moses life. Moab is the
site of a second Sinai, where the covenant of Exodus 24 is re-established
(Deuteronomy 29). Moses must die in Moab following divine orders.12
The death of Moses enables the Torah to be finished. It is codified
and understood to be the Torah that Moses carried across the Jordan
into the land of Moab and recited there.13 Moses is replaced by his
Torah. According to this thread, important stages of Israels theological
journey are highlighted in Moab.
The same book, however, contains another thread. Deut 23:34 states
that Moabitesand the following ten generationsshall be refused
entry to the hwhy td[ because they refused Israel crucial passage through
their land on their wanderings to the Promised Land. In the Early
Prophets the image of Moab differs again. The grotesque murder of
the oppressor Eglon, the fat king of Moab, in Judges 3 represents the
negative image. In contrast, 1 Sam 22:35 has Moab offering asylum to
David and his family. And in just a small step from here David becomes
a Moabite ancestor in the book of Ruth. Possibly the genealogy con-
necting Ruth and David via Boaz and Obed is secondary. Even in that
event the image of Moabite Ruth gets treated sympathetically in the
biblical tradition. But here again, the picture changes. According to
2 Kgs 3:27 the Moabite king sacrifices his crown prince on the city wall
during a siege. The biblical narrative is convinced that this ultimate
9
The Mesha Inscription states that Mesha recovered the land of Medeba and
massacred the Israelite population. According to 2 Sam 8:2 David defeats Moab and
kills the population following a special procedure.
10
Num 26:3, 63; 31:12, 33, 44, 4850; 35:1; 36:13.
11
Deut 2:9, 18, 19.
12
Num 27:1214; Deut 32:4852, referring to Num 20:12 as an interpretation
of Num 20:211. The ambiguity about the precise nature of Moses sin is reflected
by the confusion of the commentaries (striking the rock twice, no verbal explication,
no exact repeat of the divine instructions, stressing the first-person singular of Moses
sayings, etc.).
13
Deut 31:913, 2429.

sacrifice will have a negative effect on the military chances of Israel.

Their troops return home without success. Despite all biblical polemics
against child sacrifice, it is effective, even in the eyes of the Israelite
author. Finally the books of Amos, Isaiah, Zephaniah, Jeremiah and
Ezekiel are totally negative in their judgement of Moab, full of catas-
trophe, doom and despair. The same trend can be found in the poetical
texts of the Hebrew Bible. According to Exod 15:1415 Moab is bound
to the traditional enemies: Philistea, Edom, Moab and Canaanites. The
same is the case in Ps 60:10: Moab, Edom, and Philistea.14
This short synchronic overview demonstrates that in changing times
Moab and Israel/Judah had a friend-foe relationship, more foe than
friend in the eyes of the Israelite authors.15 The two neighbours were
separated only by the Jordan and the Dead Sea and thus lived in close
proximity, partly together, sometimes united against the same enemies,
sometimes sharing each others concept of national statehood. Their
different political interests were often replaced by religious oppositions.
YHWH and Chemosh were seen as rivals, both acting as national gods
leading their people through the ups and downs of history. From in
between these political-religious and geographical coulisses the foreign
seer Balaam strides onto the stage.
3. The Two Main Lines of the History of Reception
In some parts of the Christian history of reception Balaam is the

prophet of the gentiles. He is faithful to the word of YHWH and
according to Matthew 2:112 predicts the star that will guide the Magi
to Bethlehem. His fourth oracle on Moab, laden with meaning, puts
Balaam in a messianic interpretation of the text: I see (him), but not
now. I behold him, but not near. A star shall come forth out of Jacob
and a sceptre shall rise out of Israel.16
14
Cf. Ps 83:79 and Ps 108:10.
15
For the still definitive introduction to the textual evidence see the study by
S. Timm, Moab zwischen den Mchten: Studien zu historischen Denkmlern und Texten (gypten
und Altes Testament 17), Wiesbaden 1989. For a brief overview of all the important
problems and progress see Moab, Biblical Archaeologist 60/4 (1997) and, finally, for an
intriguing socio-political study see B. Routledge, Moab in the Iron Age: Hegemony, Polity,
Archaeology, Philadelphia 2004.
16
Num 24:17. By using only 24:17ab and not b, It shall crush the heads of
Moab, and the skulls of all the sons of strife, the oracle of judgement is transferred
into a prophecy about a future ruler without using the local or chronological connection

8 ed noort
This line of iconography is illustrated by an altarpiece by Hierony-

mus Bosch (c.14501516), Epiphany, now in the Prado in Madrid.
In the central panel17 of this triptych the three Magi are shown as the
first gentiles to adore Christ. Acceptance of the newborn king plays
an important role in the painting, which stresses the role of pagans
acknowledging the Messiah. The painting is full of references that
build up a network of intertextual connections around the central
theme. The first Magus puts a representation of the Sacrifice of Isaac
(Genesis 22) on the ground before Mary and the child. The collar
worn by the second Magus reflects the arrival of the Queen of Sheba
at Solomons court (1 Kgs 10:1, 2). The visit of the queen foreshadows
the New Testament Magi. The most intriguing figure,18 however, stands
in the doorway, holding the crown19 of the second Magus. The frogs
on his legs refer to the plagues of Egypt and the conflict and competi-
tion between Moses and the Egyptian sorcerers. On the one hand he
is a pagan sorcerer, on the other hand he is very close to the adoring
Magi. He is correctly identified as Balaam. This interpretation is not
only demonstrated by this altarpiece by Hieronymus Bosch. It has a
wider iconographic range. Balaam and his star of Jacob text appear
together with the prophet Isaiah and David framing the adoration of
the Magi in the popular Biblia pauperum,20 illuminated books from the
latter half of the 15th century.
The second, negative, line of iconography is illustrated by a well-
known early painting by Rembrandt (1626),21 which is based on an
earlier portrayal by his teacher Lastman (1622). Rembrandt dramati-
cally changes the composition employed by Lastman.22 In Rembrandts
used now. For early messianic interpretations using the full text of Num 24:17, both
Jewish and Christian, cf. U. Lutz, Das Evangelium nach Matthus (Evangelisch-Katholischer
Kommentar zum NT I/1), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1985, 115nn14, 15. Lutz does not favour
a direct relation between Matt 2:2 and Num 24:17 because the star and the messiah
are not identical as in Num 24:17.
17
Cf. http://employees.oneonta.edu/farberas/arth/arth214_folder/bosch_prado_
epiphany.html.
18
For the iconographic representations of the figure of Balaam see E. Kirschbaum,
Der Prophet Bileam und die Anbetung der Weisen, Rmische Quartalschrift fr christliche
Altertumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 49 (1954) 12971; J. Schelhaas, Bileam, de waarzegger-
profeet, Gereformeerd Theologisch Tijdschrift 36 (1935), 2544, 6590, 11335.
19
Cf. the decoration of the crown and collar of the second Magus.
20
Royal Library = Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, Museum Meermanno-
Westreenianum, 10 A 15. 22r.
21
63.2 46.5 cm. Paris, Muse Cognacq-Jay.
22
B.P.J. Broos, Rembrandt en zijn eeuwige leermeester Lastman, Kroniek van het
Rembrandthuis 26 (1972), 7684.

version the angel does not stand in front of the donkey but appears
from behind it.23 The Moabite princes and servants frame Balaam in
his central position. The rift between the seeing donkey and the blind
seer, who nearly beats his animal to death is dramatic. The seer is
blind and acts against divine commands. Oracular tomes are visible in
his baggage. In the final version of the Balaam story the scene of the
talking donkey represents a step backward on the road to final blessing.
Now Balaams journey to Balak stirs YHWHs anger, although he has
received divine permission to travel in Num 22:20.
These two contradicting lines in iconography(a) the positive view
related to the messianic oracles and (b) the negative one represent-
ing the danger of a foreign seer who must be stopped by YHWH or
his messengerare not 15th or 17th-century inventions but have
been found already in the catacombs and sarcophagi of the 3rd24 and
4th25 centuries.
The scene of the talking donkey goes beyond the usual genre-bound
opposition of a called person against his calling. Gideon appeals to the
fact that his family is the last of Manasseh and that he himself is the
youngest ( Judg 6:15). Saul regards himself a mere Benjaminite, one
of the smallest tribes of Israel (1 Sam 9:16). Moses thinks he is unfit
(Exod 3:11; 4:117) and expresses his doubts to YHWH. He does not
consider himself a man of the Word (Exod 4:10) and would rather
have someone else sent (Exod 4:13). These may be topoi, in which the
initial negativity stresses the gravity and the importance of the task,
as in prophetic callings.26 But in Balaams case it is the reverse: he
makes no objection himself but assures the messengers that he depends
on the word of YHWH. The first time (Num 22:13) he does not go
because YHWH refuses him permission, the second time (20:20) he
agrees because YHWH explicitly says so. YHWHs anger in the next
scene in 22:2235 is in no way derivable from the regular course of
F.W. Robinson, A Note on the Visual Tradition of Balaam and his Ass, Oud
23
Holland 84 (1969), 238244.

24
Fresco in the catacomb of Priscilla, Balaam pointing out the star to Mary
(Monastery of the Benedictines of Priscilla). The second line can be seen in the
catacombs of the Via Latina, Cubiculum F, Balaam stopped by the Angel (Fresco),
fourth century ce.
25
Phaedra & Hippolytus Sarcophagus of Trinquetaille in Muse lapidaire dart
chrtien, Arles. J.B. Ward Perkins, The Hippolytus Sarcophagus from Trinquetaille,
Journal of Roman Studies 46 (1956) 1016.
26
W. Richter, Die sogenannten vorprophetischen Berufungsberichte (FRLANT 101), Gttingen
1970, 1456.

10 ed noort
the narrative, but starts the negative judgements on Balaams expedi-

tion to Balak.
4. Balaam: Good Guy or Bad?
Balaam is seldom mentioned outside Numbers 2224. With the excep-

tion of Micah 6:5 all the references are negative. The texts involve
three themes:
(1) The most important supposition is that Balaam actually wanted to

curse Israel, or has already done so, but at the last moment YHWH
changes the words in his mouth to a blessing instead of a curse.
This makes Balaam a villain and YHWH a saviour (Deut 23:5, 6;
Josh 24:9, 10; Neh 13:2).
(2) The second argument links Balaam to the sin of Ba al-Pe or, the story
of the Moabite/Midianite women. Worse still, he is held responsible
for both the plague and the anger of YHWH: the women seduce
Israel on Balaams advice (Num 31:16).
(3) The third view leads to an inevitable conclusion: Balaam is guilty
and must be executed (Num 31:8; Josh 13:22).
So ends the story of an exceptional biblical figure. But such a develop-

ment invokes intriguing questions. Which came first: the tradition of a
dangerous seer who cursed Israel, a tradition that slowly changed into
the more positive image depicted in Numbers 2224? Do Numbers 31,
Deuteronomy and Joshua represent the original, primary texts of this
tradition? Is Numbers 2224, with the exception of the she-donkey
scene, a later reflection? Or did it happen the other way round? Did
the whole story start with a positive image of the prophetic seer and
change later into the negative picture of the false prophet? Noth is an
example of those who defend the first position;27 Donner the second.28
27
Noth has changed his opinion several times, as he has done with regard to other
crucial texts ( Joshua 24). In his berlieferungsgeschichte des Pentateuch, Stuttgart 1948, 806,
he presumed that the bad guy Balaam connected with Ba al Pe or represented the
oldest stage, although the literary traditions were young. In his commentary on Numbers
(ATD; Gttingen 1966, 154), his literary historical viewpoint that the texts containing
the good Balaam were older than the texts containing the bad Balaam prevailed.
28
H. Donner, Balaam pseudopropheta, in: H. Donner & R. Hanhart & R. Smend
(eds), Beitrge zur alttestamentlichen Theologie: Festschrift fr Walther Zimmerli, Gttingen 1977,
11223 at 114.

The most extensive survey of different possibilities is given by Seebass.29

Since Donners Balaam Pseudopropheta (1977) there is a certain consensus
on the development from good guy to bad guy. The why and partly
the how, however, remain unclear.
5. The Texts outside Numbers 2224
(a) A Neutral Image of Balaam: Micah 6:5

I will begin with the positive or at least neutral text Micah 6:5: My
people:30 Remember (anArkz) what Balak, king of Moab, planned31 and
what/how Balaam, son of Beor, answered him. The context is the byr,
the lawsuit between YHWH and his people structured by w[m of vv.
1 and 2 bound together with My people what have I done to you?
(v. 3) and the appeal My people, remember . . . (v. 5). Israel has to
remember: (1) the delivery from the house of slavery;32 (2) the sending
of Moses, Aaron and Miriam;33 (3) the rescue from Balak; and (4) the
crossing (of the Jordan river) from Shittim to Gilgal.
Every item presupposes a negative situation: slavery, wilderness,
cursing, fording a dangerous river, and a positive result: deliverance by
YHWH. The canon of divine salvation is called the hwhy twqdx (v. 5).
In this context Balak clearly represents danger and Balaam the positive
side. The verb [y (to plan) with reference to something Balak does
is used here in malam partem as is well understood by the LXX adding
29
H. Seebass, Numeri (BKAT 4.3.iii), Neukirchen-Vluyn 20042005, 1107.
30
BHS suggests reading /M[i with him instead of yMi[' vocative. The emendation
is not supported by the versions and the parallelism with v. 3 yMi[' is too strong to be
ignored.
31
For the verb [y, to advise, to plan, see L. Ruppert, Theologisches Wrterbuch zum
Alten Testament, vol. 3 (1981), 718751, who supposes a development from to pronounce
an oracle (Num 24:14) via advise to plan. A. Wolters, New International Dictionary of Old
Testament Theology and Exegesis, vol. 2, 490, concludes that both meanings exist alongside
each other. For him the relationship between the two basic senses is something like
that between thought and expression, both with an orientation to future action (490).
The straight development suggested by Ruppert, however, cannot be proven without
an exact dating of the texts. Opinions differ here.
32
hl[ Hif. in contrast to axy Hif. includes not only the Exodus, but also the wil-
derness wanderings and the arrival in the promised land (H.W. Wolff, Micha [BKAT
XIV.4], Neukirchen-Vluyn 1982, 148).
33
The trio Moses, Aaron and Miriam mentioned together as a demonstration of
given leadership is enigmatic. Num 12:14 takes them together in a crisis of leader-
ship. Num 26:59 and 1 Chron 5:29 offer a genealogy. Micah 6:4 is the only text with
a positive approach.

12 ed noort
against you. The second part of the sentence what/how

Balaam answered expresses the contrast. Balak wants evil. Balaam
counters with a positive action. There is no indication in this text that
Balaam planned to curse Israel. On the contrary, he is portrayed as
someone who says what YHWH commands him to say. The text is in
agreement with the main line in Numbers 2224. In literary-historical
terms Micah 6 is situated between Numbers 2224* and the negative
texts. Shittim holds no negative connotation here, in contrast to Num-
bers 25 and the text following it.
(b) A Darkening View of Balaam: Deuteronomy 23:46; Joshua 24:910;

Nehemiah 13:2
The next group of texts is from Deuteronomy, Joshua and Nehemiah.
These texts presume that Balaam did curse Israel but YHWH did not
listen to him and changed the words in his mouth to a blessing. Two
points are noteworthy here: (1) The change from Balaams possible
intention to his accomplished deed; (2) YHWH decides on the curse or
blessing. Curses or blessings as such are not automatically effective, they
are not a selbstwirksames Wort.34 Even in this case where a bad Balaam
is supposed, YHWH has the power to change the curse.
(i) Deut 23:46

In Deut 23:46 the image of Balaam is darkened. Ammonites and
Moabites are not admitted into hwhy lhq, not until after the tenth
generation (Gen 19:3038). Here Balaam is actually the bad guy.
Deut 23:5 assumes that Balak has hired him (rkc); Balaam has been
bribed. Indeed, there are references to the payment Balak will give
Balaam. dbk Pi. in Num 22:17, 37 means to pay (very) well.35 Balak
offers such payment twice, but twice Balaam refuses the silver and Num
22:18 explicitly states that he will speak only what YWHW/Elohim
commands. The suggestion that Balaam has been bribed stems from
Deuteronomy, not from Numbers from which Deuteronomy obtains its
information. Numbers itself portrays Balaam as the foreign soothsayer
who will speak the word of YHWH. The actual reinterpretation occurs
in Deut 23:6: But YHWH your God was not willing to listen to Balaam
34
Cf. however, the early Koranic commentaries; see Leemhuis, this volume.
35
S. Gevirtz, West-Semitic Curses and the Problem of the Origins of Hebrew
Law, Vetus Testamentum 11 (1961) 137158, here 1412n5.

and YHWH your God changed the curse (hllq) into a blessing. The
scheme is: Balaam is hired, Balaam curses Israel, YHWH does not
accept the curse and changes the curse into a blessing. For Israel the
result of Numbers and Deuteronomy is the same. They are blessed.
But according to Deuteronomy Balaam is the actual evildoer.
(ii) Josh 24:9, 10

Joshua 24:9, 10 also reinterprets the Balaam narrative, but differ-
ently. First, Balaks hostility is increased for, according to Joshua 24,
Balak has waged war against Israel. As is said of the inhabitants of
Jericho who opposed Israel ( Josh 24:11), the same is explicitly said of
Balak: He fought against Israel (v. 9). Num 22:6, however, only states
Balaks willingness to make war in combination with the cursing. As in
Deuteronomy 23 the curse is expressed by llq, not by rra. This is
the next difference between Joshua and Numbers. An exact parallel
between Deuteronomy and Joshua is the hearing by YHWH as the
decisive divine action: But YHWH your God, was not willing to listen
to Balaam (Deut 23:6) and but I was not willing to listen to Balaam
( Josh 24:10), the only difference being the first person singular used in
the speech of Josh 24:10 and l [m instead of la [m. The second
part of the verse, however, states but he [Balaam] kept on blessing you
[Israel]. The text suggests that Balaam perhaps wanted to curse Israel,
but he was a better prophet than he realised. He wanted to speak the
word of YHWH and eventually he did. This looks like a slightly more
innocent Balaam, especially in the last part of the sentence: I delivered
(lxn Hif.) you out of his hand. This hand refers not only to Balaam
but also to Balak, which is how the LXX understands the verse, read-
ing (out of their hands).36 There is another difference
between Deuteronomy and Joshua in comparison with Numbers. Josh
24:9 expresses Balaks action upon Balaams arrival with lv, a quote
from Num 22:5,15. Deut 23:5 however, interprets the whole action, as
stated above, by rkc to hire. Balaam is only in it for the money and
will speak the word of any man who hires him.
That Josh 24:10 is an actual duplication of Deuteronomy, as nearly
all commentaries state, is not the most obvious conclusion due to the
differences between Deut 23:6 and Josh 24:9, 10 added to the fact that
36
The LXX reads to destroy: YHWH your God did not want to destroy
you and he kept on blessing you.

14 ed noort
the blessing formulation37 used in Josh 24:10 is based on Num 23:11

and 24:10. Both the Deuteronomy and Joshua texts think along the
same lines. Josh 24:9, 10 rewrites Num in a direct way for its own view
of the narrated history. Deut 23:5, 6, with its stress on the bad role
Balaam plays, depends on Joshua 24 and not the other way around:
Numbers > Joshua 24 > Deuteronomy 23. In this group Deuteronomy
represents the last stage in remodelling the image of Balaam.
(iii) Neh 13:2

This is confirmed by the last text: Neh 13:2 with its literary quote of
Deut 23:5, 6. Precisely the same arguments used in Deuteronomy are
reapplied in Nehemiah. The Moabites did not meet the Israelites with
bread and water, Balak hired Balaam and YHWH changed his curse
into a blessing.
(c) A Relentlessly Dark View of Balaam: Numbers 31

There is yet another thread in blackening Balaams image which does
not deal with his presumed curse but the counsel he gives Balak. This
is understood to advise the Moabite/Midianite women to seduce the
Israelites. The argument presupposes a combination of Numbers 24
and 25 and reverses the words of Balaam in Num 24:14.
The context of Num 31:16 is a confrontation between Moses and
the military leaders after the Midianite war. The war against Midian
resulted from the events in Numbers 25. Midian women are taken cap-
tive (31:9) and those who had sexual intercourse with a man should be
sacrificed (31:17). The reason is formulated in 31:15b, 16: Have you
let all the women live? Behold, these [the women] caused the people
of Israel, through the counsel of Balaam to act treacherously against
YHWH in the affair at Peor, and so there was the plague among the
congregation of YHWH.
Although the story of Numbers 25 starts with the Moabite women,
here it refers to the Midianite woman of Num 25:6. This is not the
only difference between Num 25:618 and Num 25:15. What is called
the anger of YHWH in 25:3 is called a plague in 25:8. In 25:15
the leaders are executed, in 25:7 it is the action of Phinehas which
saves Israel. The word people, from the first five verses meaning the
37
Josh 24:10 kta wrb rbyw; Num 23:11, 24:10 rb tkrb hnhw.

congregation of the Israelites, is added to Israel in 25:6. The scene

starting with 25:6 is a Fortschreibung serving priestly interests and together
with the atonement of 25:13 belongs to this tradition. Num 31:16
reflects the narrative of Num 25:68, defining the events at Peor with
the expressions: to act treacherously (rsm + l[m), the affair at Peor
(rw[pArbdAl[), the plague (hpgm); and the congregation of YHWH
(hwhy td[). However, the tendency to mingle the Midianites and Moabites
is evident in the combination. So far, so clear (more or less). When 31:16
reflects 25:68, which in itself is a Fortschreibung of 25:15 we are in the
final layers of Numbers, deeper still when v. 16 has the combination of
Num 25 and Num 24:14 in view. What happened at Peor, the sexual
relations with Midianite women (25:68), and the worship of Ba al of
Pe or (25:3), was supposedly done on the advice of Balaam.
Nowhere in the Balaam narrative, however, do we find such advice.
It is deduced from Num 24:14b: m[l hzh [h hc[y rva x[ya. In
this context it is perfectly clear what the verse means. Balaams most
famous oracle Num 24:17 (I see him, but not now; I behold him, but
not near. A star shall come forth out of Jacob and a sceptre shall rise out
of Israel. It shall crush the heads of Moab and the skulls of all the sons
of strife) is directed at a future Israelite king, who will destroy Moab.
V. 14 introduces that oracle: I (Balaam) will let you (Balak) know what
this people (Israel) will do to your people (Moab). In the introduction
and oracle combined Balaam tells Balak that a future king will destroy
his state. This meaning has changed slowly in the history of reception.
Here the first option is to use [y as meaning to advise, to counsel,
to plan so that Balaam is advising Balak. The second step must be to
change the roles of subject and object of hc[: I (Balaam) will advise
you (Balak) what your people (Moab) will/can do to this people (Israel).
That is indeed the way the Vetus Latina and the Vulgate render V.14:
as dabo consilium quid populus tuus huic populo faciat extremo tempore.
Having interpreted Num 24:14 in this way we are not far from
Philos colourful description of this verse, where he tells in great detail
how Balaam explains to Balak that Israelite men can be seduced by
the beautiful Moabite women, offering their bodies on one condition:
the price is an offering to the Moabite god Ba al of Pe or.38 Num 24:14
is consequently explained, with a sideways glance at the next chapter,
Numbers 25, as the fulfilment of Balaams advice. Balaam knows that
38
Philo, De vita Mosis 292301.

16 ed noort
the only way to achieve the goal of severing the ties between YHWH
and his chosen people is transgression of the first commandment. When
Israel serves other gods, then YHWH will no longer be with his people.
This links Balaams closing words to Balak with the disaster of Peor
in Numbers 25. Here his image is no longer pristine white or shades
of grey but deep, dark black; the besmirching of Balaam has reached
its zenith when Balaam tells Balak how he can achieve his goal: the
destruction of Israel.
The final stage in reworking the bad character of Balaam deals with
his death. Two texts refer to Balaams execution. Num 31:8 describes
the story of the Midianite war: And they killed the kings of Midian,
along with the rest of their deadEvi, Rekem, Zur, Hur and Rebe,
the five kings of Midian. And they also killed Balaam, son of Beor, with the
sword. The same five kings return in Josh 13:21 which also refers to the
killing of Balaam, with one significant difference. In Joshua Balaam is
called swqh, the diviner or soothsayer. That Josh 13:21b, 22 depends
on Num 31:8 is demonstrated by the addition of the diviner and by
the fact that Joshua combines Numbers 21, the war against Sihon,
with the war on the Midianites, Numbers 31. The result is the same,
Balaam is killed. It is the inevitable end of a process within a canonical
text. Balaam was a foreign seer. He wanted to curse Israel, but YHWH
prevented him. So he decided to use other means. He organized the
transgression of the first commandment (You shall have no other gods
beside Me) and as Numbers 31 and Joshua 13 tell us, Israel observed
that commandment. With this treacherous act Balaam reveals himself
to be a false prophet, according to Deut 13:2. Such a prophet should
be put to death (Deut 13:6).
6. From Blessing Israel to Death Penalty
The developments outlined above are the result of a long process.

The death of Balaam and the necessity for it are the result of learned
exegesis. Perhaps it helps Balaam that he died merely a literary death.
In order to trace the developments as a transformation of the socio-
religious background, I refer to two key texts. The first is the gloss of
1 Sam 9:9 where the narrator explains that previously in Israel, anyone
who had a question for God (yhla vrd) would say: Come, let us go
to the seer (har); for the one who is now called a prophet (aybn), was
formerly called a seer (har). The interpolator connects divination with

the har and the aybn, explaining the latter as just another designation
for the former. He is aware of the fact that there were different types,
times and means of experiencing the divine will.39 More need not be
said, the very awareness is enough.40
The second key text is the appellation in Josh 13:22: Balaam swqh,
the soothsayer. It is the definitive marking of the brand in the process
of besmirching Balaam. Now the stage is not only open to Deuteronomy
13, the condemnation of the false prophet, but also and foremost to
Deuteronomy 18 as a contrast to the true prophet of YHWH. For
Deuteronomy 18, the yrvh ryv of the divinely inspired prophetic word
and its fulfilment is anticipated by a list of diviners, soothsayers and
sorcerers whose work is hb[wt abhorrent to YHWH (V.1011) in the
eyes of the author. According to 18:1214 they belong to Canaan with
their evil practices. They are an absolute antipode to the true Israel and
therefore YHWH dispossesses them in front of his people (v. 12). In
contrast a true prophet will be raised up from among Israel itself from
among your brothers (vv. 15, 18). And I, YHWH, will put my words in his
mouth and he will speak . . . all that I command him (v. 18). YHWH is
speaking directly to his servant, the prophet. The deity himself is the
initiator. He reveals his will without human intervention. Does that
not sound familiar? Did Balaam himself not inform the messengers
of Balak that he would exercise his profession in exactly that way, by
listening to the word of YHWH? What is happening here?
The ymsq sq, the diviner, is losing ground against the true YHWH
prophet coming from Israel itself. That prophet is by no means a for-
eigner. He is speaking the word of YHWH and that word must come
true. The ideology presented here is the deathblow for all forms of
divination. Some forms are still tolerated, such as lot-casting, Urim
and Tummim and asking the Ephod.41 If possible they are reworked
39
Cf. the still useful short review by O. Eissfeldt, Wahrsagung im Alten Israel, in: La
divination en Msopotamie ancienne en dans les regions voisines (XIVe Rencontre Assyriologique
Internationale), Paris 1966, 1416. Num 23:23 should not be interpreted as Eissfeldt
does. The later tradition of the Targum translates as no divination in Israel, instead
of no divination against Israel.
40
H.J. Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis (KAT VIII.1), Gtersloh 1973, 195, 2023.
cautiously warns: Die archologische Notiz ist in ihrer Bedeutung fr die Entwicklung
des Prophetismus wahrscheinlich stark berbewertet worden.
41
Older, technical and legitimate means of inquiring the will of the deity are:
Ephod (1 Sam 23:9; 30:7), possibly the ark of God (1 Sam 14:8 lectio difficilior), in
connection with the lav and vrd inquiry, casting lots and explicitly the Urim and

18 ed noort
in other theological settings, for instance the Urim and Tummim and
the Ephod in the dress of the High Priest of Exodus 28,42 but all other
forms come under the verdict of the deuteronomistic authors.43
This judgement, however, is a turning point in the history of religion
in Israel. The swq in Isa 3:244 belongs to a list of military, political and
religious leaders: the rwbg, the hmjlm vya and the aybn, the fpwv and qz
as well. Here the diviner is standing alongside the warrior, the soldier,
the prophet, the judge and the elder. In Isa 3:3 the list is completed
with the chieftain, the eminent one, the counsellor, the skilful magician
and the expert enchanter. In this company the swq is at home. There
are not enough reasons for viewing (parts of ) the list as a secondary
addition.45 This birds-eye view of the elite and decision-makers fits
into the social picture of court life and government circles in the Judah
of 8th century bce. It is part of the authentic Isaiah words.46 It may
Tummim (U+T: Exod 28:30; Lev 8:8; Ezra 2:63; Neh 7:76; 1 Sam 14:41 LXX; T+U:
Deut 33:8; U: Num 27:21; 1 Sam 28:6).
42
E. Noort, Bis zur Grenze des Landes: Num 27,1223 und das Ende der
Priesterschrift, in: T. Rmer (ed.), The Books of Leviticus and Numeri (BEThL), Leuven
(forthcoming): Alles was in der konkreten Gottesbefragung eine Rolle spielt, wird hier
in der Bekleidung des Hohenpriesters eingezeichnet. Neben dem Ephod (Lev 8:7),
wird die Brusttasche beschrieben, in welche die Urim und Tummim getan werden
(Lev 8:8). Die Brusttasche wird in Exod 28,15 als fpvm vj, die Brusttasche der
Entscheidung bezeichnet. In Num 27,21 handelt es sich um den fpvm der Urim,
den Eleasar einholen soll. Und Exod 28,30 ordnet an, dass Aaron den fpvm fr die
Israeliten stndig auf seinem Herzen tragen soll, wenn er vor JHWH tritt.
43
Sometimes there is a recollection of the original function in the later setting. Cf.
the explanation by Flavius Josephus concerning Exodus 28: . . . the garment of the high
priest, for he (Moses) left no room for the evil practices of prophets; but if some of that
sort should attempt to abuse the divine authority, he left it to God to be present at the
sacred ceremonies when he pleased and when he pleased to be absent . . . or as to those
stones . . . the high priest wore on his shoulders, which were sardonyxes. . . . Every time
God was present at the sacred ceremonies one of them shined out. It was the stone
on his right shoulder. Bright rays flashed then . . . Yet I will mention what is still more
wonderful than this: For God declared beforehand, by those twelve stones which the
high priest bears on his breast, and which were inserted into his breastplate, when they
should be victorious in battle; for so great a splendour shone forth from them before
the army began to march, that all the people were sensible of Gods being present for
their assistance ( Jewish Antiquities III.214218).
44
B.B. Schmidt, Israels Beneficent Dead. Ancestor Cult and Necromancy in Ancient Israelite
Religion and Tradition (FAT 11), Tbingen 1994, 179190; R. Schmitt, Magie im Alten
Testament (AOAT 313), Mnster 2004, chap. 6.2 Magiepolemiken in der prophetischen
Literatur, 256358.
45
U. Becker, Jesaja: Von der Botschaft zum Buch (FRLANT 178), Gttingen 1997,
1624.
46
H. Wildberger, Jesaja 112 (BKAT X.1), Neukirchen-Vluyn 1972, 1167, 119,
1213; Schmitt, Magie, 357.

be argued that these civil servants and religious specialists did belong
to the Judean establishment because they are criticized by Isaiah in a
relatively harsh way. Had they not played important roles, it would not
have been worth mentioning them. This is the first important point.
The second one is that there is no polemic against the profession itself,
only against the way it was practised. The swq belongs to the stay and
staff of Judah (Isa 3:1) which will be taken away. Slowly we recognize
the rich and multifaceted religious forms of pre-exilic Israel and Judah.
The swq belonged to that religious establishment.
The same is the case in Mic 3:6, 7: Therefore it shall be night to
you, without vision, and darkness to you, without divination. The sun
shall go down upon the prophets, and the day shall be black over them.
The seers shall be disgraced, and the diviners put to shame; they shall
all cover their lips, for there is no answer from God. The focus of
this prophetic speech by Micah is on the way prophecy and divination
were maintained at the royal court. The religious specialists attacked
by Micah promised well-being in the name of God to those who paid
them well, and so had made lm a matter of transaction between
patron and professional.47 Here the swq is part of the accepted group
of religious specialists as well as the prophet and the seer.
The texts of Isaiah and Micah criticize the performance of the 8th
century bce religious establishment with its diverse functions and char-
acters. A thoroughly principled condemnation of all forms of queries
to Godapart from the Word-of-God prophetstarts between the
end of the 7th and the beginning of the 6th century bce. This may
be demonstrated by a simple example of concordance. The construct
form yhla/hwhy rbd appears 242 times in the Hebrew Bible.48 The
expression is used 225 times in the context of a prophetic speech or
divine message to a prophet. Half of these texts are concentrated in
Ezekiel (60 times) and Jeremiah (52 times). The same trend is visible
in the formulation of the divine saying hwhy an, probably stemming
from the ancient utterances of seers.49 This form is used 365 times in
the Hebrew Bible, 175 times in Jeremiah and 85 in Ezekiel. The word
47
J.L. Mays, Micah (OTL), London 1976, 83. For the literary function of the verses,
see A.S. van der Woude, Micha (POT), Nijkerk 1976, 112116. Different: J.A. Wagenaar,
Oordeel en heil: Een onderzoek naar samenhang tussen de heils- en onheilsprofetien in Micha 25
(Diss. Utrecht), Utrecht 1995, 346.
48
O. Grether, Name und Wort Gottes im Alten Testament (BZAW 64), Berlin 1934;
E. Noort, Wort Gottes I, Theologische Realenzyklopdie, vol. 36, Berlin 2004, 2918.
49
D. Vetter, an, Theologisches Handwrterbuch zum Alten Testament, vol. 2, 2.

20 ed noort
of the prophet is not only qualified by the messengers form, but also
confirmed and directly legitimized by says YHWH. It is used as an
introductory formulation, as a concluding one and as a signal between
both prophetic arguments and judgemental speech.
The common aim of the diverse uses is clear. The text alleges to be
the authentic word of YHWH and no one else. These simple figures
demonstrate a remarkable focus on the divine word. It is confirmed by
the image-building in general of religious functions in the 7th and 6th
centuries bce. The redactional text of Jer 18:18 grants the following
attributes to specialists: instruction (hrwt) belongs to the priest, counsel
(hx[) to the wise and the word (rbd) to the prophet. The diverse ways
of mastering life have resulted in the exclusive connection between the
prophet and the divine word. No longer is there place for any other ways
of experiencing the will of God. It is this development of the prophecy
between the end of Israel and the exile (722586 bce) that kills Balaam.
The prophetic answer to the threats of the late pre-exilic and exilic times
rewrites his story. The separation between the true prophet of YHWH
and his equivalents in former and recent50 times is most clear in the law
for prophets in Deuteronomy 18. In the multi-layered positive section
of the law, Jeremiah seems to stand in the background.51 The prophet
will be raised up (wq Hif.) by YHWH from among the Israelites,52 he
will be the mediator between YHWH and the people in continuation
of Exod 20:19.53 YHWH himself will put words in his mouth.54 No
word shall be spoken that YHWH does not command. Similarly, the
recognition of a true prophet seems clear. If the word does not come
50
Here Jeremiah 28 is instructive. Hananiah uses the messengers formula (v. 2),
recites an oracle of salvation (vv. 24), and uses the formula of divine saying (v. 4). The
scene concludes with a prophetic gesture (v. 10). Jeremiah can only go home. There is
no criterion to decide whether Jeremiah or Hananiah is the true prophet.
51
M. Kckert, Zum literargeschichtlichen Ort des Prophetengesetzes Dtn 18,
in: R.G. Kratz & H. Spieckermann (eds.), Liebe und Gebot: Studien zum Deuteronomium.
Festschrift zum 70. Geburtstag von Lothar Perlitt (FRLANT 190), Gttingen 2000, 80100;
W.H. Schmidt, Das Prophetengesetz Dtn 18,922 im Kontext erzhlender Literatur,
in: M. Vervenne & J. Lust (eds.), Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic Literature: Festschrift C.H.W.
Brekelmans (BEThL CXXXIII), Leuven 1997, 5569.
52
The same is said of the king: Deut 17:15.
53
Do not let God speak to us, or we will die, cf. Deut 18:16,17. The prophet is
portrayed as the man who can bear the words of God in contrast to the people.
54
Cf. Num 22:20, 35; 23:3, 26; 24:13, especially 22:38; 23:5, 12, 16: ypb rbd yc;
Deut 18:18 tnypb.

to pass, if there is no fulfilment, it is not a word YHWH has spoken.55

This radical solution fits the polarization of the law for prophets and
the highly theoretical character of it. The criterion works only in the
aftermath, it fits only words dealing with the immediate future. In the
crisis-like situation of Jeremiah 28 the addressees are as helpless as
Jeremiah himself. This theoretical clarity matches the Canaanizing
of the forbidden practices in Deut 18:912. Soothsayers and diviners
now symbolize the Canaanites YHWH will expel before Israel. The
swq has landed, definitely on the wrong side.
From that moment on Balaam is a loser. His history is rewritten
in various ways in short commentaries throughout the books of Num-
bers and Joshua. Did Balaam actually speak the words YHWH put
into his mouth, or was he the foreign seer who, on behalf of Balak,
was willing to curse Israel at a price? As stated above, in Deut 23:5 a
negative undertone enters with the use of rkc (to hire). Balaam can
be bribed, he does it for the money. In translating Num 22:7 as the
elders of Moab [and the elders of Midian] came to Balaam with the
ymsq in their hands, in conjunction with this fee for divination many
exegetes helped to darken Balaams image.56
Last but not least Balaam is condemned by the mere fact that he
is a foreigner. For the true prophet is raised by YHWH from among
your brothers. His being a foreigner is expounded upon in the texts.
Coming originally from Transjordan,57 he is connected with Pethor
at the Euphrates (Num 22:5) or even Aram Naharaim (Deut 23:5).
The only known local name fitting the text is Pitru, the Hittite name
for the town ana-aur-utir-asbat I settled it again for AurAssyria,
55
Several solutions had been tried. In contrast to the court prophets, independent
prophets (1 Kings 22) are the only true ones. Or were they prophets of doom in contrast
to those announcing salvation ( Jer 28:8, 9)? No scheme really fits.
56
W. Gross, Bileam. Literar- und formkritische Untersuchung der Prosa in Num 2224
(StANT 38), Mnchen 1974, 142, followed by Seebass, Numeri IV.3, 15, 16, defends
the meaning oracular instruments. In that case the elders brought in the instruments
for divination and asked Balaam to handle them. Oracular instruments were a well-
known phenomenon. Ezek 21:26 explains how the king of Babylon uses divination
with the root sq: he shakes the arrows, he asks the teraphim, he consults the liver. It
could be a normal procedure that oracle instruments were brought in. If the context
justified a fee, there is no need for negative judgement. Of course one should pay for
a consultation (1 Sam 9:7,8).
57
Some Hebrew mss, the Samaritan Pentateuch, Peshitta and Vulgata read Balaams
land of origin as ()wm[-ynb ra the land of the Ammonites (Num 22:5). The designa-
tion land of his fellowmen makes no sense.

22 ed noort
known from the records of the Neo-Assyrian king Salmanasser III.

It is perhaps identical to the Egyptian name p-d-r, located where the
Sagur runs into the Euphrates.
If the original homeland of the Balaam tradition was Ammon,
an assertion sustained by the surprising discovery of the Balaam text
at Deir All, his localisation at or beyond the Euphrates serves one
goal: Balaam is a foreigner, he comes from afar, from Mesopotamia/
Aram Naharaim where the Neo-Assyrian and the Babylonian states
are known for using their wide range of divination as instruments for
political pressure.58 Readers of the Balaam narrative could see him as
a representative of an anti-Judean religious power. To make him an
Ammonite was not enough. Some deuteronomistic layers assume that
entry to the Promised Land starts by crossing the Arnon.59 So Balaam
was made an extreme foreigner, coming from far, far away, from a dan-
gerous land where diviners, soothsayers and prophets played important
roles in political and religious issues.
Balaams career did not end well. He began as a foreign seer bless-
ing Israel, saving Israel from deadly danger by obeying the Word of
YHWH. But the scene of the talking she-donkey betrays the growing
rift between the image of YHWH and the diviner. Balaam is set aside
in the search for what it means to be a true prophet and a theology
of the word of God as the only means of communication. His narra-
tive is reworked in fragmentary and thus secondary remarks in brief
scenes in Numbers, Deuteronomy and Joshua until he is turned into a
totally negative figure. He sells his prophecy to Balak, he comes from
a distant and dangerous country, he truly wanted to curse Israel, but
YHWH saved them, and he told Balak the Moabite king how to seduce
the Israelites so that he could achieve his ultimate, treacherous goal.
Balaam is a false prophet who uses his power and knowledge to bring
in foreign gods. In the light of all the arguments found in Deuteronomy
13 and 18, Balaam must be killed; and so he is.
58
H. Spieckermann, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT 129), Gttingen
1982, 322344.
59
Deut 2:24, 36; 3:8, 12; 4:48; Josh 12:16; 13:25. The main stream of the deuter-
onomistic school, however, considers that the Promised Land started after crossing the
Jordan from east to west. A few texts explicitly deny that (parts of ) Ammon belonged
to the Promised Land: Deut 2:19, 37.

In the Museum of Amman, however, some text fragments60 excav-

ated by the Dutch expedition at Deir All are a fortunate reminder of
the other tradition regarding Balaam, son of Beor: The chastisements
of the Book of Bala am, the son of Be or, the man who sees the Gods.
As for him, the gods came <to him> at night, [and] he beheld a vision
like an utterance of El.61
May he rest in peace.
60
J. Hoftijzer & G. van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir All (Documenta et monu-
menta orientis antiqui 19), Leiden 1976; J. Hoftijzer & G. van der Kooij (eds.), The
Balaam Text from Deir All Re-Evaluated: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at
Leiden 2124 August 1989, Leiden 1991 and . Puech in this volume.
61
Translation of the first lines according to . Puech in this volume.

BALA{AM AND DEIR {ALLA1
mile Puech
The inscriptions on plaster were discovered in March 1967 by a Dutch

expedition directed by H.J. Franken digging at Tell Deir {Alla.2 The
site is located about eight kilometers east of the Jordan river, not far
from the northern bank of the Yabbok/Zerka river. It has been first
identified with Sukkot3 and late preferably with Penuel.4
The loci 34 and 35 where the fragments were discovered, belong
to stratum ix/m dated to the late ninth to the first half of the eighth
1
I dedicate this study to the memory of H.J. Franken who passed away on 18
January 2005, and I am very grateful to Murray Watson for correcting and improving
my English.
2
H.J. Franken, Archaeological Evidence Relating to the Interpretation of the Text,
in: J. Hoftijzer & G. van der Kooij (eds), Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, Leiden 1976, 316,
and H.J. Franken, Deir {Alla re-visited, in: J. Hoftijzer & G. van der Kooij (eds), The
Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at
Leiden 2124 August 1989 (Ancient Near East), Leiden 1991, 315, esp. 78n9.
3
See for example the survey of S. Mittmann, Beitrge zur Siedlungs- und
Territorialgeschichte des nrdlichen Ostjordanslande Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palstina
Vereins, Wiesbaden 1970, who identified the site with Deir {Alla. This identification is
refused by Franken, Deir {Alla re-visited, 1113. R. de Vaux, Histoire ancienne dIsral,
II. La priode des Juges, Paris 1973, 122123, also seriously doubts this identification: 3
Il est presque sr que Deir {Alla nest pas Sukkt: ctait un sanctuaire frquent par
des semi-nomades, puis entour dun village, mais Deir {Alla na jamais t une ville,
but he contradicts himself somewhat in these pages when he goes on . . . De Sukkt
(Deir {Alla ou ct) . . . et arrivant aux abords de Deir {Alla (Sukkt). And he refutes
maybe too quickly the arguments of H. Reviv, Two Notes on Judges VIII, 417, Tarbiz
38 (19681969) 309317: H. Reviv a essay de montrer que la constitution de ces
deux villes, les hommes de Sukkt et les hommes de Penuel, se rapproche de celle
des cits cananennes plus que des villes isralites: on a ensuite ajout les princes
de Sukkt aux v. 6 et 14. Cela nest pas convaincant, et je prfre penser que Sukkt
et Penuel taient alors occups par des Gadites (122). The plaster inscription could
provide some arguments in favour of such a view when it says: He summoned the
h[eads of the] assembly [un]to him and and his people went up to him, lines I 34.
H.J. Franken, Balaam at Deir {Alla and the Cult of Baal, in: A.E. Glock & T. Kapitan
(eds), Archaeology, History and Culture in Palestine and the Near East: Essays in Memory of Albert E.
Glock, Atlanta 1999, 182202 at 189, seems now to be more nuanced on the identifica-
tion, quoting his previous study Excavations at Tell Deir Alla. The Late Bronze Age Sanctuary,
Louvain, 1992, 16571.
4
See A. Lemaire, Galaad et Makr: Remarques sur la tribu de Manass lest
du Jourdain, Vetus Testamentum 31 (1981) 3961 at 512, by its situation in the Ghor,
Sukkt fits better at Tell Aa (branches huts) in Arabic.

26 mile puech
century bc according to the last results of archaeological work done

since then in this area.5 Carbon 14 tests point also to a date around the
end of the ninth century bc for level ix,6 and the palaeographic analysis
of this inscription agrees with such a conclusion about the turn of the
century, circa 800 or a bit later.7 Finally, the discovery of two short
Aramaic inscriptions, a[r yz Belonging to pn on a jug and a[r ba
on a flint stone (perhaps a stone weight), in a locus circa 10 m north of
locus 35 in stratum ix,8 could suggest a trade connection or influence
of the Arameans of Damascus on the Gilead region and on the site in
particular, as it is well known between circa 835 to circa the middle of
the eighth century bc. But this says nothing about the dialect or the
origin of the plaster inscription which is specifically directed to the local
population. Although the plaster was much broken and dispersed in two
main clusters, at some distance one from the other, in the destruction
level, most probably due to a violent earthquakea famous earthquake
is known during the days of Uzziah, king of Juda, and in the days of
Jeroboam the son of Joash, king of Israel, (Am 1:1; Zach 14:45) to be
dated most probably around 760, and although the written surface
was poorly preserved in most of the places, the still very incomplete
inscription became a famous and important one, as soon as the name
of a well known diviner was read, Balaam, the son of Beor.
The marvelous editio princeps was published in 1976, less than ten years
after the discovery, by J. Hoftijzer with a long and detailed palaeo-
graphic analysis by G. van der Kooij, under the title Aramaic Texts from
5
See M.M. Ibrahim & G. van der Kooij, The Archaeology of Deir {Alla Phase IX,
in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated, 1629.
6
See W.G. Mook, Carbon 14 dating, in: M.M. Ibrahim & G. van der Kooij (eds),
Picking up the Threads: A Continuing Review of Excavations at Deir Alla, Jordan, Leiden 1989,
7173, and Ibrahim & Van der Kooij, The Archaeology of Deir {Alla Phase IX, 2728:
some time between 770 and 880 bc, with a high probability of a date being at the end
of the 9th century bc.
7
See . Puech, Approches palographiques de linscription sur pltre de Deir {Alla,
in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated, 221238
(around the first half of the eighth century), and G. van der Kooij, Book and Script at
Deir {Alla, in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated,
239262 (between 800 and 720 bc).
8
See Franken, Archaeological Evidence, 15; but Franken, Balaam at Deir {Alla,
196200, analyses a[r as a local numen or deity related to a drinking place and
understand these objects associated with a libation goblet and a loom weight as sym-
bolic in the cultic area of a sanctuary. See already Franken, Excavations at Tell Deir
Alla, 175: One name . . . still used today by the Bedawi: esch-Scheri a, drinking place or
watering place, and the Jordan is also referred to as Scheri at el-Kebir, the great drinking
place.

balaFam and deir Falla 27
Deir Alla.9 This was a masterpiece of research and scholarship on a very

difficult text, as the following years proved. Since then, an impressive
number of studies has appeared on this fragmentary text. A special
conference was even held at Leiden in 1989 along with a nice exhibi-
tion of the fragments and other objects of this layer, and the papers are
printed in a book The Balaam Texts from Deir Alla Re-evaluated.10
The editors succeeded in presenting two main groups of text, com-
binations i and ii, among a dozen other smaller groups. Later on, it
became possible to reorganise the fragments of the first combination
into part of a column, as the scribe seemed to have prepared columns
on the plastered wall surface with red ink or paint, tracing perpen-
dicular line(s) to a horizontal one, like the preparation of columns of
a scroll. Above the horizontal line, he drew a winged sphinx walking
leftward, in an Egyptianising style, which is to be situated to the left of
the (first) column of the text. What is characteristic here is a quite well
preserved white margin to the right of this first column of text and a
vertical red line just to its left. Since no inscribed fragment has been
found with remains of a red line on the right margin, this suggests to
me that all the fragments with ink must belong to a single long column
of text, around 33 cm wide with a right white margin of minimum
9 cm (around a third of the column!), rather than being some remains
of a second column, as some scholars have thought.11 For sure, it is
hard to imagine only the combination ii as the first column of the
text, because it belongs most probably to the bottom part of that same
first column, since it fell upside down near wall 36 on which it was
inscribed, whereas the upper part of it was found at a greater distance
in the opposite direction when the wall split in two parts.12
9
Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, with contributions by H.J.
Franken, V.R. Mehra, J. Voskuil, J.A. Mosk, and prefaced by P.A.H. de Boer.
10
Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated, Leiden
1991.
11
See already Van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, 26, and still for example
A. Lemaire, Les inscriptions sur pltre de Deir {Alla et leur signification historique et
culturelle, in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated,
3357, esp. 4244, who suggested that combination II has to be placed as the first col-
umn and combination I as column two on its left. Van der Kooij, Book and Script,
23962, esp. 2414, shows now the most probable place of the fragments in a single col-
umn on the wall. Lately, B. Levine, Numbers 2136, New York 2000, 242, states: There
are also indications that additional columns may have been inscribed. But he did not
give more information about them.
12
Van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, 2627.

28 mile puech
By chance, the upper part of this first column has been pretty well
preserved, after some realignments of the presentation of the editio prin-
ceps, some new joins, some insertions of new fragments and restorations
of some lines, thus reducing the groups ia, ib, ic and id into a single
text of 16 more or less complete lines. This was made possible, first,
because the editors did a very valuable description of the fragments,
and, secondly, because the scribe used a peculiar technique in writing
the first two lines just below the red horizontal line: the first half of
the first line and the second half of the second line are in red ink and
of equal length. This seems to suggest that the first sentence in red ink
should be interpreted as a title of the whole composition, or at least of
the text presented here, and that the second sentence in red ink should
underline the main topic of the first part of it, since there is also another
first half line in red ink in the second combination (ii 17) which could
underline the content of the second part of the text. In fact, this second
half red line isolates and gives the core of the content of the message
which the gods delivered to the diviner or seer.
The practice of red ink is not well attested in Palestinian inscrip-
tions. It is known on some plaster fragments discovered at Kuntillat
{Ajrud and dated also around 800 bc.13 But since the Old Kingdom the
Egyptian scribes used red ink or rubrics, first to indicate the passages to
be studied daily by the students, but also to correct letters or mistaken
words; and in Demotic texts, red ink was used only in the magical and
religious papyri. However, at all periods, red ink was used to highlight,
divide, isolate or distinguish words or sentences. Thus at the beginning
of a manuscript, it underlines the date or the title, and in the course
of a text it underlines an important passage or a secondary addition.
Even in the incipit it is not rare that the red ink stops before the end of
a sentence or that the title is only partly rubricised.14 Sometimes the
red ink can have a disparaging meaning or can signify a bad augur
13
See Z. Meshel, Kuntillat Ajrud: A Religious Centre from the Time of the Judaean Monarchy
on the Border of Sinai, Jerusalem 1978, 1416. Other inscriptions are written in red ink
on pithoi with vertical and horizontal margins as on papyrus scrolls, and the drawings
are also in red paint. The inscriptions on the pithoi have an apotropaic signification, as
I have shown elsewhere.
14
See B. Van de Walle, La division matrielle des textes classiques gyptiens et
son importance pour ltude des ostraca scolaires, Le Muson 59 (1946) 22332, and
G. Posener, Sur lemploi de lencre rouge dans les manuscrits gyptiens, Journal of
Egyptian Archaeology 37 (1951) 7580.

or predict a misfortune.15 Is there such an Egyptian influence in the

copy of this inscription? Only a proper interpretation of it can give an
answer, but it seems that for the first two lines such usages are not far
from the truth: a title and the main content of the first paragraph.16
What is also striking is that, in the present state of the research on
all these fragments, the name of Balaam is found only in the first
combination, otherwise it must be restored with no certainty on small
fragments. But such a presentation does not surprise us too much. It
is certainly necessary that mention of him occurs more than once in
the first lines to present Bala{am, his identification and his title: he is
the divine seer, a central figure of the composition from the beginning,
because he has to deliver to his people the message of the gods, what
he does in his book. This does not mean that he is not acting or is
not present in the second part of the column or combination ii, the
state of preservation is too bad to say too much on that in the present
state of my research.
Because my paper is to present Bala{am at Deir {Alla, I will concen-
trate my remarks on the first combination. First of all, I shall give the
text the way I try to understand it presently, some fifteen years after
my previous essay, followed by a translation and some notes to explain
some choices in the restorations, and then a synthesis on this group.17
First group of fragments18

hwla
zjy[w]hlylbhlawtayw()ah[]hlahzjar[[b()r]b[lbrpsyrsy 1
h[zj]m[]
hm[]t[a]rlaharjaalkl[pyhkr[b()rb[[lb]lwrmaywlaamk 2
t[m[]
[x]yh[z]ylwhwl[a]lhq[ya]rmzytlgn[hr]q[]h[]rjmm[lbqyw 3
kbw
15
See G. Posener, Les signes noirs dans les rubriques, Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
35 (1949) 7781.
16
Some Qumran scrolls use red ink on one line, or a little more for a complete verse
of a biblical text, but the usage does not seem to be the same as here, see . Puech, Les
langues et les critures dans les manuscrits de la mer Morte, in: R. Viers (ed.), Des signes
pictographiques lalphabet: La communication crite en Mditerrane. Actes du colloque, 14 et 15
mai 1996. Villa grecque Krylos, Fondation Thodore Reinach (Beaulieu-sur-Mer), Paris 2000,
175211, esp. 1912.
17
A more complete presentation of previous research and propositions will be
included and discussed at another occasion.
18
See photograph in Figure 1.

van kooten_f3_25-48.indd 30
30
mile puech
Figure 1. The Deir {Alla plaster inscription, first combination.
2/7/2008 2:14:52 PM
aywhkbtlwxtlr[b()rb[lbl[wrmaywhwlahm[l[ywhkbyh 4
wdjytahlahlatl[pwarwklw[wb]jydhmkwjawbhlrm 5
nlawjyk()b[bymyrksyrpt()[m]lwrmawd[wmydwbxnw 6
rjrg[ssykl[d[yght()lawjb[[b]ttjybhtyk()rmslawf[hg 7
trnrrdhpnayjrpahdxwjnynb[hds]jhn[ymjr/lqwrntp 8
wlkabnrarfjlbyyljrrabhfmrq[bljy]wym[blk]rpxwwy 9
yrgrswmw[m[bqwrmjwyt[md/ymwhd]tyj()jlw]pjdjy 10
hnhkw[]rmtjqrhyn[wjqymkjl[]kj[]w[ljyw]m[kjlw]rtk[wy]d 11
bjbjrqrzaanl[jm]tatyz()m[bkj/hkw]rgptt[d][ 12
jbjw
qjrm[]rjw[mw[kjb]jfbwklhxbj[whw]rbj[]mqtnta[b] 13
rgqqwzjlkw[][l]b[jtl]dyljl[]jtp[t]wjq[rm]ak[jykt] 14
lrt[w
nbtqrqhxynjrmn[p]lkatr[malhlw][kj]lqb[][m[lrjbtzj] 15
ny[wrzam[anhk/kj /d]qyz[[mwtablrqby] 16
wzjlrt[wrgy] 17
Translation in stychometry (red ink in small capitals)

1
The chastisements of the book of BalaFam, the son of BeFor,
the man who sees the Gods.
As for him, the gods came <to him> at night,
[And] he beheld a vision 2like an utterance of El.
And they said to Ba[ la{a]m, the son of Be{or:
He will do the annihilation(/decrease) of his posterity
the man who will have to s[e]e what you have heard!
3
And Balaxam arose on the morrow.
Behold the e[vent of ] the revelations.
He summoned the h[eads of the] assembly [un]to him
and for [that (?)] day[ he fas]ted,
and he wept 4bitterly.
And his people went up to him
and [they] sai[d] to Bala{am, the son of Be{or:
Why do you fast,
and why do you weep?
And he 5said to them:
Be seated.
I will show you what the Shadday (gods) have p[lanned,]
and go, see the acts of the gods!
The go[d]s have banded together,
6
and the Shadday (gods) have held a council,
and they have said to Sha[mas]h:
Sew up, close up the heavens with a cloud,
so that it brings/will be there darkness and not bri-7ghtness,
obscurity and no[t] radiance!
so that you give dread [with a clo]ud of darkness,

32 mile puech
and do not plot(/remove?) for ever!

For the swift revi-8led the eagle,
and the cry/nest of vultures answered it,
the st[ork (reviled ) ]the young of the falcon,
and the owl (answered to) the chicks of the heron,
the swallow frightened 9the pigeon,
and the sparrow [all (that is?) in the s]ky.
And the rod [ flayed the ca]ttle,
where a staff should tend ewes,
hares ate 10altogether,
the beast of[ the fields] looked[ for fee]d (?),
[and ]ass(es) and hyenas drank [bloo]d/[wate]r (?).
Hear the admonition, clients(/adversaries?) of the Sha-11dday (gods)
and ]surround[the sag]es/[divine]rs[ and wait (?).]
A sage/diviner (?) will mock the sages/diviners.
And an oracle had prepared myrrh,
and a priestess 12got tired additi[onally ]/rubbed herself (?) additi[onally],
[and a priest/the sage] has [anointed ]himself [with ]olive [oi]l,
to bear the offering of the horn.
One augurer had augured,
and another one had au-13[ gured,]
he broke away from [his] colleagues.
[And] crowds departed [confident in the diviner (?)]
and they heard incantations from afar.
14
[For the di]viner spo[ke a mockery/laughing (?),]
the do[or of ] their [terri ]to[ry (?)] became open to disease,
and all beheld (acts of ) distress.
Shagar-and-Ashtar did not 15[look at the incantations (?),
to ]listen to the voice[of the diviner
and to him] she[ did not spo]ke/[com]mand (?).
The [mou]th of the leopard devoured the piglet,
[the lioness (?)] drove out the young of 16[the flock (?),
and the re]fuges of ho[liness/Qe[dem (?) -,
- - -.
The diviner offered (?)] double libations,
but the eye- 17[s of Shagar-and- Ashtar did not look at (?)
. . . . . . .
Notes on the text

Line 1: It is certain that all the small fragments with red ink must belong
to these two half lines. Thus I place at the beginning and in this sequence
fragments iii f,b,h,a,e and d, but h, a and d connect somewhat with
1c, which begins with line 2 of the column and with some remains of
red ink. In this way, the first half red line is fully readable and gives
the title of the text: The chastisements of the book of Bala{am . . ., to
be compared to Jer 17:13: . . . yk wbtky rab yrwsy (my chastisements

against the land are written, for . . .).19 This title could limit the column
to being only an excerpt of the whole book of Balaam. In the lacuna
at the end, i insert fragments ivc and xvc for the last half line in black
ink; the sentence seems to begin with ah, which can be interpreted
as the anaphoric personal pronoun or casus pendens followed by a waw
apodosis, or less probably as an interjection behold and a wayyiqtol.
Line 2: I insert here first frag. xvd in black ink, and then iiic, xva
and xvb in the second red half, xvb has preserved some black ink of
line 1. The reading of la amk is certain, excluding here any form of
an Aramaic status emphaticus as some scholars have asserted. The red
sentence is difficult to read but after l[py the word alk seems certain:
most part of the dowstroke and of the head of kaf is visible on the color
pictures.20 The word alk in a status constructus can means decrease or
destruction/annihilation of depending on the root considered. The
sequence alk l[py has parallels in the prophetic oracles where God
or the prophet uses almost always hlk along the synonym h[: Isa
10:23; Jer 4:27; 5:10, 18; 10:2425; 30:11 = 46:28; Ezek 11:13; 20:17,
Nah 1:8, 9, Soph 1:18; Neh 9:31. This same root is used also in Num
25:11 ytylk alw. Among the many proposals for this end of line, the
sequence ]rl a harja and t[m[ is certain, and the restoration [a]rl
t[m[]hm[]t with the small red fragments which can belong only here,
seems most probable, and to be understood as an infinitive similar to
t[dl in combination ii and meaning of his posterity the one who will
have to see what you have heard. This sentence in red ink is a concise
statement of the utterance from the gods, an explicit announcement of
the chastisements in the title of the book. Note that Jer 30:11 = 46:28
(and 10:2425) use the root rsy and hlk h[ in the same sentence,
like here in the two red ink phrases. Thus the biblical parallels give
the preference to the root hlk.
19
A beginning with an Aramaic word (znh) (M. Weippert, The Balaam Text from
Deir {Alla and the Study of the Old Testament, in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The
Balaam Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated, 151184, esp. 153, 165), or by an indentation
(A. Lemaire, Linscription de Balaam trouve Deir {Alla: pigraphie, in: J. Amitai
[ed.], Biblical Archaeology Today: Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeology,
Jerusalem, April 1984, Jerusalem 1985, 313325, esp. 317), are totally excluded. Van der
Kooij, Book and Script, 247, does not accept the join of fragment IIIa to Ic to read
b rps, but this could be debated as the head of a qof instead of a waw, see line 4: hqla
> hwla.
20
See Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, Plate 1, or Ibrahim &
Van der Kooij, Picking up the Threads, cover page, certainly excluding bet.

34 mile puech
Line 3: The reading tlgn [hr]q h (better than tll[q]) tries to make
the best of the remains of ink with fragment vif in order to understand
the sentence; a/hrq means first encounter, chance, accident, occasion,
event and is a homophone to tale, story. Then the fragments viiid,
xiic below ia and ib allow us to read the proposals given here. The
pi el of verb mzy means to summon, invite and hwl[a ]lhq[ ya]r is
a logical guess given the remains in the line, followed by [xy y]mylw,
a dual due to the distance to be restored, or better [x]y h[z ]ylw if
the insertion of fragment vg is possible and accepted,21 and the end is
in agreement with the next line.
Line 4: The translation of l[yw is more conjectural: if one prefers to stay
in a West-Semitic dialect, the meaning is to ascend, if one chooses the
Aramaic background it is possible to understand to enter, as Levine
did recently.22 But since hl[ is normally constructed with la, and
ll[ with -l, it is better to stay with a West-Semitic dialect. The read-
ing hwla is secured, instead of hqla of the editors. To ascend to the
diviner is quite acceptable as the movement of the heads of the people
who want to meet him at the high place or bamah.23 Such a reading
gives priority to a Canaanism opposed to an Aramaism. Then the
fragments vif, viiid and xiic allow us to read perfectly the line, hm[
being a collective parallel to lhq yar, and alluded to by the plurals
kwja wb hl, line 5.
Line 5: With fragments vif and xiic, the reading of the line is certain,
even the restoration of wb]j. The difficulty is the meaning of yd, a
dual or better a gentilic for a theophoric hypostatic name, the ones
of the mountains? In Job 5:17 and Deut 32:17, d is parallel to yhla
la -, with the meaning of Mighty or demons. And the council of
gods is well known on the mountains, see for instance Isa 14:13 rh
d[wm. Then compare hla tl[p war wklw with Ps 66:5: [pm warw ykl
da ynb l[ hlyl[ arwn yhla twl- and 46:9: ra hwhy twl[pm wzj wkl
rab twm , which all announce destructions.
21
A reading of a demonstrative (w/hzyl) is equally possible for the space. But an
already proposed reading lka l]kylw is much too long for the space.
22
Levine, Numbers 2136, 248.
23
Franken, Balaam at Deir {Alla, 1935, interprets this area of level IX as a sanctu-
ary or a high place: the remains of a Baal height. Is it not striking that Bala{am in Num
22:41 and 23:3; 23:14 and 23:28 is always on a bamah or a high place to look for omens
or the revelations of YHWH? And the people ascend to the bamt.

Line 6: Compare Ps 82:1: fpy yhla brqb la td[b bxn yhla. The
debated and crucial point here is the reading of the divinity at the junc-
tion of the two parts, ic and id. The distance is known and the remains
of ink are said to be those of a stroke to the right which I take to be
the left stroke of a , not of a j; thus the reading [m]l seems quite
possible,24 instead of r[g]l generally accepted, and rg is associated
with rt[, line 14, as fertility divinities (see line 14). As the following
verbs yrks yrpt are feminine imperatives, m has to be feminine.
If this divinity is masculine in Phoenician, Aramaic, Akkadian, and
generally in Hebrewbut it can also be feminine, she is feminine in
Ugaritic (p) and at el-Amarna. If accepted, this can be an important
clue for the linguistic background of the composition. The verb yrpt
is best taken as imperative of rpt to sew rather than an imperfect
of rrp to break and yrks as an imperative of rks rather than the
substantive the bolts of . Another difficulty is in the reading ykb[b
without a word divider: is it to be understood as a single word with
an Aramaic feminine suffix with your cloud, or as two words with
a cloud, so that? The same difficulty is found with ykrms, line 7. The
scribe is usually consistent in the use of word dividers, but sometimes
he puts two (line 5) and sometimes none (end of line 2 and in line 1 it
is impossible to be sure), thus apparently this criterion is not absolute.
And since there is no clear Aramaic linguistic characteristic in this
text, this dubious suffix can be analysed in a different way, and taken
as a conjunction.25 Thus Shamash has certainly something to do with
brightness and darkness, and the verb wrma can also have the meaning
of an order. Finally, can be a perfect with b[ as subject as well
as the adverb there.
Line 7: The second hemistich rms law f[ which also expresses opposites
is not easy to explain: I have taken f[ as the metathesis of fm[ with
the meaning obscurity, darkness parallel to j above, an explanation
accepted by some scholars, and relating rms to Arabic smr which refers
to the brightness of the moon or the bristling of stars, and thus can be
a good parallel to hgn, a metaphoric use of rms for the rays of the sun/
24
A. Caquot & A. Lemaire, Les textes aramens de Deir {Alla, Syria 54 (1977) 189
208, were the first to propose this reading.
25
J. Hoftijzer, What did the gods say? Remarks on the first combination of the
Deir {Alla-Plaster Texts, in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam Text from Deir Alla
Re-Evaluated, 12142, esp. 1215, still maintains his first Aramaic reading and interpre-
tation of these lines.

36 mile puech
Shamash, i.e. her radiance.26 Then to the left of ic fragment ivi joins
perfectly for the reading jb[[b]ttjybhtyk so that you give dread
[with a clo]ud of darkness. Compare the parallel -b (-)tytj tn in Ez
26:17; 32:23, 24, 25, 26, 32. The meaning of l[ d[ yght law can
be and do not plot for ever (from hgh I moan, utter, muse, see Ps
2:12), or and do not be angry for ever (from ggh murmur, muse, see
Akkadian agagu), or and do not remove (it) for ever (from hgh II).27
Line 8: Because of a break, it is possible to read mjr qw the nest of
vultures as well as mjr lqw the cry of vultures, in one case the cry of
the swift would be opposed to that of the vultures as the swift is opposed
to the eagle, otherwise the nest would correspond to the young of the
falcon or the chicks of the heron. In the verb hn[y, the -h could also
be analysed as a suffix: will answer it, for the interplay of rj and
hn[, see Ps 119:42. At the break the reading xnynb[hds]j seems to be
accepted instead of jn, as well as hdx further.28 Then the meaning of
trn is not clear, unless we look at an Arabic root na ara to disperse,
scatter which seems to me acceptable here.29
Line 9: The restoration of the small lacuna could be someting like
ym[b [ ]rpxw or m[b lk ]rpxw. At the main break, I would suggest
inserting fragment ixk without a direct join and to restore [b lj(y)]w
hfm rq using the same sequence as in ii 37: ]lkayw ljl rqb as an
26
See . Puech, Le texte ammonite de Deir {Alla: Les admonitions de Balaam
(premire partie), La vie de la Parole: De lAncien au Nouveau Testament. tudes dexgse et
dhermneutique bibliques offertes Pierre Grelot professeur lInstitut Catholique de Paris, Paris
1987, 1330, at 22 and note 39.
27
This meaning fits also the context, but it misses a suffix. See P.K. McCarter, The
Balaam Texts from Deir {Alla: The First Combination, Bulletin of the American Schools of
Oriental Research 239 (1980) 4960, esp. 51, 54; J.A. Hackett, The Balaam Text from Deir
Alla, Chico 1984, 29, 46. A hif l yght of the root hgn would fit perfectly do not shine,
if one could accept an archaic form based on the Ugaritic tgy paradigma, but it is dif-
ficult to accept a metathesis or a scribal error, as is proposed by B. Margalit Ugaritic
tr. r . and DAPT (I 14) gr. wtr, in: N. Wyatt, W.G.E. Watson & J.B. Lloyd (eds),
Ugarit, Religion and Culture: Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Ugarit, Religion and
Culture Edinburgh, July 1994. Essays Presented in Honour of Professor John C.L. Gibson, Mnster
1996, 179203, esp. 192.
28
Van der Kooij, Book and Script, 260, categorically excludes this reading, but the
pictures are less clear than he says. The copy I have does not support it. On the contrary
it favors xn and the name of a bird, but Van der Kooij accepts the reading hdxw, 258
and 260.
29
The word trn should be a verb perfect 3rd person feminine with rrd as subject,
not a substantive as Levine (Numbers 2136, 246 and 252) translating and cluster of
eagles, but there is no conjunction here.

inclusio, thus ensuring in my opinion the disposition of all the fragments

in a single column.
Line 10: With this line the conjectures begin. I propose inserting first
fragment vii and in the lacuna fragment ivf but without any direct join,
only for a possible context, and to restore: hd] tyj [jl w]pj djy
[bqw rmj wyt [(?)ymw. If a new sentence begins with w[m, then [bqw
must belong to the previous one as a coordinate subject with rmj which
cannot mean silt or wine (Aramaism); consequently the object of
wyt should be read in [-, for instance [mdw, and bloo]d or [ymw and
wate]r but [yw and win]e is excluded for the space, compare Num
23:24 where rf lkay and d hty are used for wild animals. Thus the
restored sentence would be parallel to the preserved one. For rswm w[m,
see Prov 1:8; 4:1; 8:33; 19:20, 27; Job 20:3.
Line 11: I propose inserting fragments va, vc and vd in these follow-
ing lines,30 plus ive between vd and id, all without any direct joins,
unless one accepts to read the end of the long stroke of pe in vc 1 =
line 10 and the end of the long stroke of nun in vd 3 = line 12. Such a
reconstruction did not allow us to restore here rt[w rg] as do most
of the authors. The meaning of y]d yrg is difficult to appreciate: in a
negative way as the Akkadian ger adversaries of (from grh), or in a
positive one the clients of as in Phoenician (from gwr)31 which seems
better to me in the context. Then the restoration is more conjectural.
I suggest as a possibility: jqy mkjl kj w[ljyw] m[kjl. The word
jqy can be explained as the imperfect of jql with a 2nd person
singular suffix which would be unique here, or better as the imperfect
of jq, a dialectal orthography of the root k to mock. Then follow
two female practitioners, the hyn[ corresponds to the Akkadian apiltu,
and then the hnhk, each one busy with her specific practice, maybe
libanomancy with the preparation of myrrh, but this is not so explicit
for the priestess: she was not at rest or rubbing herself.32
30
See also the suggestion of the edition, Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts,
149, 256257.
31
For instance the Temple Tariff of Kition A 16 and B 10, H. Donner & W. Rllig,
Kanaanische und aramische Inschriften, II, Wiesbaden 1966, 54.
32
Franken, Balaam at Deir {Alla, 1989, describes a terra-cotta figurine which has
a tambourine indicating her involvement in some festival and she has a drop of men-
struation blood. She represented probably a vestal virgin, permanently or temporar-
ily dedicated to a goddess as priestess (198).

38 mile puech
Line 12: The position of the fragment vc not far from the right margin
plus fragment va suggests restoring [d][ besides, still, more, likewise
before the imperfect rgptt[ like[wise] get exhausted ( ithpa el, pi el =
to be exhausted), or like[wise] rubbed herself (as a denominative
of rgp) but a negative meaning here is not expected. Seeing that the
sequence rq rza anl[ jm]ta tyz()[ seems self evident, I restore
before it for the space: . . . [mb kj/hkw The Ugaritic cognate uzr
means offering or a liquid of aphrodisiac type.33 For such offering the
use of a horn rq (1 Sam 16:1, 13; 1 Kgs 1:39) or of a vessel in the
shape of a horn, a rhyton, is well known. The quadruple sequence of
bj can be grouped two by two with the unique waw as a verb and a
substantive, better than a sequence of four.
Line 13: To the left of vc 4 ]m must be restored; I propose inserting
here the fragment vk to read hw]rbj m qtnta. The ithpa el of qtn
means to separate oneself, to be detached. Indeed after the sequence
of several augurers, it is not impossible to expect that one of them does
not agree with the others, and that crowds follow the one they trust
in. This is the way I understand the next sentence: ]jfb wklh xbj[w
[kjb. For the meaning of xbjcrowds, I accept the proposition of
the editor from the Syriac.34 The verb w[m is better understood here
as a perfect form, rather than the imperative. The word rj can mean
incantations or the experts in incantations, a sort of magician, see
Isa 3:23: jl wbnw yrj kjw [wyw . . . qzw sqw.
Line 14: In the right part of the line the reading rm]ak[j (fragment
vc 5), which seems quite probable, was followed by a substantive or some-
thing else, but I insert here fragment Vf 1]wjq[ as mockery or laugh-
ing.34a Then on fragment vd 4, ]d yljl jtp[, the verb can be in a qal or
nif al form. For a possible restoration of this sentence as [nfb tl]d,
see Job 3:10: ynfb ytld rgs al yk. But it is also possible to insert here
fragment vb 1 ](?)[.]b[ (see line 15). In this case, a reading ][l]b[j
is possible with the meaning territory, part, region or pain, pang (or
33
See H. Cazelles, Uzr ugaritique et zr phnico-punique travers des travaux
rcents, Atti del I congresso di studi fenici e punici, Roma, 1971, Rome 1983, 6735.
34
See J. Hoftijzer, Interpretation and Grammar, in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij,
Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, 171321, esp. 2578. The proposal of Levine, Numbers
2136, 2534, and the striking force departed seems to me less probable, because it
does not take into account the following word ]jfb and the small lacuna.
34a
My drawing of Vf (figure 1) has to be corrected, the upper part of Vf1 had to
be put a little more to left (see the stroke of kaf ) in order to read and draw qoph (not an
erroneous lamed ).

]t[l]b[ flowing stream but this meaning is less probable here). The
next sentence qq wzj lkw and all beheld (acts of ) distress which implies
that the magical practices were unsuccessful, explains somewhat the
preceding one. They seem in agreement with the second red half line in
the beginning which announced the destruction of the posterity or the
decrease of the fertility among the living. The mention of the goddess(es)
rt[w rg, as deity/ies of the full moon and of the morning star whose
functional activities are the increase of cattle and the fecundity of the
flocks,35 followed by a negative particle, suggests that she/they did not
pay attention to the cultic practices or offerings to her/them, and that
she/they was/were insensible to the prayers in order to increase the
fertility of the flocks or/and of the human beings.
Line 15: Only the last third of the line is preserved. I suggest reading
xynj rmn [p lka/rf,36 following the curses of the Aramaic treaties of
Sefire I a 3031 which use lka and hrmn p in its list, or rf with the
Hebrew Bible. If the fragment vb 2 is inserted here, it will be possible to
read xynj rmn [p ]lka tq/r[, the [mou]th (Aramaism?) of the leopard
devoured the piglet. The first broken word may be a form of tq[rqh as
the verb near the end of this line. This verb is a perfect form 3rd person
feminine with a feminine subject in the next line, for instance aybl or
tabl (like on the arrows heads) lioness as a parallel, see also Num
23:24: rf lkay d[ ayblk. The insertion of fragment vf in the right
part allows us to propose a restoration of the main part of the line: tzj]
][kj ]lqb [m[l (?)rjb, and to complete the short space, I will pro-
pose as a conjecture tr[malhlw, see line 2: the gods speak or com-
mand to the seer.
Line 16: As a proposal to understand the ink remains on fragment vf 3
]qyz[[,37 I suggest tentatively /d]q yz[[mw ta/aybl rqb y]. At Deir
{Alla there was a central sanctuary and in the list of Shishak I, Penuel
is quoted with Qedesh: Adam, Sukkot, Qedesh, Penuel, Maanayim;
another possibility could be a mention of Qedem aforetime or (Ben]
Qedem on the east, and Jeroboam I once fortified Penuel as a refuge
35
See K. van der Toorn, Sheger, in: K. van der Toorn, B. Becking, P. van der
Horst (eds), Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible [rev. edn.], Leiden 1999, 7602.
36
Van der Kooij, Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, 118, wrote that mem is excluded, but
this is not so clear, because there are remains of the word divider and of the head of the
mem on its right. This cannot be read as lamed.
37
There is no Aramaic relative pronoun yz here, as it is suggested by the editors,
Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, 259 and 15; the group V was found together with Ic, posi-
tion: to the left of or below Ic (149).

40 mile puech
place (1 Kgs 12:25). A reading rza m would means double offerings

and could be restored something like rza m [ hk/kj an(w), see line
12 for a first ritual service, which seems repeated and doubled after the
failure and inefficiency of the first attempt, as lines 1415 try to make
explicit. The last preserved word ny[w[ can with difficulty be singular and
the eye, a plural y]ny[w and the nomen rectum should be restored because
there is no word divider at the end of the line, for instance hla, yd
or rt[w rg which is pretty well attested. The sentence would appar-
ently say that again this time the libations did not work successfully as
expected, the gods or the goddess did not pay attention to them and
something else must be done to assure the wellbeing of the people.
Bala am at Deir Alla
These lines give us the first part of an excerpt of the book of a diviner
or seer of the gods, whose name Bala{am son of Be{or is already well
famous in the biblical traditions and later on. The Aramaic filiation
term rb could only suggest that Bala{am is not at home there and that
he is of Eastern origin, an Aramean from birth,38 as it is also known
from Num 22:5; 23:7; Deut 23:5, where he is presented as a prophet
or seer of Aram from Petorah on the river, or from the east (Qedem).39
Although this simple word rb, which is part of the name (without a
word divider), indicates his ethnic background or origin, nothing about
the language of the text can be learned from it. The editor, J. Hofti-
jzer, understood the inscription throughout as an Aramaic composi-
tion because of many Aramaic elements in the vocabulary, phonetic
and syntax. But he added an Aramaic language hitherto unknown,
because the demarcation between Aramaic and Canaanite isoglosses
38
This point is disputed by scholars who think that this occurrence does not make
this text Aramaic nor Bala{am an Aramean. The name Kilamuwa bar Hayya does
not render a Phoenician inscription from Samxal an Aramaic text and Kilamuwa an
Aramean, either. See Levine, Numbers 2136, 247. But there is perhaps a little more
here in the Deir {Alla text.
39
Much has been written on this subject. J.C. Greenfield, Philological Observations
on the Deir {Alla Inscription, in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam Text from Deir
Alla Re-Evaluated, 109120 at 119, doubts if Petorah is a geographic direction, as it is
usually interpreted, and not an occupational designation from which we would learn
that he was also an interpreter of dreams, engaged in oneiromancy, a widespread prac-
tice in the ancient world. See also M. Delcor, Le texte de Deir {Alla et les oracles bi-
bliques de Balaxam, Vetus Testamentum 32 (1981) 5273, esp. 645.

does not correspond completely with what is known about these two
linguistic areas.40
The scholarly debate had focused a lot on this point and shown that
the Aramaic features are not so evident in this text, but there is still no
agreement. What is clear, at least in this first group, is the following:
There is no status emphaticus in a- as it was thought in the reading

aylmk line 2, no relative yz except in the short inscription a[r yz of
this level, and the proposed feminine. suffix yk- (lines 67) could be
understood as well as a conjunction.
In addition, the following are used: a nif al wbxn (l. 6), the waw con-
secutive (e.g., wtayw, zjyw), the qal infinitive ending with t- and not with
the preformative -m which is already well known at Tell Fekheryieh.
Almost all of the supposed Aramaisms are easily disposed of, like (1)
the plural ending - as in Moabite and some Hebrew examples; (2) the
plural suffix hw- to be compared to the h- in Moabite; (3) the plural
ending wy- for the perfect of some verbs (wyt) is known in Hebrew;
(4) the t- as 3rd person feminine singular perfect (tqrqh), usual in
Ugaritic and rare in Hebrew; (5) the preformative a- in the l[pta
forms, which is used in Ugaritic also, could be here an innovation,
but the Canaanisms in the morphology are not refutable.41
Truly there is the egregious phonetic problem of primitive ad as
qof here rather than ade in Canaanite, [bq line 10 and jqy line
11, but this peculiar orthography of a phoneme, which is anyway
problematic in all Semitic languages, cannot determine the Aramaic
status of the language.42
Concerning the vocabulary, only dj in combination ii 10 and [p

(but this is a restored form, I 15) would be innovations that this text
shares with Aramaic, rb indicating as stated above the ethnic origin
of Bala{am. The verbs hta, hzj, hwj, hqj, rj, rpt also are known in
Hebrew, hzj and hta in Ugaritic. In this text m is a goddess, not a
god as he is always in Aramaic.
It is the point to underline here the numerous parallels between Deir
{Alla and Biblical Hebrew, compare:
40
Hoftijzer, Interpretation and Grammar, 3002.
41
See Greenfield, Philological Observations, 10912.
42
See Greenfield, Philological Observations, 1124.

42 mile puech
r[b rb [lbl wrmayw . . . hlylb hla hwla wtayw (ll. 12) and Num
22:20: wl rmayw hlyl [lb la yhla abyw, Num 22:9: yhla abyw
rmayw [lb la;
la amk hzjm zjyw (ll. 12) and Num 24:4, 16: hzjy yd hzjm, and
Isa 1:1: hzj ra . . . wzj, Isa 13:1: hzj ra lbb am, and Hab 1:1:
hzj ra amh which combine both;
l[py hk (l. 2) could be compared to h[y hk which both refer to
divine action;
alk l[py . . . rps yrsy (ll. 12) and Jer 46:28 (cf. Jer 30:11) h[a yk
ytrsyw hlk h[a alw . . . hlk, and Jer 4:27 hmm hwhy rma hk yk
h[a al hlkw rah lk hyht;
rjm m [lb qyw (l. 3) and Num 22:13: rqbb [lb qyw;
tlgn hrq h (l. 3) could find some parallels in the use of hrq in
Num 23:34, 16: rqyw . . . l ytdghw ynary hm rbdw ytarql hwhy hrqy
wyla rmayw [lb la yhla, and of hlg in Num 22:31: ta hwhy lgyw
aryw [lb yny[, and 24:4, 16: yny[ ywlgw lpn;
hwla hm[ l[yw . . . lhq[ya]r mzy (ll. 34), see Jdg 8:14: taw twks yr
hynqz, and 1 Sam 10:17: [h ta lawm q[xyw;
hkbt lw xt l r[b rb [lbl wrmayw . . . hkby hkbw [xy (ll. 34)
and 1 Sam 1:78: hml hnj hya hnqla hl rmayw lkat alw hkbtw
ylkat al hmlw ykbt;
wbj yd hm kwja wb hl rmayw (l. 5) and 1 Sam 15:16: hdygaw rh
hlylh yla hwhy rbd ra ta l, Gen 49:1: kl hdygaw wpsah. The
verb hwj is found three times in similar constructions in Job 15:17:
hrpsaw ytyzj hzw yl [m wja, and Job 32:10; 36:2.
hla tl[p war wklw (l. 5) and Ps 46:9: hwhy twl[pm wzj wkl and Ps
66:5: arwn yhla twl[pm warw wkl to relate divine deeds,
d[wm yd wbxnw wdjyta hla (ll. 56) with a nifal, and Ps 82:1: yhla
fpy yhla brqb la td[b bxn (cf. 1 Kgs 22:19). The word d[wm as
divine assembly is known in Ugaritic, Canaanite and Hebrew but
so far not in Aramaic. The deities la, hla - yd (ll. 12, 56) can
find a similar religious context in the book of Job with la and yd,
and in Numbers 2324 with yhla, hwhy and yd;
hgn law j (ll. 67), although could be analysed as an adverb
here, the use of j y/ty is well known in Biblical Hebrew,
Isa 5:20: jl rwaw rwal j ym, Ps 104:20: hlyl yhyw j tt,
and it would make the verb preferable here; the pair j-hgn is very
common (Isa 9:1; 50:10, Am 5:20, 2 Sam 22:29 = Ps 18:29), and
the next pair must function in the same way although with unique
words;

ttj ybht (l. 7) and Ez 32:2425: wntn ra or yyj rab tytj tn yk,
see Gen 9:2; 35:5;
rswm w[m (l. 10) is a combination well attested in the sapiential
books, in Proverbs particularly,
rj w[m (l. 13), see Isa 3:3: yrj kjw.
rab (l. 9), lexeme of a form non-Aramaic, but frequent in
Hebrew
Despite all these comparisons with Biblical Hebrew, the language of Deir
{Alla which is not Aramaic,43 is clearly not Hebrew,44 nor a product of
one or more members of the Israelite community of a Transjordanian
tribe.45 It is a local dialect close to the Canaanite of its time, as many
morphological, syntactic, phonological and lexical features show; this
dialect can be called Gileadite or Ammonite, giving a territorial mean-
ing to it, as the palaeography of the copy also supports.46
43
Despite all these kind of observations, D. Pardee, The Linguistic Classification
of the Deir {Alla Text Written on Plaster, in: Hoftijzer & Van der Kooij, The Balaam
Text from Deir Alla Re-Evaluated, 100105, concludes that an ascription to the Aramaic
group is unavoidable . . . that the isoglosses favoring an Aramaic affiliation outnumber
those favoring a Canaanite affiliation and that their prioritized value is significantly
greater . . . The language of the Deir {Alla plaster inscription is typologically a very
archaic form of Aramaic, the archaism probably being due to regional isolation. This
can be hightly doubted and can work better in the opposite direction in favor of a
Canaanite affiliation. Weippert, The Balaam Text from Deir {Alla, 15964, is still con-
vinced of the Aramaic character of the text, specially from the points of orthography and
morphology compared to syntax and lexicography which are nearer to Canaanite: a
peripheral language which is not yet Aramaic but is about to become Aramaic (163).
44
Contrary to the opinion of J.W. Wesselius, Thoughts about Balaam: The
Historical Background of the Deir Alla Inscription on Plaster, Bibliotheca Orientalis 44
(1987) 58999, who thinks that the text is in Hebrew.
45
As Levine, Numbers 2136, 26475, who tries to propose on demographic grounds
(Israelite occupation in that period), on the basis of linguistic criteria (mostly the syntax)
for a Northwest-Semitic language of a regional character (because of its limited Aramaic
characteristics), on the literary character of the text (the Biblical poem of Bala{am), add-
ing that even the content with a pagan spirit cannot be an objection. Weippert, The
Balaam Text from Deir {Alla, 17980, arrives at the conclusion of a (Proto-)Aramaic
language, and not Hebrew, used by indigenous in a territory claimed by the Bible as
Israelite territory.
46
See Puech, Approches palographiques, 22138. Many typical peculiarities of
the Ammonite scribal school are present there that cannot come from an Aramaic tra-
dition, but they are already known in the Ammonite territory. I cannot accept the con-
clusions of J. Naveh, The Date of the Deir {Alla Inscription in Aramaic Script, Israel
Exploration Journal 17 (1967) 2568, because the writing cannot be situated in the devel-
opment of the Aramaic cursive; nor for example that of A. Lemaire, Les inscriptions
sur pltre, 469, who classifies this text as Aramaic, the original of the copy being even

44 mile puech
The Biblical authors certainly considered Bala{am as an Aramean, but

this is of no significance for the classification of this text, since it was first
to be read and understood by some local people (sages, seers, diviners)
in the local sanctuary,47 not a school,48 and secondly, nothing proves that
the copy on the wall is the original composition, or a copy contempo-
raneous with the seer Bala{am. The absence of any form of article, be
it Aramaic or Northwest-Semitic, would by itself argue against such a
conclusion in the 8th century bc, and would suppose a much earlier date
for its composition, certainly in the second millennium.49 That means
Proto-Aramaic. His criticism against my proposal did not distinguish the territory of the
Ammonites occupied by local people from the occupying powers between the 10th, 9th
and 8th century who have nothing to do with such a text. Van der Kooij, Book and
Script, 24955, accepts now the existence of a national script in Amman, which devel-
oped in close contact with Aramaic writing. Such Aramaic influences are expected.
47
Franken, Balaam at Deir {Alla, 1937, interprets the room where the inscription
stood, as a cave for a seer and his night visions seeing the divine assembly. The room
was entered through a hole from above like a grotto as two other adjacent rooms on the
south without a normal door, only by a small elevated entrance. The grotto is a place
of mystery, and where the mysteries of the gods of the underworld are revealed. Thus
it is the seat of the oracle (194). It was the place of revelation where the seer saw
the meetings of the gods . . . The seer gave oracles, had dreams, interpreted dreams and
was a healer. But the place of the oracle was indicated and fixed by divine revelation
(Gen 18:1617). Where the oracle is, is the sanctuary, and when the sanctuary has such
inaccessible rooms as is the case here, they share in the holiness of the place and the
building takes the nature of a maze or labyrinth . . . In the light of what was said above
about the meaning of the Semitic sanctuary and its symbolism and in the light of the
meaning of the plaster texts, no matter variant readings and interpretations are given,
the archaeological evidence suggests a large religious building with many rooms (195).
As far as any connection can be postulated between Balaam, his sanctuary, and Baal,
we are dealing with a Near Eastern Iron Age religion with all the characteristic general
features of a religion concerned with the mystery that life comes out of death (197). The
area could well have been the living quarters of the priests (194) in which were found
several antlers of fallow deer which are usually used in apotropaic rites, a terra-cotta of
a stag. Finally the weaving rooms have parallels in the Jerusalem temple, 2 Kgs 23:7.
48
Contrary to Lemaire, Les inscriptions sur pltre, 535, who proposed to under-
stand this room as a school with benches, un lieu denseignement: the teacher wrote
on the wall to teach these texts. This is impossible as many will agree, firstly because it
was not the way to teach in the ancient world, and secondly the room has no window
or door for any sufficient light for such a purpose. The primary function of the writing
is not educational but magical, according to Franken, Balaam at Deir {Alla, 190. This
is at least partly true and its religious purpose is certain.
49
The earliest example of the article in the Northwest-Semitic is found on a arrow-
head dated circa eleven hundred or even the end of 12th century bc, see . Puech, Les
pointes de flches inscrites de la fin du iie millnaire en Phnicie et Canaan, in: M.a E.
Aubet & M. Barthlemy (eds), Actas del IV congreso internacional de estudios Fenicios y Pnicos,
Cdiz, 2 al 6 de Octubre de 1995, Cdiz 2000, 25169 at 254: no. 18 rpsh lx da j
Arrow of Adon (son of ) illi, the scribe, and a little later on one dated in the 11th
century no. 26 rxh fp a lby b [dm j Arrow of emida{ son of Yibal, man

that only parts of an excerpt of the book of Bala{am have been recov-
ered there. And it is quite possible that the biblical tradition knew
something else or other parts of such a book,50 or that both adopted
and adapted the ways of this famous diviner to their own narratives.
Further, both traditions have in common the presentation of this
figure as a ozeh, a seer like the ro eh in 1 Sam 9:9 which is said to be
the previous denomination of a nab a prophet, a witness of divine
visions and auditions.
After a night vision of the gods in the sanctuary the seer awoke, fasted
and wept, thus performing a prophetic gesture in order to deliver to
the people the decision of the world of the gods: an impending doom.
The message is an utterance of El, the chief of the Canaanite pantheon
after a meeting of the heavenly council. Gods and Shadday (gods) or
Demons(?) altogether have decided and said (or ordered) to Shamash
to bring dread by a cloud which shall shut up the heavens. Shamash is
asked to stop ploting or not to remove (it) forever. That means that
she shall not lighten anymore. The cries of different species of birds,
from the smallest ones frightening the biggest, the birds of night those
of day, the birds of prey the others,51 the natural order had changed
and it is the same situation with the animals, ewes and cattle, hares
and hyenas,52 domesticated and wild animals; all are looking and fight-
ing for food and drink, grass, grain or meat and water (or blood,
l. 10?), but they did not find, because Shamash apparently had been too
powerful, and had brought dearth by a severe drought in the country.53
of aphat, the Tyrian. Later on the accusative particle appears also in Phoenician, see
. Puech, Note sur la particule accusativale en Phnicien, Semitica 32 (1982) 515. In
Aramaic the status emphaticus and the relative yz are well known in the third quarter of
the 9th century bc on the Tell Fekheriyeh statue, see A. Abou Assaf, P. Bordreuil &
A. R. Millard, La statue de Tell Fekherye et son inscription bilingue assyro-aramenne, Paris 1982.
An inscribed sherd from {Ein Gev could also be dated in the middle of the 9th century
bc: ayql (B. Mazar, A. Biran, M. Dothan & I. Dunayevsky, {Ein Gev, Israel Exploration
Journal 14 [1964] 149, esp. 27) and another from Tel Dan: ay[j]bf (N. Avigad, An
Inscribed Bowl from Dan, Palestine Exploration Quarterly 100 [1968] 424).
50
The word rps book could refer to oral traditions attributed to the famous seer,
like the Pentateuch or Torah is attributed to Moses, a famous Hebrew lawgiver.
51
Lev 11:1319 and Deut 14:1220 give lists of birds as prohibited food, among
them are found rn, jr, n, and hdsj parallels to the Deir {Alla list.
52
Hyena break bones for marrow, eat carcasses of wild and domesticated ani-
mals, . . ., kill or injure larger animals, particularly the young of domestic stock, . . . They
may cause damage to crops and flocks around villages where they live, Encylopedia
Iranica 12 (2004) 6003.
53
Hoftijzer, What Did the gods Say?, 137, would agree with this proposal that the
gods seek to restrain the goddess from punishing, but he understands Sha[gar l. 6. Yet

46 mile puech
This situation was probably understood as a punishment because of

the sinfulness of the people.
Shamash as the messenger of El seems to be opposed to other gods
or Shaddays, and first to Shagar-and-{Ashtar. She is asked to act in the
opposite way, to hide herself forever in order to restore order through
the last decision of the council of gods, but nothing is said here about
a sudden rain or deluge.54 Only darkness is clearly meant bringing
dread and death, as it is the case with Shapash in Ugaritic myths. This
can be compared to biblical predictions of disaster, see especially Ez
32:38 mentioning birds, beasts and dense darkness, and Zeph 1:1417;
see also Deut 11:17 and 1 Kgs 8:35 where God shut up the heavens,
so that there be no rain and the land yield no fruit and you perish
quickly. The seer Bala{am asks people to listen to the admonition and
to look for a sage or diviner, but the people heard only from afar and
went confidently because all sorts of cultic practises have supposedly
been properly done. But disease entered the region and apparently
Shagar-and-Ashtar, the fecundity deity, did not answer favourably to
the magicians diversions. It was like before, leopards devoured piglets,
and so on. Then comes a second series of cultic pratices, double liba-
tions, but apparently without much success in changing the decision
of the gods. Shagar-and-{Ashtar did not answer. One can only expect
that more cultic exercises and interventions of the diviners took place
in order to counter these calamitous acts of some gods against their
people and that finally Bala{am succeeded in gaining the benediction of
El or of the gods, when these were satisfied.55 Then the natural course
of life is supposed to work again in order. This seems to be the main
conclusion reached at the end of combination ii 37, but this will be
the subject of another paper.
In short, the first part of the Deir {Alla text is an excerpt of the book
of a seer, Bala{am from an Aramaic origin, but whose mantic influence
it is not certain that these lists of birds serve as auguries portending calamity (138) or
for ornitomancy. The calamity is already there even if the animal symbols receive a
metaphoric signification of the changes of the established social order and in the service
of the gods.
54
Weippert, The Balaam Text from Deir {Alla, 171, who read the text in Aramaic
you may break the bolts of heaven . . ., interprets these phenomena as signs of chaos,
heavy rain and floods, see Am 5:1820.
55
In the biblical Bala{am pericope, Bala{am offered sacrifices on seven altars in three
different places, but could only say what God Yhwh told him in the visions: benedic-
tions instead of curses.

reached as far as Deir {AllaPenuel in Gile{ad, a well-known sacred

place where an eponym whose name was changed into la-ry, met,
fought and saw El face to face (Gen 32:2332). And the divine power
the gods gave to Bala{am was transmitted by his magic book and was
still in use in a writing adapted to the local dialect by the servants of
the sanctuary or sacred place in the first part of the 8th century as an
effective means for the religious needs of and divine favours destined for
the local population. The same seems to be the case for the Israelites
with the Bala{am story in the book of Numbers.

BALAAM, MOPSUS AND MELAMPOUS:
TALES OF TRAVELLING SEERS
Jan N. Bremmer
Introduction
One of the attractive sides of the study of ancient languages and cul-
tures is the continual discovery of new material. These discoveries not
only regularly increase our knowledge, but they also make us, sometimes,
see that received wisdom is in need of correction. For example, it was
long believed that the Greek novelist Achilles Tatius dated from the
fourth or the sixth century ad until, in 1938, a fragment of his text
turned up on a papyrus of the second century.1 Aeschylus drama Sup-
pliants used to be dated to before the battle of Marathon (490 bc) until
a papyrus was published in 1952 that showed its first performance to
have been together with a piece by Sophocles; consequently it cannot
have been a very early one, as was previously thought.2 The name of
Mezentius, king of Etruscan Caere and fierce opponent of Aeneas, was
not attested in Etruria until it was discovered on a seventh-century pot
from Caere in 1989.3 The recent publication of the Aramaic inscrip-
tion of Tel Dan with its mention of byt dwd, the city (or house) of
David has demonstrated that David is not a completely fictive person,
as quite a few Old Testament scholars would have us believe.4 And the
discovery of the Deir Alla inscription with the name of Balaam has
1
J.N. Bremmer, Achilles Tatius and Heliodorus in Christian East Syria, in:
H. Vanstiphout (ed.), All those nations . . . Cultural Encounters within and with the Near East,
Groningen 1999, 219 at 23f.
2
Oxyrhynchus Papyri 20.2256.4, Aeschylus T 70 and F 451n with Radt ad loc., cf.
A. Lesky, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur, Berne/Munich 19632, 2712, which still
shows something of the impact of the discovery.
3
N. Horsfall on Virgil, Aeneid 7.648; M. Fazio, Uno, nessuno e centomila Mesenzio,
Athenaeum 39 (2005) 5169; L. Kronenberg, Mezentius the Epicurean, Transactions of
the American Philological Association 135 (2005) 40331.
4
The basis for all future research now is G. Athas, The Tel Dan Inscription: A Reappraisal
and a New Interpretation, Sheffield 2003. See most recently V. Sasson, The Tell Dan
Aramaic Inscription: The Problems of a New Minimized Reading, Journal of Semitic
Studies 50 (2005) 2334. Cf. note 48 below.

50 jan n. bremmer
at least shown that his mention in the Old Testament is not a later
invention, but probably goes back to a historical seer.5
1. The professional seer in the Ancient Near East

and Mediterranean
As far as I can see, most scholars have focussed on the meaning of the
fragments inscription and the geographical implications of this fascinat-
ing discovery at Deir Alla. Yet there seems to have been little interest
in seeing whether the inscription could enrich our understanding of
the sociological and religious aspects of the professional seer in the
Ancient Near East and Mediterranean. In my contribution I would
therefore like to pay attention to some of these aspects by comparing
Balaam to two famous Greek seers, Mopsus and Melampous, even
though our knowledge of Balaam is much sketchier than that of the
two Greek seers.
(a) Differences
Let us start with some differences. Melampous was the ancestor of
Greeces most famous family of seers, the Melampodidae. The men-
tion of a family already illustrates one of the differences between Greek
seers and the Israelite prophets. Whereas the latter were organised on
the master-pupil principle, as is illustrated by Elija giving his coat to
Elisha, the former handed the profession down from father to son. This
must have been an old tradition in Greece, as it is already attested in
Hesiod (F 136 MW) and in the Odyssey, where the seer Theoclymenus
is said to be the great-grandson of Melampous (15.22556).6
Another difference can be inferred from the Semitic and Greek terms
for the seer. In the first line of the Deir Alla inscription Balaam is said
to have seen the gods. The more or less contemporary Aramaic inscrip-
tion of Zakkur, the king of Hamath, says that the god Baal-Shamem
spoke to him through haziyin (line 12),7 and the Israelite prophets were
5
For the discovery and the text see J. Hoftijzer & G. van der Kooij (eds), The Balaam
Text from Deir Alla Re-evaluated, Leiden 1991; several contributions in this volume.
6
On the family organisation of Greek seers see R. Janko on Iliad XIII.66370; W.
Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution, Cambridge, Mass. 1992, 436. Hesiods fragment:
M. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, Oxford 1985, 79f.
7
See the text and discussion by A. Lemaire, Oracles, politique et littrature dans
les royaumes aramens et transjordaniens (IXeVIIIe s. av. n..), in: J.-G. Heintz (ed.),
Oracles et prophties dans lantiquit, Paris 1997, 17193 at 1725.

balaam, mopsus and melampous 51
called hozeh, visionaries;8 in fact, visions are the mode of inspiration

for the Israelite prophet.9 The Greek seer, on the other hand, is called
mantis, which used to be etymologically connected to mania, madness.
However, more recently it has been seen that this cannot be correct,
and a connection with a root *ma, to reveal, has been proposed,10 but
this is not wholly persuasive either.11 The alternative connection with a
root *men, to think remains possible, the more so as the early Greeks
considered insight a highly important quality of their seers, witness
Hesiods remark (F 203 MW) that insight (nous) was the defining quality
of the descendants of Amythaon, the father of Melampous. Through
this insight they could predict the future or treat their patients symp-
toms with a specific technique.
(b) Resemblances
In addition to these differences, there were also resemblances. One of
these is the geographical mobility of both Israelite and Greek seers. It
is an interesting aspect of the Balaam story that he is sent for by the
Moabite king Balak from his town on the Mid-Euphrates (Num 22:5).
Such an invitation is probably not unique, since there are several other
indications that kings of the Ancient Near East invited foreign crafts-
men and professionals to their courts.12 Thus Niqmadda II of Ugarit
sent a message, probably to Amenophis IV, requesting a doctor, and
the fame of Egyptian doctors was indeed such that they were sent to
Hattusa.13 Even Cyrus, according to Herodotus (3.1), had still requested
8
2 Samuel 24:11; 2 Kings 17:13; 2 Chronicles 9:25, 12:15, 19:12, 35:15 and 18,
etc., cf. R.R. Wilson, Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel, Philadelphia 1980, 2546.
9
Isa 1:1; Jer 14:14, 23:16; Ezek 12:24, 13:16; Hab 2:23; Obad 1; Nah 1:1.
10
M. Casevitz, Mantis: le vrai sens, Revue des tudes Grecques 105 (1992) 118.
11
See the counter arguments by E. Lvy, Devins et oracles chez Hrodote, in:
Heintz, Oracles et prophties, 34565 at 34950, and J. Jouanna, Oracles et devins chez
Sophocle, ibidem, 283320 at 284n2.
12
C. Zaccagnini, Patterns of Mobility among Near Eastern Craftsmen, Journal of
Near Eastern Studies 42 (1983) 24564; W. Helck, Die Beziehungen gyptens und Vorderasiens
zur gis bis ins 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr., Darmstadt 19952, 18588; C. Grottanelli, Kings
and Prophets, Oxford 1999, 12745 (19821, not always persuasive); I. Huber, Von
Affenwrtern, Schlangenbeschwrern und Palastmanagern: gypter im Mesopotamien
des ernsten vorchristlichen Jahrtausends, in: R. Rollinger & B. Truschnegg (eds),
Altertum und Mittelmeerraum: Die antike Welt diesseits und jenseits der Levante, Stuttgart 2006,
30329.
13
Ugarit: J.A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln, 2 vols, Leipzig 1915, vol. 1, 49.22;
French translation in W.L. Moran, Les Lettres dl Amarna, Paris 1987, 219. Hattusa:
E. Edel, gyptische rzte und gyptische Medizin am hethitischen Knigshof: neue Funde von
Keilschriftbriefen Ramses II. aus Bogazky, Opladen 1976.

52 jan n. bremmer
an ophthalmologist from Amasis, and other Persian kings employed

Greek physicians.14 The Hittite kings sent letters to the king of Babylon
in order to get hold of conjurers,15 and a king of Alasia on Cyprus
requested a (team [?] of male) eagle-diviners from Egypt, although
such specialists are not attested there;16 perhaps he was used to the big
role of eagles, the birds of Zeus,17 in early Greek ornithomancy.18
Our final example once again comes from the Old Testament. When
we look at the succession of Ben-Hadad by Hazael, whose name now
has turned up in inscriptions in Heras sanctuary on Samos and in
Apollos in Eretria,19 we cannot but notice that the prophet Elisha was
in Damascus at the right time. Our information is poor, but it is hard
to escape the impression that he had been sent for by either the king
or one of his grandees (2 Kings 8). The notice is perhaps a legendary
anecdote, as so many stories about the prophets, but once again must
have sounded true to the Israelites.
2. Mopsus
We have some very interesting cases of such travelling seers in early

Greece, namely Mopsus and Melampous, the latter of whom was also
reported to converse with animals, just like Balaam and the ass. In the
case of Mopsus, our evidence has been enriched in the last decades by
several new finds and I will start with him. Unfortunately, the tradition
14
Cf. A. Griffith, Democedes of Croton: A Greek Doctor at the Court of Darius,
in: H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg & A. Kuhrt (eds), Achaemenid History II. The Greek Sources,
Leiden 1987, 3751; C. Tuplin, Doctoring the Persians: Ctesias of Cnidus, Physician
and Historian, Klio 86 (2004) 30547.
15
Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazki I 10 Rs. 4248; Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazki 3.71.
16
Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln I, no. 35.26 (eagle), cf. Moran, Les Lettres dl
Amarna, 203 (thinks of a vulture diviner); L. Hellbing, Alasia Problems, Gteborg 1979,
2937, to be read with the remarks by P. Arzti, Bibliotheca Orientalis 41 (1984) 212,
whose translation I follow.
17
J.M. Hemelrijk, Zeus Eagle, Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 76 (2001) 11531.
18
Iliad VIII.247, XII.2009, XXIV.31011; Pindar, Isthmian Odes 6.50; Aeschylus,
Agamemnon 10459; Xenophon, Anabasis 6.1.23; Posidippus 31 AB (eagles as omen for
the Argead kings).
19
H. Kyrieleis & W. Rllig, Ein altorientalischer Pferdeschmuck aus dem Heraion
von Samos, Athenische Mitteilungen 103 (1988) 3775; I. Eph al and J. Naveh, Hazaels
Booty Inscriptions, Israel Exploration Journal 39 (1989) 192200; Burkert, Orientalizing
Revolution, 16.

about Mopsus is most confusing.20 Yet, as always, a firm grasp of the

chronology can be of help. Mopsus must have been one of the more
prominent early Argonauts, as he regularly appears on representations
of the funeral games of Pelias, the king who had initiated the expedi-
tion of Jason and his Argonauts: on the famous late seventh-century
Chest of Kypselos, on an early sixth-century Argive shield-band from
Olympia and on a later sixth-century hydria from Etruscan Vulci.21 As
on two of these representations Mopsus is shown boxing, the name of
his father Ampyx probably derived from a popular etymology connected
with the root *pug, fist, boxing.22 Consequently, the Mopsus, son of
Ampyx, who is mentioned in an enumeration of Lapiths in the sixth-
century pseudo-Hesiodic Aspis (181), must have been the invention of
a poet at a loss for names.23 Yet the name proved to be successful and
in Roman times it was told that Mopsus father Ampyx had been a
seer as well, one more example of a family of seers.24
Mopsus Argonautic status is confirmed by Pindar. In his Fourth
Pythian Ode (18991; c. 460 bc) on the expedition of the Argonauts he
mentions that the seer Mopsus, carrying out for him ( Jason) divina-
tion by means of birds and holy lots, readily embarked the expedition,
when the Greeks had assembled at Iolcus. And indeed, a more recently
published small papyrus fragment from an archaic poem mentions
Orpheus, Mopsus, Jason and Aietes in an Argonautic context.25
20
Ph. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera
During the Hellenistic Period, Leiden 1961, 4450; D. Metzler, Der Seher Mopsos auf den
Mnzen der Stadt Mallos, Kernos 3 (1990) 235-50 (too speculative); J. Vanschoonwinkel,
Mopsos: lgendes et ralit, Hethitica 10 (1990) 185211; E. Simon, Lexicon Iconographicum
Mythologiae Classicae (LIMC) VI.1 (1992) s.v. Mopsos I; Burkert, Orientalizing Revolution,
523; T.S. Scheer, Mythische Vorvter, Munich 1993, 153271.
21
Pausanias 5.17.10, cf. A. Snodgrass, Pausanias and the Chest of Kypselos, in:
S. Alcock et al. (eds), Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece, Oxford 2001, 12741
at 128; R. Wachter, Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, Oxford 2001, 1801 (Vulci), 298
(Olympia).
22
Wachter, Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, 298n1078. Did he give his name to
Thessalian Mopsion? For this obscure town and its debated location see Strabo 9.5.22;
Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum (SEG) XLVII.668, XLVIII.660, XLIX.619, but see
also B. Helly and J. Decourt, Bulletin pigraphique 2000, no. 413.
23
Contra Scheer, Mythische Vorvter, 157.
24
Ovid, Metamorphoses 12.524; Hyginus, Fabulae 128.
25
Oxyrhynchus Papyri 53.3698; note also Apollonius Rhodius 1.656, 80, 1083, 2.923,
3.543, 9167, 4.15023 (death); Statius, Thebais 3.521; Valerius Flaccus 1.207, 234,
etc.; Silius Italicus 3.521.

54 jan n. bremmer
It may seem strange to us that a seer was a good boxer, but we must
not forget that early Greek seers were also redoubtable warriors. Homer
mentions the Trojan seer Helenus, the son of the Trojan king Priam, on
the battlefield, and an Olympian shield-band shows the seer Amphiaraus
with full military equipment. The latter is even explicitly called by Pindar
(Olympian Odes 6.167): good both as a seer and at fighting with the
spear, but because of the treachery of his wife, who sold her husband
for a necklace, Amphiaraus did not survive the expedition of the Seven
against Thebes.26 In fact, death on the battlefield was not uncommon,
and several seers were killed in action. When at Thermopylae in 480
bc the Spartan army, with its king Leonidas, was massacred by the
Persians, the seer Megistias was among the dead Spartans. During the
Athenian invasion of Egypt in the middle of the fifth century, the seer
Telenikos perished, and we can still read his name in big letters on
the inscription honouring the fallen. The death of Stilbides, the chief
military seer of Nicias during the Athenian invasion of Sicily, shortly
before the eclipse of 27 August 413, proved to be fatal, because Nicias
was now forced to rely on other seers, whose advice led him to doom
the mission through delay. In a list of citizens of Argos who were killed
on campaign c.400 bc, the mantis is mentioned immediately after the
king ( probasileus).27 And finally, the epitaph of the maternal uncle of
the orator Aeschines celebrates him as both warrior and mantis.28 The
latter activity is stressed by the motif of the eagle carrying a snake on
his relief, which alludes to the well-known omen in Iliad XII, which in
turn was used several times by Aristophanes.29
26
Helenus: Iliad XIII.576600, cf. T. Ganschow, LIMC VIII.1, Suppl. (1997) s.v.;
J.N. Bremmer, Helenos, in: Der Neue Pauly 5 (1998) 282. Amphiaraus: I. Krauskopf,
LIMC I.1 (1981) s.v. For the spelling of his name see now Wachter, Non-Attic Greek Vase
Inscriptions, 76f.
27
Megistias: Herodotus 7.228 = Simonides VI Page. Telenikos: Inscriptiones Graecae
(IG) I3 1147.129. Stilbides: A. Sommerstein and D. Olson on Aristophanes, Peace, 1031.
Argos: SEG 29.361. On military seers see the full survey by W.K. Pritchett, The Greek
State at War, vol. 3, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London 1979, 4790; R. Lonis, Guerre et
religion en Grce lpoque classique, Paris 1979, 95115; M.H. Jameson, Sacrifice before
battle, in: V.D. Hanson (ed.), Hoplites: The Classical Greek Battle Experience, London 1991,
197227 at 204f.
28
P. Hansen, Carmina epigraphica Graeca saeculi IV a. Chr. n., Berlin/New York 1989,
no. 519; Aeschines 2.78, cf. R. Parker, Polytheism and Society at Athens, Oxford 2005,
117n5.
29
Iliad XII.2009; Aristophanes, Knights 197210, Wasps 159, cf. M. Schmidt, Adler
und Schlange: Ein griechisches Bildzeichen fr die Dimension der Zukunft, Boreas 6
(1983) 6171; Y. Turnheim, The Eagle and the Snake on Synagogue Lintels in the
Golan, Rivista di Archeologia 24 (2000) 10613.

Military seers are, it seems, no longer attested in Athens in the later

fourth century, but they continued to be important in Macedonia,
where Philip II and his son Alexander the Great still fully employed
seers for military aims. Both kings especially consulted Aristandros, a
seer from Telmessos. This Carian city, of which the ruins are still visible
in the south-east of present-day Turkey, was famous for its seers, and
it is typical in the motif of the wandering of seers that some of them
evidently journeyed to far-away Macedonia. The employment of seers
by Alexander is now also attested by the new Posidippus. One of his
epigrams reads as follows:
A mantis lies beneath the crow, the Thracian hero
Strymon, supreme steward of bird-omens.
This is the title Alexander gave him with his seal, for three times he
defeated
the Persians after consulting his crow.30
Aristandros, though, was the last prominent wandering seer. Alexanders
successors no longer needed such advisors.31 In the light of these paral-
lels, it should not be surprising that Balaam died on the battlefield too,
this time in the service of the Midianite kings (Num 31:8). Even if the
notice is a later invention, it must have sounded true to the Israelite
reader. In any case, although it is not stated explicitly, the tradition about
the prophet Samuels involvement in the wars against the Philistines
also suggests that he participated in the fighting (1 Samuel 7).
Naturally, Mopsus expertise in bird augury conforms more to our
idea of a seer. This technique was indeed highly important to the
Greeks. The prototypical Greek seer Calchas was by far the best of the
ornithomancers, who knows the present, the future and the past, and
who guided the ships of the Greeks to Troy through the mantic skill
that Phoebus Apollo had given him (Iliad I.6972). The already men-
tioned Helenus was also by far the best of the ornithomancers (VI.76),
and Teiresias, perhaps the most famous seer of Greece, could even
30
Posidippus 35 AB, cf. S. Schrder, berlegungen zu zwei Epigrammen des neuen
Mailnder Papyrus, Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 139 (2002) 279.
31
Aristandros: P. Kett, Prosopographie der historischen griechischen Manteis bis auf die Zeit
Alexanders des Grossen, Diss. Nuremberg 1966, 259. Telmessos: Kett, ibidem, 99101;
D. Harvey, Herodotus I, 78 and 84: Which Telmessos?, Kernos 4 (1991) 24558; add
now the Telmessian seer Damon in Posidippus 34 AB, who may be another example
of a travelling seer.

56 jan n. bremmer
understand the language of the birds.32 In fact, in the Iliad bird omens
always come true.33
It is therefore somewhat surprising to hear that, in addition to
ornithomancy,34 Mopsus was also an expert in cleromancy.35 The most
likely explanation is perhaps Mopsus connection with the oracle of
Klaros, the Greek word for lot, near Colophon. A sixth-century poem,
the pseudo-Hesiodic Melampodia, relates that Mopsus had met and
defeated Calchas in a riddle contest at Klaros.36 The tradition must
be relatively early, as the summary (Argumentum) of the ancient Nostoi
also connects Calchas with Colophon.37 However, Sophocles opted for
a different location and moved the scene to Cilicia in his tragedy The
Demand for Helens Return (F 180, 180a Radt). This had become accepted
knowledge in the fourth century, as Alexanders historian Callisthenes
writes that Calchas died in Klaros, but the men with Mopsus passed
over the Taurus. Some remained in Pamphylia, but the others were
dispersed in Cilicia and Syria as far as even Phoenicia.38 It is not crystal
clear what this means. Did Callisthenes want to explain the presence of
Greeks in southeast Anatolia or the presence of Mopsus or both? All
three possibilities seem plausible. In any case, it is clear that Mopsus
32
Pherecydes in F. Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker (FGrH) 3 F 92a = F 92a
Fowler; note also Sophocles. Antigone 9991004; Pausanias 9.16.1; A. Ambhl, Kinder
und junge Helden: Innovative Aspekte des Umgangs mit der literarischen Tradition bei Kallimachos,
Leuven 2005, 110.
33
Janko on Iliad XIII.8213. For Greek bird augury see A. Bouch-Leclercq, Histoire
de la divination, vol. 1, Paris 1879, 12745; W. Halliday, Greek divination, London 1913,
24671.
34
Note also Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica 1.66.
35
For the technique see Bouch-Leclercq, Histoire de la divination, vol. 1, 1907;
Halliday, Greek divination, 20518; A.S. Pease on Cicero, De divinatione I.12; most recently,
C. Grottanelli, Sorte unica pro casibus pluribus enotata: Literary Texts and Lot Inscriptions
as Sources for Ancient Kleromancy, in: S.I. Johnston & P. Struck (eds), Mantik: Studies
in Ancient Divination, Leiden 2005, 12946. For Christian applications see most recently
P.W. van der Horst, Japhet in the Tents of Shem, Leuven 2002, 15989 (Sortes: Sacred
Books as Instant Oracles in Late Antiquity, 19981); W. Klingshirn, Defining the Sortes
Sanctorum: Gibbon, Du Cange, and Early Christian Lot Divination, Journal of Early
Christian Studies 10 (2002) 77130 and Christian Divination in Late Roman Gaul: the
Sortes Sangallenses, in: Johnston & Struck, Mantik, 99128.
36
Hesiod, F 278 MW; Pherecydes FGrH F 142 = F 142 Fowler; Euphorion, frags.
978 Powell, cf. 429 SH. For Mopsus and Colophon note also Dictys 1.17; Dares 18.
37
See also Hesiod F 278 MW; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 142 = F 142 Fowler; Lycophron
4245 and Tzetses on 42730; Callisthenes apud Strabo 14.4.3 (see Radts critical
apparatus); Conon FGrH 26 F 1, 6; Apollodorus, Epitome 6.2; Scholion on Dionysios
Periegetes 850.
38
Callisthenes apud Strabo 14.4.3.

was associated with Pamphylia too, since the region was also called
Mopsopia and he was connected with several of its cities.39
It is rather curious that Mopsus was also noted to have killed another
seer, Amphilochos. Both Mopsus and Amphilochos came with their
men from Troy and founded Mallos, a Cilician town well known for its
oracle.40 The two seers fought and killed one another in a fight about
the kingship. They were buried at Magarsa near the river Pyramus.
However, this tradition becomes visible only in the earlier second-
century poem Alexandra of Lycophron and must postdate the conquests
of Alexander the Great.41 As in the sixth century bc Amphilochos was
already reputed to have been killed by Apollo in Cilicia, the co-existence
of two famous seers in the same region may well have created the myth
of their rivalry.42 The idea of two seers as leaders of a military expedi-
tion perhaps looks odd, but the custom of having two commanders is
very old and may well explain the Spartan dyarchy.43 Sometimes, we
even find seers among the two leaders: Poulydamas was a seer and a
comrade in arms of Hector, with whom he commanded the young
warriors (Iliad XII.196), and among the Trojan allies Chromis and the
ornithomancer Ennomos (II.858) commanded the Mysians, who may
well be the Muki of the Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions, even though
both names are Greek.44
Now Mopsus is not a figure with clear family ties to other Greek
mythological figures. His mother Manto is not mentioned before the
third-century Philostephanos (apud Athenaeus 7.297), and his father
Apollo does not appear before Strabo.45 In other words, it very much
39
Theopompus FGrH 115 F 103; Pliny, Naturalis historia 5.96; I. Perge 106; Pomponius
Mela 1.14.79; Athenaeus 7.297f; Scholion on Dionysios Periegetes 850; Journal of Hellenic
Studies 78 (1958) 57 (inscription with Mopsus name in Sillyon).
40
Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft (RE) XIV.9167;
Scheer, Mythische Vorvter, 22241.
41
Lycophron 43946; Strabo 14.5.16; Cicero, De divinatione I.88; Apollodorus,
Epitome 6.19.
42
Hesiod F 279 MW, cf. Scheer, Mythische Vorvter, 170.
43
Cf. H.W. Singor, Oorsprong en betekenis van de hoplietenfalanx in het archaische Griekenland,
Diss. Leiden 1988, 138140; add J.N. Bremmer, Oorsprong, functie en verval van de
pentekonter, Utrechtse Historische Cahiers 11.1/2 (1990) 111 at 5; R. Caprini, Hengist
e Horsa, uomini e cavalli, Maia 46 (1994) 197214. The phenomenon has been over-
looked by J. Latacz, Homers Ilias, Gesamtkommentar, vol. 2.2, Munich 2003, 228, in an
otherwise useful enumeration of pairs of commanders.
44
For Chromis see now also Klner Papyri VI.245 and P. Weiss, LIMC III.1 (1986)
s.v. Chromios. Muki and names: Latacz on Iliad II.858.
45
Strabo 14.5.16; Apollodorus, Epitome 6.3; Conon FGrH 24 F 1, 6; Pomponius
Mela 1.88; Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 1.21.134.4.

58 jan n. bremmer
seems that Mopsus was an outsider in Greek mythology. Yet in Cilicia

we find several place names that seem to be associated with him, such
as Mopsuestia and Mopsokrene, names that clearly betray their Greek
origin and therefore most likely postdate Alexander the Great.46 So
where do we look for the origin of Mopsus?
A whole new stage in the study of Mopsus was reached in Karatepe
in 1946, when an eighth-century Hieroglyphic Luwian-Phoenician
bilingual inscription turned up in which the local kingdom of Que was
called bt mp, house of Mopsus.47 This may be compared to the already
mentioned discovery of the expression byt dwd in the Tel Dan inscrip-
tion.48 The Phoenician text of a very recently published new example
of such bilinguals even states that the king himself, the well attested,
late eighth-century Urikki, was an offspring of the house of Mopsus,
whereas the Luwian version calls him a descendant of [Muk]sas.49
It seems to me that this difference in spelling has not yet received the
attention it deserves. The Luwian spelling Muksas is confirmed by the
fact that the late fifteenth-century Hittite Maduwattas text of Boghazky
mentions a certain Mukshus, until now the first and only occurrence
of that name in Hittite texts.50 However, a reflection of this name can
be noticed in Linear B texts where we find the name Mo-qo-so twice,
in mainland Pylos (PY Sa 774) and in Cretan Knossos (KN De 1381).
Unfortunately, we do not know whether the name derives from slavery,
guest friendship or other circumstances. Evidently, the name had a long
life, as the fifth-century Lydian historian Xanthos mentions an early
Lydian king Moxus, even though this has become Mopsus in part of
46
W. Ruge, RE XVI.1 (1933) 24151; Scheer, Mythische Vorvter, 24153; contra
J. Strubbe, Grnder kleinasiatischer Stdte: Fiktion und Realitt, Ancient Society 1517
(198486) 253304 at 2746.
47
See now J.D. Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions I.13, Berlin/New
York 2000, A I.16, II.5, III.1.
48
A. Lemaire, The Tel Dan Stela as a Piece of Royal Historiography, Journal for the
study of the Old Testament 81 (1998) 314 and Maison de David, maison de Mopsos,
et les Hivvites, in: C. Cohen et al. (eds), Sefer Moshe: The Moshe Weinfeld Jubilee Volume,
Winona Lake 2004, 30312. Cf. note 4 above.
49
R. Tekoglu & A. Lemaire, La bilingue royale louvito-phnicienne de ineky,
Comptes rendus de lAcadmie. des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 2000, 9611007; E. Lipiski,
Itineraria Phoenicia, Leuven 2004, 1223; G. Lanfranchi, The Luwian-Phoenician
Bilingual of ineky and the Annexation of Cilicia to the Assyrian Empire, in:
R. Rollinger (ed.), Von Sumer bis Homer: Festschrift M. Schretter, Mnster 2005, 48196.
50
See now J.D. Hawkins, Muksas, in: Reallexikon der Assyriologie 8 (199397) 413.

the manuscript tradition.51 Moreover, in recent discussions it has been

overlooked that the name Moxus must have been rather popular in
Lydia, as it occurs no less than four times among forty names in a later
fourth-century bc Ephesian inscription about the condemnation to death
of inhabitants of Sardis.52 There even was a rather obscure Lydian city,
Moxoupolis, which also attests to the continuity of the name, and it is
not impossible that the name of the Phrygian tribe of the Moxonaoi
or Moxeanoi also goes back, eventually, to the name Moxus.53
From the onomastic evidence we can conclude that the Hittites and
Luwians wrote Moxus and that this spelling was also taken over by
the peoples adjacent to the former Hittite empire, such as the Lydians
and the Mycenaean Greeks. The conclusion must therefore be that
the Greeks derived the spelling Mopsus from the Phoenicians.54 The
place where this most likely happened was Cilicia, the only region
where we actually find the name and spelling Mopsus in the already
mentioned bilinguals.55 However, the derivation may have been indirect.
Opposite Cilicia was Cyprus, which had close ties with the mainland,56
and where we find a word mopsos, a stain on cloth.57 The Cypriots
related that the family of their former Paphian seers, the Tamiradae,
had come from Cilicia.58 It may fit this tradition that the south coast
of modern Turkey once was well known for its many divinatory
51
Xanthos FGrH 765 F 17, where Jacoby prints against the manuscript
reading , as Nicolaus Damascenus FGrH 90 F 16 has ; similarly Suda
1245.
52
I. Ephesos 2 = SEG 36.1011.24, 26, 28, 51.
53
Moxoupolis: V. Brard, Inscriptions dAsie Mineure, Bulletin de Correspondance
Hellnique 15 (1890) 53862 at 556 no. 38 (= Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae 2).
Moxonaoi: I. Ephesos 13 = SEG 37.884 II 35; C. Habicht, Journal of Roman Studies 65
(1975) 86.
54
M. Finkelberg, Greeks and Pre-Greeks, Cambridge 2005, 1502 argues the other
way round, but this takes insufficiently into account the isolated position of Mopsus
in Greek mythology.
55
H. Donner & W. Rllig, Kanaanische und aramische Inschriften, 3 vols, Wiesbaden
1966692, A I 16, II.15, III.11; C IV 12; A. Strobel, Der sptbronzezeitliche Seevlkersturm,
Berlin 1976, 3138; F. Bron, Recherches sur les inscriptions de Karatepe, Geneva/Paris 1979,
1726; W. Rllig, Appendix I The Phoenician Inscriptions, in: H. ambel, Corpus
of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions, vol. 2, Berlin/New York 1999, 5081.
56
For Cyprus and Cilician Corycus see J. Lightfoot, Parthenius of Nicaea, Oxford
1999, 18385.
57
Hesychius, s.v. . .
58
Tacitus, Historiae 2.3.1; Hesychius, s.v. .

60 jan n. bremmer
centres.59 Apparently, there originated in the seventh or sixth century bc

a tradition about a powerful Cilician seer to whom the Greeks gave the
Phoenician influenced name Mopsus, even though Luwian speakers
must have called him Moxus.
Walter Burkert has recently devoted an article, stimulating as always,
to the two most important routes of transmission of Near Eastern
religious and mythological material: the via fenicia and the via
anatolica.60 The latter must have been the route of the later Royal
Road of the Persians that went from Sardis to Susa,61 and through
which the name Moxus may have arrived in Sardis. The former must
have been responsible for the arrival in Greece of Phoenician mytho-
logical themes, motifs and names, such as Typhon, a name related to
Safon, the holy mountain in Northern Syria, to the north of Ugarit.62
Thus even though the prehistory of Mopsus cannot be recovered in
detail, we can be reasonably clear that his origin has to be sought in the
contacts between Phoenicians and Greeks in Cilicia or on Cyprus.
3. Melampous
Our second wandering Greek seer is Melampous or, less frequently,

Melampos.63 His myth developed in all directions,64 but I will limit
59
R. Lebrun, Quelques aspects de la divination en Anatolie du sud-ouest, Kernos 3
(1990) 18595.
60
W. Burkert, Kleine Schriften, vol. 2, Gttingen 2003, 25266.
61
D.H. French, Pre- and early-Roman roads of Asia Minor: The Persian Royal
Road, Iran 36 (1998) 1543.
62
See most recently C. Bonnet, Typhon et Baal Saphon, in: E. Lipiski (ed.), Studia
Phoenicia, vol. 5, Leuven 1987, 10143; J.W. van Henten, Typhon, in: Dictionary of Deities
and Demons in the Bible, Leiden 19992, 87981; P.W. Haider, Von Baal Zaphon zu Zeus
und Typhon: Zum Transfer mythischer Bilder aus dem vorderorientalischen Raum in
die archaisch-griechische Welt, in: Rollinger, Von Sumer bis Homer, 30337.
63
For the form Melampos see Pindar, Pythian Odes 4.126, Paeanes 4.28; Wachter, Non-
Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, 1089, who also compares the personal name Melampodoros
(-dora), cf. IG II2 6539; IG VII.278, 216, 223, 232; Bulletin de Correspondance Hellnique
18 (1894) 497 no. 4, all clearly influenced by Melampous sanctuary at Aigosthena,
for which see E. Simon, LIMC VI.1 (1992) 406f. Note also the name Melampos on
Paros (SEG 26.974).
64
See most recently I. Lffler, Die Melampodie, Meisenheim 1963; K. Dowden, Death
and the Maiden, London/New York 1989, 96115; E. Suarez de la Torre, Les pouvoirs
des devins et les rcits mythiques, Les tudes Classiques 60 (1992) 321; E. Simon, LIMC
VI.1 (1992) s.v.; Ph. Borgeaud, Melampous and Epimenides: Two Greek Paradigms
of the Treatment of Mistake, in: J. Assmann & G. Stroumsa (eds), Transformations of
the Inner Self in Ancient Religions, Leiden 1999, 287300.

myself here to its older strata. The Odyssey tells his story twice, but
the first time it refers to him only as the blameless seer (11.291).
Evidently, the story was already familiar to Homers audience and
thus presupposes a pre-Homeric epic version.65 From the two ver-
sions in the Odyssey, the fragmentarily preserved Hesiodic Catalogue
of Women (F 37), the pseudo-Hesiodic Melampodeia (F 2712) and the
fifth-century Athenian mythographer Pherecydes, we can reconstruct
the following plot of the myth.66 King Neleus of Pylos was willing to
give his daughter Pero in marriage only to that suitor who succeeded in
bringing Iphicles refractory cattle from Thessalian Phylace. The only
one to try was Melampous, who wanted the girl for his brother Bias.
Melampous had raised some snakes that had licked his ears so that he
could understand the language of birds and thus acquired the art of
divination.67 Unfortunately, he fell into the hands of Iphicles herds-
men and was put into chains. When in prison he heard woodworms
tell that the beams were nearly gnawed and requested a transfer to a
different cell.68 He was now recognized by his captors for the seer he
was, released and presented with the cattle. These in turn he gave to
Neleus, who then married Pero off to Bias.
According to the Odyssey (15.2389), having won his brother a wife,
Melampous left Pylos, his place of birth,69 for Argos, where he became
a ruler. The myth behind this lapidary statement is known from other
sources, even though these seem a bit confused. One of the problems,
surely, is that it has been demonstrated only very recently that a number
of source citations in later mythographical authors cannot be correct
and must be viewed with utmost scepticism.70 This is clearly also the
case in one of the sources concerning Melampous. According to the late
second-century ad Apollodorus (2.2.2), Hesiod (F 131 MW) explained
65
Thus A. Heubeck on Odyssey 11.2917.
66
Odyssey 11.2917, 15.22555; Hesiod F 37.19, 261, 27072 (?) ff. MW; Pherecydes
FGrH 3 F 33 = F 33 Fowler; Propertius 2.4.1.
67
The motif also explains the mantic gifts of Helenus and Cassandra, cf. Antikleides
FGrH 140 F 17; Arrianos FGrH 157 F 102 (rationalised); M. van Rossum-Steenbeek,
Greek Readers Digests? Studies on a Selection of Subliterary Papyri, Leiden 1997, no. 50;
Scholion and Eustathius on Iliad VII.44. Note that Melampous had learned the art
from the Egyptians according to Herodotus (2.49).
68
For Melampous knowledge of the language of animals see also Pherecydes FGrH
3 F 33 = F 33 Fowler; Pliny, Naturalis historia 10.137; Apollodorus 1.9.11; Scholion on
Theocritus 3.435; Eustathius on Odyssey 11.292.
69
Odyssey 15.2256; Herodotus 9.34; Apollodorus 1.9.11.
70
A. Cameron, Greek Mythography in the Roman World, New York 2004.

62 jan n. bremmer
the madness of the daughters of Proitos from their refusal to accept

the mysteries of Dionysos, whereas Acusilaus of Argos (FGrH 2 F 28 =
F 28 Fowler), who lived before the Persian Wars, had stated that they
mocked the wooden statue of Hera. However, from other sources it is
clear that Hesiod, too, mentioned Hera as the cause of the madness,
and moreover, the mysteries of Dionysos can hardly have existed already
in his time.71 So what did Melampous do in Argos?
The daughters of King Proitos of Tiryns had become mad and
wandered over the country, their skins covered with a kind of white
eczema. Melampous promised to heal the girls if he received a sub-
stantial reward. At first the king refused, but eventually he had to give
in. Melampous cured the girls, and both he and his brother received
part of Proitos territory and a daughter as wife.72 The myth is later
retold with Dionysos as the main god and all the women of Argos as
protagonists, but it still contains the reward of the kingship. The continu-
ing connection with Bias may well point to the old motif of the double
kingship (above). Even if Argos is the centre of Melampous activities,
tradition connected him also with many other places on the Pelopon-
nese, such as Elis, Sikyon, Asine,73 and Lousoi. Clearly, Melampous
was a really wandering seer.74 This is not the place to present a full
analysis of the Melampous myth. That would require another paper
at least. In the perspective of a comparative analysis of Greek and
Near Eastern prophets, however, two more aspects seem to me worth
commenting upon.
First, it is clear that Melampous is already a full-fledged mantis
before he is married. We are not told at what age he received Proitos
daughter as wife, but the age of adulthood in mythology is twenty.
71
A. Henrichs, Die Proitiden im hesiodischen Katalog, Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und
Epigraphik 15 (1974) 297301; D. Cairns, Myth and the Polis in Bacchylides Eleventh
Ode, Journal of Hellenic Studies 125 (2005) 3550. This makes the analysis of W. Burkert,
Homo necans, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London 1983, 1701 less persuasive in its combina-
tion of Dionysos and Hera.
72
Hesiod F 133 MW; Bacchylides 11.39110 with H. Maehler ad loc.; Pherecydes
FGrH 3 F 114 = F 114 Fowler; Alexis F 117 KA; Papyri Herculanenses 1609 VIII, cf.
Henrichs, Die Proitiden; Vitruvius 8.3.51.5; Strabo 8.3.19; Pausanias 2.25.9, 5.5.10;
Apollodorus 2.2.2; Stephanus of Byzantium, s.v. ; Scholion on Callimachus,
Hymns 3.236. Eustathius on Dionysius Periegetes 292, 1521; Hesychius 3345 Latte;
Finkelberg, Greeks and Pre-Greeks, 8084.
73
Bacchylides, frag. 4 Maehler, cf. S. Hornblower, Thucydides and Pindar, Oxford
2004, 124f.
74
M. Jost, La lgende de Mlampous en Argolide et dans le Ploponnse, Bulletin
de Correspondance Hellnique Suppl. 22 (1992) 17384.

That is when Jason turns up at King Pelias to ask for his heritage, that
is when Telemachus goes out to seek for his father Odysseus, and
that is when Oedipus sets out to Delphi to inquire about this parents;
twenty is also the age when the Cretan novices got married en masse.75
Perhaps we have to think of a difference in age between the nobility
and the smaller farmers, as Hesiod advises thirty as the proper age
to marry,76 but Melampous was clearly fairly young when he started
to perform as a seer. This was probably not chance, as youth is also
the characteristic of another great seer in Greece. In addition to the
Melampodidae, the seer family that claimed Melampous as its ancestor,
there was also another famous seer family in Greece, the Iamidai, the
custodians of Zeus prophetic altar at Olympia.77 Their first ancestor
Iamos had just attained adulthood when he was called in the middle
of the night (compare Samuel!) by his grandfather Poseidon and father
Apollo to go to Olympia .78 Last but not least, Teiresias surprised Ath-
ena in the nude while bathing in a fountain and was punished with
blindness. In compensation, the goddess made him a seer to be sung
of men hereafter, yea, more excellent far than any other. At this fateful
moment Teiresias was still a youth, as the down was just darkening
on his cheek.79
We may think that such an age is too young for a proper mantis;
certainly, if we think of a seer as venerable as Teiresias. Yet we cannot
fail to notice that also in the Old Testament Samuel is pretty young
when God calls him. His commission story starts with the words: Now
the boy Samuel was ministering to the LORD under Eli (1 Sam 3:1).
Subsequently he receives a vision, and the chapter is concluded with
the words As Samuel grew up, the LORD was with him and let none
of his words fall to the ground. And all Israel from Dan to Beer-sheba
knew that Samuel was a trustworthy prophet of the LORD. The Lord
continued to appear at Shiloh, for the LORD revealed himself to Samuel
75
Jason: Pindar, Pythian Odes 4. Oedipus: Schol. Odyssey 11.271. Collective marriage:
see the suggestive observations by L. Gernet, Anthropologie de la Grece antique, Paris 1968,
3945.
76
Hesiod, Opera 6967 with West ad loc.
77
Kett, Prosopographie der historischen griechischen Manteis, 8493.
78
Pindar, Olympian Odes 6.57ff., cf. L. Gernet, Polyvalence des images. Testi e frammenti
sulla leggenda greca, edn. A. Soldani, Pisa 2004, 54f.
79
Callimachus, Fifth Hymn 756 (beard), 1212 (seer), trans. A.W. Mair, Loeb. For
the episode see C. Calame, Potique des mythes dans la Grce antique, Paris 2000, 169205;
Ambhl, Kinder und junge Helden, 99160.

64 jan n. bremmer
at Shiloh by the word of the LORD (1 Sam 3:1921). It is clear that

Samuel was still pretty young when he was made a prophet.
The second aspect worth noticing is that in the myth of Melampous
the seer is able to acquire part of the territory and thus to become
king. We already encountered this connection with rulership in the
myth of Mopsus fight with Amphilochos (above). We may also note
the name Koiranos, Ruler, among the descendants of Melampous,80
who was also king of Argos,81 and it may be significant in this respect
that the verb seems to have been formed in analogy to
/.82 Finally, a connection with political life appears
in the function of Melampous sanctuary at Aigosthena as the local
archive.83 Kings as seers or vice versa may look strange to us, but they
are already well attested in the Iliad. The already mentioned Ennomos,
who commanded the Mysians together with Chromis (II.858), was an
ornithomancer, and king Merops of Percote did not see that his sons
were not to return home from the war, even though he beyond all men
knew predictions (II.831).84 Other examples of king-seers are Anios
of Delos (a son of Apollo), Mounichos (a king of the Molossians) and
Phineus, the blind Thracian king whose divinatory qualities incited the
Argonauts to shoot down the Harpies who daily defecated on his food.85
In short, king-seers are well attested in ancient Greece.
In this respect there is a significant difference with the Israelite
prophets. They also came close to the corridors of power, but they
did not rise above the level of kingmaker. This becomes clear from the
80
Iliad V.148 and Scholion ad loc., XIII.56670 with R. Janko ad loc.; Hesiod F 136
(?) MW; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 115 = F 115 Fowler; Sophocles F 391 Radt; Pausanias
1.43.5; Apollodorus 3.3.1. Koiranos etymology: A. Heubeck, Koiranos, korragos und
Verwandtes, Wrzburger Jahrbcher fr die Altertumswissenschaft NF 4 (1978) 918.
81
Hesiod F 136.3 MW; Pindar, Olympian Odes 13.75.
82
Lvy, Devins et oracles chez Hrodote, 354.
83
IG VII.2078.
84
For these Trojans see P. Wathelet, Dictionnaire des Troyens de lIliade, 2 vols, Lige
1988 s.v.; add for the sons of Merops, B. Hainsworth, The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 3,
Cambridge 1993, 262f.
85
Anios: LIMC I.1 (1981) 793f. (Ph. Bruneau); SEG 32.218.41, 80; A.D. Trendall, The
Daughters of Anios, in: E. Bhr & W. Martini (eds), Studien zu Mythologie und Vasenmalerei,
Mainz 1986, 165-8. Mounichos: Antoninus Liberalis 14; L. Paleocrassa, LIMC VI.1
(1992) s.v. Teneros: Pindar, frag. 51d and 52g.13 Maehler; Strabo 9.2.34; Pausanias
9.26.1; scholia on Pindar, Pythian Odes 11.5 and Lycophron 1211; I. Rutherford, Pindars
Paeans, Oxford 2001, 343f. Phineus: A. Kislinger, Phineus, Diss. Vienna, 1940; L. Kahil,
LIMC VIII.1 (1994) s.v. Phineus I. Note also Polybius 34.2.6 on Danaus and Atreus
as kings and seers.

involvement of Samuel with both Saul (1 Samuel 1011) and David

(1 Samuel 16), of Ahija with Jerobeam (1 Kings 11), and of both Eli-
jah and Elisha with both Jehu (1 Kings 19; 2 Kings 9) and Hazael
(1 Kings 19; 2 Kings 8), the already mentioned Syrian king. In none of
these cases does the Israelite prophet become a king himself. In fact,
the Israelites had deposed the prophet Samuel from his pre-eminent
position and replaced him with Saul as king (1 Samuel 811).
In the cases of Mopsus and Melampous, seers could still reach the
ultimate position of power, kingship, as they undoubtedly all came
from the aristocratic class, and the political situation in Greece had
not yet reached a certain equilibrium.86 It seems to me that this must
reflect the pre-Homeric situation. In the historical Archaic Age we still
hear of wandering seers, but no longer of seers reaching the highest
positions in society. We cannot be completely certain about the Cretan
Thaletas who went to Sparta to purify them from a plague.87 However,
the Cretan Epimenides went to Athens in the 590s bc to purify the
city from a plague or pollution,88 but he also visited Sparta where they
preserved an oracle scroll carrying his name.89 Abaris was an archaic
healer-seer who probably practised in the mid-sixth century bc, and
who forecast plagues in Athens and Sparta.90 The Boeotian seer Bakis
lived only slightly later, as Pisistratus was nicknamed after him, and he
purified the Spartan women after an outbreak of madness.91 The last
great healer-seer was Empedocles, who worked in the mid-fifth century
in the full light of history and even called himself a wanderer (B 112,
115 DK).92 Yet in that century seers increasingly declined in esteem,
86
For the social status of the archaic seer see J.N. Bremmer, The Status and
Symbolic Capital of the Seer, in: R. Hgg (ed.), The Role of Religion in the Early Greek
Polis, Stockholm 1996, 97109.
87
Pratinas in: B. Snell, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta 4 F 9; Aelian, Varia Historia
12.50.
88
R. Parker, Miasma, Oxford 1982, 20910.
89
J.N. Bremmer, The Skins of Pherekydes and Epimenides, Mnemosyne IV 46
(1993) 23436.
90
Lycurgus, frag. 14.5a Blass; Apollonius, Mirabilia 4; Iamblichus, Vita Pythagorae 28;
Suda 18; J.N. Bremmer, The Rise and Fall of the Afterlife, London/New York 2002, 38.
91
Theopompus FGrH 115 F 77; Suda, s.v. Bakis; cf. W. Burkert, Apokalyptik im
frhen Griechentum: Impulse und Transformationen, in: D. Hellholm (ed.), Apocalypti-
cism in the Mediterranean world and the Near East, Tbingen 1983, 23554 at 2489;
R. Parker, Athenian Religion, Oxford 1996, 87; O. Masson, Onomastica Graeca selecta, vol. 3,
Geneva 2000, 2078 well explains the name as Speaker.
92
For Empedocles see most recently A. Willi, The Languages of Aristophanes, Oxford
2003, 10417.

66 jan n. bremmer
except for the military seers who remained in favour well into the Hel-
lenistic era. It is therefore significant that in fourth-century comedy
the great Melampous is described purifying the daughters of Proitos
with a torch, a squill and hellebore, just like contemporary low-class
peddlers of purification.93 The days of the great wandering seers were
definitively a phenomenon of the past.
4. Excursus: Female travelling seers
Before I draw my conclusion I may perhaps be permitted to pose a

problem. Until now we have spoken about male seers, but do we also
find female travelling seers? In the Old Testament we find the fasci-
nating story of Deborah, a prophetess who was also a judge. When
she calls a certain Barak to lead the Israelites against the army of the
Canaanites at Mount Tabor, he only goes if she goes with him, and
so, the text says, Deborah went up with him ( Judg 4:10). This is as
much travelling, I fear, as we find among the Israelite prophetesses. It
probably was not very different in ancient Greece.
It is only in the last decade that attention has been drawn to the
existence of female manteis. We have a relief of a female mantis from
Mantinea with a liver in her hand,94 and it may not be chance that,
according to Plato, a certain Diotima came from Mantinea to Athens
and for those who made sacrifices as she directed, she achieved a delay
of the advent of the plague for ten years, which makes her look very
much like Epimenides.95 We also have a Hellenistic funerary stele from
Thessalian Larissa with the laconic inscription Satyra mantis (SEG
35.626), and the mention of a female mantis in a catalogue of civil
officials of early Roman Sparta, Alkibia, daughter of Teisamenos (IG
V 1.141). The name of the father may well be significant, as Teisame-
nos was an Iamid seer who came from Elis, the region of Olympia.
The Spartans were so impressed by his mantic skills that during the
Persian invasion they tried to contract him. Teisamenos was a skilful
businessman and stipulated that he would only serve the Spartans on
the condition that they would give him full civic rights, an exceptional
93
Diphilus F 125 with Kassel and Austin ad loc.; Parker, Miasma, 207f.
94
A. Hupfloher, The Woman Holding a Liver from Mantineia: Female Manteis
and Beyond, in: E. stby (ed.), Ancient Arcadia, Athens 2005, 7791.
95
Plato, Symposium 201de, cf. Burkert, Orientalizing Revolution, 43.

case in Sparta. When the Spartans initially refused but later consented,
he went for more and required the same rights for his brother Hagias.96
With the Persians approaching quickly, the Spartans had to give in,
and with Teisamenos as mantis they defeated Mardonius at Plataeae.97
Given that Teisamenos was the name of such a famous Spartan seer,
Alkibias father almost certainly was a mantis too.98 Last but not least,
the new Posidippus has also given us a female mantis:
To acquire a servant the best bird of omen is the grey heron,
which the mantis Asterie summons to her sacrifices.
Trusting it Hieron acquired for the country
a carer with lucky foot, and another for the house
Posidippus 26 AB, trans. Austin, adapted.
New discoveries, then, have enlarged our picture of the female mantis,
but they do not seem to have been travellers like their famous male
counterparts.
5. Conclusion
After this gender excursus, let us conclude with a brief comparison of

the prophet Balaam with the mythological seers Mopsus and Melamp-
ous. It is clear that there is a Wittgensteinian family resemblance
between the early Greek and Aramaic/Israelite seers rather than a close
similarity. Both were predictors of the future, healers of the sick, and
connected with political power, but the Greek seers were of a higher
class and technicians rather than visionaries. However, the special
powers of these seers made them attractive to wide sections of society
near and far. That is why in both cases we see them wandering and
travelling through the Mediterranean and the Near East. Real talent,
be it mantic or scholarly, knows no political boundaries.99
96
For the brothers Teisamenos and Hagias see now Hornblower, Thucydides and
Pindar, 1834.
97
Herodotus 9.336, cf. Burkert, Orientalizing Revolution, 42, who makes him into a
Melampodid. For the problem of Teisamenos family background see most recently
A. Schachter, The seer Tisamenus and the Klytiadai, Classical Quarterly 50 (2000)
2925.
98
Kett, Prosopographie, 92, with other testimonia on the Iamids in Roman times.
99
This contribution profited from audiences at the University of Groningen and
Emory University, Atlanta, and from comments by Annemarie Ambhl, Bob Fowler
and Kristina Meinking. Sandra Blakely kindly corrected my English.

PART TWO
BALAAM IN ANCIENT JUDAISM

BALAAM IN THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS
Florentino Garca Martnez
According to Martin Abeggs Concordance, Balaam appears once in the

non-biblical Qumran scrolls in Hebrew, in 4Q175 1:9,1 and another
time in an Aramaic text,2 in 4Q339, on a list of the false prophets who
arose in Israel, among whom Balaam, son of Beor, the old man from
Bethel is the first.3 However, if we look a little further than this meagre
attestation, we may find that the use of the Balaam story at Qumran
may help us develop our understanding of the biblical narrative, which
is our central concern here.
When one looks at the basis of the narrative development, two dif-
ferent stories seem to be told in Numbers 2224. In the one account,
Balaam is considered in a rather positive light; his conduct is seen as
blameless. He is not an Israelite of course but a kind of magician to
whom the money of divination must be paid (Num 22:7). However,
he does obey YHWHs orders and prophesizes what God commands
him to. In the other account, following rabbinic tradition, Balaam has
a thoroughly negative image: for example, he commits sodomy with
his ass, loses his share in the world-to-come and harmful snakes arise
from his rotten bones. Indeed, other biblical texts have been highly
influential in the development of this negative image, such as Num
31:1516 where Moses recalls the counsel attributed to Balaam, Let
the women do the work and Israelites will be defeated. In fact this
negative image is very old since, according to Gilles Dorival in his
commentary on Numbers in La Bible dAlexandrie, the demonisation of
Balaam is already evident in the Greek translation of Numbers 2224:
La LXX de Nb est plus dfavorable Balaam que le TM: sil est un
inspir, il nest pas un prophte pour Seigneur.4
1
M.G. Abegg, Jr., J.E. Bowley & E.M. Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls Concordance, Vol.
1: The Non-Biblical Texts from Qumran, Leiden 2003, 147.
2
Abegg, Bowley & Cook, Dead Sea Scrolls Concordance. Volume One, 800.
3
M. Broshi & A. Yardeni, Qumran Cave 4. XIV Parabiblical Texts. Part 2 (Discoveries
in the Judean Desert XIX), Oxford 1995, 779, Plate XI.
4
G. Dorival, Les Nombres (La Bible dAlexandrie 4), Paris 1994, 414.

72 florentino garca martnez
Where in this development can we locate an image of Balaam that

can be drawn from the Qumran scrolls? In order to find out, in this
short note I will first explore the biblical texts of Numbers 2224 found
at Qumran in order to see if the development found in the LXX is
already present. Secondly, I will touch on the well known messianic
interpretation of the fourth oracle, i.e. Num 24:17, found in different
non-biblical texts from Qumran. This Qumran interpretation of the
Balaam oracle has been so thoroughly studied that nothing new should
be expected from my exposition. Nonetheless this interpretation is so
important that in one way or another it should be included in our
discussion.
1. Numbers 2224 at Qumran
The three chapters of Numbers we are dealing with have been partially
preserved in two manuscripts from Cave 4: 4Q23 (4QLev-Numa),5 which
has preserved remains of Num 22:56, 2224, and 4Q27 (4QNumb),6
which contains fragments of Num 22:521, 3134, 3738, 41; 23:14,
6, 1315, 2122, 2730 and 24:110. 4QNumb is a particularly interest-
ing manuscript. Its textual affiliation is not easy to ascribe. In general,
it seems closer to the Samaritan Pentateuch than to the LXX or the
MT. It has nevertheless a series of interesting variants. Here are some
examples although the readings are not always absolutely certain.
With regard to Num 22:6, both 4Q23 and 4Q27 read ynmm with the
first person suffix, and not the plural of the LXX .7 In contrast,
with regard to Num 22:11, 4Q27 has the same plus ra m (=
) of LXX.8
With regard to Num 22:13, Dorival interprets the variant of the
Greek as , whereas the MT reads kxra, as a theologi-
cal variant made by the translator: La substitution de votre seigneur
votre terre est sans doute volontaire; il sagit dviter que la terre
qui doit revenir Isral soit dfiniemme par Balaamcomme la
5
Edited by Eugene Ulrich in: E. Ulrich et al., Qumran Cave 4. VII: Genesis to Numbers
(Discoveries in the Judean Desert XII), Oxford 1994, 15376, Plates XXIIIXXX
(= DJD XII).
6
Edited by Nathan Jastram in DJD XII, 20567, Plates XXXVIIIXLIX.
7
DJD XII, 171 and 230.
8
DJD XII, 231. Although only the final letter has been preserved, space require-
ments make the reading assured.

balaam in the dead sea scrolls 73
propriet des Moabites.9 Dorival also thinks it is unlikely that the LXX
could depend on a Hebrew model: Il est difficile de croire que la LXX
dpende dun modle qui, au lieu de kxra, offrait hmkynwda.10 4Q27
is difficult to decipher, but the most probable reading is the one by the
editor:11 hmkynwda, a reading confirmed by the addition of wyl[ in the
verse, which clearly refers to Balak as their Lord.
With regard to Num 22:18, even if only the lamed has been preserved,12
it seems clear that 4Q27 has the addition of yblb which corresponds to
the LXX addition of . Commentators on the LXX
usually explain the Greek addition as intended to harmonize with Num
24:13, although there it is translated by , but now we have
a Hebrew manuscript containing the same addition in Num 22:18.
With regard to Num 22:19, 4Q27 apparently contains a repetition
of the expression used in Num 22:8 and the princes of Moab stayed
with Balaam though only the word yr has been preserved.13 Although
this concrete addition is not found in the Samaritan Pentateuch, it cor-
responds to one of the characteristics of this textual family: importing
parallels from other parts of the Biblical texts.
With regard to Num 23:3, 4Q27 also has a lengthy addition, this
time corresponding to the addition present in the LXX.14 At the end of
the verse the MT reads only: yp lyw, but the LXX has:
,
(And Balak stood by his offering, and
Balaam went off to ask God and went straight away). 4Q27 has pre
served a text that corresponds to the first part of the LXX addition:
[lbw wtl?w[ l[ qlb bxytyw ly?w and Balak went and stood by his
holocaust, and Balaam . . . Based on the available space in the manu-
script, the editors assume that the entire addition is present. Whereas
the MT describes only the intention of Balaam to go, our text also
describes the fulfilment of this intention.
With regard to Num 23:4 in 4Q27, as in the Samaritan Pentateuch,
it is not God himself who meets Balaam but his angel: yhwla alm,15
9
Dorival, Les Nombres, 105.
10
Ibid.
11
DJD XII, 231.
12
Ibid. Only the top of the letter is visible, the rest has peeled off.
13
Ibid. The word is completely preserved in frag. 21.
14
DJD XII, 234.
15
Partially reconstructed, only mem and lamed have been preserved, cf. DJD XII,
234.

and consequently the editors have reconstructed the angel as the one
who speaks to Balaam in Num 23:5.
With regard to Num 24:1, Jastram inserts the half verse found
on 23:23 because of the space requirements of the reconstructed
manuscript:16 laryb ymsqhw bwq[yb yjnh (to look for the omens in
Jacob and presages in Israel). The variant cannot be proved, of course,
but it would fit with the tendency of the manuscript to insert elements
from other sections of the biblical text, as the Samaritan Pentateuch
characteristically does, and is required by the wynp rbdmh which appears
in the next line.17
With regard to Num 24:6, it can be proved that our manuscript
has hfn (pitched) as in the Samaritan text, instead of the [fn (planted)
of the MT, assuring us that this metaphor was used by the LXX,
that of the tent pitched or set up by the Lord (, ),
and not of the aloe planted as in the MT.18
The last variant I want to note is on Num 24:9. I do not mean the
simple exchange of [rk for r[k for all other major witnesses, because
this is evidently a simple error by the copyist who has interchanged
{ayin and resh, but the unique br (stretches out) for the MT bk (lies
down) or the Greek (takes a rest), because the same
Hebrew verb is used in Gen 49:9 in the blessing of Judah by Jacob. In
fact, with the use of this verb (the rest of the verse has not been pre-
served), our manuscript brings this verse of Numbers in line with the
verse of Genesis, where we can read that Judah crouches, stretches out
like a lion and like a lionesswho dares rouse him? (hyrak br [rk
wnmyqy ym ayblkw). This bringing in line with Gen 49:9 indicates, in my
opinion, the secondary nature of this variant, but at the same time it
introduces into the Balaam story the echoes of the blessing of Judah,
which, we are going to see, plays an important role in the Qumran
exegesis of Num 24:17.
To conclude this brief overview of the preserved variants in the
Qumran manuscripts, we cannot say that the progressive demonisation
of Balaam that Dorival sees in the Greek translation is already evident
in our manuscripts. In spite of the shared variants, here the image of
Balaam is closer to the positive representation found in the MT.
16
DJD XII, 236.
17
Ibidem.
18
The word is preserved in its integrity; the following hwhy has been inserted between
the lines, see frag. 28.

Unfortunately no remnants of the fourth oracle have been preserved.

There is thus no way of finding out if some variants of the LXX and
other textual families are attested to in the biblical copies of Numbers
present at Qumran. We must go directly to the non-biblical texts that
quote or interpret the oracle, particularly Num 24:1517, which deals
with the sceptre and star prophecy.
2. The Sceptre and Star Prophecy
The longest of the three quotations of the fourth Balaam oracle in the
sectarian texts from Qumran is found in 4Q175,19 the so-called Testimonia,
a unique sheet with four quotations on messianic figures, separated by
vacat. This manuscript does not give an explicit interpretation of the
texts but the selection made indicates that these texts, independently of
their original meaning, have been interpreted as messianic.20
The first quotation (lines 18) is taken from Exod 20:18 as found
in the Samaritan version, a combination of Deut 5:2829 and Deut
18:1819 of the MT announcing the coming of a prophet like Moses,
the eschatological prophet. The third quotation (lines 1420) is taken
from Deut 33:811 and is applied to the priestly messiah, as specified by
the added introduction And about Levi he says. The fourth quotation
(lines 2130) is taken from a composition found at Qumran preserved on
two manuscripts (4Q378379) and published under the title 4QApocryphon
of Joshua,21 in which the reference to Josh 6:26 makes clear that the nega-
tive figure depicted there is the eschatological opponent of the messiahs:
an accursed man, a man of Belial. The second quotation (lines 913)
comes from the fourth oracle of Balaam and is the one that interests
us here. It is taken from Num 24:1517 and, apart from the different
orthography of many words, contains only a few differences from the
MT or the Samaritan version. It reads rw[bnb attached, but without
the problematic waw of the MT. It introduces ra after who knows the
19
Edited by J.M. Allegro, Qumrn Cave 4. I (4Q1584Q186) (Discoveries in the Judean
Desert V), Oxford 1968, 5760, Plate XXI.
20
The messianic interpretation of the passage is generally acknowledged. The only
exception is the article by J. Lbbe, A Reinterpretation of 4QTestimonia, Revue de
Qumran 46/12 (1986) 187197. For a synthetic treatment of the text, see J. Zimmermann,
Messianische Texte aus Qumran (WUNT 2. Reihe 104), Tbingen 1998, 42836.
21
Edited by C. Newsom in G. Brooke et al., Qumran Cave 4. XVII: Parabiblical Texts,
Part 3 (DJD XXII), Oxford 1996, 23788, Plates XVIIXXV.

knowledge of the Most High that is not in the MT at that point, but
which is present in the verse of Num 24:3, which Num 24:15 simply
repeats. The second time it uses the singular y[ instead of the plural,
perhaps to harmonize the expression with the previous singular also
present in the MT. Perhaps the most interesting variant is the change
in the form of the verb qw of the MT for wqyw, not only because of
the change of the temporal aspect, but because it has been inserted
above the line, which gives me the impression that it represents the
thinking of the copyist.22 The meaning of the quote is totally clear:
for the collector of this series of quotes, the coming of a future royal
messiah is announced in Balaams oracle. It is equally clear that the
two words employed in the biblical text, the star and the sceptre,
bwq[ym bkwk and larym fb, are applied to a single anticipated figure,
the one who will crush the temples of Moab and cut to pieces all
the sons of Seth, a descendent of David who will rule as a victorious
king in the eschatological era. In view of the age of the manuscript,
I think we can consider this quote to be one of the older, if not the
oldest, messianic interpretation of the biblical text, an interpretation
that, as it appears in other contributions, will have great success in both
Judaism and Christianity.23
The second quotation of Balaams oracle at Qumran, taken from
Num 24:1719, is found in one of the battle hymns of 1QM XI:56,24
where the quote is introduced as: rwmal zam wnl htdgh rak Thus
you taught us from ancient times saying. The first part of the quote
(Num 24:17) is practically identical to the MT, with the omission of
only the waw before q; but in the quote of verses 18 and 19, though
easily recognizable, the order of the stychoi is different from all other
versions. Elsewhere, we have translated the passage like this:25
22
The copyist of 4Q174 is the same one who penned 1QS, a fact that has led Xeravits
to speculate that the copyist could have been the compiler of the Testimonia: We may
further note that the theological view to which the Testimonia seems to testifythe
eschatological activity of three different protagonistshas only one other occurrence
in the Qumran Library: 1QS IX 11, a passage written by the same scribe. This fact
hypothetically allows us to suppose that the Testimonia could even have been compiled
by this scribe, seeking to collect biblical paasages supporting this theological concept.
See G.G. Xeravits, King, Priest, Prophet. Positive Eschatological Protagonist of the Qumran Library
(STDJ 47) Leiden 2003, 58.
23
See the contributions by Beyerle, Houtman & Sysling, and Leemans, this volume.
24
Edited by E.L. Sukenik, The Dead Sea Scrolls of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem
1955, Plates 1634.
25
F. Garca Martnez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated: The Qumran Texts in English,
Leiden 1994, 104.

A star will depart from Jacob, a sceptre will be raised in Israel. It will
smash the temples of Moab, it will destroy all the sons of Seth. It will
come down from Jacob, it will exterminate the remnant of the city,26 the
enemy will be its possession,27 and Israel will perform feats.28
Here we cannot deal with the textual form of the quotation.29 What it
is interesting for our purpose is the meaning attributed to the quota-
tion by the context in which it is placed, since it shows us how the text
of Numbers was interpreted and to whom it was applied. The quote
concludes the battle hymn to which previous liberations from enemies
in the history of Israel were achieved by royal human agents with the
help of Gods might (Goliath is given unto Davids hands in line 2, Israel
is saved by the hands of the kings in line 3). Each victory is concluded
with the cry hmjlmh hkl a ayk (For the battle is yours!), addressed
to God. The Balaam oracle is adduced at the end, as a guarantee that
the same will happen in the future final battle. The context does not
specify if the bwq[ym bkwk and larym fb are understood as one or
two different figures, but the form of the final part of the quotation
makes clear that the referent is only one, the royal messiah who will
lead the people in the final battle. In this second quote we thus find
the same messianic interpretation of the oracle that we found in the
first quote.
The third perhaps most interesting and more often studied quotation
of the same oracle is present in the first copy of the Damascus Document
from the Cairo Genizah30 (CD VII:1421; also partially preserved in
4Q266 3 iii 1725 and 4Q269 5),31 in the section known as the Amos-
Numbers Midrash (CD VII:9VIII:2). The passage is particularly
26
This is Num 24:19 in the MT.
27
This is a summary of the two first stychoi of Num 24:18, but eliminates the
concrete references to Adom and Sheir.
28
This is the conclusion of Num 24:18.
29
Jean Carmignac, who had written two long articles on the quotations of the Old
Testament in 1QM (Les citations de lAncient Testament dans La Guerre des Fils
de Lumire contre les Fils de Tnbres , Revue Biblique 63 [1956] 23460, 37590),
concludes in his translation of 1QM that Num 24 :1719 is quoted in a difficilement
intelligible form. See J. Carmignac P. Gilbert, Les Textes de Qumran traduits et annots I
(Autour de la Bible), Paris 1961, 109. For a synthetic presentation of the differences
see A.S. van der Woude, Die messianischen Vorstellungen der Gemeinde von Qumrn (Studia
Semitica Neerlandica 3), Assen 1957, 119.
30
Edited by S. Schechter, Documents of Jewish Sectarians, vol 1: Fragments of a Zadokite
Work, Cambridge 1910 (reprinted New York 1970).
31
The Qumran copies of the document were edited by J.M. Baumgarten, Qumran
Cave 4.XIII: The Damascus Document (4Q266273) (Discoveries in the Judean Desert
XVIII), Oxford 1996, 2393, Plates IXVII and 123139, Plates XXIIIXXV.

complex because the second copy of the Genizah text (pages XIXXX)
has preserved a rather different text, in which the quotations from
Amos and Numbers are replaced by quotations from Zach 13:7 and
Ezek 9:4 (XIX:514). Both passages are certainly related and Chaim
Rabin has edited an eclectic text relegating to an appendix editions of
both texts as found in the two manuscripts.32 The narrative frame is
identical before and after the quotations, and both passages deal with
future punishments for the unfaithful and rewards for the faithful. But
the core part is different. In MS A the reasoning is explained by using
a quotation from Isa 7:17 followed by Amos 5:2627 and a subsidiary
quotation from Amos 9:11; the quotation from Num 24:17 is split in
two parts and applied to two different figures. In MS B the reasoning
is explained using Zach 13:7 with a subsidiary quotation from Zach
11:11 and a quotation from Ezek 9:4. There have been many attempts
to sort out the relationship between both passages.33 Some scholars,
starting with the groundbreaking work of J. Murphy-OConnor,34 modi-
fied later by Philip Davies35 and further developed by George Brooke36
and by Michael Knibb,37 have tried to explain the differences between
both texts on the basis of redactional arguments. Some consider MS
A the more original version, while others consider MS B as the more
original. Other scholars, like S. White,38 consider both texts original
and explain the differences simply by text-critical methods, errors and
omissions in both manuscripts, originated by double haplography. Both
versions repeat identical or nearly identical phrases at certain places,
for example: and all who despise, so as it is written, were given up
to the sword, shall be delivered to the sword, these escaped at the
age of the visitation. Like other scholars, G. Xeravits combines both
32
C. Rabin, The Zadokite Documents, Oxford 19582, 2836 and 7880.
33
The latest attempt known to me is by G. Xeravits, in his article Prcisions sur le
texte original et le concept messianique de CD 7:138:1 et 19:514, Revue de Qumran
73 (1999) 4759, and in his previously quoted book, King, Priest, Prophet, 3847.
34
J. Murphy-OConnor, The Original Texts of CD 7:98:2=19:514, Harvard
Theological Review 64 (1971) 379386.
35
P.R. Davies, The Damascus Covenant: An Interpretation of the Damascus Document ( Journal
for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 25), Sheffield 1983, 14372.
36
G. Brooke, The Amos-Numbers Midrash (CD 7,13b8,1a) and Messianic
Expectations, Zeitschrift fr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 92 (1980) 397404.
37
M.A. Knibb, The Interpretation of Damascus Document VII,9bVIII,2a and
XIX,5b14, Revue de Qumran 5758/15 (1991) 24351.
38
S.A. White, A Comparison of the A and B Manuscripts of the Damascus
Document, Revue de Qumran 48/12 (1987) 53753.

approaches (textual and redactional) in order to establish the relationship

between the two parallel texts.39 All these efforts have greatly contributed
to our understanding of the two midrashim, and the work will certainly
continue in the future.40 But I doubt that with the available evidence
we will ever be able to solve the problem satisfactorily. The fragments
from cave 4 contain remnants of the Amos-Numbers midrash, but
no trace of the Zachariah-Ezekiel midrash. Yet these remains are so
fragmentary that no conclusion can be drawn from the absence. For
our purpose, however, the matter is relatively unimportant, even if
both texts contain somewhat different messianic ideas, since only MS
A quotes Num 24:17.
In the translation of the Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, the text of CD
VII:9VIII:1 reads as follows:41
9 But (for) all those who despise: when God visits the earth in order to
empty over them the punishment of the wicked, 10 when there comes the
word which is written in the words of Isaiah, son of Amoz, the prophet,
11 who said: Isa 7:17 There shall come upon you, upon your people
and upon your fathers house, days such as 12 have <not> come since
Ephraim departed from Judah. When the two houses of Israel separated,
13 Ephraim detached itself from Judah, and all the renegades were
delivered up to the sword; but those who remained steadfast 14 escaped
to the land of the north. Blank As he said: Am 5:2627 I will deport the
Sikkut or your King 15 and the Kiyyun of your images away from my
tent to Damascus Blank The books of the law are the Sukkat 16 of the
King, as he said: Am 9:11 I will lift up the fallen Sukkat of David Blank
The King 17 is the assembly; and the Kiyyune of the images <and the
Kiyyun of the images> are the books of the prophets, 18 whose words
Israel despised. Blank And the star is the Interpreter of the law, 19 who
will come to Damascus, as is written: Num 24:17 A star moves out of
Jacob, and a sceptre arises 20 out of Israel. The sceptre is the prince of
the whole congregation and when he rises he will destroy 21 all the sons
of Seth Blank These escaped at the time of the first visitation, while the
renegades were delivered up to the sword.
See the works quoted in note 33.

39
See now S. Hultgren, A New Literary Analysis of CD XIXXX, Part I: CD

40
XIX:132a (with CD VII:4bVIII:18b). The Midrashim and the Princes of Judah ,

Revue de Qumran 84/21 (2004) 54978; S. Hultgren, A New Literary Analysis of CD
XIXXX, Part II: CD XIX:32bXX:34. The Punctuation of CD XIX:33bXX:1a
and the Identity of the New Covenant , Revue de Qumran 85/22 (2005) 732.
41
F. Garca Martnez & E.J.C. Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, Leiden
2000, 561.

Since I have previously commented on this text when dealing with the
messianic expectations at Qumran,42 here I will concentrate only on the
elements directly concerned with the use of Balaams oracle. The quo-
tation from Num 24:17, here split in two, is introduced as justification
of the previous explanation of the first quotation from Amos 5:2627.
In the text of Amos, the author chooses four words: twks, lmh, wyk
and bkwk, and provides each one with an explanation, justified in two
cases by secondary quotations. Though the Amos text as quoted differs
in some instances from the MT, I think that the omission of the fourth
element (bkwk; the star) in the quotation is accidental and probably
due to the mediaeval copyist, because without it the introduction of the
topic would not have been motivated (the MT reads: ra kyhwla bkwk
kl ty[: the star of your God that you made for yourselves). The
qumranic midrash, after having identified the sukkat with the books
of the law, using a quotation from Amos 9:11 to prove the point, and
after having equated the King with the assembly and the Kiyyune
with the words of the prophets, goes on to identify the star with the
Interpreter of the Law, an identification confirmed by the quotation
of the first part of Num 24:17. This quotation, with its mention of
fb (sceptre) besides star, provokes a new identification, that of the
sceptre with the prince of the whole congregation (hd[h lk ayn)
whose arrival will cause the destruction of all the sons of Seth.
Here it is clear that Balaams oracle is applied to two clearly distinct
figures: the star which is identified with the Interpreter of the Law
(hrwth rwd awh bkwkhw), and the sceptre, which is equated with the
prince of the whole congregation (hd[h lk ayn awh fbh). This dual
application clearly distinguishes this use from the other two quotations,
which apply the text to a single messianic figure.
As is well known, the problem with identifying the figure designated
here as hrwth rwd is the value that needs to be given to the participial
form used in our text, i.e., abh, which may refer to a figure of the past
or to a figure of the future (as in our translation). In the first case, this
figure would refer to the original Interpreter of the Law as in CD IV:7,
where the same expression is applied to the founder of the group, also
called the Teacher of Righteousness. In the second case, this figure
42
F. Garca Martnez, Messianic Hope in the Qumran Writings, in: F. Garca
Martnez & J. Trebolle Barrera, The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Leiden 1995,
1824.

(whether or not a Teacher redivivus) would refer to an eschatological

figure, which would carry messianic connotations. Since I am on record
as a defender of this second position,43 I will not rehearse the argu-
ments again here. Suffice to say that the quotations from either Amos
9:11 or Num 24:17 are used consistently in a eschatological sense in
the Qumran writings. We have previously mentioned the use of Num
24:17 in 4Q175 and in 1QM. Amos 9:11 is also used in a clearly
eschatological context in 4Q174, known as the Florilegium.44 In this text,
which Steudel has proved was most probably part of an eschatologi-
cal midrash,45 we read in a comment on 2 Sam 7:1214 (4Q174 1 i
1112): This (refers) to the branch of David who will arise with the
Interpreter of the Law who will rise in Zion in the last days, as it is
written: I will rise up the hut of David which has fallen. Here,
dywd tkws is not identified with the books of the law (as in CD), but
with dywd jmx, the branch of David, which is one of the titles of the
royal messiah at Qumran (see also 4Q161 and 4Q252). And, more
important, the hrwth rwd will arise in Zion together with this mes-
sianic figure in the last days. Thus both figures should be in the same
category: both are messianic and both are expected ymyh tyrjab. The
quotation of Num 24:17 is thus used in CD to express the anticipation
of two eschatological figures.
The second of these figures, the sceptre, is identified with the prince
of the whole congregation (d[h lk ayn), a well-known qumranic des-
ignation for the royal messiah (see 4Q285 where he is identified with
the dywyd jmx, 4Q161 or even 1QM), to whom the blessing of 1QSb
V:2029 is dedicated: hd[h ayn ta rbl lykml.
By splitting the quotation in two and applying it to two different mes-
sianic figures, the interpretation given in the Damascus Document shows
us that the same text could be used for different purposes. Its messianic
value was not reduced to introduce the classic expectation of a Royal
Messiah (as in 4QTestimonia), but could also be put to the service of the
different messianic conceptions developed within the community.
43
F. Garca Martnez, Two Messianic Figures in the Qumran Texts, in: D.W. Parry
& S.D. Ricks, Current Research and Technological Developments on the Dead Sea Scrolls (Studies
on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 20), Leiden 1996, 1440.
44
Edited by J.M. Allegro, Qumrn Cave 4. I (4Q1584Q186) (Discoveries in the Judean
Desert V), Oxford 1968, 5357, Plates XIXXX.
45
A. Steudel, Der Midrash zur Eschatologie aus der Qumrangemeinde (4QmidrEschata.b)
(Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 13), Leiden 1994.

The quotation of Balaams oracle in CD is clearly different from the

two we have analyzed (on 4QTestimony and on 1QM). In CD the oracle
is applied not to one messiah but two eschatological figures. However,
the basic trust that God has spoken through Balaam, and that his
words apply to the final salvation of Israel via (a) messianic figure(s),
remains constant.
At the beginning of this note I stated that of the two references to
Balaam in the non-biblical scrolls from Qumran (in 4Q339), one makes
him the first villain on a list of false prophets who arose in Israel.
This text is thus witness to the progressive demonisation stated earlier
in the LXX. Despite this, the prophecy of Baalam, son of Beor, the
old man from Bethel, as 4Q339 calls him, was not only accepted but
used repeatedly in sectarian writings to express the diverse messianic
expectations of the group.

A QUMRAN CAVE 2 FRAGMENT PRESERVING PART OF
NUMBERS 23:57[8] (2Q29 1)
Eibert Tigchelaar
In this volume dedicated to the reception of Balaam and Numbers

2224 it is fitting to publish a hitherto unidentified small Dead Sea
Scrolls fragment preserving part of Num 23:57[8]. In 1962 Mau-
rice Baillet published the fragments from Qumran Cave 2, including
unidentified fragments which he grouped together on the basis of simi-
larity of skin or script.1 Thus, 2Q29 consists of four small fragments,
presently referred to as Unclassified frags. Baillet transcribed frag.
1 as follows: 1 . rbdt. ?; 2 .lb wnjnw ?; 3 a?, and gave the following
translation 1 . . . tu parleras . . . 2 . . . et nous . . .2 However, in many hands
of this type (generally called Herodian) the letters waw and yod are
barely distinguishable, and if one reads in l. 2 ynjny, he led/leads me,
for wnjnw, and we, then one may transcribe and reconstruct the first
lines as corresponding to Num 23:57:3
. rObOdOtO h?kw 1
qlb ynjny O?ra 2
a? 3
1. and th]is is what you must say .[

2. (From) Ara]m Balak has brought me [
3. ].[
The last trace of line 1 presents a problem. The trace seems to be
the shoulder of lamed, or the upper right arm of in or {ayin, in which
case the text would have had a variant that is not attested elsewhere.
But perhaps most of the leather has been abraded, in which case one
may reconstruct on the basis of the transmitted texts b(w)yw_, So [he
returned. The traces in line 3 may reflect a? or two letters, the second
1
M. Baillet, J.T. Milik, R. de Vaux, O.P., Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan III.
Les Petites Grottes de Qumrn. Exploration de la falaise. Les grottes 2Q , 3Q , 5Q , 6Q , 7Q
10Q. Le rouleau de cuivre (Oxford, 1962). (= DJD III )
2
DJD III, 92.
3
All translations follow the NRSV, though sometimes I have placed the words in
a different order.

84 eibert tigchelaar
being, most likely, {ayin or in. The hand seems similar to that of 2Q7
(2QNumb) which consists of one fragment preserving part of Num
33:4753. Since 2Q7 has the plene or full spelling in the words ybwy
(inhabitants) and lwk (all), and the long form of the suffix in hmtwmb
(their high places), I apply full spelling and long suffixes in the recon-
struction of 2Q29 1:
l[ bxn hnhw wyla bwyw_6 rObOdOtO h?wkw qlb la bw rmwayw [lb ypb 1
?yr lwkw awh wtlw[
dq yrrhm bawm lm qlb ynjny O?ra m rmwayw wlm ayw7 bawm 2
?hklw bwq[y yl hra hkl
hwhy [z awl w[za hmw la hbq awl bwqa hm8 lary hm[z 3
1. [in Balaams mouth, and said: Return to Balak and th]is is what you
must say. 6So [he returned to Balak, who was standing beside his
burnt offerings with all the officials of ]
2. [Moab. 7Then Balaam uttered his oracle, saying: From Ara]m Balak
has brought me, [the king of Moab from the eastern mountains:
Come, curse Jacob for me; Come,]
3. [denounce Israel! 8How can I curse whom God has not cursed? How
can I denounce those whom the Lord has not denounced?
It is not clear to which word the traces of lines 3 belong. It cannot be
xalef of either a(w)l or la of verse 8, since the upper arm of the lameds
would have been visible on the fragment, and one must therefore assume
a variant or, e.g., a blank space.4
The length of the reconstructed line of 2Q29 1 1 (78 letter-spaces)
corresponds closely to that of the reconstructed lines of 2Q7 (7378
letter-spaces), which I suggest to reconstruct differently from Baillet,
assuming that Num 33:50 began at the right margin of a new line:
yOr?hb wnjyw hmytlbd wml[m w[syw47 hmytlbd wml[b wnjyw dg wbydm 1
?wbn ynpl yrb[h
l[ wnjyw49 wjry dry l[ bawm tbr[b wnjyw yrb[h yrhm w[syw48 2
?twmyt ?tybmO5 dryh?
[ ] vacat [ bawm twbr[b yfh lba d[ 3
la rbO?d51 rwmal wjry dry l[ bawm tbr[b hwm la hwhy rbdyw50 4
?htrmal lary ynb
ta hO?mtrwhw52 [nk ra la dryh ta yrbw[ hmta yk hmhla 5
?hmkynpm rOah ybwy
4
LXX reads
, inverting the order hwhy . . . la of MT, but this does not help in interpreting the
traces of line 3. A blank space would allow the identification of alef as part of bwqa.

numbers 23:57[ 8 ] (2q29 1) 85
lwk taw_? wdbat hmtwksm ymlx lwk taw hmtwykm 6lwk ta hmtdbaw 6
?wdymh hmtwmb
trl? rah ta yttn hmkl yk hb hmtbyw rah ta hmtrwhw53 7
htwa
1. [from Dibon-gad and camped at Almon-diblathaim. 47They set out

from Almon-diblathaim and camped in the moun]tains of Aba[rim,
before Nebo.]
2. [48They set out from the mountains of Abarim and camped in the
plains of Moab by the Jordan at Jericho; 49they camped by] the Jordan
from Be[th]-je[shimoth]
3. [as far as Abel-shittim in the plains of Moab. ] blank [ ]
4. [50In the plains of Moab by the Jordan at Jericho, the Lord spoke to
Moses, saying: 51Sp]eak to the Israelites, and s[ay]
5. [to them: When you cross over the Jordan into the land of Canaan,
52
you shall drive out] the inhabitants of the lan[d from before you,]
6. [destroy all their figured stones, destroy all their cast images,] and
de[molish] all their high places.
7. [53You shall take possession of the land and settle in it, for I have given
you the land] to [possess.
Baillet placed 2Q29 frags. 14 together, but it is not obvious that frag.
2 belongs to the same manuscript, and it is impossible to match the
remains with the text of Numbers.
The few remains of frag. 3 could correspond to several sections of
Numbers, e.g., Num 32:45
?j wnaxm a wrmwayw5 hnqm hkydb[lw ayh hnqm ra lary td[ ynplO 1
yny[Ob 2
1. before [the congregation of Israelis a land for cattle; and your

servants have cattle. 5They continued, If we have found favor]
2. in [your] si[ght
where line 1 has 61 letters-spaces, or Num 23:17 (ynpl and yr[Ob) with
a mere 51 letter-spaces. Alternatively, if line 2 is read as Ob, one may
locate the fragment in the following places:
Num 13:2223 (with 81 letter-spaces):
lwkaw hrmz m wtrkyw lwka ljn d[ wawbyw23 yrxm [wx ynplO 1
?fwmb whwayw dja ybn[
ynOb 2
1. before Zoan in Egypt. 23And they came to the Wadi Eshcol, and cut
down from there a branch with a single cluster of grapes, and they
carried it on a pole]
2. between t[wo of them.

Num 15:2526 (with 72 letter-spaces):

hmkwtb rgh rglw lary ynb td[ lwkl jlsnw26 hmtgg l[ hwhy ynplO 1
?[h lwkl yk
hggOb 2
1. before [the Lord, for their error. 26All the congregation of the Israelites
shall be forgiven, as well as the aliens residing among them, because
the whole people was involved
2. in the er[ror.
or, with 86 letter-spaces, in Num 15:2829.
The remains of 2Q29 4 are too limited and too uncertain to allow
for any certain identification.
Baillet also stated that it would not be impossible that 2Q9 belonged
to the same manuscript as 2Q7, in which case it should correspond
to Num 18:89,5 but the line length would be shorter (58 letter-spaces
if one reconstructs plene spelling and long suffixes) compared to 2Q7
and 2Q29 1 (7378 letter spaces):
?lwkl ytmwrt trmm ta hkl yttn hnh ynaw wrha la hwhy rbdyw8 1
?hyhy hz9 lw[ qwjl hkynblw hjwml yttn hkl lary ynb ykwq 2
hkl 3
1. 8[The Lord] spok[e to Aaron: I have given you charge of the offerings
made to me, all]
2. the holy gi[fts of the Israelites; I have given them to you and your
sons as a priestly portion due you in perpetuity. 9This shall be]
3. y[ours
In sum, two Cave 2 fragments preserving part of Numbers can be
assigned to the same manuscript (2QNumb), to wit the hitherto unidenti-
fied fragment 2Q29 1 (Num 23:57[8]) and 2Q7 (Num 33:4753). An
assignment of 2Q9 and 2Q29 3 to the same manuscript is possible,
if one allows for columns of somewhat varying width in the same
scroll.
5
DJD III, 5960.

BALAAM AND ENOCH
Eibert Tigchelaar
The correspondences between 1 Enoch 1:23b and the Balaam oracles,

especially Num 24:1517a (cf. also Num 24:34) have been recognized
since the beginnings of research on 1 Enoch.1 Most recently Nickelsburg
has commented extensively on the relationship between the two sec-
tions, whereas Orlov adopted VanderKams suggestion that there are
parallels between the figures of Balaam and Enoch.2 This contribution
comments on some suggestions concerning the relationships between
those literary sections and the figures of Balaam and Enoch.
1. 1 Enoch 1:23b and Num 24:1517a
The relation between 1 Enoch 1:23b and Num 24:1517a is undis-

puted, but a detailed analysis of the parallels is problematic due to the
1
Cf., e.g., G.H. Schodde, The Book of Enoch Translated from the Ethiopic, with Introduction
and Notes, Andover 1882, who in his notes to 1:2 merely states: Cf. Num. xxiv. 3, 4,
15. Apocryphal writers claim inspiration for their works, and thus seek to put a pia
fraus on a level with the canonical books. R.H. Charles, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch
Translated from the Editors Ethiopic Text, Oxford 1912, 45, called attention to the phrase
he saw the vision in 1 Enoch 1:2, which would have been taken from Num 24:4. M.E.
Stone, Lists of Revealed Things in the Apocalyptic Literature, in: F.M. Cross, W.E.
Lemke, & P.D. Miller (eds), Magnalia Dei: The Mighty Acts of God. Essays on the Bible and
Archaeology in Memory of G. Ernest Wright, Garden City, N.Y. 1976, 41452, at 444n1,
refers to the introduction of 1 Enoch, and its relation to the Song of Balaam. J.C.
VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition, Washington, D.C., 1984,
1158, 122, discusses the relation to Numbers 2224 and to the figure of Balaam more
extensively than anyone before. D. Suter, Ml in the Similitudes of Enoch, Journal of
Biblical Literature 100 (1981) 202, esp. note 34, briefly discusses the relation of Enochs
discourse to Balaams oracles in Numbers 2324. M. Black, The Book of Enoch or
1 Enoch: A New English Edition, Leiden 1985, 1034, explained that 1 Enoch 1:2 was
largely modelled on the Balaam prophecy at Num. 24.3f., and suggested to remove the
textual awkwardness in the beginning of 1 Enoch 1:2 by assuming that the verse followed
its Numbers model; J.T. Greene, Balaam and His Interpreters: A Hermeneutical History of the
Balaam Traditions, Atlanta, Ga., 1992, 13540, mentions the textual correspondence,
but is more interested in the trajectory of elements of what he calls the Balaam type.
2
G.W.E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 136;
81108, Minneapolis 2001, 13741; VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth, 116; A.A. Orlov,
The Enoch-Metatron Tradition, Tbingen 2005, 412.

incomplete and complex textual base of the Book of 1 Enoch. For 1 Enoch
1:23b we have the Ethiopic textual traditions, the Greek text preserved
in the Akhmim manuscript, and some words of the Aramaic in 4Q201 1.
There are differences between these witnesses, and too little remains
of the Aramaic to reconstruct the original text with any confidence.3
Moreover, an analysis of the intertextuality is even more problematic
since Numbers 24 is written in Hebrew. Therefore, Nickelsburg presents
the synopsis between Num 24:1517a and his eclectic text of 1 Enoch
1:23b as follows in translation.4
Num 24:15a And he took up his discourse and said
1 Enoch 1:2a And he took up his discourse and said5
Num 24:15b The oracle of Balaam, the son of Beor

1 Enoch 1:2b Enoch,6 a righteous
Num 24:15c the oracle of a man whose eye is opened

1 Enoch 1:2b man whose eyes were opened by God
Num 24:16a the oracle of him who hears the words of God
1 Enoch 1:2d And from the words of the watchers
and the holy ones I heard everything
Num 24:16b and knows the knowledge of the Most High

1 Enoch 1:2e and I knew what I saw
Num 24:16c who sees the vision of the Almighty, who falls down with
his eyes uncovered
1 Enoch 1:2c who had the vision of the Holy One and of heaven which
the angels showed me
Num 24:17a I see him but not now, I behold him, but not nigh
1 Enoch 1:2f Not for this generation I do expound, but concerning one
that is distant I speak
3
J.T. Milik, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumrn Cave 4, Oxford 1976,
1412, tentatively reconstructs the text. Differences between the textual witnesses are
discussed in Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 137, 139.
4
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 138. I have omitted 1 Enoch 1:3ab and 1 Enoch 93:13
from the synopsis, and have minimally rearranged and changed some words. Textual
comments on 1 Enoch 1:2 are given in 135 and 137.
5
Cf. also 1 Enoch 1:3b: And concerning them, I take up my discourse now.
6
In view of the dependence on Numbers 24, Black, Book of Enoch, 104, and D.C.
Olson, Enoch: A New Translation, North Richland Hills, Tex. 2004, 27, suggest that
the text originally read [The] Oracle of Enoch, and that the word oracle of was
accidentally lost.

balaam and enoch 89
Nickelsburg briefly comments that the language and the form of the
unit [1 Enoch 1:23b] closely parallel the Balaam oracles, especially
Num 24:1517, and a similar dependence is evident in the introduc-
tion to the Apocalypse of Weeks.7 However, as to the character of
the relationship, he cautions: [w]hether this author intends a specific
allusion to the figure of Balaam is unclear, and [e]ven if no association
with Balaam is intended, the form and content of his ancient oracles
provide a model (. . .), which this author modifies for his own purposes.8
Such warnings seem to be directed against attempts to overinterpret
the literary correspondences. However, it is of interest to discuss the
possible associations at greater length.
This synopsis shows the close relation between the two passages,
Num 24:1517 and 1 Enoch 1:23b. In fact, Num 24:34 are quite
similar to 24:1516, but there are two arguments to assume that
Num 24:1517 and not Num 24:34 served as the model for 1 Enoch
1:23b. First, there is a correspondence between Num 24:16a (hear-
ing) and b (knowing) with 1 Enoch 1:2d (hearing) and e (knowing),
whereas Num 24:4 lacks the knowing, and in some versions also the
hearing.9 Second, Num 24:17a en 1 Enoch 1:2f both state explicitly
that the discourse does not address the present, but the future. The
correspondence between both texts therefore exists in the following
elements: the clause and he took up his discourse and said,10 a man
whose eye(s) is/were opened, hearing words of God/the watchers,
knowing, seeing the vision of the Almighty/the Holy One, and the
statement that the words concern the future.
This close correspondence suggests that we should read the text of
1 Enoch 1:23b against the background of its model. One way of doing so
is by paying particular attention to modifications. Nickelsburg mentions
three such modifications in 1 Enoch which anticipate essential elements
7
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 137.
8
9
Black, The Book of Enoch, 103104 refers to the relationship to Num 24:34. MT
Num 24:16 has the clause wyl[ t[d [dyw where MT Num 24:4 only has ra, thus miss-
ing the knowing. However, SamP Num 24:4, is even shorter, corresponding only to
MT 24:4b, therefore missing both the hearing and the knowing. The same short
reading has been reconstructed for reasons of space in 4QNumb XVII 16. Cf. DJD
XII, 2367, where the editor, N. Jastram, suggests that the Old Greek probably did
not have the long reading.
10
The clause in LXX Num 23:7, 18; 24:3, 15, 20, 21, 23, is identical with 1 Enoch
1:2: , though the Aramaic had the plural
his discourses.

in the texts that follow in 1 Enoch.11 First, Enoch is not identified as

his fathers son, but as a righteous man, a designation that reappears
in 1 Enoch 15:1, in the context of Enochs vision of God. Second, the
reference to hearing the words of the watchers and holy ones (instead
of hearing the words of God) refers to the cosmic visions in chaps
1736 that were interpreted by angels. Third, the designation of God
as simply the Holy One is not attested in this part of 1 Enoch,12 but,
according to Nickelsburg, it may anticipate the Throne Vision of
chaps 1415 which itself may have been influenced by Isaiah 6 with
its threefold holy. In other words, for Nickelsburg the modifications
have a literary background: they anticipate or refer to the visions to
come later in the book.
Nickelsburgs observations are valid, but one should also consider
other possibilities. What would seem to be a modification might in fact
be a different understanding of the model. Or modifications might not
directly be due to the literary context, but to a broader context, or a
non-textual background.
A different interpretation may be the case with the first modification.
While it is true that the designation righteous one reappears at 1 Enoch
15:1, in the context of Enochs vision of God,13 one should consider
another explanation. The word t of the Balaam clause y[h t, which
is usually translated whose eye is opened or whose eye is clear, has
been problematic for the early translators, some of which seem to have
interpreted it as two words, with t. Thus, the LXX renders t rbgh
y[h with (Num 24:15),14 the man who sees
truly, and Targum Onqelos yzj rypd arbg, the man who sees clearly.15
Similarly, the orthography of the quotation of Num 24:15 in 4Q175
11
12
Holy One is attested in the composite designations the Great Holy One
(1 Enoch 1:3b) or the Holy (and) Great One (1 Enoch 10:1; 12:3; 14:1).
13
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 139. Note though that in the Greek different expressions
are used. In 1 Enoch 1:2 , and in 15:1 , .
The Ethiopic tradition reads in both verses besi deq. This expression is used in Gen
6:9 for Noah: qydx ya jn; .
14
Usually t or ymt in the Hebrew Bible are not rendered by in the
LXX, but cf. Deut 32:4. In Job 1:1, where ryw t is rendered by , ,
, the word seems to be an addition. Cf. also Job 1:8 ryw t rendered
by , .
15
Cf. more extensively, Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, 167071,
and D. Houtman & H. Sysling, Balaams Fourth Oracle According to the Aramaic
Targums, in this volume.

balaam and enoch 91
10 y[h th may also indicate that was interpreted as the particle.16

In short, the Enochic phrase a righteous man, may simply substitute
the reference to the father of Num 24:15, but it is also possible that it
has been influenced by a double understanding of t.
The second modification, hearing the words of the watchers and holy
ones, is also found in 1 Enoch 93:1, where is does not refer to angelic
encounters in the immediate literary context. Though Nickelsburg is
correct in referring to the cosmic visions or journeys in chs. 1736, this
idea is more general, being connected to the figure of Enoch as such.
However, the question does not only concern modifications of
phrases, but also that of contexts. For example, to what extent does the
original context of the model (e.g., Numbers 24) assist in understanding
1 Enoch 1, or, vice versa, to what extent does the context of 1 Enoch 1
determine the understanding of the use of the model.
2. The Use of Scripture in 1 Enoch 1
It is generally acknowledged that 1 Enoch 15 form a late editorial addi-

tion to 1 Enoch 632 or 1 Enoch 636. Before the Qumran fragments
were published it was thought that chaps 15 formed a late introduction
to the entire book written by the final editor.17 Miliks edition of the
Aramaic fragments changed this opinion: the manuscripts 4Q201 and
4Q202 contain remnants of both chaps 15 and of chaps 6ff, but not
of any of the other Enochic booklets, and Milik thought it probable that
both contained only the Book of Watchers.18 Most recently, Nickelsburg
allowed for the possibility that chaps 15 were written as an introduc-
tion to the Book of Watchers with or without chaps 611, or perhaps as
an introduction to a corpus that also contained 1 Enoch 81 and some
16
The orthography of 4Q175 (4QTestimonia) is notoriously irregular, and it is not
clear whether the scribe interpreted the form as t + h, or as th + . For other
remarks on the orthography of this text, cf. my In Search of the Scribe of 1QS, in:
S.M. Paul et al. (eds), Emanuel: Studies in Hebrew Bible, Septuagint, and Dead Sea Scrolls in
Honor of Emanuel Tov, Leiden 2003, 43952.
17
E.g., Charles, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch, 2. On the relation of chaps 15 to
other parts of 1 Enoch, cf. the discussion in Hartman, Asking for a Meaning, 13845. In
E.J.C. Tigchelaar, Prophets of Old and The Day of the End: Zechariah, the Book of Watchers
and Apocalyptic, Leiden 1996, 163, I argued that chaps 15 were added by the final
editor of the Book of Watchers, who incorporated 1:39, an already existing text,
in chaps 15.
18
Milik, The Books of Enoch, 22, 25, 141, 165. This is questioned by Nickelsburg,
1 Enoch 1, 25.

of the material in 9194.19 Whatever the case, this introduction to

1 Enoch 636 (with or without more parts), contains more parallels to
biblical texts than the other parts of the book. Other relations between
the Book of Watchers and what is now known as the Hebrew Bible can
be found,20 but the use of scripture in ch. 1 is more dense, and more
direct than in the other parts of the Book of Watchers. This may in part
be attributed to the subject matter: the Hebrew Scriptures have more
models for theophanies than for journeys to the edges of the world.
Yet, there may also have been a conscious attempt to root the booklet
in established biblical language.
1 Enoch 1 uses the model of Num 24:1517, but also of other Hebrew
Bible passages. 1 Enoch 1:3c7 and 9 present a theophany that is heav-
ily dependent on biblical theophanic texts, in particular Deut 33:12,
Mic 1:34, Jer 25:31, and Hab 3:3, 6, 10,21 whereas 1:8 is indebted to
the language of the priestly blessing of Num 6:2426. The question is
whether we have here a pastiche of different, loosely connected passages,
or whether the choice of these passages also reflects a specific exegesis.
Throughout 1 Enoch 1 we find allusions to Deut 33:12. The heading
of Deut 33:1 resounds in 1 Enoch 1:1a, whereas phrases of Deut 33:2
recur in 1 Enoch 1:3c, 4 and 9.
Deut 33:1 This is the blessing with which Moses, the man of God,
blessed the Israelites before his death
1 Enoch 1:1a The words of the blessing with which Enoch blessed the
righteous chosen
Deut 33:2a And he said: The Lord has come from Sinai
1 Enoch 1:3c The Great Holy One will come forth from
his dwelling
Deut 33:2b and he has dawned from Seir to them

1 Enoch 1:4a and the eternal God will tread from there22 upon Mount
Sinai
19
20
Cf., e.g., M.A. Knibb, The Use of Scripture in 1 Enoch 1719, in: F. Garca
Martnez & G.P. Luttikhuizen (eds), Jerusalem, Alexandria, Rome: Studies in Ancient Cultural
Interaction in Honour of A. Hilhorst, Leiden 2003, 16578.
21
See in detail J.C. VanderKam, The Theophany of Enoch I 3b7,9, Vetus
Testamentum 23 (1973) 12950; L. Hartman, Asking for a Meaning: A Study of 1 Enoch 15,
Lund 1979, 236; Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 1429.
22
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 142 suggests to follow the Ethiopic and from there
(<) in stead of the Greek reading of the Akhmim manuscript , on the
earth. One may speculate that the text represents Aramaic myt m, from Teman,

balaam and enoch 93
Deut 33:2c he shone forth ([ypwh) from mount Paran

1 Enoch 1:4b he will shine forth ([pwyw) with his mighty army
Deut 33:2d And he has come from myriads of holy ones

1 Enoch 1:9a Behold he comes with myriads of his holy ones
The text uses the model of Deuteronomy 33, but fuses, and in part sub-
stitutes, it with expressions from other theophanic sections. For example,
the phrase The Great Holy One will come forth from his dwelling is
reminiscent of Mic 1:3a and Isa 26:21a For behold the Lord comes
forth from his place.23 The major modification is that in Deuteronomy
God appears from Sinai, whereas in 1 Enoch 1 He comes to Sinai.24 The
overall relation between 1 Enoch 1:1, 3c4, 9a with Deut 33:12 shows
that the section 1 Enoch 1:23b corresponds to the simple And he said
of Deut 33:2a. In other words, the remodeled Balaam-introduction is
embedded in the remodeled and expanded Deuteronomy 33 section.
Nickelsburg argues that 1 Enoch 1:1 was the superscription for one of
the composite stages of 1 Enoch, since the allusion to Deut 33:1 served
to introduce the work as an Enochic testament.25 On the other hand,
he regards 1 Enoch 1:23b as the introduction to the theophanic oracle
in 1 Enoch 1:3c5:9.26 This distinction between the two introductions is
questionable: 1 Enoch 1:1 may be the superscription of a composition,
but it also serves as an introduction to the theophany and subsequent
judgment and blessing of chap. 1, since both the heading and the
description of the theophany are modeled on Deut 33:12. Also, the
connection between 1 Enoch 1:23b and the subsequent theophany is
less obvious. Nickelsburg states that [t]he succession of the introduction
(1:23) and the theophany with its accompanying judgment parallel
the same order in Num 24:1519.27 Indeed, Num 24:17c and he
instead of mt m, from there, and uses language of Hab 3:3. On the other hand, the
variant reading would link the clause up to Mic 1:3 ra ytwmb l[ rdw, he will
tread on the heights of the land.
23
For other examples, cf. Hartman, Asking for a Meaning, 236, or Nickelsburg,
1 Enoch 1, 1429. For example, the image of treading in 1 Enoch 1:4a () may
be based upon Mic 1:3 rdw (Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 145).
24
On the reference to Sinai here, cf. A. Bedenbender, Der Gott der Welt tritt auf den
Sinai: Entstehung, Entwicklung und Funktionsweise der frhjdischen Apokalyptik, Berlin 2000,
22830.
25
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 25, 135.
26
27
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 144. Cf. also 141: The introductory formula in Numbers
and the complex of ideas in Balaams oracle are replicated here; the introduction in
1:23b leads to an announcement of the appearance of God and the judgment that
will occur (1:3c9).

shall crush the borderlands of Moab may be interpreted as an act of

judgment, but Nickelsburg does not elaborate on whether the famous
prophecy of Num 24:17b a star shall come forth from Jacob and a
scepter shall rise out of Israel is a theophany.
In another respect though, 1 Enoch 1:23b is clearly an introduction
to judgment, to wit that he speaks not for this present generation, but
concerning one that is distant, a statement that recalls Num 24:17a not
now and not nigh. Within the context of 1 Enoch as a whole, this
generation alludes to Gen 7:1 where this generation is the generation
of the flood. Throughout 1 Enoch the flood serves as a model for the
last judgment. The combination of Num 24:17a with Gen 7:1 would
therefore mean: the judgment concerns not the generation of Noah
and Enoch, the generation of the flood, but a future one. Not the first
judgment, but the final one. This perspective, however, concerns not
only the theophany, but the composition as such.
Whereas it may be senseless to try to unravel the two introductions
in a literary-critical manner, one should ask whether this introduction
to the Book of the Watchers deliberately connects these specific patterns
of Deut 33:12 and Num 24:1517. Whereas this volume is concerned
with the reception of Balaam, one should also ask why the author of
the introduction to the book of Enoch uses the model of Deut 33:12
with the reference to Sinai. After all, the Mosaic law or Torah is
largely absent from 1 Enoch, to the extent that Boccaccini has launched
the hypothesis of two competing strands of Judaism, an Enochic and
a Mosaic one.28 However, the author, as well as the texts audience,
must have been aware of the almost immediate sequence in Deut 33:4a
Moses charged us with the Law. The allusions to Moses, Sinai and
the Law, in the introduction of a book attributed to Enoch, can be
explained in different ways. They may have been meant to indicate how
to read the Book of the Watchers, namely as a book which precedes but
also implies the Law.29 In this sense, there is no conflict between Enoch
and Moses. Or should one interpret the intertextual correspondence
between Deut 33:1, the blessing of Moses, and 1 Enoch 1:1, the blessing
of Enoch, as an attempt on the part of Enochic editors to substitute
Moses by Enoch?
28
G. Boccaccini, Beyond the Essene Hypothesis: The Parting of the Ways Between Qumran
and Enochic Judaism, Grand Rapids 1998.
29
Therefore, Bedenbender, Der Gott der Welt tritt auf den Sinai, 215, speaks about the
Mosaisierung des Wchterbuches.

balaam and enoch 95
In the Hebrew Bible, both Deut 33:1 and Num 24:1516 introduce
a divine intervention. In Deuteronomy 33, this is a theophany, being
followed by the description of the subjection of the enemies, both in
the blessings of the tribes (Deut 33:11) and at the end of the chapter.
Num 24:1719 has the famous oracle about the scepter and the star
which are to crush the enemies by might. This oracle has been inter-
preted as referring to one or more royal or messianic figures, but in
some cases this oracle may have been read as a theophany. This goes
for one of the three quotations of the oracle in the Dead Sea Scrolls,30
namely the one in 1QM XI 67. The Messianic interpretation is on
the whole taken for granted, but Davies suggested that the quotation,
if it belongs to the hymn (1QM X 17XI 7) at all, applies to God, and
not to a human warrior.31 In spite of Messianic interpretations in the
same era, the possibility that the author of the hymn in 1QM used
the quotation to refer to God cannot be ruled out. In that case, Jacob
and Israel were apparently interpreted as geographical names, not as
ethnical ones.
It is likewise possible that the author of 1 Enoch 1 interpreted the
oracle of Num 24:1719 as a theophany. The star is not mentioned
in 1 Enoch 1, but where one would expect the oracle of the star,
1 Enoch 1:3 continues with a reworking of Deut 33:2 which describes the
coming of God in terms which are also used to describe the rising and
shining of the luminaries. Only the second of the three terms, jrz, to
dawn, has been replaced by rd, to tread, the same verb that is used
in Num 24:17, but also in Mic 1:3. In short, the author of 1 Enoch 1
has replaced the oracle of Num 24:17b by a reworking of biblical
theophanies, which indicates that he did not understand the oracle in
a messianic way.
In 1 Enoch 1:9, the theophany concludes in judgment on all, the
destruction of the wicked, and the conviction of all flesh for all the
wicked deeds that they have done, and the proud and hard words that
sinners spoke against him. In the interpretation of the oracle of Num-
bers 24, the names of some of the nations have been replaced by more
general terms. E.g., Num 24:18a Edom will become a possession, has
been replaced in 1QM XI 7 by the enemy will become a possession,
30
Cf. on these quotations, e.g., G.G. Xeravits, King, Priest, Prophet: Positive Eschatological
Protagonists of the Qumran Library, Leiden 2003, as well as F. Garca Martnez, this
volume.
31
P.R. Davies, IQM, the War Scroll from Qumran: Its Structure and History, Rome 1977, 97.

and the marginal reading in Sir 36:10 (MS B) gives enemy for Moab
in the clause exterminate the head of the temples (forehead) of Moab.32
Nickelsburg offers several suggestions for the speaking of the proud and
hard words, a phrase which is used again in 1 Enoch 5:4 which the
addition with your unclean mouths against his majesty.33 A triangular
reading of Numbers 24, 1 Enoch 1, and Sir 36:10 (MS B), gives yet
another possibility: the claim by the head of the hostile leaders There
is no one like me (ytlwz ya), blasphemy by the appropriation of one of
Gods attributes (Isa 45:21).
In sum: even though the famous oracle of Num 24:17b19 is not
reworked explicitly in 1 Enoch 1, it is implied in the fusion of theophanic
language in this chapter. There is no indication that the star was inter-
preted as a messianic figure. On the contrary, the combination of the
models of Num 24:1517 and Deut 33:2 indicates that both sections
were interpreted as referring to the coming of God.
3. Enoch and Balaam
Whereas the relation between Num 24:1517 and 1 Enoch 1 is clear, this
is not entirely the case with the possible relation between the figures of
Balaam and Enoch. One must start by observing that Num 24:1516
and 1 Enoch 1:2 are not only the introduction to a discourse, but also
characterize and introduce the figures of Balaam and Enoch.
Apparently, the author thought that the claims made by Balaam were
to a large extent applicable to Enoch. Indeed, any editor reworking a
text which contained the throne vision (1 Enoch 1415) would recognize
that the claims of Balaam that he had heard the words of God, had
knowledge of the Most High, and had seen the vision of the Almighty,
also held true for Enoch. Moreover, this not only goes for the figure
of Balaam, but also for the eschatology of his oracles. Num 24:17 not
now . . . not nigh corresponds to 1 Enoch 1:2 not for this generation, but
concerning one that is distant, and in Num 24:14 Balaam warns Balak
32
LXX (Sir 36:9) Crush the heads of hostile rulers (interpreting here also ytap as
rulers), and reading or interpreting crush with Num 24:17 and Ps 68:22. Cf. also
the Syriac (Sir 36:12) Exterminate the crown of the enemy.
33
Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 158. While the author may have in mind some kind
of blasphemy strictly speaking, the detailed explications of sin in the Epistle suggest
a number of other possibilities . . . may imply the teaching of false torah, which can be
understood as an arrogant speaking against the majesty of God who gave the torah.

balaam and enoch 97
about what Israel would do to the Moabites at the end of days. In the
Numbers context, the phrase may not have been intended eschatologi-
cally, but, as VanderKam states, for a Jewish writer of the Hellenistic
age it would naturally have aroused eschatological thoughts.34 In fact,
the second part of the superscription in 1 Enoch 1:1 which refers to the
day of tribulation and enemies is with regard to content related to this
clause from Numbers 24. Another element which connects Numbers
2224 to 1 Enoch 15 is the motif of curse and blessing. In short, in
both texts we have a seer with divinely inspired knowledge about the
far future who is able to curse and to bless. The question, however, is
whether there is also an allusion to the figure of Balaam.
VanderKam, and in his footsteps Orlov, claimed that both Enoch
and Balaam have strong associations with the world of divination and
more specifically with the brtum.35 The Mesopotamian priest-diviners
called br were specialized to read the gods decisions from the inner
organs of animals, configurations of oil in water, the rising of smoke
and, according to VanderKam, mantic dreams. Their functions included
giving oracles and verdicts, deciding the future, determining the time.
A series of scholars, recently especially VanderKam and Kvanvig
have discussed the correspondences between on the one hand Enoch,
the seventh from Adam, and on the other Enmeduranki, the seventh
antediluvian king in Mesopotamian tradition, who also was diviner,
priest, and guardian of secrets.36 Hence, VanderKam and even more
so Orlov are tempted to describe Enoch as a br. However, there are
34
VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth, 1178. The phrase ymyh tyrjab is quite rare
in the five books of Moses, being used only in Gen 49:1; Num 24:14; Deut 4:30;
31:29.
35
VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth, 116. Cf. also Orlov, The Enoch-Metatron Tradition,,
412. Note that for this subject Orlov does not go beyond what VanderKam and
Kvanvig stated in the 1980s, and that he displays no knowledge of recent literature
on the br. Cf., e.g., U. Jeyes, Old Babylonian Extispicy: Omen Texts in the British Museum,
Leiden 1989, although her distinction between secular and religious has not met
approval; F.H. Cryer, Divination in Ancient Israel and Its Near Eastern Environment: A Socio-
Historical Investigation, Sheffield 1994, 194205, with good surveys of Ancient Near Eastern
data, but conceptually disputable; J. Sweek, Inquiring for the State in the Ancient
Near East: Delineating Political Location, in: L. Ciraolo & J. Seidel (eds), Magic and
Divination in the Ancient World, Leiden 2002, 4156.
36
Orlov, The Enoch-Metatron Tradition, 28. Cf. extensively, VanderKam, Enoch and the
Growth, 3351, and H.S. Kvanvig, Roots of Apocalyptic, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1988, 21453.
To W.G. Lambert, Enmeduranki and Related Matters, Journal of Cuneiform Studies 21
(1967) 12638, one should now add: W.G. Lambert, The Qualifications of Babylonian
Diviners, in: S.M. Maul (ed.), Festschrift fr Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24.
Mai 1994: tikip santakki mala bamu, Groningen 1998, 14158.

some problems. First, the figure of Enoch does not fit nicely in Meso-
potamian categories. VanderKam acknowledges that the astronomical
interests of Enoch do not really fit with the function of br. Also, the
br is first and foremost a diviner, a specialist in extispicy, and the
connection between the br and mantic dreams is tenuous.37
VanderKam and Orlov also argue that Balaam was some kind of
br.38 Some of the features in Numbers 2224 have been related to
the brs. On the other hand, the Deir Alla text mentions Balaams
dreams in the night, which would link him both with one of the alleged
specialisms of the br and with Enochs visions in 1 Enoch. Above I
mentioned that the relationship between the br and mantic dreams,
is problematic. However, the real question is not historical or phenom-
enological (Was Balaam a br type of diviner?), but whether a second
century BCE editor of the Book of Enoch would have regarded Balaam
as a diviner comparable to Enoch.39
In response, one may argue the following. First, the elements in the
narrative of Numbers 2224 which suggest that Balaam was a diviner
are entirely different from the picture of Enoch as presented in the
early Enochic literature. The only correspondence is the receiving of
visions in the night. Even if it would be justified to relate both Enoch
and Balaam to the function of br, then only an overall knowledge of
the various aspects of this function might bring the two figures together.
Second, in view of the selective way the editor brings scriptural passages
together, it is possible that he was not concerned with the original figure
of Balaam, but chose those phrases which could be applied to Enoch,
without any thoughts on phenomenological correspondences between
Balaam and Enoch at all.
As an alternative, one may consider whether Enoch should be com-
pared with the seer Balaam of the Deir Alla text, rather than with the
questionable br type of diviner. In his commentary to the first vision
or dream of Enoch (1 Enoch 8384), Nickelsburg very tentatively draws
attention to a correspondence between the Enochs first vision and the
37
S.A.L. Butler, Mesopotamian Concepts of Dreams and Dream Rituals, Mnster 1998,
3740 opposes the view that bru means dreams, though she concedes that twice it
cannot mean extispicy and must mean something like vision.
38
For the history of research on the relation between Balaam and the br, cf.
VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth, 116n32.
39
The function of the br and the art extispicy were already for centuries diminish-
ing in importance, whereas astrology became more and more important.

balaam and enoch 99
first combination of the Deir Alla Plaster Text.40 In the first combination,
Balaam has a night vision, stands up in the morning, weeps and fasts
for perhaps two days, and then tells the vision to the gathered chiefs of
the assembly. The contents of the vision are even less well preserved,
but it is clear that the vision concerns a coming disaster. In this first
dream vision, Enoch had a vision how the heaven collapsed and fell on
earth, whereupon the earth was swallowed in the abyss. In his sleep,
Enoch weeps and laments, and his grandfather wakes him, after which
Enoch tells the vision to his grandfather.
Nickelsburg cautions that in view of the badly preserved state of
the Deir Alla text and the controversies about the reading, no firm
conclusions can be drawn. In spite of the correspondences [t]he pos-
sible connections between this text and Enochs first dream vision are
far from clear or even certain. There are indeed formal or structural
correspondences, but a comparison of the text of the first dream vision
with that of the first combination of the Deir Alla text, shows that the
correspondence is mainly restricted to some narrative elements, and
not to the details. The few details of the the first combination of the
Deir Alla Plaster Text that recall 1 Enoch are mainly those that are also
found in Numbers, such as the reference to both hearing and seeing,
and the reference to having visions of heaven which the gods show
him. In that respect, 1 Enoch with its angels comes closer to the Deir
Alla text with its plural gods (hla and yd) than to Num 24:1517 with
its grammatically singular forms wyl[, la and yd. It would seem that
Balaam the dreamer and the seer provided a perfect model for Enoch
the dreamer and the seer.
4. Conclusions
Within the history of reception of the Balaam figure and his star and
scepter oracle, 1 Enoch 1 has a special position. The Num 24:1516
self-introduction of Balaam has been applied to Enoch, apparently
implying a positive stance towards the Balaam type of seer. The Num
24:1719 oracles is not quoted but implied in 1 Enoch 1, but the allu-
sions suggest it was read as a theophany, not messianically.
40

THE REWRITING OF NUMBERS 2224 IN PSEUDO-PHILO,
LIBER ANTIQUITATUM BIBLICARUM 18
Jacques T.A.G.M. van Ruiten
The subject of this contribution is the rewriting and interpretation of

the Balaam story in the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (lab) of Pseudo-
Philo. This work is usually classified as belonging to the literary genre
of the rewritten Bible. It follows a large part of the biblical story, that
is, from Genesis until the second book of Samuel, which is to say, from
the creation of Adam until the death of Saul.1 The work dates from the
second part of the first century ce, and is one of the latest examples
of the rewritten Bible as, after the destruction of the Temple in 70
ce and the standardization of the biblical text, there was no longer a
place for such phenomenon.2
The term rewritten Bible was coined by Vermes who describes it
as a midrashic insertion of haggadic development into the biblical narra-
tive in order to anticipate questions and to solve problems in advance.3
The rewritten Bible follows Scriptures, but includes a considerable
number of additions and interpretative developments.4 According to
1
Cf. D.J. Harrington, Pseudo-Philo, in: J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha, II, London 1985, 297377, esp. 297. It is possible that lab is not com-
plete in itself, but that it should continue until the end of the Second Book of Kings,
where the destruction of Jerusalem in 587 is described. Cf. M.R. James, The Biblical
Antiquities of Philo, London 1917, 605, 73; G. Kisch, Pseudo-Philos Liber Antiquitatum
Biblicarum (Publications in Mediaeval Studies. The University of Notre Dame X), Notre
Dame 1949, 29; C. Dietzfelbinger, Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum ( Jdische Studien aus
hellenistisch-rmischer Zeit II.2), Gtersloh 1975, 967; D.J. Harrington, Pseudo-
Philon: Les Antiquits Bibliques, I (Sources Chrtiennes 229), Paris 1976, 21. In contrast,
Jacobson is inclined to believe that the lab is complete. Cf. H. Jacobson, A Commentary
on Pseudo-Philos Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, I (Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken
Judentums und des Urchristentums 31), Leiden 1996, 253254. See also C. Perrot &
P.M. Bogaert, Pseudo-Philon: Les Antiquits Bibliques, II (Sources Chrtiennes 230), Paris
1976, 212.
2
The need for interpretation continues, however. The most important examples
of interpretation of the standardized text of the Hebrew Bible are midrash and
targum.
3
G. Vermes, The Life of Abraham, in: G. Vermes, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism,
Leiden 1961, 67126, esp. 95. Cf. also Perrot & Bogaert, Pseudo-Philon, 228.
4
E. Schrer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.135
A.D.), III.1, Revised and Edited by G. Vermes, F. Millar, & M. Goodman, Edinburgh
1986, 326.

102 jacques t.a.g.m. van ruiten
Nickelsburgh, the rewritten Bible is very closely related to the biblical

texts, expanding and paraphrasing them and implicitly commenting on
them.5 It follows a sequential, chronological order. Although it makes
use of biblical words and phrases, these words and phrases are not set
apart by way of quotation formula or lemma, but are integrated into
a seamless retelling of the biblical story.6
In recent years, interest in the nature of biblical interpretation in
early Jewish literature has grown.7 From the exile onwards, the books
of the Pentateuch were the subject of interpretation. Kugel enumerates
some fundamental assumptions about Scripture that characterize all
ancient biblical interpretation.8 The Bible was read as a cryptic docu-
ment with hidden meanings. It was a fundamentally relevant document
for the interpreters and their audience. It was perfect and perfectly
harmonious. This meant that there could be no mistake in the Bible.
There could be no contradiction between what was said in one pas-
sage and what was said in another. Every apparent contradiction was
an invitation to reveal the real, but hidden meaning of it. Quite often
problems in the biblical text provided the clue for an interpretation.
Halpern-Amaru has pointed out that polemical and theological interests
and biblical interpretation are interwoven. Only close textual analysis
could unravel that weave.9
With regard to the portrayal of Balaam in the Bible, there seems
to be an internal contradiction.10 On the one hand, there seems to
be a positive picture of the prophet in Numbers 2224. Balaam is a
5
G.W.E. Nickelsburgh, The Bible Rewritten and Expanded, in: M.E. Stone
(ed.), Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian
Writings, Philo, Josephus (Compendium Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum
II.2), Assen 1984, 89156, esp. 89.
6
P.S. Alexander, Retelling the Old Testament, in: D.A. Carson and H.G.M.
Williamson (eds), It Is Written: Scripture Citing Scripture. Essays in Honour of Barnabas Lindars,
Cambridge 1988, 99121, esp. 1167.
7
For the following, see J.L. Kugel, The Bible As It Was, Cambridge, Mass. 1997,
149.
8
Kugel, Bible, 1723.
9
B. Halpern-Amaru, The Empowerment of Women in the Book of Jubilees (Supplements
to the Journal for the Study of Judaism Series 60), Leiden 1999, 136.
10
See, e.g., M. Noth, berlieferungsgeschichte des Pentateuch, Stuttgart 1948, 815;
Cf. G. Vermes, The Story of Balaam, in: Vermes, Scripture and Tradition, 12777,
esp. 175176; W. Gross, Bileam: Literar- und formkritische Untersuchung der Prosa in Num
2224 (StANT, 38), Mnchen 1974; J.A. Hackett, Balaam, Anchor Bible Dictionary,
vol. 1, 569572; Kugel, Bible, 48295; D. Frankel, The Deuteronomic Portrayal of
Balaam, Vetus Testamentum 46 (2004) 3042; M.L. Barr, The Portrait of Balaam
in Numbers 2224, Interpretation 51 (2004) 25466. See also the contribution by
E. Noort in this volume.

numbers 2224 in pseudo-philo, LAB 18 103
prophet who blesses Israel and curses its enemies. He even predicts the
Messiah. On the other hand, there are several passages in which the
portrayal of Balaam is very negative. For example, Num 31:16: These
women here, on Balaams advice, made the Israelites act treacherously
against the Lord in the affair of Peor, so that the plague came among
the congregation of the Lord. This text ascribes the sin of Israel in
Numbers 25 to Balaam. He advises the women of Moab to seduce
Israel. The killing of Balaam by the sons of Israel (Num 31:8; Josh
13:22) seems to be the result of his negative advice. Other texts show
that Balaam had in fact tried to curse Israel, but in the end God did
not listen, and he is the one who changed the curse into a blessing
(Deut 23:56; Josh 24:910).
In the light of the assumptions behind ancient biblical interpretation,
it is understandable that most pre-critical interpreters have problems
with the ambiguous portrayal of Balaam in the Bible. We have to
realize that the point of departure both for Pseudo-Philo as well as for
the other early Jewish authors is the final form of the text. They could
not divide the complete biblical story of Balaam into several layers (for
example, Yahwistic, Elohistic, Priestly) in order to solve this problem
of contradiction.11 The assumption of the perfect harmony of the Bible
and the impossibility of mistake meant that although there is a com-
pletely conflicting portrayal of Balaam, there can be no contradiction
between differing passages. On the basis of the negative portrayal of
Balaam, many interpreters have raised the question of whether the
description of Balaam in Numbers 2224 is purely positive. Why does
Balaam receive the messengers of Balak a second time? What is the
meaning of the story of the ass in relation to Balaam? Is the portrayal
of Balaam as positive as it seems at first glance?12 In most cases of early
Jewish and early Christian exegesis, this leads to a completely negative
interpretation of Balaam. Every innocent word or gesture of Balaam
in Numbers 2224 is interpreted in a negative way.13
11
For the development of the Balaam traditions, cf. M.S. Moore, The Balaam
Traditions: Their Character and Development (SBLDS, 113), Atlanta, Ga. 1990; J.T. Greene,
Balaam and His Interpreters: A Hermeneutical History of the Balaam Traditions (Brown Judaic
Studies, 244) Atlanta, Ga., 1992; H. Seebass, Numeri IV/3 (BKAT, IV.3), Neukirchen-
Vluyn 2004.
12
Cf. Kugel, Bible, 484.
13
Cf. Vermes, Story of Balaam, 127177; Perrot and Bogaert, Pseudo-Philon,
124125; L.H. Feldman, Prolegomenon to M.R. James, The Biblical Antiquities of Philo,
New York 1971, C.

Relatively speaking, Pseudo-Philo pays a lot of attention to the rewrit-

ing of the Balaam story in lab 18. It is difficult, however, to evaluate
his interpretation of Balaam. Does he interpret Balaam in a positive
or in a negative sense? Is the prophet a hero for Israel,14 or should
he be called a villain?15 In order to give an answer to this question,
I will firstly provide an overall comparison between Numbers 2224
and lab 18. At the level of the macrostructure, the similarities and
dissimilarities between both texts will be surveyed. I will also consider
some of the characteristics of the narrative technique of the rewriting.
Secondly, I will discuss in more detail the dissimilarities between both
texts that are related to the ambiguity of Balaam. I will go through
the text, and point to elements that are related to it. I refer here to the
synoptic overview in the appendix to this article, where the full text
of Numbers 2224 and lab 18 can be found.16 Below I will attempt
to give a classification of all the similarities and dissimilarities between
Numbers 2224 and lab 18.
An Overall Comparison of Numbers 2224 and

Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum 18
Lab 18 can be considered as a rewriting of Numbers 2224. It contains

many transformations, which are brought about by problems in the bib-
lical text. There are also many transformations, however, which seem,
at first sight, to have no clue in the biblical text at all. Pseudo-Philo
has explicitely connected Numbers 2224 with events in the narrative
context, and it is more accurate to say that, in lab 18, he is retelling
Num 21:2125:18.17 The preceding passage in which the victory of
Israel over the kings of the Amorites is described (Num 21:2122:1)
forms, in the eyes of Pseudo-Philo, the necessary background of the
fear of Balak, whereas the integration of Numbers 25 (and Numbers
14
According to Vermes (Story of Balaam, 174) Balaam is a tragic hero. His only
desire is to do the will of God. When he realized that he had been deceived by Balak,
he committed spiritual suicide by giving evil advice to the king. Departing in joy,
hopeless in the end.
15
Jacobson, Commentary, 611.
16
In the latter part (LAB 18:1013, and Num 22:3624:24), I refrained from putting
both texts side by side, because they are too different. Therefore I decided to give only
the text of the LAB and refer to the biblical text in the margins.
17
The rewriting of the story of Balaam in LAB 18 is preceded by Korahs rebellion
(LAB 16; cf. Numbers 16) and Aarons rod (LAB 17; cf. Numbers 17), and is followed
by Moses farewell, prayer, and death (LAB 19), which combines several elements from
Deuteronomy 3134.

31:16) in Numbers 2224 shows the problem of the ambiguity of the

portrayal of Balaam. The seducing of the people after the daughters
of Moab is a direct consequence of the prophecy of Balaam. As far as
the narrative structure of Numbers 2224 is concerned, Pseudo-Philo
follows this quite closely, as can be seen in the following table.
Numbers Pseudo-Philo, Liber

Antiquitatum Biblicarum
I. 21:2122:4: The Exposition I. 18:12c: The Exposition

II. 22:514: The First Invitation II. 18:2d7f: The First Invitation
a. 57: Invitation of Balak a. 2dl: Invitation of Balak
mediated by messengers
b. 8: Response Balaam b. 3: Response Balaam
c. 912: Meeting God and c. 46: Meeting God and Balaam
Balaam
d. 1314: Balaams response d. 7af: Balaams response
(refusal) (refusal)
III. 22:1535: The Second Invitation III. 18:7g 9: The Second Invitation
a. 1517: Invitation Balak a. 7go: Invitation Balak
mediated by messengers
b. 1819: Response Balaam b. 8ae: Response Balaam
c. 20: Meeting God and Balaam c. 8fi: Meeting God and Balaam
d. 21: Departure Balaam d. 8jk: Departure Balaam
e. 2235: The story of the ass e. 9ai (Elements of the) story of
the ass
IV. 22:3624:25: The Discourses of IV. 18:1014: The Discourse of Balaam
Balaam
A. The Arrival Balaam A. The Arrival Balaam
22:3640: Arrival Balaam 10a: Arrival Balaam in the
in the land of Moab land of Moab
B. The oracles and the narrative B. The oracle and the narrative context
context
1. 22:4123:12: First attempt to
curse
a. 22:41: Location I (Bamoth
Baal) [ Balaam sees the
extremity of the people
([h hxq)]
b. 23:13: Preparation of the b. 10bd: Preparation (Balaam
meeting with God (Balak builds an altar and offers
builds seven altars and Balak [10bc]; Balaam sees a part of
and Balaam offer) the people ( partem populi ) [10d])

Table (cont.)
Numbers Pseudo-Philo, Liber

Antiquitatum Biblicarum
c. 23:45: Balaam meets God
d. 23:6: Balaam returns to Balak
e. 3:710: First Oracle
f. 23:11: Reaction Balak
g. 3:12: Response Balaam
2. 23:1326: Second attempt
to curse
a. 23:1314a: Locations II
(Field of Zophim, top of
Pisgah)
b. 23:14b15: Preparation of
the meeting with God (seven
altars)
c. 23:16: Balaam meets YHWH
d. 23:17: Balaam returns to Balak
e. 23:1824: Second Oracle
f. 3:25: Reaction Balak
g. 23:26: Response Balaam
3. 23:2724:19: Third attempt to curse
a. 3:2728: Location III (top of
Peor)
b. 23:2930: Preparation of the
meeting with God (seven altars)
c. 24:12: Spirit of God upon c. 10e: Spirit of God does
Balaam not abide in him
d.
e. 24:39: Third Oracle e. 10f12p: Oracle
f. 24:1011: Reaction Balak f. 12qr: Reaction Balak
g. 24:1214: Response Balaam g. 13: Response Balaam
e. 24:1519: Fourth Oracle
4. 24:2024: Three short Oracles
20: against Amalek
2122: against the Kenite
2324: against Kittim
V. Closure of the Story V. Closure of the Story
24:25: Departure of Balaam 14ac: Departure of Balaam
[25:118: Idolatry with Baal 14de: Seducing after the daughters
Peor] of Moab

The text of Numbers can be divided into five parts.18 The story is framed
by the exposition (I: Num 21:2122:4) and the closure (V: Num 24:25).
Between the beginning and the end, the main body of Numbers 2224
can roughly be divided into two parts. The first part (Num 22:135) is
formed by the attempts of Balak to persuade Balaam to curse Israel.
This part can be divided into two subunits: the first invitation (II: Num
22:514) and the second invitation (III: Num 22:1535). The second
part is formed by the discourses of Balaam (IV: Num 22:3624:25)
embedded in their narrative context. The repetitions in this part of the
text are noticeable. After the arrival of Balaam (A: Num 22:3640), the
rest of the text (B: Num 22:4124:24) can mainly be divided into three
subunits with more or less the same structure, having seven recurring
elements: B1 (Num 22:4123:12), B2 (Num 23:1326), B3 (23:2724:19).
Unit B1 and unit B2 in particular are very much in parallel. Unit B3
deviates in so far as there is no meeting between God and Balaam, but
the spirit of God enters Balaam. There is also a fourth oracle, which
is connected with the response of Balaam.
The overview makes clear that the framework of the narrative of Num-
bers 2224 is clearly recognizable in LAB 18.19 The exposition (I) occurs
in 18:12c, the closure (V) in 18:14abc.20 Also, the first invitation (II)
and the second invitation (III) are clearly recognizable (resp. 18:2d7f,
and 18:7g9). The story of the ass, which is part of the second invita-
tion, is very much abbreviated. As far as the discourses of Balaam are
concerned (IV), the most important difference between both texts is the
fact that Numbers has four oracles of Balaam (22:4124:19), with three
additional short oracles (24:2024), whereas Pseudo-Philo (v. 1013) has
one oracle. However, many of the recurring elements in the narrative
context of the oracles also occur in LAB 18, but only once.
This overall comparison of Numbers 2224 and LAB 18 shows that
the narrative structure of both texts is highly comparable. However, the
content of these parallel texts is very different. In the synoptic overview,21
it is clear that apart from some verbatim quotations (often with variations),
18
For a different understanding of the structure, see, e.g., B.A. Levine, Numbers 120
(AB 4), New York 1993, 13941.
19
For a study of the structure of LAB 18, see E. Reinmuth, Pseudo-Philo und Lukas:
Studien zum Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum und seiner Bedeutung fr die Interpretation des
lukanischen Doppelwerks (WUNT 74), Tbingen 1994, 5862.
20
Pseudo-Philo connects the closure of the story of Numbers 2224 with Numbers
25 (LAB 18:14de).
21
See the synoptic overview in the appendix of this article.

there are many omissions and additions in lab 18.22 In the following I
will attempt to unravel the various threads of the authors exegetical
techniques, the traditional elements from biblical and non-biblical
sources which exert influence on lab 18.23
Sometimes the text of Pseudo-Philo is somewhat disturbing with
regard to the narrative technique. I shall give two examples.24 One of
the striking things at the beginning of the text is that Pseudo-Philo (lab
18:2d7) does not adopt the messengers of Numbers 22 (v. 514). In
lab 18:2d the text reads: He sent to Balaam, but it is not mentioned
who was sent. In Numbers, the messengers act prominently. They are
called the messengers (v. 5a), but also the elders of Moab and the
elders of Midian (v. 7a), the princes of Moab (v. 8d), the princes of
Balak (v. 13b), and the princes of Moab (v. 14a). They are not only
mentioned by name, but they also have a clear function. They have
to bring the message of Balak to Balaam, and they have also brought
some instruments to do so (v. 7ac). In lab 18, it appears as if Balak
speaks directly to Balaam. There are no intermediaries. Once Balaam
is speaking, there seems to be more people involved, however: and
now wait (expectate: pluralis) here (v. 3f ). The inconsistency becomes
completely clear when, after the response of Balaam, Gods says: Who
are the men who have come to you? (v. 4b).
22
When a passage in the lab deviates from the parallel passage in mt Numbers, it is
not always possible to ascertain whether the deviation reflects the hand of the author or
the text of his Vorlage. The comparison of Numbers and lab is complicated by the fact
that one should establish which Hebrew biblical text the author had in front of him
when he composed his book. Harrington has compared the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum
with the extant versions of Numbers and concluded that the biblical text of the lab
would have been a Palestinian text type. It agrees sometimes with lxx, at others with
Samaritan Pentateuch or the mt, but is independent from them. Cf. D.J. Harrington,
The Biblical Text of Pseudo-Philos Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, Catholic Biblical
Quarterly 33 (1971) 117. One should always remain aware of this problem. The meth-
odological problem is even more complicated. The lab is preserved in Latin, but since
the study of Cohn in 1898 it is universally accepted that the Latin is a translation of
the Greek, and that underlying the Greek there must have been a Hebrew original.
Cf. L. Cohn, An Apocryphal Work Ascribed to Philo of Alexandria, Jewish Quarterly
Review 10 (1898) 277332; D.J. Harrington, The Original Language of Pseudo-Philos
Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, Harvard Theological Review 63 (1970) 50314.
23
Important research on the biblical interpretation in Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum
has been done by F.J. Murphy, Pseudo-Philo: Rewriting the Bible, New York 1993; H.
Jacobson, A Commentary on Pseudo-Philos Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, III (AGAJU,
31), Leiden 1996.
24
The examples are taken from H. Jacobson, Biblical Quotation and Editorial
Function in Pseudo-Philos Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, Journal for the Study of Pseud-
epigrapha 5 (1989) 4764, esp. 545.

A comparable problem with regard to the narrative technique can be

found in lab 18:2ik: And now come, and curse this people because
they are too many for us. This is a quotation of Num 22:6ac, with
some variations: And now come, curse this people for me, because they
are too mighty for me. The reference to this people is completely
clear in the biblical text since the people had just been mentioned
(Num 22:5bd: Behold, a people has come out of Egypt; they cover
the face of the earth, and they are dwelling opposite me). However,
this aspect is omitted in lab 18. As a consequence this people has no
reference in this text.
Another interesting phenomenon in the rewriting of Pseudo-Philo
is the fact that there seem to be conflated quotations. I will provide two
examples to explain this technique. I refer to lab 18:3fg: And now
wait here, and I will see what the Lord may say to me this night. At
first sight, these lines seems to refer to Num 22:8. However, it is strik-
ing that some words in lab 18:3 do not occur in the biblical text: and
now, I will see, and what. Moreover, it is doubtful whether the word
wait is an adequate rendering of wnyl (Lodge). Finally, this night is
transposed to the next sentence. One could say, of course, that Pseudo-
Philo gives a free rendering of Num 22:8. However, when one looks at
Num 22:19, where Balaam answers the second group of messengers,
then it seems as if lab 18:3 is rendering Num 22:19 (as in lab 18:8).25
The missing words from lab 18:3 and now, I will see, and what
do occur in Num 22:19. Wait seems to be an adequate rendering of
wb (wait) from Num 22:19, whereas I will see also renders h[daw (I
will know) from Num 22:19 in a plausible way. Finally, the rendering
of this night in lab 18:3g at the end of the second sentence might be
influenced by Num 22:20, where it is said that God came to Balaam
in the night.
A second example is lab 18:4a: And God said to him by night.
This could be a rendering of Num 22:9, although the words to him
and by night do not occur in Numbers, whereas the words came to
Balaam do not occur in lab 18:4a. However, in the parallel phrase in
the second invitation, that is, Num 22:20a, the words to him and at
night are found. It is possible that in his formulation of the first invita-
tion Pseudo-Philo is influenced by the formulation in the second.26
25
Jacobson, Biblical Quotation, 5556.
26
Jacobson, Biblical Quotation, 56.

More striking are the many omissions and additions. When looking at
the synoptic overview, one could get the impression that we are deal-
ing with two completely different kinds of texts that bear no relation
whatsoever. In some cases, however, omissions in one text are con-
nected to additions in the other text, although at different places. The
difference with the above-mentioned category of conflated quotations
is not completely clear. I will give a few examples. Firstly, Num 22:5d
reads and they are dwelling opposite me. This has no direct coun-
terpart in lab 18. However, we see more or less the same phrase in
lab 18:2b: and he was living opposite them. Secondly, Num 22:6fh
reads for I know that he whom you bless is blessed, and he whom you
curse is cursed. This has no obvious counterpart in lab 18. Moreover,
this raises a question: how is it that Balak knows this about Balaam?
In lab 18:2gh, we are given the answer: Behold I know that in the
reign of my father Zippor, when the Amorites fought him, you cursed
them and they were handed over before him.27 Thirdly, Num 22:17a
(that is, in the second invitation) reads for I will surely do you great
honor. However, we see that this is quoted in lab 18:2l: and I will do
you great honor. Num 22:17a is followed by the request to curse the
people in Num 22:17d: Curse this people for me, whereas lab 18:2l
is preceded by this request in lab 18:2j: Curse this people.
The Ambiguity of Balaam
Most noticeable are the additions in lab 18 that give no direct clue, as
far as the wording is concerned, to the biblical text of Numbers. For
example, lab 18:3bg, 4dh, 5b6e, 7io, 8bc, hi, 10h13. For the
most part, Pseudo-Philos portrait of Balaam in the rewriting is very
positive. Balaam is a prophet who does not want to curse Israel, and
who listens to the God of his chosen people. Balaam seems to have no
passion for money, and he is not corrupt. He is not influenced by the
offers of Balaks messengers. In the end, however, it is said that although
he blesses Israel, he is not blessed himself, and moreover that he gives
negative advice about Israel to Balak. As I go through the text, I will
pay particular attention to the portrayal of Balaam in lab.
27
Cf. Jacobson, Commentary, 577578.

The First Invitation ( lab 18:2d7f )
The additions in lab 18:3 make clear that the future cursing of Israel
gives pleasure to Balak. He seems to be convinced that this curse will
succeed as it did when Balaam cursed the Amorites (cf. lab 18:2gh).
Balaam explains, however, that success in the past does not guarantee
future success. Gods plans are not mans (or Balaks) plans. Moreover,
the gift of inspiration is given only temporarily (cf. lab 18:3d),28 whereas
God determines what is the correct way.29 The additions make clear
that Balaam can say only what is inspired by God.
The additions in lab 18:4 can in a certain sense be related to Num
22:1011. Whereas Balaams answer to Gods question in Numbers
seems to imply that God did not know the answer, lab shows that
Balaam, in Pseudo-Philo, interprets the question asked by God as a
rhetorical question.30 Gods question is in fact a test. Subsequently,
Balaam proclaims Gods omniscience (lab 18:4f ) and his creative power
(18:4g). In the end, Balaam refers to himself as your servant (lab
18:4h). Elsewhere in lab, Abraham and Moses are called servant.31
The designation your servant for Balaam seems to express Pseudo-
Philos high esteem.
Gods answer in lab 18:56 follows the first request of Balak to
curse Israel (lab 18:2dl). Balaam obtains Gods advice (lab 18:3fg).
Although the wording is different in Numbers and lab 18, the result
in both cases is Gods refusal. Whereas in Num 22:12 it is stated quite
simply: You shall not go with them; you shall not curse the people,
for they are blessed, the answer in lab 18:56 is much more elaborate
and related to the patriarchal narratives of Genesis.
In his answer, God recalls firstly the numerous offspring of Abraham
(lab 18:5bd). The promise occurs many times in Genesis (Gen 12:2;
13:16; 15:5; 16:10; 17:2, 46, 16, 20; 18:18; 21:12; 22:17 etc.). In two
28
This seems to be the interpretation of LAB 18:3d: Now he does not realize that the
spirit that is given to us is given for a time. The spirit of God enters men temporarily
on the occasion of their inspiration. So Jacobson, Commentary, 579.
29
So lab 18:3e: Our ways are not straight unless God wishes it.
30
The reply of Balaam in lab 18:4 is the reply he ought to have given according
to Midrash Numbers Rabbah 20:6. See Vermes, Story of Balaam, 1312; Feldman,
Prolegomenon, ci; Murphy, Pseudo-Philo, 85; Jacobson, Commentary, 581.
31
See lab 6:11: Why do you not answer me, Abram servant of God? 20:2: Did
I not speak on your behalf to Moses my servant? See also lab 15:5: I will tell my
servants, their fathers; 38:4.

of the occurrences, a comparison is made between Abrahams descen-

dants and the stars of heaven, that is, in Gen 15:5 and Gen 22:17.
Most commentators refer only to Gen 22:17: I will make your seed as
many as the stars of the heaven, as the source of lab 18:5d because
of the continuation of the text (lab 18:5ghi) where Pseudo-Philo refers
to the Aqedah (Genesis 22).32 However, it is also possible to point to
Gen 15:5: Look toward heaven, and number the stars, if you are able to
number them. Then he said to him: So shall your seed be. It is striking
that Gen 15:1 speaks about a vision: After these things the word of
the Lord came to Abram in a vision, as in lab 18:5b. It is possible that
we are dealing with a conflation of two parallel texts. The first part of
lab 18:5d: Your seed will be, derives from Gen 15:5, and the second
part: like the stars of the heaven, from Gen 22:17.33
God continues by combining the promise of numerous offspring with
the tradition that God has lifted Abraham above the firmament and
shown him the universe (lab 18:5ef ). This theme also occurs in Testa-
ment of Abraham 1014, 2 Baruch 4:4, and Midrash Genesis Rabbah 44:12.
Is it possible to link this passage to Gen 15:5a: And he brought him
outside? In that case, we have here an early reference to a midrash
on Gen 15:5.34
After this, God reminds Abraham of the offering of Isaac, Genesis
22 (lab 18:5gk). God says that he demanded Isaac as a holocaust, and
because Abraham did not refuse, his offering was acceptable for God.35
Although Isaac was not sacrificed,36 God declares that he has chosen
Israel because of his blood.37 Balak tries to use the power of Balaam
against Israel, but the Aqedah causes God to choose Israel.38
God reveals to Balaam that He had spoken with the angels who
work secretly (lab 18:5l). He starts this speech in lab 18:5n with a
quotation from Gen 18:17, where God decides to reveal to Abraham
32
See, e.g., James, Biblical Antiquities, 123; Harrington, Pseudo-Philo, 325; Murphy,
Pseudo-Philo, 85; B.N. Fisk, Offering Isaac again and again. Pseudo-Philos Use of the
Aqedah as Intertext, Catholic Biblical Quaterly 62 (2000) 481507, esp. 4845.
33
34
Cf. Midrash Genesis Rabbah 44:12, where hxwj (outside) is used as heaven. See
also 2 Bar 4:4.
35
Cf. Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 1.13:24; Targum Jonathan Gen 22:1.
36
Cf. LAB 18:5i: I gave him back to his father.
37
Cf. BT Yoma 5a; Mekhilta de Rabbi Shimon 4. Although Isaacs blood was not spilled,
is does have expiatory value. Lab also refers to the Aqedah in 32:24 and 40:2.
38
Cf. Murphey, Pseudo-Philo, 86.

all the acts he is going to perpetrate with regard to Sodom. In lab, this
is applied to the election of Israel. The purpose of quoting Gen 18:17
is not completely clear. Perhaps one should look to the next verse (Gen
18:18) in which first the numerous offspring of Abraham and then the
blessing are referred to: Abraham shall become a great and mighty
nation, and all the nations of the earth shall be blessed in him. If this is
true, this would mean that when Pseudo-Philo quotes Gen 18:17, he is
in fact referring to Gen 18:18. However, I am not sure about this sug-
gestion, because I am not aware of his using this technique elsewhere.
It is nevertheless interesting to note that the first part of Gen 12:3 is
quoted in lab 18:6de, whereas the second part of the verse, and in
you all the families of the earth shall be blessed, which is very much
comparable to the second phrase of Gen 18:18, is not quoted. God also
reveals the election to Jacob, who he calls firstborn. This revelation is
based on an interpretation of the blessing in Genesis 32.
The final words of God to Balaam are a rhetorical question with
regard to the proposal of Balaam to curse Israel (lab 18:6cde). The
implicit warning is that Balaam will not be blessed if he curses Israel.
This is an application of the first promise to Abraham in the Bible:
I will bless those who bless you, and the one who curses you I will curse
(Gen 12:3).
Three events in the history of the Patriarchs are cited by God as
indications that Israel is a blessed people and cannot be cursed. First,
the establishing of a covenant between God and Abraham (Gen 15)
in lab 18:5bf; second, the sacrifice of Isaac (Gen 22) in lab 18:5gk;
and third, Jacobs wrestling with the angel of God (Gen 32) in lab
18:6. Each of these events is marked with a blessing of Abraham and
his descendants. Pseudo-Philos appropriation of Genesis might mir-
ror the hermeneutics of Numbers 2224 itself.39 The parallel between
the Abraham story and Balaam helps us to see the latter as a positive,
sympathetic figure.
39
Cf. B.N. Fisk, Offering Isaac again and again. Pseudo-Philos Use of the Aqedah
as Intertext, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 62 (2000) 481507 (esp. 485). Fisk points to sev-
eral intertextual relations between Numbers 2224 and Genesis 22 (cf. Fisk, Offering
Isaac, 486488). Also, other ancient interpreters combine the patriarchal stories and the
Balaam narrative. Cf. Philo, De Migratione 109119, Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 4.6.4.

The second invitation ( lab 18:7g9)
The additions with regard to the second invitation (lab 18:7g9) mainly
portray Balak,40 although possibly something is also said of the destiny
of Balaam. In the eyes of Balak, holocausts will reconcile God with men
(lab 18:7ij). This is apparently necessary, as Balak thinks that God will
not help him because of his sins (cf. lab 18:7m). He asks Balaam to
offer as many sacrifices as necessary to win Gods favour (lab 18:7kl).
Both God and Balaam will profit, as Balaam will have a reward, and
God his offerings (lab 18:7no). There is no clear connection with the
text of Numbers. It is probable that the words of Balak in lab 18:7io
are related to Num 22:16d17b: Let nothing hinder you from coming
to me, for I will surely do you great honor, and whatever you say I
will do. In lab, Balak says what he thinks what could prevent Balaam
from cursing Israel, which is the same as what prevents Balaam from
doing what Balak commands. In lab, the mention of the offering of
great honor to Balaam (Num 22:17a) is not mentioned with regard
to the second invitation, but is transferred to the first invitation (lab
18:2l). However, the reward mentioned in lab 18:7n: You will have
your reward, could be used instead of the great honor found in Num
22:17a. It is also possible to connect the reward with Num 22:18c:
Though Balak were to give me his house full of silver and gold. The
remark that God will be reconciled with men if he gets his holocausts
(cf. lab 18:7ij) has no counterpart in the biblical text, but possibly
refers to lab 18:5gj. Because Abraham was ready to offer his son, he
is a chosen one. Balak is trying to exceed this offer. God asks for Abra-
hams son (lab 18:5g) in order that Israel be blessed, yet Balak offers
God more in lab 18:7l: as many holocausts as he wishes. Balak wishes
to persuade God with gifts, and to purchase a decision with money
(cf. lab 18:11d; cf. also 18:10c, 12r). The offering as such does play an
important part in Numbers. Every time Balaam receives an oracle, he
brings an offering (Num 23:12, 1415, 2730). This is paralleled only
once in lab (18:10bc) because there is only one oracle.
Balaams answer to this second invitation of Balak contains two addi-
tions (lab 18:8), which are difficult to interpret. With regard to the first
addition (lab 18:18bc), one should point to some disagreement among
40
Cf. Murphy, Pseudo-Philo, 86.

the manuscripts.41 One manuscript, lab 18:8b, reads as follows: Ecce

insipiens est filius Sephor, which can be translated: Lo, the son of Sep-
hor is foolish.42 The other reading is Ecce inspiciens est filius Sephor
which is translated by Harrington as follows: Behold the son of Zippor
is looking around.43 Jacobson translates it: Behold the son of Zippor
is a seer. He takes the following et as representating an adversative
waw: but he does not recognize that he dwells among the dead.44 In
any case, the addition seems to stress that Balaam evaluates Balak in a
negative way and indeed consults God again. He also goes along with
Balak, as in the biblical text. However, in the eyes of Balaam, Balak does
not recognize that he dwells among the dead (lab 18:8c). Possibly, this
means that wicked people, even if they are still alive, are called dead.45
The consequence of this is that Balaks prayers and offerings will be of
no consequence, because only the living can praise God.
With regard to the second addition (lab 18:8hi), it is possible to
interpret 18:8h: And your way will be a stumbling block, in the light
of 18:8i: And that Balak will go to ruin. In this interpretation, both
sentences contain a reference to Balak.46 The way of Balaam will be a
stumbling block for Balak, who will be ruined by this. Balaam remains,
at this point of the text, a positive figure. It is also possible, however, to
read both sentences independently. In that case, it is not immediately
clear for whom Balaams way is a stumbling block.47 One manuscript
() adds tibi after 18: 8h: And your way will be a stumbling block for
you. In this case, 18:8h can be related to Balaam, whereas 18:18i deals
with Balak. Consequently, both will be visited by bad luck as a con-
sequence of Balaams visit. This is supported by lab 18:11mo: For I
know that, because I have been persuaded by Balak I have lessened the
time of my life. If this interpretation is correct, it is the first time in lab
18 that Balaams destiny is mentioned. Until the second consultation
41
42
So James, Biblical Antiquities, 124; Kish, Liber Antiquitatum, 160.
43
Harrington, Pseudo-Philo, 87.
44
45
See Jacobson, Commentary, 591, with reference to Babylonian Talmud Berachot 18b;
Midrash Genesis Rabbah 39:7. Harrington, Pseudo-Philo, 325, note k, suggests that Balak (!)
does not recognize that the idols are dead. See also James, Biblical Antiquities, 124;
Perrot and Bogaert, Pseudo-Philon, 126 suggest that Balak the seer does not know his
own destiny. Murphy, Pseudo-Philo, 87, says that Balak has a human way of reasoning,
and therefore lacks knowledge of Gods ways.
46
47
Murphy, Pseudo-Philo, 87.

with God, Balaam is pictured as a prophet on the side of Israel, who

refuses to be swayed by Balak. However, Gods permission to his request
to go with Balak (18:8fi) contains Balaams destruction. The transfor-
mation of the story of the ass in lab supports this interpretation. After
Balaam departs with the messengers (18:8jk), the biblical story of the
ass is very much shortened in lab 18:9. Neither Gods anger, nor the
angels sword, nor the speaking ass are mentioned. In lab, the episode
is reduced to a revelation of the angel and a summon to hurry. Gods
anger and the opposition of the angel are summarized in the preceding
words of God to Balaam: Your way will be a stumbling block (18:8h).
In a certain way, an internal contradiction in the text of the Bible is
solved. In the biblical text, God first permits Balaam to go, but when
he does, God becomes angry. In LAB, the permission to go is directly
linked to the coming destiny of Balaam.
The Discourse of Balaam ( lab 18:1013)
In the rewriting of the first and second invitation, Balaam is valued

positively. Pseudo-Philo does not give any negative interpretation of
Balaam at places where other early Jewish and Christian authors do
so. Balaam is not able to curse Israel, and seems to be a figure similar
to Abraham. He nevertheless goes to God for a second time, but this
is in conformity with the biblical text. The formulation of Gods sec-
ond permission possibly anticipates the future destiny of Balaam. The
positive evaluation of Balaam seems also to be present in the discourse
(LAB 18:1013). Balaam does not curse Israel, although Balak asks this
of him (cf. LAB 18:10hn). On the contrary, he condemns Moab and
acknowledges the power of God (LAB 18:11c, 12eg). At the same time,
however, some negative characteristics of Balaam are given. The spirit
of God does not abide in Balaam (LAB 18:10e, 11l), and his last hour has
come (LAB 18:11m12a, 12hp). He admits that he has been led astray
by Balak, and therefore he is not blessed, even though he blesses Israel
(LAB 18:11mn, 12ij, 12no). After Balak has said to Balaam that God has
cheated him (18:12qr), Balaam even gives negative advice concerning
Israel (18:13ai). Thus, in this last part of LAB 18, a shift in the evalu-
ation of Balaam takes place, from a positive evaluation of Balaam who
blesses Israel, to that of a prophet who will not be blessed and who even
gives negative advice about Israel. It is difficult, however, to point to
exactly where the change takes place and for what reason. Therefore,
below I will examine some further aspects of this part of the text.

The arrival of Balaam after his journey with the messengers is

described in lab 18:10 very concisely: And he came into the land of
Moab (10a). In the biblical text, the meeting of Balaam and Balak is
described quite extensively (Num 22:3638). In lab 18:10bf, Balaam
carries out the offerings immediately after his arrival in the land of Moab
and even before he makes contact with Balak. In the Bible, Balak is the
first to carry out the offerings (Num 22:3940), while later on they either
undertake them together (Num 23:2), or Balak is present when Balaam
makes the offerings (Num 23:14), or Balak carries them out himself
(Num 23:30). In lab, Balak is not mentioned when Balaam sees Israel
(lab 18:10d), whereas in Numbers, they see the people together (Num
22:41; 23:13; 24:2). Pseudo-Philo seems to avoid giving the impression
that Balaam is collaborating with Balak at this point in the text.
In lab, the discourse of Balaam is not preceded by an encounter
between Balaam and God (cf. Num 23:410, 1624), nor by the men-
tion that the spirit of God came upon him (Num 24:29). In lab, it
seems as if Balaam utters his discourse without divine approval. lab
18:10e: And when he saw part of the people, the spirit of God did
not abide in him has a parallel in the biblical text, Num 24:2c: And
the spirit of God came upon him. These parallel texts, however, are
contradictory in meaning. In lab, Balaam loses the spirit, whereas in
Numbers he receives it. It seems as if, according to Pseudo-Philo, the
oracle of Balaam is delivered while the spirit is absent. At the begin-
ning of the chapter (lab 18:3d), Balaam says to Balak that the spirit is
given only for a time. This seems to imply that Balaam realizes that
the spirit will not always rest in him. In lab 18:11l, it is said that only
a little is left of the spirit, which is tantamount to saying that there is
nothing left.48 According to Levison, the reason for changing Num 24:2
is probably the ambivalence of Pseudo-Philo with regard to ascribing
to the spirit of God the delivering of an oracle to a prophet who is not
from Israel, and who in the end led Israel astray. The spirit remains
in Balaam, only to allow him to deliver his oracle. Whereas Pseudo-
Philo is dependent on Scripture to ascribe the oracle of Balaam to the
spirit, he contradicts this by adding a negative: the spirit of God did
not abide in him.49
48
Cf. Levison, Prophetic Inspiration, 321.
49
Cf. Levison, Prophetic Inspiration, 3212. Jacobson (Commentary, 594) has some
problems accepting the fact that LAB 18:10e has a text that is contradictory to the bibli-
cal text. He suggests the deletion of the negation, but this does not satisfy him either,
since it would mean that there was already the spirit of God in Balaam. According

In the discourse of Balaam (lab 10:10h12o), his message is that he

cannot curse Israel, because it is indestructible (lab 18:10hn). Israel is
Gods heritage (v. 11a), and God has great commitment to his people
(v. 11hi). Israels light is more brilliant than the splendour of lightning
(v. 12c) and its course swifter than an arrow (v. 12d). In addition to
these positive remarks with regard to Israel, Balaam expresses himself
negatively about Moab (v. 12eg), whereas the destiny of Balak, who
tried to persuade God with gifts (v. 11d), is compared with that of
Pharaoh, who tried to reduce Israel to slavery (v. 11ef ).
One can conclude that the general picture of Balaam as described
in lab 18 is a positive one, he is a prophet of Israel. However, two
elements in the discourse seem to contradict this conclusion. In the first
place, Balaam alludes to his own fate and coming end (lab 18:11j12a).
He is restrained in his speech (lab 18:11j) and cannot say what he sees
with his eyes (lab 18:11k). In lab 18:12 he also speaks in a negative
way about himself. His last hour seems to have come (lab 18:12a). He
gnashes his teeth (lab 18:12h). The fact that he was persuaded by Balak
is given as the reason why he has lost time in his life (lab 18:11no).
Although it is not completely clear, I think that here Pseudo-Philo is
referring to the fact that Balaam listened to Balak a second time con-
cerning the possibility of cursing Israel. After the first consultation, it
was clear that God did not wish Balaam to meet Balak (cf. lab 18:7).
The fact that he listened to Balak a second time is possibly what is
meant by his transgression (lab 18:12ij). Although God gave Balaam
permission to meet Balak, and although his message remains positive
for Israel, Balaam is still blamed.50 Balaam seems to be aware of the fact
that it was because of this transgression that he was not blessed, despite
the fact that he had blessed Israel and cursed Moab (lab 18:12no).
This element seems to be in contradiction with the implication of lab
18:6de: But if you curse them, who will be there to bless you?, but his
subsequent consultation with God seems to give a turn to his destiny.
This is clearly anticipated in the formulation of Gods second statement
to Jacobson, this is questionable, and against the biblical text that says that the spirit
comes upon Balaam. He suggests therefore the following textcritical solution. Originally
the text probably reads: there was a spirit ( ), which became through
a mistake in writing, the spirit of God abides ( ). In Greek this is only
a small change. In a later stage, a copyist did not like this and he added a negation
(the spirit of God did not abide).
50
Cf. Murphy, Pseudo-Philo, 89.

giving permission for Balaam to meet Balak in lab 18:8h: And your
way will be a stumbling block. The integration of the coming end of
Balaam within his prophecy solves the contradiction in the biblical text
that suggests that a prophet who is blessing Israel (Numbers 2224)
will also soon meet his end (cf. Num 31:8).
In the second place, after Balaam ended his discourse, he grew
silent (lab 18:12p). The spirit of God left him. Balaks reaction is one
of dissatisfaction with the blessing of Israel and the cursing of Moab,
and he blames God for this (lab 18:12qr). It is only after Balaam
has finished his discourse that he gives negative advice about Israel
to BalakIsrael can only be defeated when it sins: Come and let us
plan what you should do to them. Pick out the beautiful women who
are among us and in Midian, and station them naked and adorned
with gold and precious stones before them. When they see them and
lie with them, they will sin against their Lord and fall into your hands;
for otherwise you cannot fight against them (lab 18:13). In the biblical
text, Balaam has already gone home before the people of Israel begin
to have sexual relations with the daughters of Moab. Pseudo-Philo,
however, explicitly states that Balaam had counselled Balak to use the
women. He borrows this negative point from another biblical story
rather than Numbers 2224. It refers to the story of Baal Peor (Num-
bers 25), which is ascribed to Balaam in Num 31:16: These women
here, on Balaams advice, made the Israelites act treacherously against
the Lord in the affair of Peor . . .. The formulation in Num 31:16 is
not completely clear, since on Balaams advice is the translation of
the Hebrew [lb rbdb which means literally in the word (matter) of
Balaam. However, the text suggests that Balaam has at least something
to do with it. In lab, the advice of Balaam is interwoven into the story
about his prophecy.51 The closure of the text mentions his advice once
again, but Pseudo-Philo seems to put the responsibility mainly on the
shoulders of Balak: And afterward the people were seduced after the
daughters of Moab. For Balak did everything that Balaam had showed
him (lab 18:14de).
51
It is possible that the negative advice of Balaam reflects the introduction of the
fourth oracle: Come, I will let you know what this people will do to your people in
the latter days (Num 24:14b). In Numbers, it is clear that this people is Israel, and
your people is Moab. Possibly Pseudo-Philo turns this around: Come and let us plan
what you (Balak) should do to them (Israel) (lab 18:13b).

By integrating this negative aspect of the portrayal of Balaam into the

story of Numbers 2224, Pseudo-Philo tries to harmonize the contrasting
passages in the Bible with regard to the portrayal of Balaam. What is
important here, is that Balaams negative advice is delivered only after
his prophecy is complete. The spirit of God has left Balaam, and only
then does he give this counsel. Balaams advice to seduce Israel is not
a prophecy. He does not curse Israel. As a prophet under the inspira-
tion of the spirit of God, Balaam did the right thing. Only without this
inspiration is Balaam able to give negative advice to Balak.
Conclusion
Pseudo-Philo combines the positive portrayal of Balaam with a nega-

tive one, through a gradual diminishing of the spirit. At the end of his
oracle, lab speaks about a prophet at the end of his life. Although he
did not curse Israel, he is misled by Balak, and therefore he will soon
come to his end, and will not be blessed by God. Only after he ends
his oracle, is he able to give his negative advice to Balak. Pseudo-Philo
integrates Numbers 2224 not only with Num 31:16, but also with
texts such as Num 31:8 that predict the coming end of Balaam. The
change in the characterization of Balaam mainly takes place at the
end of his discourse, but is already anticipated by the answer of God
at the second consultation.

APPENDIX
A SYNOPTIC OVERVIEW OF NUMBERS 22:225:1 AND

PSEUDO-PHILO, LIBER ANTIQUITATUM BIBLICARUM 18
In the following synoptic overview I give the texts of Numbers and Pseudo-Philo, Liber
Antiquitatum Biblicarum 18 in the English translation. Biblical verses are quoted accord-
ing to the Revised Standard Version with slight modifications. Quotations from the Liber
Antiquitatum Biblicarum are from D.J. Harrington, Pseudo-Philo, in: J.H. Charlesworth
(ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, II, London 1985, 297377, based on the Latin
edition of the text edited in D.J. Harrington, Pseudo-Philon. Les Antiquits Bibliques, I (SC
229), Paris 1976, 14857, also with slight modifications. The modifications are made
at points where the comparison of these texts would otherwise have been troubled.
I put in small caps the elements of Numbers which do not occur in Liber Antiquitatum
Biblicarum, and vice versa, i.e., the omissions and additions. In normal script are the
elements that corresponds in both texts, i.e., the verbatim quotations of one or more
words of the source text in Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum. I put in italics all variations
between Numbers and Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum other than addition or omission. The
verbatim quotations and the modifications of them can occur in the same word order
or sentence-order in Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum as in Numbers. However, sometimes
there is a rearrangement of words and sentences. I underline those elements.
I. The Exposition (Num 21:2122:1 // LAB 18:12c)
Numbers 22 Pseudo-Philo, Liber Antiquitatum

Biblicarum 18
[Cf. Num 21:2122:1] 1a In that time, Moses killed Sihon

and Og, the kings of the
Amorites,
b and he handed over all their
land to his own people,
c and they dwelled in it.
2 And Balak the son of Zippor saw [ ]
all that Israel had done to the
Amorites.
2a Balak [ ] was king of Moab,

[cf. Num 22:5d] b and he was living opposite them,
3a And Moab was in great dread of the c and he was very much afraid [ ].
people,
b because they were many; []
c Moab was overcome with fear of
the people of Israel.
4a And Moab said to the elders of
Midian:
b This horde will now lick up all
that is round about us,
c as the ox licks up the grass of
the field.
4d Balak the son of Zippor was king
of Moab in that time.

II. The First Invitation (Num 22:514 // LAB 18:2d7f )

Biblicarum 18
5a He sent messengers to Balaam the 2d And he sent [ ] to Balaam the son

son of Beor[ ] at Pethor, which is near of Beor, the interpreter of
the River, in the land of Amaw dreams, who lived in Mesopotamia,
to call him, e and commanded him,
saying: f saying:
b Behold, a people has come out g Behold [ ]
of Egypt;
c they cover the face of the earth,
d and they are dwelling opposite me. [cf. LAB 18:2b]
[cf. Num 22:6fh] I know that in the reign of my
father Zippor, when the
Amorites fought him, you cursed
them
h and they were handed over
before him.
6a And now come, i And now come
b [ ] curse this people for me, j and curse this people [ ],
c because they are too mighty for me; k because they are too many for us,
[cf. Num 22:17a] l and I will do you great honor.
d perhaps I shall be able to defeat [ ]
them
e and drive them from the land;
f for I know that
g he whom you bless is blessed, [cf. LAB 18:2gh]
h and he whom you curse is cursed.
7a So the elders of Moab and the
elders of Midian departed with the
fees for divination in their hand;
b and they came to Balaam,
c and gave him Balaks message.
8a And he said to them: 3a And Balaam said [ ]:
[ ] b Behold this has given pleasure
to Balak,
c but he does not know that the
plan of God is not like the plan
of man.
d Now he does not realize that
the spirit that is given to us is
given for a time.
e But out ways are not straight
unless God wishes it.
b Lodge here this night, f And now wait here,
c and I will bring back word to you, as g and I will see what the Lord may say to
the Lord speaks to me; me this night.
d so the princes of Moab stayed [ ]
with Balaam.

Table (cont.)

Biblicarum 18
9a And God came to Balaam and 4a And God [ ] said to him by

said [ ]: night:
b Who are these men with you? b Who are the men who have come to
you?
10a And Balaam said to God: c And Balaam said [ ]:
b Balak the son of Zippor, king [ ]
of Moab, has sent to me, saying:
11a Behold, a people has come out
of Egypt,
b and it covers the face of the earth;
c now come,
d curse them for me;
e perhaps I shall be able to fight
against them
f and drive them out.
[ ] d Why, Lord, do you try the
human race?
e They cannot endure it,
f because you know well what is
to happen in the world,
g even before you founded it.
h And not enlighten your servant
if it be right to go forth with
them.
12a God said to Balaam: 5a And he said to him:
b You shall not go with them; [ ]
c you shall not curse the people,
d for they are blessed.
[ ] b Is it not regarding this people
that I spoke to Abraham in a
(cf. Gen 15:1) vision,
c saying:
(cf. Gen 22:17 / 15:5) d Your seed will be like the stars
of the heaven,
(cf. Gen 15:5a?) e when I lifted him above the
firmament
(cf. Test. Abr. 1014; 2 Bar 4:4) f and showed him the
arrangements of all the stars?
(cf. Gen 22:119) g And I demanded his son as a
holocaust.
h And he brought him to be placed
on the alter,
i but I gave him back to his
father,
j and, because he did not refuse,
his offering was acceptable
before me,
k and on account of his blood I
chose them.

Table (cont.)

Biblicarum 18
l And then I said to the angels
who work secretly:
(cf. Gen 18:17) m I will reveal everything I am
doing to Abraham
6a and to Jacob his son, the third
one whom I called firstborn
(cf. Gen 32:2530) b who, when he was wrestling in
the dust with the angel who
was in charge of hymns, would
not let him go until he blessed
him .
c And do you propose to go forth
with them to curse whom I have
chosen?
(cf. Gen 12:3) d But if you curse them,
e who will be there to bless you?
13a And Balaam arose in the morning, 7a And Balaam arose in the morning,
b and said to the princes of Balak: b and said [ ]:
c Go to your own land; c Be on your way,
d because the Lord has refused to let d because God does not wish me to come
me go with you. with you.
14a And the princes of Moab rose e And they set out
b and went to Balak,
c and said: f and told Balak
d Balaam refuses to come with us. what was said by Balaam.
III. The Second Invitation (Num 22:1535 // LAB 18:7g 9)

Biblicarum 18
15a And Balak again sent princes, more 7g And Balak again sent other men
in number and more honorable than they.
16a And they came to Balaam [ ] to Balaam,
b and said to him: h saying [ ]:
c Thus says Balak the son [ ]
of Zippor:
d Let nothing hinder you from
coming to me;
17a for I will surely do you great honor, [cf. LAB 18: 21]
b and whatever you say to me I
will do;
c come,
d curse this people for me.
[ ] i Behold I know that when you
offer holocausts to God,
j God will be reconciled
with men.
k And now ask even still more
from your Lord

Table (cont.)

Biblicarum 18
l and beg with as many holocausts

as he wishes.
m But if he should be propitiated
regarding my evil deeds,
n you will have your reward
o and God will receive his
offerings.
18a And Balaam answered 8a And Balaam [ ]

b and said to the servants of Balak: said to them:
c Though Balak were to give me [ ]
his house full of silver and gold,
d I could not go beyond the
command of the Lord my God, to
do less or more.
[ ] b Behold the son of Zippor is
looking around
c and he does not recognize that
he dwells among the dead.
19a And now wait here this night also, d And now wait here this night,
b and I will know what more the e and I will see what [ ] God will say
Lord will say to me. to me.
20a And God came to Balaam at f And God [ ] said to him:

night and said to him:
b If the men have come to call you, [ ]
c rise,
d go with them; g Go with them,
e but only what I bid you, that [ ]
shall you do.
[ ] h and your way will be a
stumbling block,
i and that Balak will go to ruin.
21a Balaam rose in the morning, j He rose in the morning

b and saddled his ass, [ ]
c and went with the princes of Moab. k and set out with them.
22a But Gods anger was kindled

b because he went;
c and the angel of the Lord took
his stand in the way as his
adversary.
d And he was riding on the ass,
e and his two servants were with him.
23a And the ass saw the angel of
the Lord standing in the road,
with a drawn sword in his hand;
b and the ass turned aside out of
the road,
c and went into the field;

Table (cont.)

Biblicarum 18
d and Balaam struck the ass, to

turn her into the road.
24a Then the angel of the Lord
stood in a narrow path between
the vineyards, with a wall on
either side.
25a And when the ass saw the angel
of the Lord,
b she pushed against the wall,
c and pressed Balaams foot
against the wall;
d so he struck her again.
26a Then the angel of the Lord
went ahead,
b and stood in a narrow place,
where there was no way to
turn either to the right or to
the left.
27a When the ass [ ] 9a And the ass came by way of the
wilderness
saw the angel of the Lord, b and saw an angel
b she lay down beneath Balaam; and lay down beneath him.
c and Balaams anger was kindled,
d and he struck the ass with his
staff.
28a Then the Lord opened the mouth
of the ass,
b and she said to Balaam:
c What have I done to you,
d that you have struck me these
three times?
29a And Balaam said to the ass:
b Because you have made sport
of me.
c I wish I had a sword in my hand,
d for then I would kill you.
30a And the ass said to Balaam:
b Am I not your ass, upon which
you have ridden all your life
long to this day?
c Was I ever accustomed to do
so to you?
d And he said:
e No.
31a And the Lord opened Balaams eyes, c And he opened Balaams eyes,
b and he saw the angel of the Lord d and he saw the angel
standing in the way, with his
drawn sword in his hand;
c and he bowed his head, e and adored him on the ground.
d and fell on his face.

Table (cont.)

Biblicarum 18
32a And the angel of the Lord said

to him:
b Why have you struck your ass
these three times?
c Behold, I have come forth to
withstand you,
d because your way is perverse
before me;
33a and the ass saw me,
b and turned aside before me
these three times.
c If she had not turned aside
from me,
d surely just now I would have
slain you
e and let her live.
34a Then Balaam said to the angel
of the Lord:
b I have sinned,
c for I did not know that thou
didst stand in the road against me.
d Now therefore, if it is evil in
thy sight, I will go back again.
35a And the angel of the Lord said f And the angel [ ] said to him:
to Balaam:
b Go with the men; g Hurry
h and be gone,
c but only the word which I bid you, i because whatever you say will come to
that shall you speak. pass ( for him).
d So Balaam went on with the [ ]
princes of Balak
IV. The Discourse(s) of Balaam (Num 22:3624:24 // LAB 18:1013)
Numbers Pseudo-Philo, Liber Antiquitatum

Biblicarum 18
(cf. 22:3640) 10a And he came into the land of

Moab
(cf. 23:12a, 14b, 2930a) b and built an altar
(cf. 23:2b, 14c, 30b) c and offered sacrifices.
(cf. 22:41c; 24:1c2b) d And when he saw part of the
people,
(cf. 24:2c) e the spirit of God did not abide
in him.
(cf. 23:7a,18a, 24:3a,15a) f And he took up his discourse
(cf. 23:7b,18b, 24:3b,15b) g and said:
h Behold Balak brought me to the
mountain,

Table (cont.)

Biblicarum 18
i saying:
j Come, run into the fire of those
men.
k What fire the waters will not
extinguish, I cannot resist;
l but the fire that consumes water,
who will resist that?
m And he said to him:
n It is easier to take away the
foundations of the topmost part of
the earth and to extinguish the
light of the sun and to darken the
light of the moon than for anyone
to uproot the planting of the Most
Powerful or to destroy his vine.
o And he (Balak) did not know that
his consciousness was conceited so
as to hasten his own destruction.
11a For behold I see the heritage that
the Most Powerful has shown me
by night.
b and behold the days will come,
c and Moab will be amazed at what
is happening to it
d because Balak wished to persuade
the Most Powerful with gifts and to
buy a decision with money.
e Should you not have asked about
what he sent upon Pharaoh and
his land
f because he wished to reduce them
to slavery?
g Behold an overshadowing and
highly desirable vine, and who will
be jealous because it does not
wither?
h But if anyone says to himself that
the Most Powerful has labored in
vain or has chosen them to no
purpose,
i behold now I see the salvation and
liberation that will come upon
them.
j I am restrained in my speech
k and cannot say what I see with
my eyes,
l because there is little left of the
holy spirit that abides in me.
m For I know that,

Table (cont.)

Biblicarum 18
n because I have been persuaded by

Balak
o I have lessened the time of my life.
12a And behold my remaining hour.
b Behold again I see the heritage and
the dwelling place of this people.
c And its light will shine more
brilliantly than the splendor of
lightning,
d and its course will be swifter than
that of an arrow.
e And the time will come
f and Moab will groan,
g and those serving Chemosh who
have plotted these things against
them will be made weak.
h But I will gnash my teeth,
i because I have been led astray
j and have transgressed what was
said to me by night.
k And my prophecy will remain
public,
l and my words will live on.
m And the wise and understanding
will remember my words that,
n when I cursed, I perished
o but though I blessed, I was not
blessed.
p On saying these words he grew
silent.
q And Balak said:
(cf. 23:11, 25; 24:1011) r Your God has cheated you of
many gifts from me.
13a And then Balaam said to him:
(cf. 23:12, 26; 24:1214) b Come and let us plan what you
should do to them.
c Pick out the beautiful women who
are among us and in Midian,
(cf. Num 25:1; 31:16) d and station them naked and
adorned with gold and precious
stones before them.
e And when they see them
f and lie with them,
g they will sin against their Lord
h and fall into your hands;
i for otherwise you cannot fight
against them.

V. The Closure of the Story (Num 24:2525:1 // LAB 18:14)

Biblicarum 18
[ ] 14a And on saying this,

25a And Balaam rose, b Balaam turned away
b and he went
c and returned to his place; c and returned to his place.
c and Balak also went his way. [ ]
1a While Israel was staying at
Shittim,
b [ ] the people began to have sexual d And afterward the people were
relations with the daughters of Moab. seduced after the daughters of Moab.
[ ] e For Balak did everything that
Balaam had showed him.

BALAAM AS THE SOPHIST PAR EXCELLENCE IN
PHILO OF ALEXANDRIA:
PHILOS PROJECTION OF AN URGENT
CONTEMPORARY DEBATE ONTO MOSES
PENTATEUCHAL NARRATIVES
George H. van Kooten
In Philos commentaries on Moses Pentateuch, one of the figures dealt

with in some detail is Balaam.1 As we shall see, Philo regards Balaam
as quite an important figure. He portrays him as a sophist, for reasons
which we shall explore in the first section (1). From the fifth century bc
on, the word sophist was applied, in a technical sense, to the itiner-
ant professors of higher education who travelled widely through the
Greek world and gave lectures for which they could charge a large fee.
According to a definition by Christopher Taylor,
They pioneered the systematic study of techniques of persuasion and argu-
ment, which embraced various forms of the study of language, including
grammar, literary criticism, and semantics. Protagoras was reputedly the
first person to write a treatise on techniques of argument, and was notori-
ous for his claim to make the weaker argument the stronger. The sophists
aroused strong reactions, both positive and negative. On the positive side,
the highly successful careers of the most celebrated testify to a consider-
able demand for their services, especially in providing rhetorical training
for aspiring politicians. On the negative, they were regarded, especially
by those of conservative views, as subversive of morality and tradition,
in view (. . .) of their teaching (especially to the young) of techniques of
argument. (. . .) Plato (. . .) depicts the sophists predominantly as charlatans,
in contrast to Socrates, the paradigm of the true philosopher.2
The same antithesis between sophistry and true philosophy runs through
Philos writings. By anachronistically attributing the term sophist to
past opponents of Israel, Philo rewrites the history of Israel in philo-
sophical terms. Balaam is but one example of the sophists whom Philo
1
I wish to thank Dr Maria Sherwood-Smith (Leiden) for her kindness in revising
the English in this paper.
2
C.C.W. Taylor, Sophists, in: S. Hornblower & A. Spawforth (eds), The Oxford
Classical Dictionary Third Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, 1422.

132 george h. van kooten
mentions. As a sophistic adversary of Israel, who appears during Israels

voyage through the wilderness, Balaam is, chronologically speaking,
the last representative of sophistic philosophy in Moses Pentateuch
and takes his place in a long succession of sophists who contend with
the ancestors and descendants of the Jewish people. The way in which
Philo construes this archetypal conflict between sophistry and Israel will
be discussed in the second section (2).
In his treatment of Balaam and other sophists, Philo shows himself to
be anything but detached. As a matter of fact, Philos grave concerns
about the threat posed to true philosophy by sophists in his own day
repeatedly emerge from the text in a very vivid manner. The atten-
tion Philo pays to sophistry is not the expression of an antiquarian
interest in Greek philosophy, but rather reflects his concern about the
contemporary movement known as the Second Sophistic, which, in
the first three centuries ad, revived the spirit of the classical sophists.
The Second Sophistic, which has recently been put on the scholarly
agenda by many classicists,3 flourished in Rome and in the cities of
the Eastern Mediterranean, including Alexandria where Philo worked
and lived. It was a public phenomenon:
Rhetors (), whether resident teachers of rhetoric or touring emi-
nences, would draw aficionados in large numbers to private or imperial
mansions, lecture halls in libraries, bouleuteria, odeia, and even theatres.4
These rhetoricians were active in public declamation and teaching, but
also in the arena of civic and political life:
Many sophists (. . .) were influential in their cities and even provinces,
intervening to check civic disorder or inter-city rivalry (. . .), or dispatched
as envoys to congratulate emperors on their accession or to win or secure
privileges for their cities (and often themselves).5
The distinctions they could procure in the public sphere rendered
their profession quarrelsome and very competitive. It is against the
3
See, e.g., T. Whitmarsh, The Second Sophistic (New Surveys in the Classics 35), Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2005; B.E. Borg (ed.), Paideia: The World of the Second Sophistic
(Millennium Studies 2); Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2004; G. Anderson,
The Second Sophistic: A Cultural Phenomenon in the Roman Empire, London/New York:
Routledge, 1993; G.W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1969.
4
E.L. Bowie, Second Sophistic, in: Hornblower & Spawforth, The Oxford Classical
Dictionary, 13778 at 1377.
5
Bowie, Second Sophistic, 1377.

balaam the sophist in philo of alexandria 133
lure of this rhetorical movement that Philo wishes to warn his read-
ers. It may well be that Philos treatment of contemporary sophistry
offers an important key to his entire oeuvrecommentaries which may
otherwise appear to be abstract, monotonous, difficult and unfocused
philosophical musings on the books of Moses. As I shall argue, Balaam,
along with other adversaries from Israels past, functions as a chiffre of
the (perceived) attack of sophistry on Philos Platonic philosophy, thus
giving a concrete and realistic urgency to Philos scholarly work. Philos
application of Moses writings to his own polemical circumstances,
and the way he transposes the philosophical controversies of his day
back into narratives contained in those writings will be examined in
the third section (3).
The issue of Philo and the sophists of contemporary Alexandria was

already taken up by Bruce Winter in his exemplary study Philo and Paul
Among the Sophists (1997).6 To my mind, the study constituted a break-
through in Philonic and Pauline studies by applying the new insights
into the movement of the Second Sophistic to contemporary Judaism
(Philo) and Christianity (Paul) and contextualizing the opponents in
both Philos writings and Pauls Corinthian correspondence. Prior to
Winters study we lacked a thorough survey of Philos discussion of the
sophists, and his many comments on the sophistic movement seem to
have been neglected.7 Before pointing out a desideratum not fulfilled
by Winters study, I shall briefly outline the structure of his book. In
the chapters devoted to Philo, Winter first raises the question Who are
Philos Sophists? Before Winter, views varied considerably in scholarly
literature. Winter carefully reviews all existing definitions by modern
scholars, deals with the relevant passages from Philos writings and, on
the basis of that, criticizes most modern definitions, to conclude that
Philo denotes contemporary, professional orators and sophists in Alexan-
dria. Other first-century writers such as Plutarch, Epictetus and Dio
Chrysostom likewise refer to both groups as a sort of contemporary,
identifiable and professional guild.8
6
B.W. Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists: Alexandrian and Corinthian Responses to
a Julio-Claudian MovementSecond Edition, Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 2002
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19971).
7
Cf. Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, 59, 59n1, 62.
8
Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, chap. 3, 5979 at 66. Earlier modern
definitions are listed on pp. 602 and critically reviewed on pp. 6278.

In his final conclusion, Winter offers the following assessment, in

which he underscores the specialized, technical, literal meaning of the
term sophist in Philo and its reference to the actual contemporary
movement of the Second Sophistic:
Orators and sophists comprised an identifiable grouping in Alexandrian
society (. . .). Within the educational system of the first century, the term
sophist was not a fluid one: it excluded philosophers, dialecticians,
grammarians, musicians, geometricians and any other specialized group.
Philos sophists comprised a specific group within paideia (. . .). Philo
does not use the term sophist to stigmatise philosophers (. . .). The term
in Philos corpus is neither a symbol nor a pejorative label applied to
Greek or Jewish teachers or Greek philosophers. (. . .) the word should be
read literally. Philo may well speak of the sophists in a pejorative way,
but like Dio, he does not use it pejoratively of non-sophists. A distinct
vocabulary of invective, drawn from Plato and well suited to its purpose,
was used of the actual sophists in the first century.9
On the basis of this terminological clarification, Winter is able to take
two further steps in the following chapters. First, Winter studies Philos
critique of the Alexandrian sophistic tradition by offering a systematic
analysis of Philos characterizations and criticism of the sophists, and
commenting on their misuse of paideia for vice, deception, and personal
gain.10 Whereas Winters analysis of the comments themselves is system-
atic, he fails to pay sufficient attention to the original narrative setting
of Philos criticisms within his commentaries on the Mosaic Pentateuch,
so that the full import of Philos criticism is lost.
Secondly, having now established both the definition of sophists and
Philos criticism of these sophists, Winter shows how Philo prepared
himself and the ablest among his readers for the arduous debate with
and defeat of the sophists.11
Despite the ground-breaking qualities of Winters study, one impor-
tant aspect of Philos polemics with the sophists is not sufficiently illu-
minated: the scope and range of Philos projection of the contemporary
debate with the sophists onto the narratives of the Mosaic Pentateuch,
on which his writings offer a running commentary. My own research
into the sophists in Philos corpus of texts throws more light on this
9
Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, 789.
10
Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, chap. 4, 8094.
11
Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, chap. 5, 95108.

aspect. Apart from yielding some extra passages on the sophists not
drawn upon by Winter,12 my enquiry into the narrative context of
Balaam the Sophist and into that of other sophists in Philos commen-
taries on the Pentateuch shows that Philo envisaged an uninterrupted
threat posed to Israels history by sophistry. Winter occasionally refers
to the narrative settings of Philos criticism of the sophists and to the
way these narratives function,13 but never highlights them, due to his
systematic, non-narrative treatment of the contents of this criticism. By
divorcing the polemic from its narrative, biblical context he also fails to
point out important narratives and does not mention the anti-sophistic
contestants by their biblical names.14
Within the Mosaic writings the sophistic threat reached its climax,
in Philos eyes, in the figure of Balaam (1), as the culmination of
sophistic encounters right from the start of creation (2). By construct-
ing a persistent sophistic threat throughout the narratives of the Mosaic
Pentateuch, Philo seems to warn his ( Jewish) readers not to yield to the
attractions of contemporary sophistry (3). It shows another side, and
therefore a more complicated picture, of Philo of Alexandria. This is
the picture, not of a Hellenizing, secularizing Jew, but of a Jew who,
by adopting Greek philosophy, draws some demarcation lines against
the prevailing forces of the Second Sophistic.
1. Balaam in Philos thought
In his commentary on Cains murder of Abel, Philo draws a parallel

between the conduct of Cain and that of Balaam. According to Philo,
Gods question to Cain, What have you done? (Gen 4:10),
is tantamount to You have done nothing, accomplished nothing. It
was so with Balaam also. He was a sophist, an empty conglomeration of
12
See, e.g., De confusione 39; Legum allegoriae 1.74, 3.41, 3.54; De migratione 171172;
De praemiis 8; De providentia, frag. 1.1; De somniis 1.102.
13
Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, 80, 94, 105, 107.
14
See, e.g., the narratives about the creation (De opificio mundi 45; passage not in
Winter), Abraham (De praemiis 58; passage in Winter, 89n50 but without name of
Abraham), Rebecca (De posteritate Caini 150; in Winter, 92 but without reference to
section on Rebecca), Joseph (De Josepho 104, 125; passages in Winter, 88 and 64 but
without reference to Joseph), Moses (De confusione 3335; passage not in Winter) and
the Amorites (Legum allegoriae 3.232233; passage in Winter, 91 but without reference
to the Amorites).

incompatible and discordant notions ( ,

). It was his desire to do harm to
the goodly one by laying curses upon him. But he could not, for God
turned his curses into a blessing . . .15 (Quod deterius 7071)
Apparently, Philo reads the story of Balaam as that of a conflict between
Balaams evil intentions (his curses) and the outcome (their being turned
into blessings by God). In his exegesis of the Balaam narrative in Num-
bers 2225, Philo is heavily dependent on its earliest interpretation in
Deut 23:46 (cf. Noorts contribution, 5bi). There is an unresolved
tension between the positive picture of Balaam in Numbers 2224 (he
refuses to be paid and wishes to speak only as God commands [22:7,
1718, 3738; 23:12, 26; 24:1113]) on the one hand, and the unan-
ticipated reference in Numbers 31 to Balaams harmful advice (31:16;
cf. 31:8) to weaken the Israelites by seducing them and inviting them
to idolatry (25:13a) on the other. Because of this tension, the author of
Deuteronomy assumes that Balaam had in fact been hired and intended
to curse Israel for gain, but was prevented by God who turned the curse
into a blessing (Deut 23:46; cf. Neh 13:2, Jude 11, 2 Pet 2:15). This
interpretation turned Balaam into a figure which, in a different context,
could be easily understood as a sophist avant la lettre.
This conflict of opposing movements of cursing and blessing in
Balaam renders him an empty conglomeration of incompatible and
discordant notionsa periphrastic definition of what Philo understands
sophists to be. And indeed, as Philo continues:
Sophists are bound to find the powers within them at strife, words run-
ning counter to ideas and wishes to words, in absolute and utter discord
( ,

). (Quod deterius 72)
Although the sophists invest much energy in demonstrating both the

social character of righteousness and the unsociability of injustice, the
advantageous nature of moderation and self-control as well as the loss
of health due to a licentious life, the great benefits conferred by piety
as well as how irreligion makes one into a pariah, and the power of
15
Translations of Philo have been taken from the Loeb Classical Library (F.H.
Colson, G.H. Whitaker & R. Marcus) with occasionally minor alterations when
needed.

virtue in bringing health and safety as well as the harm occasioned by

wickedness, the sophists themselves
nevertheless (. . .) all the time entertain sentiments quite at variance with
the things they say. At the very moment that they are singing the praises
of good sense and moderation and righteousness and piety, they are found
more than ever to be practising foolishness, licentiousness, injustice, and
impiety, to be confounding and overturning, you may well nigh say,
every ordinance of God or man. To these men one might rightly put
the question (. . .) What benefit have all these harangues on the subject
of virtue conferred on your own souls? (. . .) Have you not furnished true
charges against yourselves, in that, while you have shown yourselves
lecturers of the highest order as far as understanding of beautiful things
and philosophical discourses are concerned, you are invariably caught
cherishing sentiments and indulging in practices that are utterly base?
(Quod deterius potiori insidiari soleat 7375)
This sophistic ambivalence is symbolized in Balaam, who is charac-
terized as an empty conglomeration of incompatible and discordant
notions. Balaam is no doubt called vain, empty, idle because of the idle
words he intended to speak. Philo is keen to stress Balaams vanity in a
number of passages in other treatises, even when he does not explicitly
repeat his charge that Balaam is a sophist in those writings. In De confu-
sione linguarum, Philo calls Balaam that dealer in auguries and prodigies
and in the vanity of unfounded conjectures (
), and relates
this to the etymology of his name: vain (
; 159). Balaams vanity is demonstrated by the fact
that he cursed the Man of Vision [i.e. Moses], though in words he uttered
prayers of blessing, for it [i.e. Moses law-book] considers not what he
actually said, words restamped under Gods providence, like a true coin
substituted for the false, but his heart, in which he cherished thoughts
of injury rather than of benefit. There is a natural hostility between
conjecture and truth, between vanity and knowledge, and between the
divination which has no true inspiration and sound sober wisdom (De
confusione linguarum 159).
Balaams vanity is clearly contrasted with true knowledge.
In De migratione Abrahami, this vanity is explained by an antithesis
between factual truth and rhetorical abilities. Philo argues that the
practice of praising someone in encomiums and the opposite act of
blaming are often not based on the truth of fact, but rest rather on
the falsely exercised rhetorical abilities of speakers and authors:

Do you not see the flatterers who by day and night batter to pieces and
wear out the ears of those whom they flatter, not content with just assent-
ing to everything they say, but spinning out long speeches and declaiming
and many a time uttering prayers with their voice, but never ceasing to
curse with their heart? (De migratione Abrahami 111)
This, of course, is a description of what Philo regards as Balaams hall-
mark and it is no surprise that he continues by referring to him. In
so doing Philo tries to make sense of the positive oracles of Balaam,
recorded in Numbers 2324. Particularly striking, in Philos eyes, is
Balaams statement: God is not as man (Num 23:19)a statement
Philo could only approve of. Yet, Balaam is to be blamed for his evil
intentions and these justify his being called empty:
Accordingly, that empty one, Balaam ( ), though he
sang loftiest hymns to God, among which is that most Divine of canticles
God is not as man (Num 23:19), and poured out a thousand eulogies
on (. . .) Israel, has been adjudged impious and accursed even by the wise
lawgiver, and held to be an utterer not of blessings but of curses. For
Moses says that as the hired confederate of Israels enemies he became
an evil prophet of evil things, nursing in his soul direst curses on the race
beloved of God, but forced with mouth and tongue to give prophetic
utterance to most amazing benedictory prayers: for the words that were
spoken were noble words, whose utterance was prompted by God the
Lover of Virtue, but the intentions, in all their vileness, were the offspring
of a mind that looked on virtue with loathing. (113114)
In other treatises Philo repeats his explicit characterization of Balaam
as a sophist. In De mutatione nominum, Philo highlights Balaams contra-
dictory performance vis--vis Israel. Although Balaam, that dealer in
augury ( ), is described, in the Septuagint, as
hearing the oracles of God and knowing knowledge from the Most
High (Num 24:16), Philo points out that Balaam himself did not profit
from such knowledge but eventually perished in his own madness
because with his prophetic, oracular sophistry ( ) he
was intent upon defacing the stamp of heaven-sent prophecy (202203).
As such it was no insult for the sophists of Philos day to be compared
with oracular prophets. Philostratus, the second-century ad author of a
biographical compendium of sophists and himself a sophist, also drew
this comparison at the beginning of his work:
the sophistic method resembles the prophetic art of soothsayers and
oracles. For indeed one may hear the Pythian oracle say: I know the
number of the sands of the sea and the measure thereof , and Far-
seeing Zeus gives a wooden wall to the Trito-Born, and Nero, Orestes,

Alcmaeon, matricides, and many other things of this sort, just like a
sophist (Lives of the Sophists I.481).
The contrast Philo makes is rather between oracular sophistry and
prophecy concerned with real knowledge. It is apparent from Philos
other works that he views true prophecysuch as that uttered by
Balaam at Gods promptingas Platonic in nature. In his treatise De
vita Mosis, for instance, in which he explicitly represents Balaam as
a sophist, there is an extensive paraphrase of the Balaam narrative
(1.263293), even if Balaam is not mentioned by name. He is only
described as a man living in Mesopotamia far-famed as a soothsayer,
who had learned the secrets of that art in its every form, but was par-
ticularly admired for his high proficiency in augury.16 In this retelling,
Philo also gives the contents of some of Balaams oracles, after he has
said that Balaam
became possessed and there fell upon him the truly prophetic Spirit
( ) which banished utterly from his
soul his art of oracular prophecy (
). For the inspiration of the Holiest and
magical sophistry might not live together (
). (1.277)
Under this influence Balaam speaks:

From Mesopotamia has Balak called me, a far journey from the East,
that he may avenge him on the Hebrews through my cursing. But I,
how shall I curse them whom God has not cursed? (. . .) I shall not be
able to harm the people (. . .). Who has made accurate discovery of how
the sowing of their generation was first made? Their bodies have been
16
This aspect of Philos characterization of Balaam is spotlighted in H. Remus,
Moses and the Thaumaturges: Philos De Vita Mosis as a Rescue Operation, Laval
thologique et philosophique 52 (1996) 66580; L.H. Feldman, Philos Version of Balaam,
Henoch 25 (2003) 30119; and T. Seland, Philo, Magic and Balaam: Neglected Aspects
of Philos Exposition of the Balaam Story, in: J. Fotopoulos (ed.), The New Testament
and Early Christian Literature in Greco-Roman Context: Studies in Honor of David E. Aune
(Supplements to Novum Testamentum 122), Leiden: Brill, 2006, 33346. According
to Feldman, Philo sought to elevate the figure of Moses through contrasting him, the
true prophet, with this, the greatest of pagan prophets, who was actually a mere techni-
cian (317); his De vita Mosis serves to rescue Moses from possible misunderstandings
of Moses as a mere thaumaturge or as a magician, a reputation attested in a variety
of [pagan] sources (Remus, 665). Remus (666, 671, 674), Feldman (309) and Seland
(3456) suggest that Philo sees contemporary Balaams as practicing their arts in the
streets and marketplaces of Alexandria (Feldman). However, they seem to lose sight
of Philos depiction of Balaam as a sophist (only briefly mentioned by Remus, 668,
672n34 and Feldman, 304, 318).

moulded from human seeds, but their souls are sprung from divine seeds,
and therefore their stock is akin to God (
). (1.278279)
As F.H. Colson pointed out, Philo probably derives this appraisal of

the Jews in terms of divine seeds and being akin to God from Plato,17
who, in his Republic, quotes the following lines from Aeschylus:
The near-sown seeds of gods ( ), | Close kin to Zeus,
for whom on Idas top | Ancestral altars flame to highest heaven, | Nor
in their life-blood fails the fire divine. (Aeschylus, Niobe; Plato, Republic
III 391E)
The passage in Philo about the origin of the Hebrews, which the
Septuagint lacks, may serve as a nice illustration of how the wording
of Balaams oracles is slightly platonized so as to forge an antithesis
between Balaam the sophist and the God-inspired Balaam, who speaks
the language of Plato, the great anti-sophistic philosopher.
In his use of the Balaam narrative, Philo is predominantly interested
in the character of Balaam, and hardly mentions the episode of the
speaking ass. According to F.H. Colson, Philos omission of any men-
tion of the ass speaking [in De vita Mosis 1.263293] may no doubt be
due to the feeling that the story might seem ridiculous to the Gentile
readers, whom he certainly has in view.18 Though this is a possible
explanation, there is some evidence to suggest that the episode of the
ass speaking to Balaam was already known to a wider Greek public.
According to the second-century bc Hermippus of Smyrna, in his De
Pythagora, Pythagoras remarked that Calliphon, a deceased disciple of
Pythagoras, had admonished him not to pass a certain spot, on which
an ass had collapsed, to abstain from thirst-producing water, and to
avoid all calumny. This, as Hermippus added, was Jewish practice: In
practising and repeating these precepts he [i.e. Pythagoras] was imitat-
ing and appropriating the doctrines of Jews and Thracians. In fact, it
is actually said that that great man introduced many points of Jewish
law into his philosophy ( Josephus, Contra Apionem 1.162165).19
17
F.H. Colson, Philo, vol. 6 (Loeb Classical Library), Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press/London: Heinemann, 1935, 4201 note b.
18
Colson, Philo, vol. 6, 603, Appendix to 263; cf. Feldman, Philos Version of
Balaam, 311.
19
For introduction, text, translation and commentary see also M. Stern, Greek and
Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. 1, Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences
and Humanities, 1974, 936: No. 25.

It is tempting to regard the admonition not to pass a certain spot,

on which an ass had collapsed as an allusion to the ass in the Balaam
narrative, which collapsed under Balaam in order to escape the threat-
ening Angel of the Lord, who had positioned himself in its path: And
when the ass saw the angel of God, she lay down under Balaam; and
Balaam was angry, and struck the ass with his staff. And God opened
the mouth of the ass (. . .). And God opened the eyes of Balaam, and
he saw the angel of the Lord withstanding him in the way, and his
sword drawn in his hand (Num 22:2731 LXX). If Hermippus was
indeed drawing on the Balaam narrative, the story must have been
known to a Greek public. There is no reason, however, to suppose
that this public would have ridiculed this passage. The phenomenon of
the speaking ass is not entirely unknown in Graeco-Roman literature,
as Apuleius and Ps-Lucian testify (see Czacheszs contribution to this
volume, 45).
It is more likely that Philo, given his sophistic portrayal of Balaam, is
simply less interested in the episode of the speaking ass. All it receives
is an allegorical interpretation to the effect that it stands for ordinary
pursuits in life, such as farming and trade. Those who follow the life
of the merchant or the farmer or other business which men pursue
for gain sit on their beast, and blame it when disappointment and
misfortune befall them. These ways of life, however, Philo argues, are
wholly guiltless objects, because the angel of the Lord, the reason of
God, who can intervene along the path of all men, is the source of all
good and ill. Only if man uses this divine reason in the right way will
he become a truly happy and reasonable being (De cherubim 3233).
The speaking ass is only of minor importance to Philo, since his
interest is focused on Balaam, whom he turns in a worse character
than the text of Numbers allows for. Contrary to the biblical account
in Numbers, Philo asserts that
not even when the closed eye of his soul received its sight and beheld
the angel of God standing in his way (Num 22:31) did he turn aside
and refrain from evil-doing, but let the stream of his folly run full course
and was overwhelmed by it and swallowed up. (. . .) [ H ]e who listens not,
who is not turned from his course by the Conviction which stands in his
path, will in time receive destruction with the wounded (Num 31:8)
whom their passions stabbed and wounded with a fatal stroke. (Quod deus
sit immutabilis 181183)
This focus on Balaam the Sophist becomes more understandable if one
realizes that Philos invective against Balaam is part of his comprehensive

programme of refuting the sophists. In many passages Philo gives

characteristics of these sophists. In his view, the issues of sophistry date
back to the very beginning of creation and have accompanied Israel
ever since.
2. Philos Anti-Sophistic Programme
(2.1) Characteristics of the Sophists

In his work, Philo characterizes the sophists as mere lovers of words:
while most people deem the man prudent who can find sophistical argu-
ments, and is clever at expressing his ideas (

), Moses knows such an one to be a lover of words (
) indeed, but a prudent man by no means
(Legum allegoriae 1.74). Their rhetorical capacities and specious sophistic
arguments ([] ) belong to the sphere of the body
and the sense organs from which the mind must withdraw (Legum alle-
goriae 3.41). We have to abandon excessive, sophistic quibbling about
the meaning of words: (Legum allegoriae
3.206) and be led away from the sophistries of deceitful word and
thought: . . . (Quis rerum
divinarum heres sit 85). Sometimes the sophists are criticized for their lit-
eralism and their failure to apply the rules of allegory (De somniis 1.102);
on other occasions they, like the poets, are portrayed as obsessed with
myths (De opificio mundi 157; cf. De vita contemplativa 4), the obsession of
those whose way is to deal in marvels and cultivate sophistry rather
than wisdom (De praemiis et poenis 8).
Sophistry is to be censured because sophists (), impelled at
once by mercenary motives and by a grudging spirit, stunt the natures
of their pupils by withholding much that they ought to tell them, care-
fully reserving for themselves against another day the opportunity of
making money (De posteritate Caini 150). They, the multitudes of soph-
ists, wrongly imagine that wisdom consists in finding specious argu-
ments, and not in appealing to the solid evidence of facts:
,
, (De migratione
Abrahami 171172). Whereas Philo leaves the invention of ingenious
arguments and perverse pretexts to the sophists, the task of wisdom is
to investigate all that nature has to show:

,
(De providentia, frag. 1.1). The origins of this impious, sophistic way of
thinking Philo attributes to an ancient sophist named Protagoras, who
regarded the human mind as the measure of all things:
;

(De posteritate Caini 35).
Sometimes Philo can even attribute the title of sophists to all phi-
losophers insofar as they do not agree in their solutions to particular
problems,20 although among them he singles out the sophistic posi-
tion proper of those who argue at length that man is the measure of
all things. Yet, since the history of philosophy is full of discordance,
because truth flees from the credulous mind which deals in conjecture
and eludes discovery and pursuit, all scientific quarrellings can be char-
acterized as wranglings of the sophists on questions of dogma (Quis
rerum divinarum heres sit 246). In certain respects, the sophists resemble the
sceptics, who spend themselves on petty quibbles and trifling disputes.
Indeed, in philosophy there are men who are merely word-mongers
and word-hunters (De congressu eruditionis gratia 5153).
Sophists are also encountered among the audiences of philosophers,
who fill the lecture-halls and theatres on a daily basis. Among the
audience, there is also a class of people who carry away an echo of
what has been said, but prove to be sophists rather than philosophers
( ). These peoples words
deserve praise, but their lives censure, for they are capable of saying
the best, but incapable of doing it (De congressu eruditionis gratia 67).
Sophists profess an extremely sceptical philosophy and love arguing for
arguments sake, thus opposing all other representatives of the sciences
(De fuga et inventione 209). They are not interested in what is authentic,
but rather mimic and debase it by juxtaposing it with spurious matters
(De mutatione nominum 208), just as Balaam wished to deface the stamp
of genuine, heaven-sent prophecy with his oracular sophistry (De muta-
tione nominum 203). At the end of the day, Philo regards the sophists as
poorly as he does the uneducated. In this, they contrast sharply with
the saintly company of the Pythagoreans and all genuine votaries of
philosophy, who,
20
Cf. Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, 723.

rising above the opinions of the common herd (. . .) have opened up a

new pathway, which the outside world can never tread, for studying and
discerning truths, and have brought to light the ideal forms which none
of the unclean may touch.
Both, the uneducated and the sophists, are regarded as unclean:
By unclean I mean all those who, without ever tasting education at all, or
else having received it in a crooked and distorted form, have changed the
stamp of wisdoms beauty into the ugliness of sophistry (
). These, unable to discern the
conceptual light through the weakness of the souls eye, which cannot but
be beclouded by the flashing rays, as dwellers in perpetual night, disbelieve
those who live in the daylight, and think that all their tales of what they
have seen around them, shown clearly by the unalloyed radiance of the
sunbeams, are wild phantom-like inventions no better than the illusions
of the puppet show (Quod omnis probus liber sit 15).
In this passage, the sophists are clearly identified with the dwellers in
Platos cave (Republic VII, 514ff.), Socrates sophistic opponents and all
other uneducated. The inability of the cave-dwellers to discern the
conceptual light through the weakness of the souls eye is also exhibited
by Balaam, as we have already seen: not even when the closed eye
of his soul received its sight and beheld the angel of God standing in
his way (Num 22:31) did he turn aside and refrain from evil-doing,
but let the stream of his folly run full course (Quod deus sit immutabilis
181).21 Balaam is indeed a sophist par excellence.
(2.2) The history of the Sophists and Israel

Balaam is not the only sophist which Israel encountered, however.
According to Philo, the entire history from creation to the voyage of
Israel through the wilderness was full of sophistic attacks on the true
philosophy. The main episodes of this unceasing tension are (1) the
21
Yet, with regard to the contents of his oracles, Balaam is described more favorably
by Philo. In his introduction to Balaams third and (in Philos representation) final
oracle, Balaam is described as the one who saw in sleep a clear presentation of God
with the unsleeping eyes of the soul (De vita Mosis 1.289; italics mine). On this, see C.T.R.
Hayward, Balaams Prophecies as Interpreted by Philo and the Aramaic Targums of
the Pentateuch, in: P.J. Harland & C.T.R. Hayward (eds), New Heaven and New Earth:
Prophecy and the Millennium. Essays in Honour of Anthony Gelston (Supplements to Vetus
Testamentum 77), Leiden: Brill, 1999, 1936 at 2024, esp. 22. In this way, accord-
ing to Hayward, Something extraordinary has happened. By so speaking of Balaam,
Philo has invested him with the character of Israel, (. . .) the one who sees God
(Hayward, 2224 at 22; cf. 35).

creation and the life of the first human beings, Adam and Eve, Cain
and Abel, (2) the period of the patriarchs and the matriarchs, (3) the
period of Israel in Egypt from Joseph to Moses, both of whom were
confronted with the sophists of Egypt, and (4) the period of Israel in
the wilderness, where Moses and the Israelites encountered the Amorites
and Balaam. Together, these episodes cover the entire narrative span
of Moses Pentateuch, from the creation to the exodus and the voyage
through the wilderness.
(1) The creation and the life of the first men
(a) Creations anti-sophistic order

With an eye to the future attacks by sophists, God already built into
the very set-up of the original creation a reminder that it is not wise
to trust created phenomena rather than God. This is how Philo tries
to explain why God created the earth on the third day, whereas the
sun and moon were only created on the fourth day, despite the fact
that the plants and fruits on the earth were dependent upon them for
their growth:
being aware beforehand of the ways of thinking that would mark the
men of future ages, how they would be intent on what looked probable
and plausible, with much in it that could be supported by argument,
but would not aim at sheer truth; and how they would trust phenomena
rather than God, admiring sophistry more than wisdom (
);
and how they would observe in times to come the circuits of sun and
moon (. . .) and would suppose that the regular movements of the heav-
enly bodies are the causes of all things that year by year come forth and
are produced out of the earth; that there might be none who (. . .) would
venture to ascribe the first place to any created thing, let them, said
He, go back in thought to the original creation of the universe, when,
before sun or moon existed, the earth bore plants of all sorts and fruits
of all sorts (De opificio mundi 4546).
The unexpected order of creation serves, Philo agues, to show the
unfoundedness of sophistry which bases itself only on superficial phe-
nomena. The force of sophistry already revealed itself in the lives of
the first men, particularly in those of Eve, Cain and Abel.
(b) The Serpent versus Eve

Philo ascribes the first sin to the influence of sophistry, to the serpent,
emitting a human voice and arguing like a sophist () to

an utterly guileless character, and cheating a woman with seductive

plausibilities (De agricultura 96).
(c) Cain versus Abel

Moreover, the first murder, of Abel by Cain, was due to Cains sophis-
tic inclinations, against which Abel, untrained in the arts of rhetoric,
could not protect himself. It is noteworthy that in his interpretation of
this episode, Philo is not only critical of Cain, but also of Abel for his
excessive naivety in meeting up with Cain. The sophists, like Cain,
when they have covered the dreary length of a long-distance course of
talk (. . .) are held to have defeated men unaccustomed to arguing like
sophists (). But their victory lies not in the strength of those
who have won, but in their opponents weakness in this sort of thing. For
those who apply themselves to the pursuit of virtue may be placed in two
classes. (1) Some, making the soul alone the treasure-house of the good at
which they aim, devote themselves to praiseworthy actions, without hav-
ing so much as dreamt of juggling with words. (2) The others are doubly
successful; their mind is secured by wisdom in counsel and good deeds,
their speech by the arts of eloquence. Now to encounter the wranglings
in which some folk [i.e. the sophists] delight is eminently fitting for these
latter, ready and equipped as they are with the means of withstanding
their enemies, but for the former class it is not at all safe to do so. (. . .)
Now Abel had never learned arts of speech, and knew the beautiful and
noble with the mind only. For this reason he should have declined the
meeting on the plain, and have paid no regard to the challenge of the
man of ill-will (Quod deterius potiori insidiari soleat 3537).
The hidden message of this passage is, no doubt, that one should be
trained in eloquence and speech so as to be able to counter-attack the
sophists, lest one suffer the fate of Abel. As we shall see in 3, it is exactly
this message that Philo wants to communicate to his own readers.
The need to train both mind and speech is emphasized by numerous
other examples from Israels history. Cain is in fact the instructor of
all sophists, and the sophist Protagoras is in fact an offspring of Cains
madness. Cain proved the strength of his creed by unmistakable deeds
in his victory over Abel, the champion of the opposite opinion, and
in getting rid of both him and his opinion (De posteritate Caini 35)so
serious is the struggle between sophists and non-sophists. Cains strat-
egy, according to Philo, consists in building demonstrative arguments,
delivering lengthy expositions and perorations, and forging plausible
inventions contrary to the truth: sophistic devices ( )
which are used by the wise in their own conceit, devotees of impiety,

godlessness, self-love, arrogance, false opinion, men ignorant of real

wisdom (De posteritate Caini 53).
The other instances in which the strife between sophists and
non-sophists comes to the fore cover most key narratives in Moses
Pentateuch, among them the narratives about the patriarchs and
matriarchs.
(2) The period of the patriarchs and matriarchs
(d) Abraham versus the Chaldeans

Abraham, forsaking Chaldean astrology when called by God, changes
by instruction from sophist to sage:
(De praemiis et poenis 58).
(e) Hagar and Ishmael versus Sarah and Isaac

The sophistic struggle reiterates itself among his children, Ishmael
and Isaac. Whereas Sarah, Isaacs mother, represents virtue, Ishmaels
mother, Hagar, symbolizes only preliminary studies.22 Her child can
but be a sophist who has to be banished:
the most perfect types of being and the secondary acquirements are
worlds apart, and wisdom has no kinship with the sophists culture (
). For the latter has for the fruits of all its labour
only those persuasions which tend to establish the false opinion, which
destroys the soul; but wisdom studies truth and thus obtains that great
source of profit to the mind, knowledge of right reason. (. . .) the sophist,
who is ever sophist, and his mother, instruction in preliminary learning,
are expelled and banished by God from the presence of wisdom and the
wise, on whom he confers the titles of Sarah and Abraham:
<> ,
, ,
(De cherubim 910).
Hagars child represents the soul just beginning to crave after instruc-
tion, because Hagar herself only offers incomplete education so that her
child, when grown to manhood, becomes a sophist (De posteritate Caini
131). As a sophist he has only covered the school subjects, and not the
sciences which deal with virtues (De sobrietate 910). Interpreting the
22
See A.P. Bos, Hagar and the Enkyklios Paideia in Philo of Alexandria in the
proceedings of the 2006 TBN Conference on Hagar (forthcoming in the TBN series,
Leiden: Brill).

assertion, made by the angel of the Lord, that Ishmael will be a wild
man; his hand will be against all (Gen 16:12), Philo argues:
Now this picture clearly represents the sophist (. . .). (He is) like those who
are now called Academics and Sceptics, who place no foundation under
their opinions and doctrines and do not (prefer) one thing to another,
for they admit those as philosophers who shoot at (the doctrines) of every
school, and these it is customary to call opinion-fighters (Quaestiones in
Genesin III.33).
(f ) Rebeccas non-sophistic attitude

It is Isaacs wife Rebecca who again symbolizes the correct non-sophistic
attitude. Commenting on Rebeccas generosity in giving a servant
abundant water to drink, Philo remarks:
When she saw how readily receptive of virtue the servants nature was,
she emptied all the contents of her pitcher into the drinking-trough,
that is to say, she poured all the teachers knowledge into the soul of the
learner. For, whereas sophists (), impelled at once by mercenary
motives and by a grudging spirit, stunt the natures of their pupils by
withholding much that they ought to tell them, carefully reserving for
themselves against another day the opportunity of making money, virtue
is an ungrudging thing, fond of making gifts, never hesitating to do good
(De posteritate Caini 150151).
After the narratives of the patriarchs and matriarchs, Philo also weaves
the struggle with the sophists into Israels sojourn in Egypt. Both Joseph
and Moses are confronted with the sophists of Egypt. This, of course,
is very relevant to Philo and his public. Being resident in Alexandria
in Egypt himself, in a subtle way he equates the contemporary soph-
ists of Alexandria with their Egyptian predecessors from the times of
Joseph and Moses.
(3) Israel in Egypt: Joseph and Moses versus the sophists of Egypt
(g) Joseph versus the sophists of Egypt

In Philos representation, the history of Israel and the sophists continues
with Joseph. Philo is not entirely positive about Joseph, whose coat of
varied colours (Gen 37:3) is interpreted by Philo as:
the woven robe of statecraft (), a robe richly variegated, contain-
ing but a most meagre admixture of truth, but many large portions of
false, probable, plausible, conjectural matter, from which sprang up all
the sophists of Egypt ( ) (De somniis 1.220).

This passage also reveals that Philo is very much aware of the power
which rhetorically trained sophists exert in the political arena, a power
he may have experienced in the tensions in Alexandria between the
Jews and the Greeks, which resulted in each side sending a delegation
to the emperor Gaius.23 Winter, who also draws a parallel between
Philo and Plato in this respect, notes:
The role of the sophists in the political life of the city also drew criticism
from Philo, for the deception of the sophistic tradition inevitably spilt over
into that arena. All the sophists of Egypt were said to have sprung up
in the area of politeia from a meagre mixture of truth and many large
portions of false, probable, plausible, conjectural matter. They became
experts in decoying, charming, and bewitching their hearers, Somn. I.220.
Platos view was that among the sophists, those who attempted to direct
the polis through deliberative oratory were the greatest sorcerers and most
practiced in charlatanism. (The Statesman 291C, 303C)24
Despite his critical note about Josephs sophistic garment, Philo por-
trays Joseph as the one who succeeds over the Egyptians sophists in
interpreting the dreams of the Egyptian king. As the king anticipates:
He will reveal the truth, and as light disperses darkness his knowledge
will disperse the ignorance of our sophists: ,

(De Josepho 104). Joseph distinguishes himself favourably
from the sophistic praters who shew off their cleverness for hire and
use their art of interpreting the visions given in sleep as a pretext of
making money (De Josepho 125).
(h) Moses versus the sophists of Egypt

These Egyptian sophists are the same group whom Moses confronts
at the court of the Egyptian king (De vita Mosis 1.92). It is of course no
coincidence that the Egyptian magicians are called sophists by Philo.
In this way, Philo places his own struggle with sophistic circles in Alex-
andria in the wider perspective of the age-long controversy between
Israel and the sophists, both within Egypt and beyond. Moses is only
23
Cf. Winter, Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, 96: The Greeks were well repre-
sented by these men [ Isidorus, Apion and Lampon] who, needless to say, possessed
the rhetorical training needed to present their case. Cf. Winter, 968 about Philos
rhetorical ability as can be discerned from the captatio benevolentiae still extant in his De
legatione ad Gaium.
24

able to confront the sophists because he has first been thoroughly trained
after admitting his inexperience in speech. Unlike Abel, Moses is not
naive about the tricks of the sophists and avails himself of the help of
Aaron, who acts as his spokesman:
Do you not see that Moses declines the invitation of the sophists ()
in Egypt (. . .)? He calls them magicians, because good morals are spoiled
by the tricks and deceptions of sophistry ( . . .
) which act on them like the enchantments of magic. Moses plea
is that he is not eloquent (Exod 4:10), which is equivalent to saying that
he has no gift for oratory, which is but specious guesswork about what
seems probable. Afterwards he follows this up by emphatically stating
that he is not merely not eloquent but absolutely speechless (Exod 6:12).
He calls himself speechless, not in the sense in which we use the word
of animals without reason, but of him who fails to find a fitting instru-
ment in the language uttered by the organs of speech, and prints and
impresses on his understanding the lessons of true wisdom, the direct
opposite of false sophistry ( . . . ). And he will
not go to Egypt nor engage in conflict with its sophists (), until
he has been fully trained in the word of utterance, God having shown
and perfected all the qualities which are essential to the expression of
thought by the election of Aaron who is Moses brother (Quod deterius
potiori insidiari soleat 3839).
Thus trained, Moses is able to meet the Egyptian king at the edge or
mouth of the river (Exod 7:15), Philo says. This place of encounter is
taken, in an allegorical sense, to point to the lips through which the
stream of speech passes:
Now speech is an ally employed by those who hate virtue [i.e. by the
sophists] (. . .), and also by men of worth for the destruction of such
doctrines (. . .). When, indeed, after they have shaken out every reef
of fallacious opinions, the opposing onset of the sages speech [i.e. the
speech of Moses] has overturned their bark and sent them to perdition,
he [Moses] will (. . .) set in order his holy choir to sing the anthem of
victory (De confusione linguarum 3335).
This triumph of Moses over the sophists at the lip of the river, reminds
Philo of the even greater triumph of Israel over the Egyptians who
attempted to pursue them through the Red Sea, but drowned and were
seen dead at the edge of the sea (Exod 14:30). Their death symbol-
izes the destruction of unholy doctrines and of the words which their
mouth and tongue and the other vocal organs gave them to use (De
confusione 35). As Philo puts is elsewhere: the scene of their death is
none other than the lips of that fountain bitter and briny as the sea,

those very lips through which poured forth the sophist-talk which wars
against virtue ( )
(De somniis 2.281282).
As we have seen before, Philo warns his readers that there are many
who have not the capacity to demolish by sheer force the plausible
inventions of the sophists ( ), because their
occupation has lain continuously in active life, so they are not trained
in any high degree to deal with words (De confusione 39). Such rhetori-
cal training is crucial if one is to succeed in defeating the sophists, as
Moses life shows.
This counter-attack against the sophists naturally also colours the
Mosaic laws. According to Philo, Moses anti-sophistic intentions can
be noted in his decrees concerning the holy seventh day on which one
should abstain from work and profit-making crafts and professions and
business pursued to get a livelihood. The leisure of this day
should be occupied (. . .) by the pursuits of wisdom only. And the wisdom
must not be that of the systems hatched by the word-catchers and soph-
ists ( ) who sell their tenets and arguments like
any bit of merchandise in the market, men who for ever pit philosophy
against philosophy ( . . . ) without a
blush (. . .), but the true philosophy which is woven from three strands
thoughts, words and deeds (De vita Mosis 2.211212).25
(4) Israel in the wilderness: Moses and the Israelites versus the Amorites and
Balaam
(i) Israel versus the Amorites

The attacks suffered from the sophists do not stop once Israel leaves
Egypt. Even during the voyage through the wilderness, the sophists
continue to plague them. Philo mentions them by name: the Amorites
and Balaam.
The name Amorites, Philo argues, should be etymologically under-
stood as men fond of talking, who symbolize the uttered word (
25
A further instance of Moses anti-sophistic codifications is found in De specialibus
legibus 3.54 where accusers who appear before the judges are warned that they should
draw up their formal challenges not in the spirit of a false accuser or malicious schemer,
set on winning at any cost, but of one who would strictly test the truth without sophistry
( ). Although closely following Num 5:1231 the phrase
is lacking from the Septuagint.

). Philo draws here on the Stoic distinc-

tion between logos prophorikos (speech) and logos endiathetos (thought).26
The Amorites represent only the former, the uttered word, without
it being the vehicle of the internal word. The problem here, in the
Amorites case, is that their uttered word does not function in harmoni-
ous cooperation with the internal word (a harmony which, as we shall
see, is advocated by Philo), but is in fact devoid of internal reason. As
Adam Kamesar has convincingly shown, in Philos view the training
of the logos prophorikos should be assigned to the discipline of rhetoric,
and that of the logos endiathetos to philosophy. This view is also upheld
in Greek writers such as Plutarch, Hermias of Alexandria and Sopater.
The setting of this assignment of the two logoi to these two disciplines,
Kamesar shows, is that of the conflict between rhetoric and philosophy.
These two logoi are meant to function harmoniously: A paideia that is
concerned with both and , the educational ideal
that goes back to Isocrates, would entail the cooperative synergy of the
logos endiathetos and the logos prophorikos, if Stoic terminology is employed.27
By portraying the Amorites as only in command of the logos prophorikos
without the backing of the logos endiathetos, Philo characterizes them as
sophists. Their king, according to Philo,
is the sophist clever at searching after verbal artifices (
); and those who transgress the boundary
of truth place themselves at the mercy of his quibbling (Legum allegoriae
3.232).
He is concerned with sophistic riddles ( ),
probabilities and plausible arguments which involve no knowledge of
the truth (233).
26
See G. Verbeke, Logos I. Der Logosbegriff in der antiken Philosophy, Historisches
Wrterbuch der Philosophie, vol. 5 (1980), 4956n4 with reference to Sextus Empiricus,
Adversus Mathematicos 8.275 (= Adversus Dogmaticos 2.275): Man does not differ in respect
of uttered reason from the irrational animals (. . .), but in respect of internal reason
(trans. R.G. Bury, Loeb Classical Library); = Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta 2.135.
27
A. Kamesar, The Logos Endiathetos and the Logos Prophorikos in Allegorical
Interpretation: Philo and the D-Scholia to the Iliad, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies
44 (2004) 16381, esp. 1703 at 173, with an extensive bibliography on the logos
endiathetos and the logos prophorikos in 1634n1.

( j) Balaam
The threat which the Amorites pose to Israel in the wilderness is
another instance of sophists onslaught against knowledge and truth.
Philo found this episode narrated in Numbers 21, just before Balaam
takes centre-stage in Numbers 2224. In this sense, the appearance
of Balaam the sophist, already discussed in 1 above, constitutes the
climax of Israels manifold encounters with the sophists.
3. Philos application to the philosophical discussion of his day
An intriguing question which arises when one takes in the multitude of

Philos comments on sophists is why he devoted so much attention to
them. There are clear indications in his writings that Philo views the
sophists of his day as a clear threat which he wishes to tackle head-on.
I take my starting-point in another passage on the Amorites, whose
name, as we have just seen, Philo explains as men fond of talking, and
whose king he referred to as a sophist. In Quis rerum divinarum heres sit,
Philo, having introduced the Amorites and identified them as talkers,
remarks that the gift of speech has been marred by thousands of the
recipients (. . .). These are impostors, flatterers, and inventors of cun-
ning plausibilities. Their practice is contrasted with the man of worth
whose speech should be transparent and true. But the speech which
most strive for is obscure and false (302303). Philo clearly experiences
this as a problem of his own day:
So long then as the sins of the Amorites, that is of sophistical arguments,
are not fulfilled (Gen. 15:16) because of the fact that they are difficult
to disprove and criticize (
, ), but
still in virtue of their powers of attraction seduce us ( )
with their plausibilities, while their enticements make us powerless to turn
from and leave them, we remain powerless. But if ever all the plausible
fallacies are refuted by true beliefs (. . .), we shall (. . .) slip our cable and
sail clean away from the land of falsehood and sophistry (
) (. . .) Such is the lesson expressed
in the problem here presented. For it is impossible to turn back from,
to hate, to leave the plausible falsehood, unless the sin involved in it be
revealed complete and consummated. And this revelation will be made
when, confronted by the firm evidence of truth, it receives the much-
needed refutation ( ) (Quis
rerum divinarum heres sit 304306).

In this passage, Philo shows his concern that the sophistic powers of
attraction may seduce us ( ), that is him and his con-
temporary readers. It demonstrates that even in a passage about the
Amorites of long ago, who tried to seduce Israel in the wilderness,
Philo recognizes the sophists of his own day. He also acknowledges
that the sophistic arguments are difficult to disprove and criticize, yet
emphasizes that their refutation is much-needed. We encounter here a
vivid interest is the philosophical discussion of his own day.
That Philo regards the sophists as a present-day phenomenon and not
only as a literary motif derived from Platos anti-sophistic dialogues is
shown by the fact that he talks explicitly about the orators or sophists
of today: (De vita contemplativa 31). They are
contrasted with the senior leader of the Jewish sect of the Therapeutae
who, every seventh day,
gives a well-reasoned and wise discourse. He does not make an exhibition
of clever rhetoric like the orators or sophists of today but follows careful
examination by careful expression of the exact meaning of his thoughts,
and this does not lodge just outside the ears of the audience but passes
through the hearing into the soul and there stays securely.
Elsewhere, too, Philo explicitly makes the link with contemporary soph-
ists, the sophistic throng of people of the present day:
. The road which leads to God, Philo argues, one
must take
to be philosophy, not the philosophy which is pursued by the sophistic
throng of people of the present day ( ),
who, having practised arts of speech to use against the truth, have given
the name of wisdom to their rascality, conferring on a sorry work a divine
title (De posteritate Caini 101).
A further indication that Philo, in his discussion of the sophists is think-
ing primarily of the sophists of his own day, is the lively portrait of
everyday life of which the throng of sophists is part:
Day after day the throng of sophists, which is to be found everywhere
( ), talks the ears off any audience they
happen to have with disquisitions on minutiae, unravelling phrases that
are ambiguous and can bear two meanings and distinguishing among
circumstances such as it is well to bear in mindand they are set on
bearing in mind a vast number (De agricultura 136).
They are the ones who, though professing to be philosophers, fill the
lecture-halls and theatres almost every day, discoursing at length,

stringing together their disquisitions on virtue without stopping to draw

breath. Yet what profit is there in their talk? (De congressu 64).28
In a passage in which Philo criticizes the hectic and indulgent, pas-
sionate lifestyle of the sophists, the sheer size of the sophist movement
is also highlighted:
And so multitudes of those who are called sophists ( . . .
), after winning the admiration of city after city
( ), and after drawing well-nigh the whole
world to honour them (
) for their hair-splitting and their clever inventiveness, have
with all their might worn their life out, and brought it to premature old
age, by the indulgence of their passions (De agricultura 143).
This movement spreads through the cities like wildfire and, Philo fears,
is influencing the young: Vanity (. . .) with its sophisms () and
trickery beguiles every city and loses no time in capturing the souls of
the young (De praemiis 25).
It is in this world that Philo wants to shoulder his philosophical
responsibilities and there are several passages in his writings which
express his personal commitment to refuting sophistry. Philo does not
regard himself as Abel, who had never learned the arts of speech and
for whom it was not safe to encounter the wranglings of the sophists
(Quod deterius potiori insidiari soleat 35), but likens himself to Moses, who
only engaged in conflict with the sophists once he had been fully trained
in rhetoric (Quod deterius 3839). As he makes plain:
It will be well for us to counter in this manner those who are pugnacious
over the tenets which they maintain; for when we have been exercised
in the forms which words take, we shall no more sink to the ground
through inexperience of the tricks of the sophistic wrestling (
), but we shall spring up and carry
on the struggle and disentangle ourselves with ease from the grips which
their art has taught them. (. . .) But if a man, though equipped in soul with
all the virtues, has had no practice in rhetoric, (. . .) when like Abel he
28
I agree with Winter that this passage is about sophists. See Winter, Philo and Paul
Among the Sophists, 74: Philo comments that hardly a day goes by but lecture-halls and
theatres fill with . Various classes of people listen with different but
inadequate responses. But to whom does Philo refer? While can
be translated as philosophers, it often means sophists in the Philo corpus. In Post.
34 Philo mentions that many who have professed philosophy arrive at conclusions
belonging to the ancient sophist, Protagoras.

steps out for a sophistic contest ( ), he will fall before

he has obtained a firm footing (Quod deterius 4142).
Philo clearly regards himself as fully up to the job. This is no task for
those who are just beginning their studies, those making progress, and
those who have reached perfection without having established firm roots.
All these should refuse to engage in the war waged by the sophists (
); if they, mere amateurs,
engage trained and seasoned fighters, they will undoubtedly get the
worst of it (De agricultura 159; 162). Therefore,
It will, then, be the business of him who fully apprehends and understands
the subject, and thoroughly knows his own powers, to go to war with
the strife-loving band of sophists (
) (De agricultura 162).
Philos strong advice not to engage lightly in the strife with sophists
probably reflects his experience of the ongoing clash between sophistry
and philosophy in his own days. His own ideal is to integrate rhetoric,
intentions and virtuous deeds in one coherent whole. In support of this
ideal he quotes Moses:
In a thoroughly philosophical way he [Moses] makes a threefold division
of it, saying: It is in thy mouth and in thy heart and in thine hand (Deut
30:1114), that is, in words, in plans, in actions. For these are the parts
of the good thing, and of these it is compacted, and the lack of but one
not only renders it imperfect but absolutely destroys it. For what good
is it to say the best things but to plan and carry out the most shameful
things? This is the way of the sophists ( ), for as
they spin out their discourses on sound sense and endurance they grate
on the ears of those most thirsting to listen, but in the choices that they
make and the actions of their lives we find them going very far wrong.
It is equally wrong, however, to have good intentions but fail in deeds
and words, or to practice the right things without understanding and
explicit speech.
But if a man succeeded, as if handling a lyre, in bringing all the notes
of the thing that is good into tune, bringing speech into harmony with
intent, and intent with deed, such an one would be considered perfect
and of a truly harmonious character (De posteritate Caini 8588).29
29
This threefold enterprise is also discussed in De agricultura 144; De congressu eruditionis
gratia 6768; and De vita Mosis 2.212.

In order to achieve this synthesis, and avoid one-sidedness of whatever

kind, Philo also reflects on the Stoic distinction between logos prophorikos
(speech) and logos endiathetos (thought), as we saw in the case of the
sophistic Amorites who only possessed the former logos (see at the end
of 2). Philo stresses that one should master both logoi:
Logos has two aspects, one resembling a spring, the other its outflow;
logos in the understanding resembles a spring, and is called reason,
while utterance by mouth and tongue is like its outflow, and is called
speech. That each species of logos should be improved is vast wealth,
understanding having good reasoning at its command for all things great
and small, and utterance being under the guidance of correct training.
For many reason excellently, but find speech a bad interpreter of thought
and are by it betrayed through not having had a thorough grounding in
the ordinary subjects of culture. Others, again, have shown great ability
in expounding themes, and yet been most evil thinkers, such as the so-
called sophists ( ).
Abel is adduced as an example of the first category, those who reason
excellently but lack a thorough grounding in the ordinary subjects
of culture, and is contrasted with the sophists. Moses, however, once
he has been trained in knowledge and wisdom, is a perfect example
of those who command both logoi. This is in accordance with Gods
intentions:
God bestows on those who obey Him no imperfect boon. All His gifts are
full and complete. And so, in this case also, He does not send the blessing
or logos-excellence in one division of logos, but in both its parts, for He
holds it just that the recipient of His bounty should both conceive the
noblest conceptions and give masterly expression to his ideas. For perfec-
tion depends, as we know, on both divisions of logos, the reason which
suggests the ideas with clearness, and the speech which gives unfailing
expression to them.
Moses was led to look into knowledge and wisdom with a view to
getting the better of the sophists in Egypt ( ).
It was Aaron who acted as Moses logos in utterance (
).30 To be versed in both logoi is extremely important:
It is a vital matter, then, for one about to face a contest with sophists
( ) to have paid attention to words with such thor-
oughness as not only to elude the grips of his adversary but to take the
30
Cf. also De gigantibus 52.

offensive in his turn and prove himself superior both in skill and strength
(De migratione Abrahami 7182).
In De ebrietate, Philo emphasizes what happens if one is dominated by
the uttered word only. The uttered word ( . . . )
implants in us
through the specious, the probable and the persuasive (. . .) false opinions
for the destruction of our noblest possession, truth. Why, then, should we
not at once take vengeance on him too, sophist () and miscreant
that he is, by sentencing him to the death that befits himthat is to silence,
for silence is the death of speech? Thus will he no longer ply his sophistries
within the mind ( ), nor will
that mind be led astray, but having been absolutely released from (. . .)
the sophistries of speech ( . . . )
(. . .), the mind will be able to devote his unhampered liberty to the world
of mental things (De ebrietate 7071).
Only if one is versed in both logoi, as Philo makes clear in De migratione,
can one defeat those who bring their sophistic trickery into play against
the divine logos ( ). Philo is optimistic,
however, that this contest with the sophists will be successful: All the
arguments of sophists ( ) are devoured and
done away with by Natures many-sided skill (. . .). sophistry is ever
defeated by wisdom ( ) (De migra-
tione Abrahami 7285).
It is to underpin this view, that sophistry has indeed always been
defeated by wisdom, that Philo retells the story of the sophist Balaam
who planned in vain to attack Israel with his sophistic oracles.
Epilogue: The function of the Old Testament narratives in Philo
Philo not only takes action against contemporary sophistry in general

but seems particularly concerned that the Jewish youth, receiving a
Greek education at Alexandria, may be prone to non-philosophical,
sophistic influences. Speaking about the Jewish race, our race, Philo
observes that many have used their education not for the better (for
day and light) but for the worse (for night and darkness), and have
effectively extinguished the enlightenment of their souls by striving after
a life of luxury and high offices:
Many (. . .) have acquired the lights in the soul for night and darkness,
not for day and light; all elementary lessons for example, and what is

called school-learning and philosophy itself when pursued with no motive

higher than a life of luxury, or from desire of an office under our rulers
(Legum allegoriae 3.166167).
This concern is recognized already very clearly by Alan Mendelson in
his study Secular Education in Philo of Alexandria (1982):
Neither political activities nor practical applications of the arts and sci-
ences were condemned as inherently evil, although both were fraught with
danger. But Philo drew the line when secular education compromised the
integrity of the individual or the solidarity of the Jewish community. It is
not coincidental that in LA [Legum allegoriae] iii.16768 the most explicit
instances of miseducation are students who use the encyclia to serve
pretentious ends or to curry favor with the Roman rulers.31
This observation is further spelled out in Mendelsons final conclusion, in
which he underscores the social and political lures of total assimilation
and the real dangers exerted by the sophistic movement (although,
writing prior to Winter, he does not sufficiently address the issue of the
sophists in the Philonic reflection on secular education):
Taking it for granted that the elite Jewish youth of Alexandria would be
enrolled in Greek institutions, he [ Philo] appears to have asked himself
in what way their secular education could be turned to account. Jews,
he insisted, should utilize the encyclia in their strivings toward divine
knowledge instead of exploiting the acquisition of Greek culture simply
to further their social and political ambitions. (. . .) In this environment,
the social and political lures of total assimilation must have loomed
large. Philo was particularly sensitive to this issue, perhaps because his
nephew, Tiberius Julius Alexander, had already shown signs of disloyalty
to Judaism. (. . .) Philo continued to draw clear lines between what was
acceptable and what was not acceptable for his coreligionists. (. . .) Philo
encourages a certain devotion to the encyclia, but he places them within
a Jewish framework, and he repeatedly warns against their seductive
charms. On the latter point, I cannot emphasize too strongly the real
dangers which Philo saw in the disciplines, dangers which ranged from
sophistry to heresy.32
If Philo is indeed gravely concerned about the dangers the sophistic
movement poses to the Greek-educated Jewish youth at Alexandria, I
believe this apprehensiveness accounts for the anti-sophistic slant of his
31
A. Mendelson, Secular Education in Philo of Alexandria (Monographs of the Hebrew
Union College 7), Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1982, 46. Cf. also Winter,
Philo and Paul Among the Sophists, 93 with 93n72.
32
Mendelson, Secular Education in Philo of Alexandria, 82.

commentaries on Moses Pentateuch. Philos anti-sophistic stance and

his concern about the possible misuse of secular education puzzled F.H.
Colson in an important article Philo on Education (1917). Since all in
all very little systematic or formal writing on the subject of education
survives from pagan Graeco-Roman sources, despite the importance
which Antiquity attached to it, Colson deems it strange to find one of
the most vexed questions of classical antiquity most fully discussed in
the work of this semi-hellenized Jew [i.e. Philo]to find the old issue
between the sophist and the philosopher stated to us in terms of the
Old Testament.33
However, it is not strange at all if Philo is determined to guard the
Jewish youth against the influence of the sophist movement. Indeed, as
Winter writes in reply to Colsons statement: If it is strange (as F.H.
Colson maintains), it is also highly informative that Philo evaluated the
Alexandrian sophistic tradition by means of OT incidents imported into
the structure of Platos critique.34 Winters emphasis, however, is on
the final part of the sentence, OT incidents imported into the structure of
Platos critique, and it seems he takes Philos evaluation of the sophistic
tradition by means of OT incidents almost for granted. What Winter sets
out to demonstrate and clarify in response to Colson is Philos Platon-
izing tendency, not his use of narratives from the Mosaic Pentateuch.
After quoting Colson, Winter continues: Although Philo conducts his
discussion of the sophistic tradition within a framework of OT characters
and texts, we will see that his critique of it depends heavily on Platos
evaluation of the sophists.35 However, it may also be informative that
Philo criticizes the sophistic tradition by means of OT incidents if he
is indeed trying to warn the Greek-educated Jewish youth. If that is the
case, warning them through anti-sophistic commentaries on the Mosaic
Pentateuch is far more effective than through general treatises.
Occasionally Winter seems to be aware of this anti-sophistic function
of the Old Testament narratives. Commenting on De migratione Abrahami
7685, where Philo states that all the arguments of the sophists are
devoured and done away with by the rhetorically gifted Aaron, the logos
prophorikos, the Finger of God, Winter states: This narrative functions
as a divine rescript which declares that sophistry is ever defeated by
33
F.H. Colson, Philo on Education, Journal of Theological Studies 18 (1917) 15162,
esp. 151, 153, 162, with quotation from 162.
34
35

wisdom .36 Here, Winter explicitly reflects on the function which Philo
attributes to a particular Old Testament narrative. Similarly, later on
Winter argues that Philos war against contemporary sophistic activity
was an outworking of his high esteem for Moses as the wise man
(), exceeding in age and wisdom even the Seven Wise Men
of the Greeks, in congruence with the rhetorical question posed by the
Greek philosopher Numenius: What else is Plato, but Moses speaking
Attic Greek?37 Consequently, according to Winter, Philo believed that
conflicts in which noted OT characters engaged provided the paradigm
for his evaluation of the sophists.38
I agree with this and believe that the narrative emphasis of the
present paper, which focuses on the Old Testament narrative contexts
of the polemic concerning the sophists in Philos oeuvre, shows abun-
dantly that there is an uninterrupted anti-sophistic reading of these
narratives in Philos commentaries, spanning the entire line from the
creation to Moses. The scale and scope of this undertaking suggests
that Philo deliberately chose the Mosaic Pentateuch as the vehicle to
convey his warning to the Greek-educated Jewish youth concerning
the dangers of the anti-philosophical, social and political lures of the
sophist movement.
36
37
On Numenius view on Moses, see now M.F. Burnyeat, Platonism in the Bible:
Numenius of Apamea on Exodus and Eternity, in: G.H. van Kooten (ed.), The Revelation
of the Name YHWH to Moses: Perspectives from Judaism, the Pagan Graeco-Roman World, and Early
Christianity (Themes in Biblical Narrative 9), Leiden: Brill, 2006, 13968. On Graeco-
Roman views on Moses in general, see G.H. van Kooten, Moses/Musaeus/Mochos
and his God Yahweh, Iao, and Sabaoth, Seen from a Graeco-Roman Perspective,
in: Van Kooten, The Revelation of the Name, 10738.
38

A STAR SHALL COME OUT OF JACOB:
A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF THE BALAAM ORACLE IN
THE CONTEXT OF JEWISH REVOLTS IN ROMAN TIMES
Stefan Beyerle
1. Introduction
The fourth oracle of Balaam the prophet is one of the most important
messianic proof texts in the Judaisms of Hellenistic-Roman times.1 In
general, such a focused theological reception contradicts several negative
characterizations of Balaam as the Pseudo-Prophet both in ancient
Jewish and Christian sources. As related to the principle Sacra Scriptura
sui ipsius interpres, later strata within the Pentateuch (cf. Deut 23:56;
Num 31:8,16) saw Balaam in a negative light, while later prophetic
interpretation (cf. Mic 6:5) of scripture emphasized the prophets positive
influence on Israel. Especially in Micah 6 the oracles from Numbers
2224 are embedded within the topic of salvation history as it is concret-
ized in the Exodus and Eisodus motives (cf. Mic 6:45).2 The traditions
of the Tanach already obviously attest an ambivalent perception of the
first prophet in ancient Israelite writings.
This tendency is sustained by the ancient Jewish interpretation. The
Jewish exegete, philosopher and theologian Philo of Alexandria, e.g.,
renarrates the story of Balaam from Num 2224 in his Life of Moses
by replacing the last oracle of Balaam (Num 24:1519) with the story
of Baal Peor (Philo, Mos. 1.294298).3 Like Philo, the early Christian
polemic against the Nicolaites refers to the teaching of Balaam (Rev
1
Cf., e.g., G. Vermes, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Studies, Leiden 19832,
165.
2
Pace J.A. Hackett, Balaam, Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 1, 569: . . . the mention
of Balaam in Mic 6:5 can be interpreted either positively or negatively . . . But cf.
R. Kessler, Micha, Freiburg 1999, 2656. For a late pre-exilic or exilic dating and the
interpretation of Mic 6:18 cf. H.W. Wolff, Dodekapropheton 4: Micha, Neukirchen-Vluyn
1982, 1425, 14950. In recent times, e.g., M. Rsel, Wie einer vom Propheten zum
Verfhrer wurde. Tradition und Rezeption der Bileamgestalt, Biblica 80 (1999) 50624,
has examined the different strains of the Balaam prophecy.
3
Cf. H. Donner, Balaam pseudopropheta, in: H. Donner et al. (eds), Beitrge zur
Alttestamentlichen Theologie, Gttingen 1977, 1189.

164 stefan beyerle
2:14, ) and substantiates this particular teaching

through references to the eating of food sacrificed to idols and the
practice of fornication ( ). A parallel
to the two latter practices can be found in the Septuagint version of
Num 25:12, where we hear from the Israelites having sexual intercourse
with the daughters of Moab ( )
and eating the Moabite sacrifices and worshipping the Moabites idols
(
).4 Both Philo and the epistle to Pergamon in the Book of Rev-
elation make use of the canonical sequence in the Book of Numbers
that places the Baal Peor episode straight after the Balaam cycle with
the aim to highlight Balaams negative facet5an interpretation of the
canonical shape that already led Julius Wellhausen to the conclusion
that Numbers 25 is closely connected with chapters 2224.6
The tendency mentioned above is only one of the many allusions
to the ambivalence of the prophet Balaam and the corresponding
characterization of this prophet since the early traditions found in the
Tanach. In writings as early as the witnesses from the ancient Biblical
examinations of Balaam, the diviner turns out to become a wicked
liar.7 In general and apart from a few exceptions (e.g., Josephus, Jewish
Antiquities 4.100158)8 the ancient Jewish sources have portrayed Balaam
as the wicked prophet (cf. also the List of False Prophets in 4Q339)9
4
Cf. H. Lhr, Die Lehre der Nikolaiten: Exegetische und theologische
Bemerkungen zu einer neutestamentlichen Hresie , in: A. Lexutt & V. von Blow
(eds), Kaum zu glauben: Von der Hresie und dem Umgang mit ihr, Rheinbach 1998, 401.
5
Cf. also the quotations collected by J.L. Kugel, Traditions of the Bible: A Guide to the
Bible As It Was at the Start of the Common Era, Cambridge, Mass., 1998, 80810, who lists
among others Targum Neofiti to Num 31:6; Pseudo-Philo, Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum
18:1314; Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 4.129.
6
See J. Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuchs und der historischen Bcher des Alten
Testaments, Berlin 19634, 1112, also with reference to his Q-source (the priestly writer).
For a recent interpretation see Hackett, Balaam, 570.
7
See Vermes, Scripture, 12677; Kugel, Traditions, 8189.
8
On the interpretation of the Balaam figure in Josephus see L.H. Feldman,
Josephus Portrait of Balaam, Studia Philonica Annual 5 (1993) 4883. In Jewish War
6.312315 Josephus refers to an ambiguous oracle ( ) from the
sacred scriptures ( ): a Jew would become ruler
of the world ( ). M. Hengel, Die Zeloten: Untersuchungen zur jdischen
Freiheitsbewegung in der Zeit von Herodes I. bis 70 n. Chr., Leiden 19762, 2436, identifies
the oracle with Num 24:17. But cf. J.J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of
the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature, New York, 1995, 200: It is not clear what
passage in the Scriptures Josephus had in mind.
9
On 4Q339 see Sh.J.D. Cohen, Hellenism in Unexpected Places, in: J.J. Collins
& G.E. Sterling (eds), Hellenism in the Land of Israel, Notre Dame 2001, 21723, who

a star shall come out of jacob 165
and foreign seducer of Israel. In contrast to this, the understanding

and rewriting of the fourth oracle has made the text of Num 24:1519
one of the cornerstones of the eschatological hopes in Judaism and,
with some reservations, in early Christianity.10 And what is more, most
scholars identify allusions to the ideal king, mostly linked with David,
in the mt of the last oracle.11 Taking these allusions as a starting point
and, furthermore, focusing on the Septuagint and especially Aramaic
interpretations like the Targums or the Syriaca, the way for an iso-
lated messianic reading of the fourth oracle, or even Num 24:17, was
prepared.12
In sum, the different strains of productive rewriting and interpretation
of the stories and sayings that are connected with the prophet Balaam
in the Tanach result in an ambiguous, not to say contradictory picture
of Balaam as an active person. Moreover, the praise of Balaams activ-
ity is restricted to messianic interpretations of the third and fourth
oracle in Numbers 24. And those two oracles count among only a few
messianic proof-texts from the Pentateuch (Torah). Most of them stem
from poetical contexts (e.g., Gen 49:910; Deut 33:811).13
In an extensive, conceptual, but sometimes too far-reaching article,
Johann Maier criticizes the much too frequent unbalanced use of terms
compares the List of the False Prophets (4Q339) with the List of Netinim (4Q340)
and finds in both influences of the Hellenistic scholarship of listing things, even in
Qumran.
10
The question whether early Christianity refers to the Balaam oracle depends on
how far one assumes the influence of Num 24:17 on the story of the magoi in Matt 2.
See also Nicklas, this volume.
11
Cf. the balanced analysis of K. Seybold, Das Herrscherbild des Bileamorakels
Num 24,1519 (1973), in: K. Seybold, Die Sprache der Propheten: Studien zur Literaturgeschichte
der Prophetie, Zrich 1999, 3451. See also recently B.A. Levine, Numbers 2136, New
York 2000, 201, and H. Seebass, Numeri, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2005, 199200.
12
See, e.g., Vermes, Scripture, 5960, 165; K.J. Cathcart, Numbers 24:17 in Ancient
Translations and Interpretations, in: J. Kraovec, The Interpretation of the Bibel: The
International Symposium in Slovenia, Sheffield 1998, 5123; K. von Stuckrad, Das Ringen
um die Astrologie: Jdische und christliche Beitrge zum antiken Zeitverstndnis, Berlin 2000, 104.
It is interesting to see that the prominent reception of the fourth oracle in Qumran
only at 4Q175 in l.9 refers explicitly to Balaam (cf. Num 24:15b). On this problem
see also the statement from J.T. Greene, The Balaam Figure and Type before, during,
and after the Period of the Pseudepigrapha, Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 8
(1991) 73: There [i.e., in the Qumran texts, SB] Balaam became far less important
than his word(s).
13
Cf. the examinations in Collins, Scepter, index: s.v.; J.J. Collins, Messianism and
Exegetical Tradition: The Evidence of the LXX Pentateuch, in: J.J. Collins, Jewish
Cult and Hellenistic Culture: Essays on the Jewish Encounter with Hellenism and Roman Rule,
Leiden 2005, 5881.

166 stefan beyerle
like messiah, messianism or messianic within recent scholarly discus-

sion.14 Maier, focusing on Qumran evidence, emphasizes the aspects of
function and assignment related to those figures that the Hebrew Bible
and, especially, the ancient Jewish writings called anointed ones. Those
aspects are in no way automatically adjoined to early Christian ideas
like Christology, Eschatology or Apocalypticism. In my opinion,
this is also true for the so-called messianic interpretation of Numbers
24 in Judaism(s) outside the Qumran writings. The quotations and
reinterpretations are in need of some proof of whether they should
still be called messianic.
As a starting point, the following notes will examine the Bar Kokhba
revolt (132135 cE) and then turn back to the Jewish riots under Trajan
(115117 ce). Following the path back through ancient Jewish history,
this study will also discuss sources like the Fifth Sibylline Oracle and the
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs.
2. The Messianic Ingredients of the Bar Kokhba Revolt
Much has been written and still little is known about the so-called revolt
of Bar Kokhba or Second Jewish War and its military leader Simeon
Bar Kosiba.15 A good example is the question why the Jews rebelled
against the Romans under Bar Kochba. The Roman historian Cassius
Dio (3rd century ce), preserved by the Byzantine sources (Epitome of
Xiphilinus: 11th century ce), explores the cause of the revolt with the
following words (Historia Romana LXIX, 12.12):16
14
See J. Maier, Messias oder Gesalbter? Zu einem bersetzungs- und Deutungs-
problem in den Qumrantexten, Revue de Qumran 6568/17 (1996) 585612.
15
For the predominant lack of evidence see the (mostly) balanced articles of B. Isaac
& A. Oppenheimer, Bar Kokhba Revolt, Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 1, 598601;
M.O. Wise, Bar Kokhba Letters, Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 1, 6016, and A. Oppen-
heimers contributions on Bar Kokhba, Shimon and Bar Kokhba Revolt in Encyclopedia
of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 2000, vol. 1, 7883. A still valuable survey of problems and
scholarly theses relating to Bar Kokhba is to be found in E. Schrer (G. Vermes, F. Millar
& M. Goodman), The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.A.D.
135), rev. edn., vol. 1, Edinburg 1973, 53457; B. Isaac & A. Oppenheimer, The
Revolt of Bar Kokhba: Ideology and Modern Scholarship, Journal of Jewish Studies
36 (1985) 3360.
16
For text and translation cf. M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism,
vol. 2: From Tacitus to Simplicius, Jerusalem 1980, 3912: no. 440. See also G.E. Evans,
Jesus and His Contemporaries: Comparative Studies, Leiden 1995, 18990, and, recently,
P. Kuhlmann, Religion und Erinnerung: Die Religionspolitik Kaiser Hadrians und ihre Rezeption
in der antiken Literatur, Gttingen 2002, 434, 607.

(12:1)
, scil. ,

. (2)

.
(12:1) At Jerusalem he [scil. Hadrian] founded a city in place of the one
which had been razed to the ground, naming it Aelia Capitolina,17 and
on the site of the temple of the god he raised a new temple to Jupiter.
This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration,
(2) for the Jews deemed it intolerable that foreign races should be settled
in their city and foreign religious rites planted there.
In this brief note, Cassius Dio names Hadrians decision to replace
Jerusalem by a Roman city, his installation of the cult of Jupiter and the
following religious consequences as the cause for the Jewish revoltre-
markably Dio does not refer to the name Bar Kokhba. That the Roman
historian could only have meant the Bar Kokhba war can be clarified by
the writings of the Christian Father Eusebius (4th century ce). Eusebius
calls Bar Kokhba by name and notes that Hadrian renamed Jerusalem
after the Romans suppression of the revolt (cf. Historia Ecclessia, IV.
6.14).18 Another source, the Historia Augusta (probably end of the 4th
century ce), states (Historia Augusta, Hadrianus 14.12):19
17
On Jerusalems history as Aelia Capitolina, see E. Otto, Jerusalem: Die Geschichte
der Heiligen Stadt. Von den Anfngen bis zur Kreuzfahrerzeit, Stuttgart 1980, 16573. For the
urban infrastructure see recently Y.Z. Eliav, The Urban Layout of Aelia Capitolina:
A New View from the Perspective of the Temple Mount, in: P. Schfer (ed.), The
Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Revolt against Rome, Tbingen
2003, 24177.
18
For a harmonistic reading of Cassius Dio and Eusebius cf. Stern, Greek and Latin
Authors, vol. 2, 396, and M. Hengel, Hadrians Politik gegenber Juden und Christen
(19841985), in: M. Hengel, Judaica et Hellenistica: Kleine Schriften, Tbingen 1996, vol.
1, 37991. See also the discussion in P. Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand: Studien zum
zweiten jdischen Krieg gegen Rom, Tbingen 1981, 368. Some scholars argue in favour of
a foundation of Aelia Capitolina as a cause of the revolt. Cf. recently A. Oppenheimer,
The Ban on Circumcision as a Cause of the Revolt: A Reconsideration, in: P. Schfer
(ed.), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Revolt against Rome,
Tbingen 2003, 689, and Y. Shahar, The Underground Hideouts in Galilee and
Their Historical Meaning, in: Y. Shahar & Y. Tepper (eds), Jewish Towns and Villages
in Galilee and their Underground Hideouts, Tel Aviv 1985, 21740 at 227 and 23031, Pace,
e.g., G.W. Bowersock, A Roman Perspective on the Bar Kochba War, in: W.S. Green
(ed.), Approaches to Ancient Judaism, Chico 1980 (repr. 1994), 13637, 140.
19
For text and translation see Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, vol. 2, 619: no. 511. See,
recently, Kuhlmann, Religion, 97101, 1336.

168 stefan beyerle
(2) Moverunt ea tempestate et Iudaei bellum, quod vetabantur mutilare genitalia.

(2) At this time also the Jews began war, because they were forbidden to
practise circumcision.
Some scholars, like Edith Mary Smallwood, prefer the ban on circumci-
sion as a reasonable cause of the revolt. She combines the quotation
from Historia Augusta with the edict of Hadrians successor Antoninus
Pius (138161 ce). This edict seems to allow circumcision for the Jews
exclusively, which would highlight Hadrians universal ban. Further-
more, Tosefta, Shabbat 15.9 (cf. also Palestinian Talmud, Shabbat 19:2;
Babylonian Talmud, Yebamoth 72a) reports a new circumcision of the
epispasmos (ykwm) in the days of abzwk b, i.e., a reaction of the Jews to
Hadrians prohibition in the days of the revolt.20 But against this, Peter
Schfer has argued for an identification of the ykwm with Roman-
sympathizers among the Jews, who had for a long time been assimilated
into the Roman culture.21 Those Roman Jews were obviously forced by
their revolting brothers to practice circumcision. With regard to Historia
Augusta and the Roman edict, Schfer questions the historical credibility
of the Historia and interprets the legislation under Antoninus Pius as a
tool to avoid proselytism among the Jewsonly the circumcision of the
sons is permitted (Modestinus Digesta XLVIII, 8.11.1: circumcidere Judaeis
filios suos tantum rescriptio divi Pii permittitur).22 Finally and above all, one
can question whether the Latin expression mutilare genitalia in fact meant
circumcision. Recently, Ra{anan Abusch pointed to the fact that this
report should only be read in a highly circumscribed way as a possible
indication that the practice of circumcision was somehow implicated
20
Cf. E.M. Smallwood, The Legislation of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius against
Circumcision, Latomus 18 (1959) 33447; E.M. Smallwood, The Legislation of Hadrian
and Antoninus Pius against Circumcision: Addendum, Latomus 20 (1961) 936. Cf.
also E.M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian. A Study in
Political Relations, Leiden 19812, 42838, 445.
21
They can be compared with the Hellenists in the days of Antiochus IV. Cf.
Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 456 (see below).
22
Cf. Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 3843; P. Schfer, Judeophobia: Attitudes toward
the Jews in the Ancient World, Cambridge, Mass., 1998, 1035; P. Schfer, The Bar
Kokhba Revolt and Circumcision: Historical Evidence and Modern Apologetics, in:
A. Oppenheimer (ed.), Jdische Geschichte in hellenistisch-rmischer Zeit: Wege der Forschung.
Vom alten zum neuen Schrer, Mnchen 1999, 11932. Besides this, one can question the
meaning of mutilare genitalia in Historia Augusta, Hadrianus 14.2. The expression generally
refers to a non-Hellenistic behavior that injures the physical integrity of the genitals,
maybe castration that also includes circumcision (see above).

in the larger conflict.23 Furthermore, Abusch reads the expression as

a reference to the prohibition of the genital mutilation of slaves as it
is also attested in the Roman slave law.24
This short survey of different historical approaches to the Bar
Kokhba revolt includes peculiarities that are of special interest for a
messianic interpretation of the leading figure. Firstly, if Peter Schfers
interpretation is supported by the sources, the Jewish revolt was not
at all Jewish. Rather, it was a regional conflict25 especially relating to
inner-Jewish confrontations. Secondly, Hadrian is made responsible
for the desecration of Jerusalem and its Temple and also for the ban
on circumcision. Furthermore, Hadrian is seen as a Hellenistic ruler
among the Roman Emperors.26 Finally, the textual evidence leaves
open the question whether the Roman persecution followed the revolt
or vice versa.27 Taking these data together, the circumstances of the
Bar-Kokhba revolt mirror in every respect the Hellenistic encounter
with Palestine under Antiochus IV.28 Therefore, both revolts can be
regarded within a social and theological setting that promoted escha-
tological expectations, whose concrete peculiarities appeared in a more
or less radical shape.
23
R. Abusch, Negotiating Difference: Genital Mutilation in Roman Slave Law and
the History of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, in: Schfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered,
80.
24
See Abusch, Negotiating Difference, 849.
25
The regions are: Judaea and former Idumaea (southern hill country) and from
Jericho south to Masada along the Dead Sea shore: see F. Millar, The Roman Near
East: 31 BCAD 337, Cambridge, Mass., 1996, 370; cf. also the sceptical summary
of Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 1345, and recently M. Mor, The Geographical
Scope of the Bar-Kokhba Revolt, in: Schfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, 10731.
On the involvement of Nabateans in the revolt see below.
26
Hadrian identified himself with Zeus Olympios and, from 129 CE onwards, was
named Hadrianos Sebastos Zeus Olympios. His programm can be called Pan-hellenic.
Cf. A.R. Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, London 2000, 21534. Recently, Kuhlmann,
Religion, passim, has examined the politics of religion at the time of Hadrian.
27
Cf. the similar discussion of E.J. Bickerman and V. Tcherikover on Jewish history
in the time of Antiochus IV. Cf. E.J. Bickerman, The God of the Maccabees: Studies in the
Origin and Meaning of the Maccabean Revolt, repr. Leiden 1979; V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic
Civilization and the Jews, repr. Peabody 1999, 175203. See also the recent discussion
in J.J. Collins, Cult and Culture: The Limits of Hellenization in Judea (2001), in:
Collins, Jewish Cult and Hellenistic Culture, 2640.
28
Cf. M. Hengel, Judentum und Hellenismus: Studien zu ihrer Begegnung unter besonderer
Bercksichtigung Palstinas bis zur Mitte des 2. Jh.s v. Chr., Tbingen 19883, 559; P. Schfer,
Hadrians Policy in Judaea and the Bar Kokhba Revolt. A Reassessment, in P.R. Davies
& R.T. White (eds), A Tribute to Geza Vermez: Essays on Jewish and Christian Literature and
History, Sheffield 1990, 2934, 2967; Birley, Hadrian, 2289.

170 stefan beyerle
The following examination tries to evaluate in how far the Bar

Kokhba revolt . . . wie kaum ein anderes Ereignis jener Zeit messia-
nische Konnotationen mit sich fhrte.29 The relevant sources that may
show a messianic interpretation of Bar Kokhba are: Rabbinic writings,
esp. the Talmud Yerushalmi, the coins from the Bar Kokhba period
and some papyri from the caves of Muraba{at, the caves of the Nahal
Sexelim, and the caves at Nahal Hever.30
a. Rabbinic Evidence
The most famous and only positive messianic reference in rabbinic
writings occurs in Palestinian Talmud, Ta anit 4:8.27; 68d. The text
reads as follows:
(1) R. Shimon b. Yohai taught: My teacher Aqiva (ybr hbyq[) used to
expound: A star shall step forth from Jacob (Num 24:17) [in this way:]
Kozeba/Kozba (abzwk) steps forth from Jacob.
(2) When R. Aqiva beheld Bar Kozeba/Kozba, he exclaimed: This one
is the King Messiah (ajym aklm awh yd).
(3) R. Yohanan b. Torta said to him: Aqiva, grass will grow between your
jaws and still the son of David will not have come!31
Most interesting in this threefold characterization of Bar Kokhba is
the central identification with the Messiah from the mouth of Aqiva:
it is in Aramaic and not, like the framing parts, in Hebrew.32 As Peter
Schfer has shown, the so-called Bethar-Complex parallels the quo-
tation of Num 24:17 with the midrash on Gen 27:22, which stems
originally from the Rabbi, i.e., R. Jehuda Ha-Nasi (who died 217 ce).
Thus, the name of R. Shimon b. Yohai was a late insertion in both
traditions. And it is not very likely that the positive interpretation of
29
In the words of von Stuckrad, Astrologie, 142; cf. also 1518.
30
Pace several other scholars (cf., e.g., Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 5962), the
Christian tradition will be left aside for two reasons: firstly, Christian sources like Justins
Apologia I.31,6, Eusebius Historia Ecclesia IV.6.2 or the Apocalypse of Peter show no clear
indications that they have known real Jewish traditions about a messiah Bar Kokhba,
and, secondly, their anti-Jewish polemics tend to obscure the Jewish affection in line
with or against Bar Kokhba at the time of the Second Jewish War.
31
For the translation see P. Schfer, Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis, in: Schfer, The
Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, 2.
32
The passage in (2) may refer to the Aramaic aggadic writings. Those were meant
for the common people. Cf. G. Stemberger, Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, Munich
19928, 181.

Bar Kokhba originates from R. Jehuda Ha-Nasi, one or two generations

after the revolt. Consequently, R. Jehuda Ha-Nasi could be suspected of
being the creator of the negative interpretation of Bar Kosiba as Bar
Koziba (son of a lie). The creator of the positive exegesis could have
been Aqiva. But, as Peter Schfer concludes, it is more likely that the
famous Rabbi was inserted into the dialogue after his martyrdom at
the time of the second Jewish revolt. Bringing the arguments together,
the Aramaic middle part that emphasizes Bar Kokhbas identification
with the Messiah is part of the final redaction of this text.33 In con-
clusion, the midrash of Num 24:17 in the Palestinian Talmud, Ta anit
shows a late identification of the messianic proclamation.34
In a much later rabbinic tradition preserved in Babylonian Talmud,
Sanhedrin 93b we read:
Bar Koziba (abyzwk) reigned two and a half years. He said to the Rabbis: I
am the Messiah (jym ana)! They answered: Of the Messiah it is written
that he smells and judgeslet us see whether he smells and judges. When
they saw that he was unable to smell and judge, they killed him.
Here, the messianic claim lacks any reference to Aqiva. The investiga-
tion of the Messiah is a midrash on Isa 11:34, and, insofar, reflects
a much later rabbinic tradition (perhaps first half of the 4th century
ce) compared with the time of the Bar Kokhba revolt.35 Even in the
context of an anti-messianic polemic against certain claims of Bar
Kokhba there is no hint to a contemporary or, what is more, historical
allusion to a messianic identification by means of a reinterpretation of
Num 24:17.
This short look at rabbinic sources illustrates that there is no con-
nection between the historical Rabbi Aqiva, a messianic reading of
33
Cf. Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 1669; Schfer, Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis,
34, esp. 4: The reason why Aqiva, of all the possible candidates, would have been
inserted into the dictum as Bar Kokhbas herald (instead of the unknown and obviously
insignificant original author) is simple: Aqiva was the hero of the Yavneh period and,
most importantly, the imprisonment, martyrdom and death during the revolt are well
established in the rabbinic literature.
34
Cf. R.G. Marks, The Image of Bar Kokhba in Traditional Jewish Literature: False Messiah
and National Hero, Pennsylvania 1994, 16, however, without relating to Schfers inter-
pretation. Pace, e.g., E.E. Urbach, The Sages: Their Concepts and Beliefs, vol. 1, Jerusalem
1975, 6736, and, recently, S. Bergler, Jesus, Bar Kochba und das messianische
Laubhttenfest, Journal for the Study of Judaism 29 (1998) 1834.
35
Cf. Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 578; Schfer, Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis,
5; Marks, Image, 212. Schfer refers to Rava (bar Nahmani, who died in 330 ce;
cf. also Stemberger, Einleitung, 99).

172 stefan beyerle
Num 24:17, and Bar Kokhba. Additionally, messianic overtones can be

traced back to the hero of the revolt in general,36 but their roots and
socio-political settings in particular are unknown to us. And, lastly, the
sources show a certain ambiguity towards the functions and honorable
deeds of Bar Kokhba. Insofar, some scholars combine traditions of
thedyingMessiah ben Ephraim with the second Jewish revolt.37
b. The coinage
In combination with the inscriptional evidence, the Bar Kokhba coins
are the most important archaeological finds for the dating of the revolt.38
Apart from their historical value for the setting and the reconstruction
of the revolt, the iconographical peculiarities of some of the coins show
a symbol of something like a star. This leads scholars to the conclusion
that the coins of Bar Kokhba also attest a messianic symbol.39 But in
general, the symbol is at least ambiguous, and many scholars identify
a rosette instead of a star. This identification is further confirmed by
a lead weight found at Horvat {Alim40 that shows a six-petalled rosette
in the center of each side surrounded by two circles forming a double
frame and two inscriptions referring to Ben Kosba (absknb), Prince of
36
See recently Schfer, Bar Kokhba and the Rabbis, 179, where he examines
messianic overtones that can be connected with the title ayn (see below).
37
See recently, e.g., B.W.R. Pearson, Dry Bones in the Judean Desert: The Messiah
of Ephraim, Ezekiel 37, and the Post-Revolutionary Followers of Bar Kokhba, Journal
for the Study of Judaism 29 (1998) 192201.
38
See H. Eshel, The Dates Used During the Bar Kokhba Revolt, in: Schfer, The
Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, 956. The most important evidence is the appearance of Bar
Kokhba coins together with Aelia Capitolina coins in hoards. From this, some scholars
conclude that the new foundation of Aelia Capitolina took place already before the
outbreak of the revolt. See L. Mildenberg, The Coinage of the Bar Kokhba War, Aarau
1984, 1001; see also above and the review of M. Hengel, Die Bar-Kokhbamnzen
als politisch-religise Zeugnisse (1986), in: Hengel, Judaica et Hellenistica, vol. 1, 34450.
Recently, Y. Tsafrir, Numismatics and the Foundation of Aelia CapitolinaA Critical
Review, in: Schfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, 336, has argued against this
conclusion. The evidence of both types of coins, or even more, in hoards like the one
in the el-Jai Cave gives no reason to assume that these coins were left by only one
person at a certain time.
39
See, e.g., Smallwood, Jews, 4445, with 445n66, and H. Knzl, Jdische Grabkunst
von der Antike bis heute, Darmstadt 1999, 209.
40
See the photography in A. Kloner & B. Zissu, Hiding Complexes in Judaea: An
Archaeological and Geographical Update on the Area of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, in:
Schfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, 186 and 214, fig. 11. On the inscriptions, the
provenance and archaeological data of the Horvat Alim lead weight, see A. Kloner,
Lead Weight of Bar Kokhbas Administration, Israel Exploration Journal 40 (1990) 5867
[= Eretz Israel 20 (1989) 34554, Hebrew].

Israel (lary yn), and his administrator (wnrpw) Shim{on Dasoi (side A),
resp. Shim{on ben Kosba, Prince of Israel and his administrator (side
B).41 To some extent comparable is an eight-petalled and six-petalled
rosette that can be found on some coins stemming from the time of
Alexander Yannai.42 The form of the mentioned name is of further
interest: the legends of the coins and weights, as the documents from
the Judean Desert, never use the name abkwk which bears messianic
overtones and is only preserved in rabbinic (Midrash, Lamentations Rabbah
2:2, see Ekha Rabbati [ed. Buber], 101; cf. Palestinian Talmud, Ta anit
4:8.27; 68d) and Christian sources ( Justin, Eusebius; see above).43 Even
if the coins included a reference to the star, the messianic understand-
ing of this specimen would be thwarted by the consequent omission of
the programmatic name abkwk (rb) in the contemporary legends of the
coins and in the documents. Why should the iconography of the coins
carry messianic overtones while the name of the leader is restricted to
w[m or lary ayn w[m?44 For further arguments, one type of coin
needs to be scrutinized.
Among the silver and bronze coins45 a tetradrachma with the tetra-
style facade of the Temple on the obverse and the lulav and etrog on
the reverse is very common.46 Within the temple facade of the obverse
41
For the discussion and translation of the inscriptions see Kloner, Lead Weight,
614. On further weights from the Bar Kokhba period, of which some also bear the
rosette, see B. Lifshitz, Bleigewichte aus Palstina und Syrien, Zeitschrift des Deutschen
Palstina-Vereins 92 (1976) nos. 41 and 42; Kloner, Lead Weight, 667, and R. Deutsch,
A Lead Weight of Shimon Bar Kokhba, Israel Exploration Journal 51 (2001) 968. The
recently published weight, examined by Deutsch, shows just the inscription: Shim{on
ben Kosba, Prince of Israel ( ?lary ?aysn ?abswk b w[m). The script of the lead
weights and coins is Palaeo-Hebrew.
42
See Y. Meshorer, Jewish Coins of the Second Temple Period, Tel-Aviv 1967, 119 and
plate II: nos. 8. 8A. 8B. 9. 11. See also the coins of Herod Philip II: Y. Meshorer,
Jewish Coins, 1357 and plates X and XI: nos. 7684; cf. Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-
Aufstand, 64.
43
Cf. P. Schfer, R. Aqiva und Bar Kokhba, in: P. Schfer, Studien zur Geschichte und
Theologie des rabbinischen Judentums, Leiden 1978, 8690; P. Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand,
512; Isaac and Oppenheimer, The Revolt of Bar Kokhba, 57; L. Mildenberg, Bar
Kokhba Coins and Documents, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 84 (1980) 3134;
Mildenberg, Coinage, 13. 26. 901. Schrer et al., History, 543n128, notices that SOR
(MS Munich) also reads abkk rb.
44
See the coins at Meshorer, Jewish Coins, 165 (plate XXVI: no. 199); Mildenberg,
Coinage, 301, 13363 (series I, nos. 2787) and 29498 (series III, nos. 111), 3015
(series IV, nos. 2030), 3069 (series IV, nos. 3446).
45
See J.W. Betlyon, Coinage, Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 1, 1088.
46
For the Temple concept of the Bar Kokhba-coins see Y. Meshorer, Ancient Jewish
Coinage; Vol. 2: Herod the Great through Bar Cochba, New York 1982, 13841 at 140

174 stefan beyerle
a stylized ark of the covenant is included.47 The star or rosette is placed

in the center over the architrave. Leo Mildenberg has pointed out strik-
ing objections against the interpretation as a star. First, the prototype of
this type of coin clearly reveals a round rosette and not a star. Second,
the identification as a star is methodologically invalid since it interprets
the symbolic elements in isolation.48 Third, the element of a coin, as a
primary source, is combined with Aqivas association of Bar Kokhba
and the star of Num 24:17. All in all, nothing on the coins, in fact,
refers to Shim{on ben Kosiba as the Messiah.49
c. The documents from the Judean desert

The documentary texts from the Bar Kokhba period50 are also suspected
of preserving some information about the status of Bar Kokhba as a
messianic figure. The connecting link between these documentary texts
and the coins can be fixed in the title for Bar Kokhba, ayn, and the
symbolism of the Feast of the Tabernacles.51
(italics by Meshorer): Thus the image on the silver tetradrachms symbolizes the concept
of the Temple in Jerusalem; it does not need any more specific features.
47
Cf. the discussion in Mildenberg, Coinage, 3342. The alternative interpretation
would be to identify a Torah shrine on the front of a synagogue.
48
Furthermore, some coins have a curving line instead of the rosette. Cf. L.D. Sporty,
Identifying the Curving Line on the Bar-Kokhba Temple Coin, Biblical Archaeologist
46 (1983) 1213, with, however, far-reaching arguments. For Sporty, the wavy line
represents the golden vine at the facade of the Temple. Also rather speculative is the
suggestion that the line over the Temple architrave symbolizes Gods protection in the
cloud above the Temple. So H. Ulfgard, Feast and Future: Revelation 7:917 and the Feast
of the Tabernacles, Lund 1989, 138.
49
In this way Mildenberg, Coinage, 45, and for the above listed arguments cf. 445
and 736.
50
Cf. the introduction by H.M. Cotton, The Impact of the Documentary Papyri
from the Judaean Desert on the Study of Jewish History from 70 to 135 CE, in:
A. Oppenheimer (ed.), Jdische Geschichte in hellenistisch-rmischer Zeit. Wege der Forschung:
Vom alten zum neuen Schrer, Mnchen 1999, 2219; H.M. Cotton, Documentary Texts,
Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 2000, vol. 1, 2145 (see also the listing of
Millar, The Roman Near East, 54852). The relationship between the coins and the
documentary texts is discussed by Mildenberg, Coinage, 904.
51
A further significant symbol on the coins, more exactly on the Bar Kokhba denarii
and the small bronze coinage, is a bunch of grapes that have no literary equivalent
in the documentary texts: see Meshorer, Jewish Coins, 161, 1639 (plate XXII: nos.
1737, plate XXIV: nos. 18790A, plate XXV: nos. 19798, plate XXVII: nos.
2069C, plate XXVIII, nos. 2135); Mildenberg, Coinage, 1723. 1767. 18999.
24488. 2903 (Series II, nos. 12. 911. 3751. 139220. 22430. 233. 2367. 24665)
and 32733. 3434 (series V, nos. 14760. 22533). Some scholars concede that this
symbol of fertility could bear messianic overtones: cf., e.g., P. Schfer, Geschichte der
Juden in der Antike: Die Juden Palstinas von Alexander dem Groen bis zur arabischen Eroberung,

Especially the symbols of the Feast of the Tabernacles have led

scholars to the far-reaching thesis that the Bar Kokhba-messianism was
modeled to some extent on the basis of messianic ideas from the early
Christian traditions. An extended article by Siegfried Bergler examines
the relevant sources.52 Bergler takes his starting point with three Papyri
from the Yadin-Collection (P. Yadin 57, 52 and 59 [= 5/6 Hev 57, 52
and 59]). All three Papyri have two things in common: they stem from
the Bar Kokhba period and refer to the leaders wish to be prepared
for the Feast of the Tabernacles. Here, Bergler asks: . . . warum Bar
Kochba trotz jener schwierigen politischen Situation so darauf bedacht
war, eine korrekte Sukkot-Feier mit vorschriftsmig verzehnteten Fest-
struen zu begehen.53 The answer to this question can be found in the
Hebrew Bible (cf. Zechariah 14) and the New Testament (cf. Mark 11),
wherein Bergler detects allusions to the characterization of the Feast
of the Tabernacles as an eschatological, i.e., messianic, feast in ancient
Judaism and Christianity.54 All in all, from Berglers point of view, the
title of a ayn and the importance of the Sukkot show that the ancient
sources, papyri and coins,55 bear witness to Bar Kokhba as a Torah
observant, military and messianic leader in the revolt.56 Despite the
differences that Bergler sees between the nationalistic intentions of the
Bar Kokhba revolt and the universalistic orientation of the Christian
revolt, the messianism of Bar Kokhba can be compared to some extent
with the messianism of the early Christian movement.
Stuttgart 1983, 165. But the bunch of grapes is a well-documented symbol in picto-
rial art in Jewish antiquity in general. It is a sign of the lands fertility and does not
hint at messianic beliefs particularly (see Mildenberg, Coinage, 46, cf. also Meshorer,
Ancient Jewish Coinage, 143).
52
Cf. Bergler, Jesus, 14391. See also the arguments of J.C. ONeill, The Mocking
of Bar Kokhba and of Jesus, Journal for the Study of Judaism 31 (2000) 3941.
53
So Bergler, Jesus, 1478.
54
Cf. especially Bergler, Jesus, 1656.
55
See the tetradrachmas that pictures lulav and etrog on the reverse and the
Temple with a stylized ark of the covenant on the obverse. This collection of Bar
Kokhba coins is identical with the series I in Mildenberg, Coinage, 12372 (nos. 1104).
The legends on the coins read: JerusalemYear One of the Redemption of Israel
(nos. 15), JerusalemYear 2 of the Freedom of Israel (nos. 626), ShimonYear
2 of the Freedom of Israel (nos. 2745), ShimonFor the Freedom of Jerusalem
(nos. 4696). See, at last, also irregular coinage (nos. 97104).
56
Cf. Bergler, Jesus, 190: Darum drfen die besprochenen Papyribei aller
gebotenen Zurckhaltungals weitere Mosaiksteinchen fr die These des messianisch-
patriotischen Selbstverstndnisses von Bar Kochba bzw. des von messianisch-nationalen
Erwartungen geprgten Aufstandes gewertet werden.

176 stefan beyerle
For further proof of Berglers thesis, it is worth to take a look at

P. Yadin 52 (5/6 Hev 52) from the Cave of the Letters, one of the most
famous documentary texts of the second revolt. In line 111 we read:57
1 C[]c 2 -3 [c][] . 4
c c 5 c [] c-6 [c] c 7 []c[c]
, 8 [c] cc, 9 c [] -10 []
c 11 []c.
Soumaios to Yonathes son of Beianos and to Masabala greetings. Since I
have sent you Agrippa, hurry to send me wands and citrons, as much as
you will be able to, for the camp of the Jews, and do not do otherwise.
Beyond the debate of alternative readings in former text editions, a
reference to the yblwl and ygwrta of the Feast of the Tabernacles
seems plausible.58 Hannah M. Cotton has argued in a recent article
that the writer of the letter, C[]c, should not be identified with
the w[m of the coins and letters. In her opinion, he is more likely a
gentile, specifically, a Nabatean.59 Another Aramaic letter from the
Cave of the Letters (P. Yadin 57) is also of special interest.60 Here, a
certain Simeon writes to Judah bar Menashe (hnm rb hdwhyl w[m).
He is ordered to send palm fronds (ybll), citrons (ygrta), myrtles
57
Text and translation are adopted from the final edition of H.M. Cotton, The Bar
Kokhba Revolt and the Documents from the Judaean Desert: Nabataean Participation
in the Revolt (P. Yadin 52), in: Schfer, The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered, 144.
58
On the arrangement, especially the four species for the feast, and the function
of the yblwl and ygwrta during Sukkot see, e.g., Mishnah Sukkot 3 and 4. See on the
older readings the apparatus criticus in H. Lapin, Palm Fronds and Citrons: Notes on Two
Letters from Bar Kosibas Administration, Hebrew Union College Annual 64 (1993 [1994])
114 (cf. also Bergler, Jesus, 145; Cotton, The Bar Kokhba Revolt, 145, and the editio
princeps by B. Lifshitz, Papyrus grecs du dsert de Judea, Aegyptus 42 [1962] 2418). The
circumstances of this find are described by Y. Yadin, Expedition D, Israel Exploration
Journal 11 (1961) 423, who already refers to the citrons. For the discussion of
[]c[c] in line 7 of the Papyrus Yadin 52 see Lapin, Palm Fronds, 1168,
who refers, among other sources, to 2 Macc 10:67 and Jdt 15:12.
59
The arguments are: Soumaios is never the transcription of w[m. Later in P.
Yadin 52 (ll. 1214), the text emphasizes that the present writer was not able to write
in Hebrew (letters). It is absolutely inconceivable that Bar Kokhba could not have felt
like writing in Hebrew or in Hebrew-Aramaic letters, because his program included
the revival of Hebrew as the official language. At last, Agrippa and the writer of P.
Yadin 59 could have been Nabateans, too; cf. Cotton, The Bar Kokhba Revolt, 1468,
and Lapin, Palm Fronds, 1156. For contrary argumentation S.E. Porter, The Greek
Papyri of the Judaean Desert and the World of the Roman East, in: S.E. Porter &
C.A. Evans (eds), The Scrolls and the Scriptures: Qumran Fifty Years After, Sheffield 1997,
3001, 308, who thinks of a Nabataean Jew.
60
Cf. on the text Lapin, Palm Fronds, 1123. The addressee hnm rb hdwhy has
also been identified with a priest.

(ysdh), and willows (ybr[) to the camp (hynjml). We may conclude

that the ambition of the followers of Bar Kokhba was to be prepared
for Sukkot at the end of the revolt, though the feast is not literally
mentioned.61 Obviously also non-Jews were among them. And, conse-
quently, a careful comparison of the documents with the symbols of the
tetradrachmas that picture lulav62 and etrog on the reverse and the
temple with a stylized ark of the covenant on the obverse leads to
the conclusion that the revolt had a conservative aim in terms of bring-
ing back the Jerusalem temple as the place of the Jewish feasts.63
Finally, the designation of Bar Kokhba as a ayn by both, the coins64
and the documents, have been interpreted as a messianic title. As Joseph
A. Fitzmyer puts it: It is not unlikely that both the title, Prince of Israel,
and the appellation, the son of the star, are due to the messianic
character of the uprising.65 In the Hebrew Bible the word ayn desig-
nates generally the noble one, and furthermore the leader of a tribe
and clan and a military commander.66 The title contains eschatological
overtones only in the later redactions of the book of Ezekiel (cf. Ezek
37:2325; 45:78; 48:2122).67 In general, the singular constructus ayn
lary from the documents and the coins of the Bar Kokhba revolt is
only attested once in the Hebrew Bible (Ezek 21:30).68 Aside from the
61
Pace Lifshitz, Papyrus grecs, 241, 243, and Porter, The Greek Papyri, 305,
3156. Both read in line 910 of P.Yadin 52 [] (= fte juive des
Tabernacles). For the dating of the letters see Cotton, The Bar Kokhba Revolt, 148.
62
In his preliminary report Yadin mentions a seal found in the Cave of the Letters
that bears a floral decoration which is perhaps to be interpreted as a lulab with myrtle
branches (Yadin, Expedition DThe Cave of the Letters, 230).
63
See also the very careful description of the relevant coins in Mildenberg, Coinage,
45. On the conservative and religiously traditional veneer of the Bar Kokhba revolu-
tion see B.R. Pearson, The Book of the Twelve: Aqibas Messianic Interpretations and
the Refuge Caves of the Second Jewish War, in: Porter & Evans, The Scrolls and the
Scriptures, 22930, but Pearsons thesis of a direct influence of passages from the Book
of the Twelve Prophets on the Bar Kokhba messianism is highly speculative.
64
Especially relevant is the bronze coinage with the inscription on the reverse and
obverse in combination with an Amphora, a palm-leaf, a palm, a lyre and a vine-leaf;
cf. Mildenberg, Coinage, 468. 2948 (nos. 111), 3014 (nos. 208), 3069 (nos. 3446)
and 3345 (nos. 1617).
65
J.A. Fitzmyer, The Bar Cochba Period (1962), in: J.A. Fitzmyer, The Semitic
Background of the New Testament, Grand Rapids 1997, 315.
66
See H. Niehr, ayn, n, Theologisches Wrterbuch zum Alten Testament, vol. 5, 6534;
R. North, Palestine, Administration of ( Judean Officials), Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol.
5, 87.
67
Cf. Collins, Scepter, 278.
68
See Niehr, ayn, n, Theologsiches Wrterbuch zum Alten Testament, vol. 5, 657. But
cf. also the expression laryb aynl in Ezek 45:16.

178 stefan beyerle
evidence of the Hebrew Bible, scholars frequently refer to the Qumran

texts;69 e.g., the Rule of Benedictions blesses the prince of the congregation
(cf. 1QSb 5:20: hd[h ayn) and endows him with eschatological func-
tions that resemble Isaiah 11. Additionally, the scepter of Num 24:17
is mentioned. This is confirmed in the Damascus Document, wherein the
scepter of the Balaam oracle is identified with the prince of the whole
congregation (CD 7:20, hd[h lk ayn).70 Finally, the Sefer ha-Milhamah,
another source from Qumran that attests a messianic reading of Isaiah
11, speaks of [. . . the Prin]ce of the Congregation and all Isr[ael . . .]
(4Q285 frag. 4, line 2: ?. . . lary lwkw hd[h a?yn. . .]).71 In short, the
evidence could lead to the conclusion that the ayn on the coins and in
the documents from second revolt times imply Bar Kokhbas messianic
role in this event.72
Nevertheless, two observations challenge this thesis. Firstly, the pre-
supposed connection between the traditions from Qumran and those
from the Bar Kokhba period is possible but not provable.73 Secondly,
the use of the title ayn in the documents is rather formalistic. E.g., the
documentary texts of the Murabaat und Seiyl collections frequently
use the designation Shimon Ben Kosba, the ayn of Israel74 com-
bined with the formula year x of the redemption (tlagl) or freedom
(twrjl). The last two formulas are also used on some of the coins. But
the deeds of sale, loan contracts, bills and letters attest the relevant
passages in such a uniformity and fixedness75 that the sources reveal no
69
See, e.g., Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 6971, and, recently, C.A. Evans, Prince
of the Congregation, Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Oxford 2000, vol. 2, 6934.
70
The text quotes Num 24:17 just before the section paraphrased above. On the
Qumran texts of 1QSb and CD, cf. F. Garca Martnez & E.J.C. Tigchelaar (eds), The
Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, Leiden 1998, vol. 1, 1069 and 5601.
71
On the Qumran text of 4Q285 cf. Garca Martnez & Tigchelaar, Study Edition,
vol. 2, 6401.
72
Cf., e.g., Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, 136.
73
See Schfer, Der Bar Kokhba-Aufstand, 70.
74
Also the title ayn over (l[) Israel is possible (cf. Fitzmyer, The Bar Cochba
Period, 315). It is also remarkable that the formular of date appears in the form of
absk rb w[ml only once in Papyrus Yadin 43.
75
Cf. for the deeds of sale in the Seiyl collection the form-critical analysis of
H.M. Cotton & A. Yardeni, Aramaic, Hebrew and Greek Documentary Texts from Nahal Hever
and other Sites: With an Appendix Containing Alleged Qumran Texts (The Seiyl Collection II),
Oxford 1997, 137. As a concrete example, the form of the I.O.U. Note is especially
peculiar: cf. M. Broshi & E. Qimron, A Hebrew I.O.U. Note from the Second Year
of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Journal of Jewish Studies 45 (1994) 2867 [= Eretz Israel 20
(1989) 25661, Hebrew]. For the form-critical analysis of the Bar Kokhba letters cf.
P.S. Alexander, Chapter Fourteen: Epistolary Literature, in: M.E. Stone (ed.), Jewish
Writings of the Second Termple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian Writings,

specific proof of messianic concepts, except for the general allusions

mentioned above.
To sum up this paragraph, the use of the Hebrew-Aramaic term ayn
and the references to the Feast of the Tabernacles on the coins and
in the documents from the Bar Kokhba period reveal no unambiguous
hint to a messianic understanding of the revolt, its leader or supporters.
And what is more, some scholars use the messianic insights stemming
from Christian traditions in order to identify and explain messianic
overtones in the documents and on the coins of the Bar Kokhba period
that only seem to parallel the phenomena. And this method comes close
to what Johann Maier has criticized:
Anders als im NT, wo eine konkrete Person in ihrem Verhltnis zu den
eschatologischen Funktionen zur Debatte steht, geht es im jdischen
Bereich also in erster Linie um Funktionen in Relation zu den vorhan-
denen Verfassungsvorstellungen der einzelnen jdischen Gruppen.76
All in all, the survey of messianic indications from the sources of the
second Jewish revolt shows that Num 24:17 only appears in a late rab-
binic context of messianic interpretations of Bar Kokhba. Furthermore,
there is no sufficient evidence of interpreting the historical figure of Bar
Kokhba in a certain messianic context.
3. Star-Messianism in the Diaspora?

The Fifth Sibylline Oracle
Only twenty years previous to the Bar Kokhba revolt we hear about Jew-
ish riots in the diaspora of Egypt, the Cyrenaica, at Cyprus and Meso-
potamia (115117 ce). Especially the Fifth Sibylline Oracle (= Sib. Or. 5),
which includes no less than four messianic expectations (cf. Sib. Or. 5,
106110, 155161, 256259, 414428),77 is generally characterized as a
source pointing to the revolts in the diaspora under Trajan (98117 ce),
Philo, Josephus, Assen 1984, 58892; see also the survey by C. Hezser, Jewish Literacy in
Roman Palestine, Tbingen 2001, 27584, 2868.
76
Cf. Maier, Messias oder Gesalbter?, 589.
77
Cf. also the motive of the fight of the stars in Sib. Or. 5,206213, 512531 (see
also Sib. Or. 5,345352, 482483). The passage in Sib. Or. 5,256259 is suspected
of being at least partly a Christian interpolation. Cf. J.-D. Gauger (ed.), Sibyllinische
Weissagungen: Griechisch-Deutsch, Dsseldorf 1998, 5101; A. Chester, The Parting of
the Ways: Eschatology and Messianic Hope, in: J.D.G. Dunn (ed.), Jews and Christians:
The Parting of the Ways A.D. 70 to 135, Tbingen 1992, 23946.

180 stefan beyerle
the Roman emperor.78 Particularly the harshness and brutality of

the conflict between the Diaspora-Jews and the Romans79 and the
polemics against Rome as attested in Sib. Or. 5 seem to build a bridge
between the oracles and the revolt. Furthermore, many scholars tend
to conclude from this correspondence that the main reason for the riots
in Egypt, the Cyrenaica and at Cyprus and Mesopotamia was located
in the religious ambitions and targets of the insurgents. Those were
predominantly messianic and eschatological.80 The scholarly communis
opinio, in general, goes very far and needs some further proof, especially
concerning the reliability of the sources of the revolt and its connection
to passages from Sib. Or. 5.
(a) The revolts in the Diaspora (115117 CE)81

Compared to the Bar Kokhba revolt, the events of the diaspora revolts
are reconstructed from a much more meager textual evidence. For
Cyrenaica and Egypt the scanty literary sources, Eusebius, Dio Cassius
and Orosius, are supplemented by archaeological evidence and papyri
78
Cf. M. Hengel, Messianische Hoffnungen und politischer Radikalismus in
der jdisch-hellenistischen Diaspora: Zur Frage der Voraussetzungen des jdis-
chen Aufstandes unter Trajan 115117 n. Chr., in: D. Hellholm (ed.), Apocalypticism
in the Mediterranean World and the Near East: Proceedings of the International Colloquium on
Apocalypticism Uppsala, August 1217, 1979, Tbingen 19892, 66874. See also the hints
in H. Lichtenberger, Messianische Erwartungen und messianische Gestalten in der
Zeit des Zweiten Tempels, in: E.W. Stegemann (ed.), Messias-Vorstellungen bei Juden und
Christen, Stuttgart 1993, 167.
79
Cf., e.g., the notice transmitted by Eusebius in Historia Ecclesia IV.2.4:
,
, ,
, He [i.e., the Roman Marcius Turbo, SB] waged
war vigorously against them in many battles for a considerable time and killed many
thousands of Jews and not only those of Cyrene, but also those of Egypt who had
rallied to Lucuas their king. Text and translation after M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors
on Jews and Judaism, vol. 3: Appendixes and Indexes, Jerusalem 1984, 2930, no. 562.
80
E.g., the Temple, i.e., the hopes and religious attitudes connected with the Temple,
are a major topic in Sib. Or. 3, 4 and 5; cf. M. Simon, Sur quelques aspects des Oracles
Sibyllins juifs, in: Hellholm (ed.), Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East,
22831, and A. Chester, The Sibyl and the Temple, in: W. Horbury (ed.), Templum
Amicitae: Essays on the Second Temple presented to Ernst Bammel, Sheffield 1991, 3769.
81
Due to the Egyptian provenance of the fifth book of the Sibylline Oracles (see
below), the following lines concentrate on the revolts in Northern Africa and leave
those at Cyprus and Mesopotamia aside. The question whether the Jews in Palestine
were also involved in the revolts in the times of Trajan is still open to dispute. Cf. the
notice in the Historia Augusta (Hadrianus 5.2) and the arguments in Schfer, Geschichte der
Juden, 1567 and 226: nos. 5109.

respectively.82 Nevertheless, scholars exhibit the parallels between the

revolts in Northern Africa and under Bar Kokhba. Both are rooted to
some extent in inner-Jewish conflicts. Both relate to military leaders, Bar
Kokhba and Lucuas, who were legitimized through messianic designa-
tion. Lucuas is called king in Eusebius account of the revolt (Historia
Ecclesia IV.2.4). Both riots fought for Jewish religious interests against
the Roman rulers. These parallels are striking and lead many scholars
to the conclusion that the revolts under Trajan and Hadrian were put
forth by a strong messianic impact among the Jews.83
The uncertainties concerning the messianism during the second Jew-
ish revolt have already been discussed. The evidence for the revolts in
the diaspora is much more obscure. First of all, the question of how the
riots at Cyrene and Egypt are connected is a matter of dispute. While
Cassius Dio in his Historia Romana (LXVIII, 32.13) gives the impression
of two contemporary but independent outbreaks of riots that start at
Cyrene, the Byzantine chronographer Xiphilinus later augments the
report by stating that the revolt broke out in Mesopotamia. Eusebius
(Historia Ecclesia IV.2.3) notices: the Jews of Cyrene continued to plunder
the country of Egypt.84 Furthermore, Eusebius mentions Alexandria
and Egypt first. Despite these ambiguous results, most scholars argue
for an outbreak at Cyrene (see Eusebius Chronicle), where a certain
Lucuas was the leader of rebellious Jews. And in 116 ce, Jews from
Cyrenaica left for Egypt to continue the revolt.85 Thus, from the end
82
Likewise Smallwood, Jews, 393, and for the reconstruction of the history of the
revolts see ibid., 393415, and Hengel, Hoffnungen, 65865. A. Fuks, The Jewish
Revolt in Egypt (A.D. 115117) in the Light of the Papyri, Aegyptus 33 (1953), 13158,
reconstructs the events by means of the papyrological evidence. For a recent and
comprehensive overview of the events see J.M. Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt: From
Ramses II to Emperor Hadrian, Princeton 1997, 198205, and for the aftermath of the
riots see 20725 (cf. also Schrer, History, 52934).
83
See Hengel, Hoffnungen, 6668, and, recently, S. Felder, What is the Fifth Sibylline
Oracle?, Journal for the Study of Judaism 33 (2002) 36385 at 383.
84
. . . (Text and translation:
Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, vol. 3, 2930: no. 562). On Eusebius see Stern, Greek and
Latin Authors, vol. 2, 3859: no. 437, with notes, wherein Stern emphasizes: It is not
clear whether the revolt in Egypt or that in Cyrenaica came first (388).
85
See A. Fuks, Aspects of the Jewish Revolt in A.D. 115117, Journal of Roman
Studies 51 (1961) 101 with note 52. T.D. Barnes, Trajan and the Jews, Journal of Jewish
Studies 40 (1989) 15362, has challenged this scholarly view by means of a critical
examination of Eusebius account of the revolts. He dates the beginning of the riots
from 116/7 CE onwards, and tries to show that they started in Mesopotamia, without
any messianic motivation (but see the critical discussion of this thesis by Horbury,
Beginnings, 28495).

182 stefan beyerle
of a.d. 115, or the beginning of a.d. 116, the revolt of the Cyrenean
Jews and the revolt of Egyptian Jewry became one movement, under
the command of the Cyrenean Jewish King, Loukuas-Andreas.86 Not
only Eusebius (see above) calls Lucuas a king, also a papyrus attests
a theatrical performance ridiculing the Jewish messianic expectations
connected with this ruler.87
A roughly outlined survey of the history of the Jewish revolts in the
diaspora results in two points of interest concerning the messianic ques-
tion. First, the atrocity and brutality of the revolt can be referred to as
a religious and zealot attitude of the insurgents. In this, many scholars
identify the best reason for the outbreak of the revolt at Cyrene, due to
the lack of further notices about other reasons in the sources.88 Second,
a leader from Cyrene, designated as king, obviously coordinated the
riots also at Alexandria and in the Egyptian chora. His function and
designation come close to what Johann Maier has in mind when he
describes the anointed ones.
Nevertheless, the arguments are rather weak. E.g. Cassius Dios drastic
report about the Jewish insurgents eating the flesh of the victims or
anointing themselves with their blood (Historia Romana LXVIII, 32.12)
is hardly reliable.89 And the manifold attestations of a brutal and cruel
conduct of war first of all refer to the Roman part within the revolts
(cf. Eusebius, Historia Ecclesia IV.6.34).90 They say only little about an
enthusiastic and religiously motivated behavior of the Jews. Finally,
the designation of one of the military leaders in the revolt as king in
86
Thus Fuks, Aspects, 101. Cassius Dio (Historia 68.32.1) refers to the head of the
Cyrenean revolt as Andreas. The most reasonable explanation is that he had two
names. Cf. on the text of Cassius Dio, and also for further comments, Stern, Greek
and Latin Authors, II, 3856.
87
V.A. Tcherikover & A. Fuks (eds), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicorum (CPJ), Cambridge &
Jerusalem 19571964, 158a, 158b; Cf. Fuks, The Jewish Revolt in Egypt, 13840.
88
Cf. Fuks, Aspects, 103; Hengel, Hoffnungen, 6623, 6656.
89
This is true, even if the thesis of a later Christian and anti-Jewish insertion in
Cassius Dio, probably written by Xiphilinus (cf. Fuks, The Jewish Revolt in Egypt,
156), should be doubted. See Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, vol. 2, 387, and W. Horbury,
The Beginnings of the Jewish Revolt under Trajan, in: P. Schfer (ed.), Geschichte
TraditionReflexion: Festschrift fr Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 1, Tbingen,
1996, 289.
90
Exceptional at first sight is Orosius VII.12.67: . . . Iudaei, quasi rabie efferati, per
diversas terrarum partes exarserunt. nam et per totam Libyam adversas incolas atrocissima bella
gesserunt . . . These notices can be suspected of being a quotation from Cassius Dio
(see above). Further, the wish of a Greek mother to her son that they may not roast
you (CPJ 437 [2:236]) is in no way sufficient to proof Jewish eschatological enthusiasm
throughout the revolts.

combination with an obviously religious attitude of the insurgents gives

no sufficient background to speak of a messianically inspired riot.91
(b) Num 24:17 in the Fifth Sibylline Oracle

As a second step, the messianic passages in Sib. Or. 5 should be exam-
ined. It is generally accepted that at least Sib. Or. 5,15561 and the
coming of the star alludes to Num 24:17 and the messianic semantics
of astrological phenomena in ancient Judaism.92 Further, if one accepts
the messianic meaning of the Septuagint in Num 24:7 and 17,93 the
oracles in Sib. Or. 5,25625994 and Sib. Or. 5,414428 also come to
mind. In all the texts from Sib. Or. 5 a human being or man is sent by
God or from heaven to bring judgment to the evil world.95 Remem-
bering that the reports on the diaspora revolts speak of Lucuas, the
king, combined with the discernment that all Sibylline prodigies of a
savior figure are related to each other,96 also Sib. Or. 5,108110 with
the mighty king sent by God should be taken into consideration.97 All
91
See also the ambiguities in the sources as noticed by Horbury, Beginnings,
2978, who, nevertheless, goes on to explain the revolts messianic background (cf.
Horbury, Beginnings, 298303). Cf. also the pointed remarks from D.[ J.] Frankfurter,
The Legacy of Jewish Apocalypses in Early Christianity: Regional Trajectories, in:
J.C. VanderKam & W. Adler (eds), The Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity,
Assen 1996, 1456.
92
Cf. J.J. Collins, Sibylline Oracles, in: J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha; vol. 1, New York 1983, 392; H. Merkel, Sibyllinen ( JSHRZ 5.8), Gtersloh
1998, 10667.
93
On the textual problems see Seebass, Numeri, 234. It should be emphasized that
a messianic reading in Num 24:7, 17 LXX is not self-evident: cf. J. Lust, The Greek
Version of Balaams Third and Fourth Oracles: The in Num 24:7 and 17:
Messianism and Lexicography, in: L. Greenspoon (ed.), VIII Congress of the International
Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies, Paris 1992, Atlanta 1995, 23357; J. Lust,
Septuagint and Messianism, with a Special Emphasis on the Pentateuch, in: H. Graf
Reventlow (ed.), Theologische Probleme der Septuaginta und der hellenistischen Hermeneutik,
Gtersloh 1997, 424 (cf. also the balanced discussion of the sources by Collins,
Messianism, 727).
94
Most scholars identify Sib. Or. 5,257 as a later Christian insertion. For a critical
evaluation of the arguments and a different view see V. Nikiprowetzky, Reflexions sur
quelques problemes du quatrieme et du cinquieme livre des oracles sibyllins, Hebrew
Union College Annual 43 (1972) 5865.
95
Cf. on the man-imagery as messianic in Judaism and in the context of the
Trajan riots: W. Horbury, The Messianic Associations of the Son of Man , Journal
of Theological Studies New Series 36 (1985) 4852; W. Horbury, Beginnings, 295303.
96
Cf. Hengel, Hoffnungen, 675; Merkel, Sibyllinen, 1067.
97
The texts from Sib. Or. 5 read as follows:
V.155 ,
V.156 ,

184 stefan beyerle
in all, the background of messianic references in Sib. Or. 5 not only

alludes to the fourth Balaam-Oracle but also to texts like Num 24:7, a
passage already read in the messianic sense by Philo (Praem. 95),98 or
V.157 .
V.158
V.155 But when after the fourth year a great star shines
V.156 which alone will destroy the whole earth, because of
V.157 the honor which they first gave to Poseidon of the sea,
V.158 a great star will come from heaven to the wondrous sea[.]
V.256 ,
[V.257 ,]
V.258 ,
V.259 .
V.256 There will again be one exceptional man from the sky
[V.257 who stretched out his hands on the fruitful wood,]
V.258 the best of the Hebrews, who will one day cause the sun to stand,
V.259 speaking with fair speech and holy lips.
V.414
V.415 , ,
V.416
V.417 , .
V.414 For a blessed man came from the expanses of heaven
V.415 with a scepter in his hands which God gave him,
V.416 and he gained sway over all things well, and gave back the wealth
V.417 to all the good, which previous men had taken.
V.108
V.109 .
V.110 .
V.108 and then a certain king sent from God against him
V.109 will destroy all the great kings and noble men.
V.110 Thus there will be judgment on men by the imperishable one.
For the text see Gauger, Sibyllinische Weissagungen, 132, 138, 148, 130 [after Kurfess];
translations from Collins, Sibylline Oracles, 397, 399, 403, 395.
The relevant sources in the two Balaam oracles read (text: J.W. Wevers [ed.], Numeri,
Gttingen 1982, 289, 293):
Num 24:7
,
,
,
.
Num 24:17
[. . .] ,
,
,
.
98
Cf. J.J. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem: Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora,
Grand Rapids 20002, 1358, who argues for a rather ethical than national eschatology
as Philos attitude.

Dan 7:13, the coming of a Son of Man, and, also, to the ruler from
Judah (Gen 49:10 LXX; cf. Sib. Or. 5,415: ).
A connection of the star from Num 24:17 with the king-imagery is
attested in Testament Levi 18:3, wherein a star arises in heaven: a star of
a king or a star as a king. But the passage is widely suspected of being
a Christian addition (cf. also Testament of Judah 24:14,56).99
The messianic oracles in Sib. Or. 5 obviously combine different tradi-
tions that were already prominent in ancient Judaism as eschatological
references to a savior figure. Num 24:7 and 17, from the third and
fourth Balaam oracle, function as proof texts together with Daniel 7
and Genesis 49. None of the texts from the Tanach are actually quoted.
But the allusions100 show, contrary, e.g., to the Testament of Levi and the
Testament of Judah, that the awaited figure is a heavenly, God-sent man
and has no specifications that speak for a separation into a priestly
and a Davidic messiah.101
Finally, the assumed relation of the messianic texts in Sib. Or. 5 to
the revolts at the time of Trajan should be examined. Sib. Or. 5 clearly
shows an Egyptian setting and its different parts can be dated between
70 and 130 ce. The favorable oracle on Hadrian (Sib. Or. 5,4648)
99
Testament of Levi 18:3 reads (text: M. de Jonge [ed.], The Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs: A Critical Edition of the Greek Text, Leiden 1978, 468):
(Mss.: ),
And his star
will arise in heaven, as a king (Mss. as the one of a king, SB), lighting up the light of
knowledge as by the sun of the day; and he will be magnified in the world until his
assumption. For the translation see H.W. Hollander & M. de Jonge, The Testaments of
the Twelve Patriarchs: A Commentary, Leiden 1985, 177; J. Becker, Die Testamente der zwlf
Patriarchen ( JSHRZ 5.1), Gtersloh 1974, 60. Cf. on the messianic texts in the Testaments
of the Twelve Patriarchs and a probable differentiation between Christian additions and
Jewish traditions Collins, Scepter, 8992.
100
On the one hand Testament of Levi 18:3 and Testament of Judah 24:1 together with
Num 24:17 LXX attest the rising () of a star (), and Testament of
Judah 24:1 furthermore combines the arising () of a human being ()
from his seed ( ; cf. Num 24:17 LXX and 24:7 LXX). On
the other hand in Sib. Or. 5,155 the star () is shining (), and in Sib. Or.
5,256, 414 it is the man (), and not a human being (), who does not
arise () but who comes (; cf. Sib. Or. 5,414). Here, Sib. Or. 5 refers
to Num 24:7 LXX and 24:17 LXX, while the reference to the scepter in the hand
of the heavenly man (Sib. Or. 5,413414; cf. also Dan 7:13) alludes to the Greek text
of Gen 49:10 and the Hebrew version of Num 24:17. Further references are identi-
fied by Horbury, Messianic Associations, 445: the scepter points to Ps 2:9; 45:78,
the burning up of the cities and nations of the wicked (Sib. Or. 5,419) refers to Num
24:1819; Isa 11:4.
101
Cf. J.J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic
Literature, Grand Rapids 19982, 2367; Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 1489.

186 stefan beyerle
hints at a later insertion from the time prior to the Bar Kokhba revolt.
And the concluding oracle, resembling the Stoic concept of
and stating the dethronement of Isis and Serapis (cf. Sib. Or. 5,4848),
obviously presupposes the defeat of the Jews in the revolts under Trajan.102
Beside the later framing parts, Sib. Or. 5 consists of four oracles (cf. Sib. Or.
5,52110, 111178, 179285, 286433) that follow a common pattern
of words against the nations (Egypt and Asiatic countries), an eschatol-
ogical adversary, the advent of a savior figure, and a fiery destruction.103
These older layers of Sib. Or. 5 originate from the period between 70
and 115 ce. Thus, they antedate the revolts in the diaspora.
The recent scholarly discussion sees a connection between the reli-
gious ideology as attested in Sib. Or. 5 and the diaspora revolts.104 Most
scholars conclude that Sib. Or. 5 prepared the ideological background
for those insurgents involved in the riots of the time of Trajan. E.g.,
idolatry is frequently denounced in Sib. Or. 5.105 Compared to that, in
Cyrene, the temples of Hecate, Zeus, the Dioscuri, Artemis, and Apollo
were destroyed. In Alexandria, the conflict caused the destruction of
the temple of Nemesis and the Sarapeium.106 In Sib. Or. 5, Babylon
stands for Rome (cf. Sib. Or. 5,143, 159, 434), and Babylon wages war
against the Parthians (Sib. Or. 5,434439).107 Further, Rome is attacked
102
Cf. J.J. Collins, The Sibylline Oracles of Egyptian Judaism, Missoula 1974, 7395;
Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, 234, 2367. See also Felder, What is The Fifth
Sibylline Oracle?, 369.
103
Cf. Collins, Sibylline Oracles, 390; Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 1434.
Recently and among other scholars, Felder doubts the widely well-structured composi-
tion and the dating. He reconstructs older traditions from around 300 bce to 70 ce,
stemming from a non-Jewish, i.e., Greek, setting that was reworked by a Jewish author
after 70 ce. The latter also includes the messianic expectations calling for a restora-
tion of the Jerusalem Temple (see Felder, What is The Fifth Sibylline Oracle?, 37784).
104
See, e.g., Hengel, Hoffnungen, 65583; Horbury, Beginnings, 295303; Collins,
Between Athens and Jerusalem, 14050. Much more carefully, D.[ J.] Frankfurter, Lest
Egypts City be Deserted: Religion and Ideology in the Egyptian Response to the
Jewish Revolt (116117 ce), Journal of Jewish Studies 43 (1992) 20320, argues for a
messianic motivation of the revolts. But he does this through a thorough evaluation of
the Papyri. They reveal an anti-Jewish behavior that was set against the Typhonians
by the Egyptians.
105
Cf. Sib. Or. 5, 7585, 278280, 353356, 403405, 495496; see Collins, Between
Athens and Jerusalem, 165.
106
Cf. R. Goldenberg, The Nations that Know Thee not: Ancient Jewish Attitudes towards
other Religions, Sheffield 1997, 456.
107
Whether this notice already recounts the war of Trajan against the Parthians
or earlier struggles between Rome and Parthia (cf. Merkel, Sibyllinen, 1067, 1133) is a
matter of dispute. On the conflicts of Rome with the Parthians see also Millar, The
Roman Near East, 668, 99105.

for its immorality (Sib. Or. 5,166167), and the destruction of the Jeru-
salem Temple by the Romans is remembered (Sib. Or. 5,160161).108 In
the end, the Greeks come into view (cf. Sib. Or. 5,264265), when the
unclean foot of the Greeks ( ) is wished to
no longer revel around your land ( ).109
All in all, the Jewish attitude in Sib. Or. 5 can be described as a general
xenophobia.110 And this general view of the gentiles coincides with
the characterization of the revolt of 115117 ce as a war of Judaism
against Greco-Roman paganism.111 If one also considers the mood of
eschatological imminence in both, Sib. Or. 5 and the sources from the
revolts, as it has been diagnosed by some scholars, a setting of Sib. Or. 5
at the dawn of the diaspora riots seems perfect.
However, beside those questions concerning an enthusiastic and
religiously motivated behavior of the Jews in the diaspora already given
above, the notices about temple destruction in Cyrene and Alexandria
do not easily point to a certain attitude of the insurgents. E.g., the temple
of Nemesis at Alexandria was destroyed in the exigencies of the war
as Appian (Bella civilia 2.90) reportsmaybe a hint that the temple was
razed by the Greeks themselves to avoid a further exploitation of the
temples military value by the Jews.112 Beyond that, the eschatological
texts in Sib. Or. 5, as examined above, do not point to a straightforward
connection to the revolts in the diaspora. The only explicit allusion to
the fourth Balaam oracle in Sib. Or. 5,155158 presents an astral imagery
to announce a savior figure, a procedure that was generally known in
ancient Judaism.113 Combined with further references (esp. from Dan
7:13 and Gen 49:10), the star-like figure is presented as a heavenly man.
But nowhere this savior figure is pictured as a Davidic king.114
108
See Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 1448.
109
Especially this Jewish-Greek conflict in Alexandria goes back to the years of the
Roman emperor Claudius and his edict from 41 ce (CPJ 153; see Modrzejewski, The
Jews of Egypt, 17383).
110
In this way Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 146.
111
Likewise D. Mendels, The Rise and Fall of Jewish Nationalism, Grand Rapids 1997,
386.
112
This is the argument of Goldenberg, Nations, 46; see also 47 and 133n81,
134n90.
113
See for the philology of star-imagery I. Zatelli, Astrology and the Worship of
the Stars in the Bible, Zeitschrift fr die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 103 (1991) 8699;
F. Lelli, Stars ybkwk, in: K. van der Toorn, B. Becking, P. van der Horst (eds), Dictionary
of Deities and Demons in the Bible, Leiden 19992, 8134, and for astral messianism see
esp. the Cairo Damascus Document and Collins, Scepter, 637.
114
Cf. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, 236.

188 stefan beyerle
What is more, there is no clear and unambiguous connecting line

from Sib. Or. 5 to the Jewish revolts in the diaspora at the time of Tra-
jan. I.e., we have no characteristic historical and political setting that
relates to the oracles. Finally, the possibility of a general anti-Roman
propaganda or ideology should be kept in mind for Sib. Or. 5: An
ideology that is well attested at that time, and even earlier (cf. Oracles
of Hystaspes, Oracle of the Potter).115 It was a propaganda that included
those oracles awaiting a savior figure, but, again, revealed no specific
historical setting.
4. Conclusions
The preceding analysis tried to examine the reception of the fourth

oracle of Balaam in the light of its socio-political background. This
approach is justified by the evidence. Hence, the references occur in
the context of Jewish revolts in early Christian times. But the results
provide no unequivocal nexus between the so-called messianic interpre-
tations of Num 24:17 and the revolts at Palestine under Bar Kokhba
or in the diaspora. Nevertheless, it would be a misunderstanding to
simply deny a religious, or sometimes messianic milieu among the
insurgents, as it would be wrong to exclude any political aspect from
the allusions to the fourth Balaam oracle. Solely, this survey tries to
stress the danger of (Christian) biases and pitfalls when messianic
texts are read historically.
115
Cf. H. Schwier, Tempel und Tempelzerstrung: Untersuchungen zu den theologischen und
ideologischen Faktoren im ersten jdisch-rmischen Krieg (6674 n. Chr.), Gttingen 1989,
23150.

BALAAMS FOURTH ORACLE (NUMBERS 24:1519)
ACCORDING TO THE ARAMAIC TARGUMS
Alberdina Houtman & Harry Sysling
Introduction
In the biblical narratives, the character of Balaam is presented in two

ways that are diametrically opposed.1 In the so-called Balaam pericope
(Numbers 2224), he is portrayed as an obedient servant of the Lord,
and as a man who has special prophetic qualities (Num 24:16: Word
of him who hears Gods speech, who obtains knowledge from the Most
High).2 In other biblical texts, however, there is a negative view of
Balaam. In two of them, Deut 23:46 and Josh 24:910, it is suggested
that Balaam intended to curse the Israelites, but that God converted his
curses into blessings.3 Still other biblical traditions portray him as one
of those who were slain by the Israelites ( Josh 13:22; Num 31:8), and
in Num 31:16, he is charged with the plan to persuade the Israelites
to trespass against the Lord and to worship Baal-Peor.
As might be expected, the ambivalence towards Balaam continues
in the subsequent exegetical and commentary literature. On the one
hand, Balaam is praised as a true servant of the Lord, and as the
author of impressive prophetic oracles, and on the other hand, he is
slated as a villain, who sought to curse the people of the Lord, and
who undermined their morality.
In this article, we will concentrate on one specific genre of post-
biblical literature, namely the Targums.4 Within this genre, we will
1
See e.g. A. Rof, (hk ,dk - b ,bk rbdmb) [lb rps, Jerusalem 1979, 1015; See
also Noort, this volume.
2
See B.A. Levine, Numbers 2136, New York 2000, 155; cf. M.L. Barr, The Portrait
of Balaam in Numbers 2224, Interpretation 51 (1997) 25466 at 264: Nowhere else in
the Old Testament is a non-Israelite seer viewed so favorably as in Numbers 2224.
The Tale of the Jenny (Num 22:2135), however, is a detraction of Balaams reputa-
tion: in this satirical tale he is depicted as a blind seer, unable to see the angel of the
Lord who is standing in his path.
3
See also Neh 13:12.
4
When referring to the various Targums, we use the following abbreviations:
TO = Targum Onqelos, Neof = Neofiti, Neof [M] = margin text of Neofiti, FTs =

190 alberdina houtman & harry sysling
focus especially on the interpretation of Balaams fourth oracle, which is

best-known from the famous words A star rises from Jacob. A scepter
comes forth from Israel (Num 24:17).
The fourth oracle can be divided into two main parts. The first part,
Num 24:1516, introduces and characterises Balaam. In the second
part, Num 24:1719, the content of the oracle is given. This paper
will follow this division. We start with a section on the speaker (1),
followed by a section on the content of the oracle (2). At the end of
each section, we will summarise our findings.
1. Introduction to the Speaker (Num 24:1516)
Who was Balaam? Reading the book of Numbers, one has already
learned quite a lot about Balaam before coming to the fourth oracle.
At this point in the story, it is known that Balaam is the son of Beor,
that he came from Pethor, which is by the Euphrates, in the land of
his kinsfolk (Num 22:5);5 and that Balak, king of Moab, asked him
repeatedly to curse the Israelites, which he was unable to do, because
God prevented him. In Num 24:34, as an introduction to the third
oracle, a detailed characterisation is given of Balaams prophetic quali-
ties. At the start of the fourth oracle the same introduction is repeated
almost literally:
(15a) He took up his parable,6 and said: (15b) Word of Balaam son of
Beor, (15c) word of the man whose eye is true, (16a) word of him who
hears Gods speech, (16b) who obtains knowledge from the Most High,
(16c) and beholds visions from the Almighty, prostrate, (16d) but with
eyes unveiled.
Fragment Targums (as a group), FTP = Fragment Targum recension P, FTV =

Fragment Targum recension V, PsJon = Pseudo-Jonathan. The texts that are given in
the Aramaic synopsis are derived from the following editions: TO = A. Sperber, The
Bible in Aramaic, Vol. 1: The Pentateuch, Leiden 1992 (1959); Neof = A. Dez Macho,
Neophyti 1: Targum Palestinense ms. de la Biblioteca vaticana, T. IV, Nmeros, Madrid 1974;
FTs = M.L. Klein, The Fragment Targums of the Pentateuch According to Their Extant Sources,
Rome 1980; PsJon = E.G. Clarke et al. (eds), Targum Pseudo-Jonathan of the Pentateuch:
Text and Concordance, Hoboken, New Jersey 1984.
5
On the interpretation of this verse and its relation to traditions that connect
Balaam to the Midianites, Moabites, Ammonites, or to the land of Amau (mentioned
in the Idrimi inscription), see Levine, Numbers 2136, 14549; on the crux interpretum
wm[ ynb ra, see S.C. Layton, Whence Comes Balaam? Num 22,5 Revisited Biblica
73 (1992) 3261.
6
Whereas we generally follow the New jps Translation (Philadelphia & Jerusalem
1985), we decided here to use the word parable instead of theme because the word
parable seems more fitting to the context.

balaams fourth oracle according to the aramaic targums 191
The various meturgemans (translators) interpreted these two verses in

different ways. We start with Num 24:15.
Num 24:15a
rmayw wlm ayw MT
rmaw hyltm lfnw TO
rmaw hytwbn ltmb lfnw Neof
rmaw hytwaybn ltmb lfnw FTP
rmaw hytwybn ltmb lfnw FTV
rmaw hytwbn ltm lfnw PsJon
Num 24:15a
MT And he took up his parable, and said:
TO And he took up his parable, and said:
Neof And he took up his prophetic parable, and said:
FTP And he took up his prophetic parable, and said:
FTV And he took up his prophetic parable, and said:
PsJon And he took up his prophetic parable, and said:
Num 24:15b
r[b wnb [lb an MT
rw[b rb [lb rmya TO
rw[b hrb [lb rma Neof
rw[b hyrb [lb rmya> FTP
rw[[b] rb [lb rma FTV
rw[b rb [lb rmya PsJon
Num 24:15b
MT Oracle of Balaam, son of Beor,
TO The saying of Balaam, son of Beor,
Neof Says Balaam, son of Beor,
FTP <The saying of Balaam, son of Beor,
FTV Says Balaam, son of [ B]eor,
PsJon The saying of Balaam, son of Beor,
Num 24:15c
t rbgh anw MT
rypd arbg rmyaw TO
ysktad hm ywba m ryqyd hrbg rma Neof
ysktyad am ywja m ryqyd arbg <rmyaw FTP
ysktad hm ywja m ryqyd arbg rmaw FTV
ysktad hm aymyts ayzrd ywba m ryqyd arbg rmyaw PsJon

:y[h MT
:yzj TO
:ywl[ ylgty hyaybn lk m Neof
:ywl[ ylgtya ayaybn lk m FTP
:ywl[ ylgta ayybn lk m FTV
:hyl ylgtm hwh aybn m PsJon
Num 24:15c
MT and oracle of the man whose eye is opened,
TO and the saying of the man who sees clearly.
Neof says the man who is more honoured than his father;
what was hidden from all the prophets has been revealed to
him.
FTP and the saying> of the man who is more honoured than his
brother;
the one who was hidden from all the prophets has been revealed
to him.
FTV and says the man who is more honoured than his brother;
what was hidden from all the prophets has
been revealed to him.
PsJon and the saying of the man who is more honoured than his
father,
for the secret mysteries,
what was hidden from the prophet, was being revealed to him.
It is clear that the Palestinian Targums stress that Balaams words are
genuinely prophetic. Instead of the Masoretic And he took up his par-
able and said (Num 24:15a), all the Palestinian Targums specify And
he took up his prophetic parable and said, in this way emphasising that
Balaams oracle has to be seen as a prophetic discourse.7 The Palestin-
ian Targums, moreover, add that as a prophet Balaam surpassed other
prophets (Num 24:15c). They tell us that Balaam was more honoured
than his father,8 and that what was hidden from all the prophets has
7
See also Palestinian Targums on Num 23:7, 10, 18; 24:3. Hayward, comparing
Philos attitude towards Balaam with that of the Targums, rightly states: . . . it is the
Targums which most closely reflect Philos belief that Balaams oracles about Israel
were those of a remarkable prophet. See C.T.R. Hayward, Balaams Prophecies as
interpreted by Philo and the Aramaic Targums of the Pentateuch, in: P.J. Harland
& R. Hayward (eds), New Heaven and New Earth: Prophecy and the Millennium. Essays in
Honour of Anthony Gelston, Leiden 1999, 1936, at 21. It must be noted that the addition
prophetic is missing in Onqelos, in keeping with its general tendency to stay close
to the Hebrew text.
8
That he was more honoured than his father as a prophet is derived from the
expression r[b wnb which occurs here and in Num 24:3. In Sanhedrin 105a it is explained
as follows: Scripture writes the son of Beor (Num 22:5); [but also] his son was Beor (Num
24:3). R. Joanan said: His father was his son in the matter of prophecy, meaning that

been revealed to him, indeed no small distinction. Targum Pseudo-

Jonathan specifies that which was hidden as the secret mysteries, in
this way connecting our verse with the blessing of Jacob in Gen 49:1
where, according to the Palestinian Targums, Jacob reveals the secret
mysteries to his sons.9
The sentence what was hidden from all the prophets has been
revealed to him is the targumic explanation of the difficult Hebrew
expression y[h t. There are, at least, four possible explanations of
this enigmatic formulation:10 (1) (the man) whose eye is pierced; (2) (the
man) whose eye is opened; (3) (the man) whose eye is pure / perfect;
(4) (the man) whose eye is closed / concealed. The first two meanings
are based on a reading t as a shafel of tj, meaning to bore, make
an opening.11 In a literal sense these two meanings can be connected.
Rashi has already made this connection by explaining the expression
as his eye was bored out and had been extracted and its eye socket
could be seen to be open.12 Apart from this literal interpretation, one
can also think of a metaphorical reading of the opening of the eye as
eye-opener. Think for instance of the opening of the eyes of Adam and
Eve after they had eaten of the forbidden fruit. The third explanation
is derived from a root mt, and based on a reading wny[ hmt, whose
eye is perfect/pure.13 The fourth explanation, is derived from a root
ts, to close, conceal.14
It is not immediately clear on which of these four interpretations the
Targums are based. Onqelos, for instance, translates the man who sees
clearly, which may reflect either the second or the third explanation.
The Palestinian Targums allude to the meaning concealed / hidden
Beor was considered Balaams inferior. See also Rashi on Num 24:3. The Fragment
Targums read, probably mistakenly, more honoured than his brother.
9
See for the connection between Jacobs blessings and Balaams oracles, Hayward,
Balaams Prophecies 234.
10
For a survey of the exegetical solutions, see Levine, Numbers 2136, 1913.
11
Cf. J. Levy, Wrterbuch ber die Talmudim und Midraschim, 4 vols, Berlin und Wien,
1924, vol. 4, 618; M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi,
and the Midrashic Literature, New York 1971, 1639 to unseal, to open, esp. to bore a
hole through a vessel in order to get wine out by means of a tube.
12
See A.M. Silbermann (ed.), Pentateuch with Rashis Commentary, 5 vols, Jerusalem
192934, vol. 5, 118a. The meaning transpierced is also reflected in BT Sanhedrin
105a, where it is said that Balaam was blind in one eye and in BT Niddah 31a where
it is stated that the eye of the wicked Balaam was blinded.
13
This interpretation is perhaps also reflected in the LXX:
, the man who truly sees (Num 24:15).
14
This interpretation is shared by the Vulgate: homo cuius obturatus est oculus.

(what was hidden from all the prophets . . .), but also to the meaning
to open in the sense of to reveal (. . . has been revealed to him).15
The latter parallels the meaning of the Hebrew expression yny[ ywlg
of Num 24:16, to which we come next.16
Num 24:16a
la yrma [m an MT
la dq m rmym [md rmya TO
yyy dq m rmym [md rma Neof
yy dq m llmm nd arbg rma FTV
aqla dq m rmym [md rmya PsJon
Num 24:16a
MT oracle of the one who hears the words of God
TO The saying of him who hears speech from before God
Neof Says the one who hears speech from before the Lord
FTP missing
FTV Says the man who hears speech from before the Lord
PsJon The saying of him who hears speech from before God
Num 24:16b
wyl[ t[d [dyw MT
hal[ dq m [dm [dyw TO
hyl[ dq m h[yd [dyw Neof
hyyly[ dq m h[yd [dyw FTV
haly[ aqla hyb jtrd at[ [dyw PsJon
Num 24:16b
MT and obtains knowledge of the Most High
TO and obtains knowledge from before the Most High
Neof and obtains knowledge from before the Most High
FTP missing
FTV and obtains knowledge from before the Most High
PsJon and who knew the hour when the Most High God was wrath
with him,
Num 24:16c
hzjy yd hzjm MT
yzj yd dq m wzyjd TO
hwwh y[b hwwh dkw yzj hwh yd wyzjw Neof
15
Cf. G. Vermes, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism, Leiden, 1973, 1567; B. Grossfeld,
The Targum Onqelos to Leviticus and the Targum Onqelos to Numbers, Edinburgh, 1988, 136n3;
Hayward, Balaams Prophecies, 21n7.
16
This verse is not attested in ftp.

hwh y[b hwh rkw yzj hwh yd dq m wzjd FTV

hwh hyl ylgtyd y[b hwh dkw ymj yd dq m wzyjd PsJon
Num 24:16d
lpn MT
byk TO
hytawbn yzrw ywpa l[ jftm Neof
tawbn yzrw ywpa l[ j[ft]m FTV
aybn m ysktad hm aymyts ayzrw ywpa l[ lypnw jftm PsJon
:yny[ ywlgw MT
:hyl ylgtmw TO
hypn l[ abntm hwhw hyl yylgtm Neof
hypn l[ ybntm hwhw hyl ylgtm FTV
:hyl ylgtm hwh PsJon
:hmyyqtml hytawbn wsw abrjb lpn hwhd Neof
:myyqtml hytwybn wsw abrjb lypn awhd FTV
Num 24:16cd
MT who sees the vision of the Almighty,
falling down, with (his) eyes uncovered,
TO who saw a vision from before the Almighty;
upon lying down, it is revealed to him.
Neof and used to see a vision of the Almighty;
and when he wanted (a revelation), he prostrated himself upon
his face,
and the mysteries of his prophecy were revealed to him;
and he prophesied concerning himself that he would fall by
the sword;
and ultimately, his prophecy would be fulfilled.
FTP missing
FTV and used to see a vision from before the Almighty;
and when he wanted (a revelation) he prostrated himself upon
his face,
and the mysteries of (his?) prophecy were revealed to him;
and he prophesied concerning himself that he would fall by
the sword;
PsJon who saw a vision from before the Almighty;
and when he wanted that it be revealed to him, he prostrated
himself and fell upon his face,
and the hidden mysteries which were hidden from the prophet
were revealed to him.
The first half of the verse (Num 24:16ab) is not problematic and is
accordingly translated fairly literally. The only notable exception is

the translation of who obtains knowledge from the Most High (Num
24:16b) by who knew the hour when God was wroth with him in
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan. This is probably a reference to Num 22:22
where it says that God was angry with Balaam.17
The real textual problems start at the end of the second half of the
verse with the expression yny[ ywlgw lpn (Num 24:16d). The Targums,
with the exception of Targum Onqelos, go into detail to explain the
construction. Let us take for example Targum Neofiti:
And when he desired (a vision) he [ Balaam] used to prostrate himself
upon his face, and the mysteries of his prophecy were revealed to him.
And he prophesied concerning himself that he would fall by the sword,
The Palestinian Targums paraphrase falling first literally as falling
down, that is prostrating oneself (he used to prostrate himself upon
his face), and secondly, in a metaphorical sense as to die a violent
death (. . . that he would fall by the sword). The Hebrew yny[ ywlgw is
understood in the same manner as y[h t of Num 24:15, as referring
to his ability to receive the mysteries of prophecy.18 The prophecy con-
cerning his death is a proleptic allusion to Num 31:8, where it says that
They [the Midianites] also put Balaam son of Beor to the sword.
Concluding remarks on Number 24:1516
The biblical description of Balaam as a prophet is distinctly positive

in this oracle. The Targums, without exception, maintain this posi-
tive tone and even endorse it. This is remarkable, since it is has been
rightfully observed that rabbinic sources depict Balaam generally as a
villain and a sinner.19 In several sources, Balaam is accused of immoral-
ity and idolatry, and the connection of his name with the events that
took place at Baal-peor caused him to be given the nickname [rh,
the wicked. Geza Vermes, in his analysis of the story of Balaam,20
explicitly includes the Targums in the list of sources that give a negative
17
jps Num 22:22: But God was incensed at his going; so an angel of the Lord
placed himself in his way as an adversary.
18
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan uses exactly the same phrasing as in 24:15.
19
See, e.g., J.R. Baskin, Pharaos Counsellors: Job, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic and
Patristic Tradition, Chico (California) 1983, 7793; See also Nikolsky, this volume.
20
Vermes, Scripture and Tradition, 12777.

evaluation of Balaam. He writes: The common Palestinian tradition,

which in addition to the Palestinian Targums and related midrashic
material includes also Josephus, Philo, and the relevant New Testament
passages, records the story of Balaam the Villain.21 Yet, as we have
seen, the evidence of the targumic interpretation of the fourth oracle
is different. The Palestinian Targums on this oracle without exception
describe Balaam as a highly honoured person, and a genuine prophet,
who even surpasses other prophets.
When we include, however, other biblical passages on Balaam in
our investigation, the picture becomes more varied. A difference can
then be noted between Targum Neofiti and the Fragment Targums
on the one hand, and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, which is from a later
date, on the other. Targum Neofiti and the Fragment Targums give a
decidedly more positive view of Balaam than Targum Pseudo-Jonathan.
They generally follow the Hebrew text without giving an unnecessar-
ily negative value judgment.22 In contrast, there are many passages in
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan that depict Balaam as positively evil. He is
identified with Laban the Aramean for he sought, as Laban did, to
swallow the people of the House of Israel.23 He tried to escape his death
using magic words that enabled him to fly in the air of the heaven,
but could not escape from the sword of Phinehas,24 who pursued and
21
Vermes, Scripture and Tradition, 173. See also M. McNamara, Early Exegesis in
the Palestinian Targum (Neofiti 1) Numbers Chapters 24, Proceedings of the Irish Biblical
Association 16 (1993) 5779, esp. 60, 66; M.S. Moore, Another Look at Balaam Revue
Biblique 97 (1990) 35978, esp. 360.
22
Only once, when Balaams donkey addresses herself to him, he is called the
wicked Balaam and accused of having lack of understanding (Neof, fts Num 22:30).
In one occasion in Neofiti on Gen 27:29, it is said that Balaam will be cursed, whereas
Pseudo-Jonathan repeats this theme in Gen 12:3, Num 24:9 (but here also in fts). A
negative statement is found in Neof Num 24:1 where it is said of Balaam that he
used to go on every occasion to consult through his phallus, that is to make necro-
mantic consultations. Whereas Pseudo-Jonathan states that Balaam persuaded Balak
to prepare inns, and place therein prostitutes (24:14), Neofiti and fts note that he
caused them to sin, and only in 24:25 does Neofiti specify that Balak returned to
set up his daughters to increase and multiply (not in fts). On this tradition of the evil
advice of Balaam, see also Sifre Numbers 137, BT Sanhedrin 106a; cf. Baskin, Pharaohs
Counsellors, 8889.
23
For this play-on-wordsBalaam is interpreted as [ [lb he who devours (the)
peoplesee Sanhedrin 105b. For the identification of Balaam with Laban, see PsJon
Num 22:5, 31:8; Targum 1 Chron 1:43.
24
In Targum 1 Chron 1:44 it is said that Phinehas killed Bela (who is identified in
1:43 with Balaam) in the wilderness.

killed him (PsJon Num 31:8).25 He persuaded the evil king Balak to
put his daughters at the crossroads of the way to lead the Israelites
astray (PsJon Num 24:14, 31:8).26 On several occasions he is called
a villain (PsJon Num 22:30, 23:9, 23:21)27 and a sinner (PsJon Num
23:10, 31:8). He is seen as one of Pharaohs counsellors who did not
heed the word of the Lord (PsJon Exod 9:21).28 And unlike Moses,
who will be blessed, Balaam will be cursed (PsJon Gen 27:29; cf. PsJon
Gen 12:3, Num 24:9).29
So, although this specific oracle gives a positive evaluation of Balaam
as a prophet, other texts show a tendency towards a more negative
evaluation in the later Targum traditions such as those contained in
Pseudo-Jonathan.30
2. The Content of the Oracle (Num 24:1719)
After this short introduction to Balaam the prophet, let us now turn
to the contents of his message. The oracle itself is presented in the
Bible as a parting speech and predicts Israelite victories over Moab
and Edom. It starts with the lively description of a vision, followed by
a more terse prediction of the downfall of Edom at the hand of Israel.
In the translation of jps, the Masoretic text reads as follows:
(17a) What I see for them is not yet, (17b) what I behold will not be soon:
(17c) A star rises from Jacob, (17d) a scepter comes forth from Israel.
(17e) It smashes the brow of Moab, (17f ) the foundation of all children
of Seth. (18a) Edom becomes a possession, yea, (18b) Seir a possession
of its enemies; (18c) but Israel is triumphant. (19a) A victor issues from
Jacob (19b) to wipe out what is left of Ir.
25
See also Yalqut Shimoni, Mattot 785.
26
See also PsJon Num 24:25, 31:16. Cf. Sifre Num 157, Pseudo-Philo, Liber
Antiquitatum Biblicarum 18:14. See Vermes, Scripture and Tradition, 16972. See also
Nikolsky.
27
Cf. Neof [ M ] Gen 12:3; Tg 1 Chron 1:43.
28
See Midrash Exodus Rabbah 1:9, BT Sotah 11a, BT Sanhedrin 106a. Baskin, Pharaohs
Counsellors, 5455, 88.
29
See also Neof [m] on Gen 12:3, Num 24:9.
30
A parallel tendency is visible in the intensification of animus towards Balaam in
Amoraic sources, as compared with a more positive view in Tannaitic sources; see
Baskin, Pharaos Counsellors, 81.

The various meturgemans interpreted this oracle in different ways. We

start with Num 24:17.
Num 24:17a
ht[ alw wnara MT
[k alw hytyzh TO
wdk tylw hyl hna ymj Neof
ana wdkw wdk awh tylw hyl ana ymj FTP
wdk awh tylw [h]yl ana ymj FTV
wdk ytylw hyl ana ymj PsJon
Num 24:17a
MT I see him, but not now;
TO I saw him, but not now;
Neof I see him, but (he) is not here now,
FTP I see him, but he is not here now;
FTV I see him, but he is not here now;
PsJon I see him, but (he) is not here now,
Num 24:17b
bwrq alw wnrwa MT
byrq yhwtylw hytyks TO
hbyrq a<w>h tylw hyb hna lktsm Neof
abyrq awh tylw hyb lktsm FTP
abyrq awh tylw [h]yb ana lktsmw FTV
byrqm hytylw hyb ana lktsm PsJon
Num 24:17b
MT I behold him, but (he is) not near
TO I looked out for him, but he is not near
Neof I am looking at him, but he is not near
FTP and now I am looking at him, but he is not near
FTV and I am looking at him, but he is not near
PsJon I am looking at him, but he is not near
Num 24:17c
bq[ym bkwk rd MT
bq[ym aklm wqy dk TO
bq[y tybd m wqml lm dyt[ Neof
bq[y tybdm lm wqml dyt[ FTP
bq[y tybdm lm qml dyt[ FTV
bq[y tybdm yqt ylm wlmy dk PsJon

Num 24:17c
MT A star shall come out of Jacob
TO When a king shall arise out of Jacob,
Neof A king is to arise from those of the house of Jacob,
FTP A king is to arise from those of the house of Jacob,
FTV A king is to arise from those of the house of Jacob,
PsJon When a mighty king from those of the house of Jacob shall rule,
Num 24:17d
larym fb qw MT
larym ajym abrtyw TO
lary tybd m fylw qwrpw Neof
lary tybd m fylw qyrpw FTP
ry tybdm fylw qyrpw FTV
larym yqt fbyw ajym ybrtyw PsJon
Num 24:17d
MT and a sceptre shall rise out of Israel;
TO and the Messiah will be anointed out of Israel,
Neof and a redeemer and ruler from those of the house of Israel;
FTP and a redeemer and ruler from those of the house of Israel;
FTV and a redeemer and ruler from those of the house of Israel;
PsJon and the Messiah will be anointed, and a mighty sceptre out of
Israel,
Num 24:17e
bawm ytap jmw MT
bawm ybrbr lyfqyw TO
yybawm ypyqt lfqyw Neof
yabawm ypyqt lfqyw FTP
yabawm ypyqt lwfqyw FTV
yabawm ynbrbr lfqyw PsJon
Num 24:17e
MT and it shall crush the temples of Moab,
TO and he shall kill the leaders of Moab,
Neof and he shall kill the mighty ones of the Moabites,
FTP and he shall kill the mighty ones of the Moabites,
FTV and he shall kill the mighty ones of the Moabites,
PsJon and he shall kill the leaders of the Moabites,

Num 24:17f
:t ynb lk rqrqw MT
:ana ynb lkb fwlyw TO
:hyyskn yrm qwryw td ywnb lk yxyyw Neof
:ajnydm ynb lk qwryw FTP
ajnydm ynb lk yxyyw qwryw FTV
ydyt[d gwgd hytyrym td ywnb lk qwryw PsJon
:ywmdq whlwk whyrgyp wlpyw laryb abrq yrdys ardsml PsJon
Num 24:17f
MT and break all the sons of Seth.
TO and will rule over all mankind.
Neof and blot out all the sons of Seth,
and he shall cast out the masters of riches.
FTP and empty out all the people of the East.
FTV and empty out and blot out all the people of the East.
PsJon and empty out all the sons of Seth, the armies of Gog, who in
the future will make war against Israel, and all their corpses
shall fall before him.
The Hebrew text of Num 24:17 is difficult to understand for several

reasons. First of all there is the problem of the suffix 3rd masculine sin-
gular in the first part of the verse in the words wnara and wnrwa (Num
24:17a). It is impossible to determine whether this is a personal or an
impersonal suffix. Should the suffix therefore be translated as him or
rather as it? If it is a personal suffix, it probably refers to the tenor of
the metaphor following, which is the warrior who will win victories for
Israel. But if it is an impersonal suffix, to what does it then refer? To
the star and sceptre as vehicles of the same metaphor? Or perhaps
to the vision as a whole? This uncertainty is reflected in modern Bible
translations. For instance, the jps translates it impersonally as What I
see for them is not yet, what I behold will not be soon. Likewise Levine
in his commentary renders I see it, but not now; I envision it, but not
soon, whereas the Revised English Bible translates I see him, but not
now; I behold him, but not near.31 Unfortunately it is impossible to
31
A revision of the New English Bible (19611970), the Revised English Bible was
published in 1989. This translation is still close to The King James Version (1611),
which translated I shall see him, but not now: I shall behold him, but not nigh.

see how the meturgemans understood the Hebrew text, since Aramaic,
being a cognate language, has the same ambiguity with regard to the
suffixes as Hebrew. In spite of this, most of the modern translators of
the Targums opted for a personal interpretation. Given the style and
the context of the oracle, we are inclined to follow them.
The cryptic Hebrew ht[ alw (Num 24:17a) can be explained in two
different ways. It can mean that the prophet does not see it now, or it
can mean that what he sees will not happen at this very moment. The
context suggests that the second meaning applies here. The Palestinian
Targums felt the need to rule out any possible misunderstanding, and
made the meaning explicit by turning it into a nominal phrase he (or:
it) is not now.
In the targumic versions Num 24:17c starts with a conjunction of
time. Targum Onqelos and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan use the word
dk, when, whereas the Palestinian Targums have dyt[ in future. By
means of these time indications, the meturgemans stress once more that
what will be said next will not happen at the same moment.
As regards its form, Num 24:17cd is marked by three parallelisms,
the verbal parallelism q and rd, and the nominal parallelisms fb
and bkwk, and larym and bq[ym. The verb rd, normally translated
to tread upon, should probably be interpreted here as to march up.32
In this way the parallelism makes sense. The Hebrew could then be
translated as a star marches up from Jacob, a sceptre (or: meteor)33
rises from Israel.
The nominal parallelism fb and bkwk is interpreted metaphorically
in all the extant Targums. This is in line with the general tendency in
the Targums to explain metaphors by substituting the supposed tenor
for the vehicle.34 Different choices were made, however, with regard
to the substitutions. All Targums agree with the replacement of star
by king,35 whereby Targum Pseudo-Jonathan adds the adjective
strong. The word fb, sceptre, on the other hand, has found dif-
32
Just as in Judg 5:21 March on, my soul, with courage. See Levine, Numbers
2136, 199200.
33
See Levine, Numbers 2136, 2001.
34
Cf. P. Churgin, Targum Jonathan to the Prophets, New Haven 1907 [= 1927], 85;
see also Y. Komlosh, wgrth rwab arqmh, Tel-Aviv 1973, 37280.
35
The connection of star and king is well known. In Isa 14:12, for instance, the
king of Babylon is likened to the morning star. The image is of course also well known
from the birth story of Jesus in the gospel of Matthew.

ferent explanations. Targum Onqelos simply substituted messiah for

the word, which is in itself remarkable, since Targum Onqelos is very
reticent with regard to messianic interpretations. The term messiah
occurs only here and in Genesis 49:10.36 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan
rendered the word twice, once metaphorically as messiah, and then
more or less literally as a strong sceptre. This juxtaposition makes the
sentence a little awkward; since both terms are then the object of the
singular verbal form ybrtyw. Possibly one could read the expression and
a strong sceptre as an explicative gloss by messiah that connects it to
the biblical text. This would turn the meaning into then the Messiah,
who is a strong sceptre, will be anointed from Israel.
The Palestinian Targums all translate the Hebrew fb qw (Num
24:17d) with fylw qyrpw,37 and a redeemer and ruler. The second
rendering clearly interprets the word fb as a metonym for one who
bears a sceptre, i.e., a ruler. But how did they come to the rendering
redeemer? The most probable possibility is that they chose to read the
verbal form qw as a participle, instead of a prophetic perfect. Accord-
ing to that reading it could possibly mean someone who interferes,38
i.e., a redeemer.
In Num 24:17ef (It smashes the brow of Moab, the foundation
[ rqrqw] of all children of Seth) many commentators propose an
emendation of dqdqw for the strange word rqrqw, in accordance with
the reading of the Samaritan Pentateuch,39 and with the occurrence
of the same parallel word pair dqdq and taq in Jeremiah and Isaiah.40
The text could then be translated as he strikes the bow of Moab and
the pate of all the people of Seth. One disadvantage of this solution
is that a verbal form would better serve the parallelism. Possibly, the
meturgemans were aware of this, since they all translated the word by
means of a verbal form. The meturgeman of Neofiti probably read it
as an infinitive pilpel of rrq to tear down,41 since he translated it as
yxyyw and he will destroy. The meturgemans of the Fragment Tar-
gums and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan translated qwryw he shall empty,
36
S.H. Levey, The Messiah: An Aramaic Interpretation, Cincinnati 1974, 312.
37
Neof reads qwrp.
38
See L. Koehler & W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti, Leiden 1953,
832, sub 4.
39
A.F. von Gall (ed.), Der hebrische Pentateuch der Samaritaner, Berlin 1966, 328.
40
See Jer 48:45 and cf. Isa 3:17 (reading htap for htp).
41
It probably occurs in this sense in Isa 22:5.

banish. This may be a play-on-words on the root letters resh and qof,
as a kind of desperate attempt to make sense of an unknown word.
Also the meturgeman of Targum Onqelos translated it as a verb, but it
is difficult to make out how he came to his interpretation fwlyw on the
basis of the Masoretic text.42 If, on the other hand, he had a Vorlage
that read dqdqw it may be that his interpretation is based on an asso-
ciation of skull with head, which is often interpreted metaphorically
as leader.43
The ethnographic designation t ynb is unique to this verse, and it
is uncertain to whom it refers. The meturgemans of Targum Neofiti
and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan left it untranslated, and Targum Onqelos
maintained the indistinctness, while Targum Pseudo-Jonathan tried to
explain it with an explanatory gloss. Onqelos interpreted the expression
as a designation for mankind. According to rabbinic tradition, Adam
begot Seth in his likeness and image,44 unlike Cain, who had been
totally different.45 Thus, Seth, as a worthy successor to his father, was
considered the ancestor of the human race. This is also reflected in
the genealogical register in 1 Chron 1:1, where Seth is mentioned as
representative of the generation after Adam. In combination with the
subject messiah and the verb to rule, this produced a universal reading
with strong messianic overtones. The Fragment Targums interpreted
the designation as all the sons of the East. This interpretation is prob-
ably based on Isa 11:14 where the peoples of the East are specified
as Edom and Moab.46
Although the Hebrew verse ends here, both Targum Neofiti and
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan carry on. Targum Neofiti has an addition
hyyskn yrm qwryw and he will banish the masters of riches. The verb
is probably just as in the other Palestinian Targums an attempt to
render the unknown Hebrew verb form rqrqw. The expression yrm
hyyskn masters of riches is a second translation of the expression
t ynb. t is probably read as ta uprising, dignity.47 b may have been
42
The suggestion given by I. Drazin in his translation and commentary (I. Drazin,
Targum Onkelos to Numbers, Hoboken, NJ, 1998, 252n57, that rqrqw means digging, and
by extension sufficient control to mutilate, seems far-fetched.
43
A similar way of interpretation occurs in to Deut 33:20, where dqdq is translated
as yklm kings and in tj Jer 48:45, where it is translated as ayryqy nobles.
44
Gen 5:3.
45
Cf. Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer 22.
46
Levine, Numbers 2136, 202, suggested that it is based on a tradition whereby the
descendants of Seth inhabited parts of Transjordan.
47
See Koehler & Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti, 913.

read as member, fellow of a group, class, profession etc. People who

belong to the dignified classes is then further interpreted as masters
of riches.48
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan has a lengthy addition that serves as an
adjectival clause to the expression sons of Seth. In translation, it reads
the armies of Gog, who in the future will wage war against Israel, and
all their dead bodies shall fall before him.49 This is obviously a refer-
ence to the prophecies in Ezekiel 3839. For example, in Ezek 38:8
God says to Gog in the distant future you shall march against the
land of a people restored from the sword, gathered from the midst of
many peoplesagainst the mountains of Israel, which have long lain
desolate . . . This is referred to by the meturgeman as the armies of
Gog, who in the future will wage war against Israel. At the end of
Ezekiel 38, God announces the punishment that he will bestow on Gog
because of this hostile attack: (21) . . . and every mans sword shall be
turned against his brother. (22) I will punish him with pestilence and
with bloodshed; and I will pour torrential rain, hailstones, and sulfurous
fire upon him and his hordes and the many peoples with him. In Ezek
39:45 the prediction continues You shall fall on the mountains of
Israel, you and all your battalions and the peoples who are with you;
and I will give you as food to carrion birds of every sort and to the
beasts of the field, (5) as you lie in the open field. The result of this
horrible punishment is summarised succinctly by the meturgeman in the
phrase all their dead bodies shall fall before him.50 With this reference
to the great war of Gog against Israel, the meturgeman clearly places
this prophecy at the end of time.51
We continue with the next verse of the prophecy, Num 24:18.
Num 24:18a
hry wda hyhw MT
atwry wda yhyw TO
48
McNamara has suggested that the addition may contain wordplay on ym(w)r, which
is Rome. See McNamara, Early Exegesis, 5779 at 72 note i.
49
See also the lengthy paraphrase of PsJon Num 11:26. For discussion of this pas-
sage, see, e.g., H. Sysling, Tehiyyat Ha-Metim, Tbingen 1996, 23542.
50
The verb lpn to fall, which is probably derived from Ezek 39:4, also occurs in
the Palestinian Targums to Num 11:26, where it says about Gog and Magog that they
fall at the hand of King Messiah.
51
Whereas in the Hebrew Bible there are no references to Gog and his armies in
the Pentateuch, Pseudo-Jonathan puts him on the scene in Exod 40:11; Lev 26:44;
Num 24:17; Deut 32:39, 34:3.

wtry w<d>a ywh[y]tw Neof

atyry wda ywhyw FTP
ytry wda yhyw FTV
ykyrt wwhyw PsJon
Num 24:18a
MT And Edom shall become a possession
TO And Edom shall become a possession
Neof And Edom shall become a possession
FTP And Edom shall become a possession
FTV And Edom shall become a possession
PsJon And they shall be driven out
Num 24:18b
yhwbbd yl[bl ry[ hry hyhw MT
ywbbd yl[bl ry[ atwry yhyw TO
whybbd yl[bl wtry hlbgd arwf ywwhyw Neof
whybbd yl[bl albgd arwf atyry ywhyw FTP
whyans lary albgd arwf <wtry ywhyw> FTV
dq m albgd ynb ykyrt wwhyw PsJon
Num 24:18b
MT and Seir a possession of its enemies
TO and Seir a possession for its enemies
Neof and the mountain of Gablah shall be a possession for its
enemies
FTP and the mountain of Gablah shall be a possession for their
enemies
FTV and the mountain of Gablah <shall be a possession> for their
enemies
PsJon and the Gablaites will be driven out from before Israel, their
enemies,
Num 24:18c
:lyj h[ laryw MT
:ysknb jlxy laryw TO
:ygs ysknb wjlxy laryw Neof
:yqt lyjb wrbgty laryw FTP
:yqt lyjb wrbgty yw FTV
:wnwtryw yskynb wpqty laryw PsJon
Num 24:18c
MT And Israel will do valiant deeds / gain wealth
TO And Israel shall prosper in property
Neof And Israel shall prosper in abundant riches

FTP And Israel shall be victorious with great strength

FTV And Israel shall be victorious with great strength
PsJon And Israel shall be strenghtened with (their) property and shall
take possession of them
Edom and Seir, both connected to Esau, the firstborn of Isaac, are
used here as synonyms, in this way producing a nice chiasmus. Onqelos
gives a literal translation. Targum Neofiti and the Fragment Targums
translate Seir by the mountain of Gablah. This is quite an early iden-
tification, which already occurs in the Genesis Apocryphon.52 Targum
Pseudo-Jonathan makes the same identification, but applies it to the
people who live there, the Gablaites.
The translation of Targum Pseudo-Jonathan deviates strongly from
the other Targums. It reads and they shall be driven out, and the
Gablaites will be driven out from before Israel its enemy. The first
thing that strikes one is that the name Edom is replaced by the hid-
den pronoun they. Probably the meturgeman saw this verse as a
continuation of the preceding one, equating Edom with the armies
of Gog. The second important deviation is the interpretation of the
Hebrew hry by ykytr from the root tr to be driven out. This is
not as strange as it looks at first sight. Levine, in his commentary on
Numbers, interprets the Hebrew in a comparable way. He argues that
the hifil of ry has the connotation to drive away. And although the
exact form hry that we have in this verse is unique, we know from
similar forms that it must have stative force, as in, e.g. hbng, hprf, or
hflp. According to this argumentation, the reference is to a land or
territory depopulated by an enemy invader.53 The third difference is
that Targum Pseudo-Jonathan specifies the enemy as Israel. It must
have been highly satisfying for the audience to hear that in the end
they for once will not be the deportees, but the deporters.
The Hebrew expression lyj h[ is ambiguous. It can be interpreted
either in terms of wealth or strength. Targum Onqelos and Targum
Neofiti chose the translation wealth, while the Fragment Targums
opted for strength. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan combined the two options
by translating and Israel shall be strengthened with property.
52
1QapGen, col. 21 line 29 (cf. Gen 14:6). See, e.g., A. Neubauer, La Gographie du Talmud,
Amsterdam 1965 (1868), 667; M. McNamara, Targum and Testament, Grand Rapids 1972,
194; G. Reeg, Die Ortsnamen Israels nach der rabbinischen Literatur, Wiesbaden 1989, 157.
53
Levine, Numbers 2136, 202.

The last verse of the oracle is Num 24:19.54

Num 24:19a
bq[ym dryw MT
bq[y tybdm dj twjyyw TO
bq[y tybd m wqml lm dyt[ Neof
bq[y tybd m wqyml lm dyt[ FTP
bq[y tybdm qyml lm dyt[ FTV
bq[y tybdm fyl wqyw PsJon
Num 24:19a
MT One out of Jacob shall rule
Onk And someone from the house of Jacob will descend,
Neof A king is to arise from those of the house of Jacob,
FTP A king is to arise from those of the house of Jacob,
FTV A king is to arise from those of the house of Jacob,
PsJon Then a ruler shall arise from among those of the house of
Jacob,
Num 24:19b
:ry[m dyr dybahw MT
tyrqm byzym dybwyw TO
hkrk m byyjjmd m yxyyw Neof
akrk m ryytmd am lk yxyyw FTP
akrk m ryytmd hm lk ty yxyyw FTV
ynyfntfwq m r ytmd atwb]zy yxyyw dybwyw PsJon
MT
:aymm[ TO
:ayh abyyj Neof
:ymwr ayh ad abyyj FTP
:ymwr ayhd abyyj FTV
:aymm[ ywryq yqt wrsyqw ydxyw [atbyyj atrq PsJon
Num 24:19b
MT and destroy the survivor from Ir / from the city
Onk and will destroy any survivor from the city of the nations
Neof and he will blot out the one who has sinned from the sinful
city, that is . . .
FTP and he will blot out anyone who remains from the sinful city,
that is Rome
54
The text emendation between square brackets in PsJon is derived from D. Rieder,
Targum Jonathan ben Uziel on the Pentateuch (Hebrew), Jerusalem 1974, 232.

FTV and he will blot out all that remains from the sinful city, that is
Rome
PsJon and he will destroy and blot out {the remnant which remains
from Constantinople, the sinful city, and lay waste and ruin the
rebellious city [. . .]} and Caesarea, the strongest of the cities of
the nations.
The Hebrew text of Num 24:19 approximately reads in English: One

out of Jacob shall rule, and destroy55 the survivor of the city.56 The
Hebrew dryw, can according to its consonant reading be derived from
hdr, to rule, or from dry to descend, come down. In the last case the
meaning would be One will descend from Jacob. This is the interpreta-
tion of Targum Onqelos. Neofiti and the Fragment Targums combined
the two meanings, repeating the sentence they used in 24:17 A king
is to arise from those of the house of Jacob. Also the meturgeman of
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan combined the two possible meanings, but
he chose the word ruler instead of king.
The sense of the second part of our verse is ambiguous especially
as regards the word ry[. Until today there is doubt among researchers
whether this must be read as a noun or as a toponym. For the meturge-
mans there was apparently no doubt that it meant city. The Targums
all refer, more or less openly, to the destruction of the sinful capital
of the Roman Empire by the hand of the future redeemer. Targum
Onqelos specifies the word city as the city of the nations, undoubt-
edly meaning Rome. The Fragment Targums explicitly identify the city
with Rome: the sinful city, that is Rome. Targum Neofiti ends the
verse without identification, leaving an entire line blank. The copyist
may have omitted the name of the city, fearing censorship.57 Instead
of one who remains (ftp) or all that remains (ftv), Neofiti reads the
one who has sinned, either under the influence of the expression sinful
city or out of a theological craving for justice, such as is also found,
e.g. in the Genesis story about Sodom.58
55
Or: deport, see Levine, Numbers 2136, 203.
56
In the jps translation: A victor issues from Jacob, to wipe out what is left of Ir.
57
Also in Neof Num 24:24 the name of the city is left out, and in the expression
legions of the Romans (for Hebrew kittim), the word Romans is erased. See Dez
Macho, MS. Neophity 1. IV, 238n6, 242n4.
58
jps Gen 18:25 Far be it from You to do such a thing, to bring death upon the
innocent as well as the guilty, so that innocent and guilty fare alike.

Targum Pseudo-Jonathan has the most expanded commentary to this

last clause of the oracle. Although part of it has been erased by ink in
the manuscript, it is still largely readable. We follow here the recon-
struction of the edition of Rieder:59 and he will destroy and blot out
{the remnant which remains from Constantinople, the sinful city, and
lay waste and ruin the rebellious city [. . .]} and Caesarea, the strongest
of the cities of the nations.60 After rebellious city, there is in the ms
an empty space of some thoroughly blotted text,61 which according to
some researchers may have read: that is Rome.62
So the original text of the manuscript identified the sinful city with
at least two main representatives of the great Roman Empire, namely
Constantinople and Caesarea Maritima, but maybe also with Rome.63
Constantinople being the Rome of the East from the fourth century
onwards, and Caesarea being the Romans administrative capital in
Judaea.64 This dates this tradition somewhere between the foundation
of Constantinople as the imperial capital in 330 and the conquest of
Caesarea Maritima by the Arabs in the 7th century.
Concluding remarks on Numbers 24:1719
The targumic versions of the fourth oracle of Balaam can be sum-

marised as follows. Onqelos gives, as may be expected, the most literal
translation of the Hebrew text. All the deviations from the Hebrew can
be explained as genuine attempts to render the Hebrew text faithfully.
The most salient details are the explanation of sceptre as messiah
59
See note 54; Clarke, Targum Pseudo-Jonathan of the Pentateuch, xii, mentions that the
text is broken. Ad loc. (190) he only gives the text that remains. According to R. Le
Daut (Targum du Pentateuque, vol. 1, 32) the text of the manuscript (fol. 172a) has been
censored and the name of the censor (Dominico Gierosolomitano) is mentioned.
60
Dez Macho (MS. Neophity 1. IV, 238n6) suggests the reading he will make
desolate and destroy the city, the seat [medura] of the emperors [de-qisrin], but see the
criticism of Le Daut in: R. Le Daut & J. Robert, Targum du Pentateuque, III. Nombres,
Paris 1979, 237n39.
61
See Rieder, Targum Jonathan ben Uziel, 232n9.
62
G. Dalman, Aramische Dialektproben, Leipzig 1896, 8n11; Le Daut & Robert,
Targum du Pentateuque, III, 237n37.
63
Constantinople is also mentioned in PsJon Num 24:24. For the combination of
Rome and Constantinople, see also Targum of Psalms 108:11 where it says: But now
that I have sinned, who has brought me to the wicked city of Rome? Who has led me
to Constantinople, which is Edom? Cf. D.M. Stec, The Targum of Psalms, Collegeville
2004, 200.
64
See P. Schfer, The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World, London 2003, 177.

and sons of Seth as mankind. These interpretations turn the text

into an outspoken messianic prophecy.
The Palestinian Targums can be subdivided into Targum Neofiti and
the Fragment Targums on the one hand and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan
on the other. In most cases the interpretations of Targum Neofiti and
the Fragment Targums agree with one another.65 It is remarkable that
both Targum Neofiti and the Fragment Targums, in spite of the strong
eschatological colouring of their interpretation, renounce the explicit
term messiah.
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan is a different case. It is the most elabo-
rate of all the targumic versions. It is a mixed tradition, containing
interpretations from widely different periods. It has been argued that
it contains both some of the earliest and some of the latest dateable
targumic material. In its final state the collection has been worked
over with some care, so that in some ways it is the most literary of the
Palestinian Targums.66 Even in this relatively small portion of text from
Balaams fourth oracle, we notice some striking characteristics. Targum
Pseudo-Jonathan regularly uses allusions to other texts to enhance its
interpretation, such as for example the allusions to Ezekiel in the dra-
matically eschatological expansion to the breaking of the sons of Seth.
In the last verse the meturgeman relates the oracle in very explicit
terms to the latter years of the Roman Empire.
Experience teaches that the more difficult a Hebrew text is, the more
diverse its translations. Problematic words and expressions demand
explanation. It is only natural that the explanations reflect the cur-
rent thought of particular times. And more often than not the wish to
conform is perhaps father to the thought.
65
The only notable exceptions are the additional reading masters of riches in 24:17
and the interpretation of lyj as riches in Neofiti.
66
See P.S. Alexander, Jewish Aramaic Translations, in: M.J. Mulder & H. Sysling
(eds), Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible, Assen 1988,
21754, at 219.

INTERPRET HIM AS MUCH AS YOU WANT:
BALAAM IN THE BABYLONIAN TALMUD
Ronit Nikolsky
Introduction
In the past, some scholars devoted studies to rabbinic views about

Balaam. To mention only the most recent: Ephraim Urbach devoted
an article to Balaam and the question of gentile prophecy, concentrat-
ing also on the conjecture put forward already in the 19th century
that Balaam in rabbinic thought is representing Jesus.1 Geza Vermes
was describing the continuity between biblical opinions about Balaam
(pointing to the different view expressed in P as opposed to the other
sources) and late antique statements about him.2 Judith Baskin devoted
her dissertation to the three counselors of Pharaoh, which later
appeared as a book.3 Her focus is on rabbinic appreciation of gentiles
as prophets. James Kugel studied opinions of late antique authors
about Balaam, focusing on the messianic understanding of his oracle
as well as other issues.4
Even though in some cases scholars point to the differences found in
various rabbinic or late antique texts about Balaam,5 in most cases they
are focusing on one or more themes regarding Balaam, and they look
into opinions of various late antique writers about this biblical figure.
The present article is different in its focus. In contrast to earlier works, it
does not follow a particular theme which appears in rabbinic literature
about Balaam, such as his prophetic abilities or rabbinic assessment of
1
E.E. Urbach, The Rabbinic Sermons about the Gentile Prophets and the Story
of Balaam, in: E.E. Urbach, The World of the Sages, Jerusalem 2002, 53755.
2
G. Vermes, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Studies, Leiden 1973,
12777.
3
J.R. Baskin, Pharaohs Counselors: Job, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic and Patristic Tradition,
Chico, California 1983, 75113.
4
J.L. Kugel, Traditions of the Bible: A Guide to the Bible as It Was on the Start of the Common
Era, Cambridge Massachusetts 1998, 799810, 81823.
5
For example Baskin, Pharaohs Counselors, 81.

214 ronit nikolsky
his moral conduct, but it focuses on one particular text about Balaam.
I wish to analyze the representation of the person of Balaam in a
pericope in the Babylonian Talmud (bt), i.e., Sanhedrin 90a106b.
The Pericope about Balaam in the Babylonian Talmud

(Sanhedrin 90a106b)
The pericope about Balaam in the bt is found in Perek Helek,6 literally

meaning the chapter on portion . The issue in the Mishnah,7 which
is the basis for the Talmudic discussion,8 is the question of who deserves,
and who does not deserve to have a portion in the next world.9 Usu-
ally, a person gains a portion in the next world by accumulating good
deeds in this world, and by repenting the sins committed, but in some
cases some people have committed such evil deeds that they cannot in
any way repair their fate and therefore cannot have a portion in the
next world. The rabbis enumerate these villains: those who hold wrong
theological opinions (such as saying that the Torah has not been handed
down from heaven), those who make use of medico-magical practices
(whispering over a blow) or those who pronounce Gods hidden name.
Seven people are mentioned by name, three kings ( Jeroboam, Ahab and
Manasseh) and four commoners (Balaam, Doeg, Ahitofel and Gehazi), as
being such villains that they do not deserve a portion in the next world.
The Gemara on this Mishnah discusses each of these people extensively.
This discussion is where we find the pericope about Balaam.
This bt pericope is a midrash. It follows the plot of the biblical
story of Balaam. We read about the summoning of Balaam by Balak,
Balaams consent to come and curse the Israelites, his adventure with
his she-ass, his encounter with Balak and his cursing of the Israelites,
which turns into blessings. The bt pericope also discusses two other
biblical narratives: the first is the episode of the fornication of the
Israelites with the daughters of the Moabitesa sin resulting from
6
Hebrew: qlj qrp. All the themes which appear in the summary below appear
in all major manuscripts and editions of the Talmud (Herzog, Muenchen, Firenze,
Karlsruhe and the Barco edition), albeit not always verbatim.
7
Mishnah Sanhedrin 10:12.
8
Sanhedrin 90a106b.
9
The expression to have a portion in the next world can mean either that the soul
will dwell in a blissful place after death, or that the soul will be present in the future
messianic world. The exact meaning of the expression is not important for this article,
as long as the general meaning of being in a good world after death is accepted.

balaam in the babylonian talmud 215
Balaams advise to the Moabites; this episode is found in chapter 25 of

the book of Numbers. The second narrative is the killing of Balaam
by the Israelites, found in two places in the biblical text: Num 31:8
and Josh 13:22.
Many of the narratives and ideas which make up the pericope
about Balaam in the bt are quotations, retold stories and ideas found
in earlier rabbinic narratives. In what follows, I will first summarize
the content of the bt pericope and analyze it (1). Later, I will analyze
the manner in which the bt is reworking earlier rabbinic sources into
the pericope, and how the original source is changed in this process
(2). It is my opinion that the method of integrating older sources
into a current cultural products, such as the Babylonian Talmud, is
particularly important in retaining a feeling of cultural continuity and
therefore a solid cultural identity, while at the same time this process
is enabling the culture to adapt to present-day circumstances and to a
modernfor its timeworld-view.
The type of analysis of the Talmudic text that I will be presenting
here is similar to the one followed by J.L. Rubenstein in both of his
recent books.10 Rubenstein has reluctantly called the first stage of the
analysis (which is here part of the summary of the pericope) literary
analysis and the second stage source criticism, while being aware
that both these terms carry a (historical) meaning which does not allow
them to convey that fresh outlook on Talmudic narrative which exists
in Rubensteins books. I follow (also reluctantly) this terminology.
In my research on rabbinic literature, I have accepted the assertion
that the various periods, as well as the various loci (that is, Palestine
and Babylonia), of rabbinic culture have produced bodies of writing
which represent their respective world view. We can expect to find dif-
ferences in emphasis in a story when told in various periods or when
moved from Palestine to Babylonia or vice versa. Rabbinic writings
should not, then, be treated en bloc; instead, it is the cultural diversity
represented in the various rabbinic writings, which should be the focus
of the scholarly work dealing with this literature.
10
J.L. Rubenstein, Talmudic Stories: Narrative Art, Composition, and Culture, Baltimore/
London, 1999; J.L. Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud, Baltimore/London,
2003.

216 ronit nikolsky
1. Summary and Analysis of the BT Pericope (Sanhedrin 90a 106b)

The narrative in the Balaam pericope revolves around two axes. One
is the biblical story of Balaam; here the narrative follows the se-
quence of the biblical verses, comments on and expounds on the story
and thus it follows the usual midrash method. The second axis is a sys-
tematic description and explanation of the figure of Balaam. Unfolding
in the bt pericope are various aspects of the person of Balaam, begin-
ning with an etymology of his name, going on to identify the person,
relate his moral choice and his psychological, physical and sexual char-
acteristics, and ending up with his professional abilities. Some details of
the biblical story at hand are discussed: his adventures with his she-ass,
the Balak-Balaam meeting, the advice Balaam gives to the Moabites
and the consequences of this, and lastly Balaams death are expounded
on, and the context and the meaning of the story are addressed.
Another key to the message of the text are statements about sexual
behavior. There is nothing in the biblical story about Balaam that is
directly concerned with sexuality. Yet the Babylonian text sets before
the reader three models of sexual behavior. The first is Balaams: he
is engaged in sexual activity with his she-ass. The second is the man-
ner in which the young Moabite women tempt the Israelite men. The
third model represents the relationship between the Israelites and their
God; this is described as the intimacy between a lion and a lioness, an
intimacy into which no one may intrude.
The sexual models serve as a way for the rabbis to differentiate pro-
priety from impropriety, the pious from the wicked, and thus to identify
Balaam as a villain and an improper person.11
In what follows, I will provide a summary of what is said in the
bt. I will be breaking the narrative up into numbered sections so that
the compositional effort of the author/editor12 will be apparent; this
will also facilitate references to the various narratives in the discus-
sion. Every so often the sequence of sections of the narrative will be
11
See the discussion in Baskin, Pharaohs Counselors, 89.
12
In this article, I am not making any conjecture about authorship of the bt. Various
words, such as author, editor, compiler in the singular or plural are used for the
sake of convenience, without intending a precise definition and without assuming
that the work was done by a single person. For the same sake of convenience I use
metaphoric language when speaking of the text as a person, i.e. the text says, the
pericope shows, etc. I intend to say that the people/person responsible for arranging,
compiling or writing the texts intended to convey such a meaning.

stopped for an analysis of what was said; I am hoping in this way to

avoid repeating a telling of the narrative, once when summarizing and
once when analyzing.13
The references to the biblical verses, which are discussed in the
pericope, are given in brackets. Reference to the Talmudic pages is
given in the footnotes.
Sections 17: Introducing Balaam

1. Who is the person of Balaam? (Num 22:5)14
The pericope in the bt begins by discussing the meaning of Balaams
name and his identity. A few etymologies are suggested, including
one distinguishing Balaam as having had sexual intercourse with
a domestic animal (his title rw[b-b is taken to mean ry[b l[ ab,
engaging sexually with a domestic animal). As far as his identity
is concerned, it is stated: He is a prophet, son of a prophet, who
exceeded his father in prophecy. He is one and the same person as
Kushan Rishatayim,15 who is also Laban the Aramean, the father-
in-law of Jacob.16
2. Balaam is evil through his own free will
The editor quotes a baraita, a Tosefta-like narrative, stating that only
the wicked among the gentiles do not deserve to enter the next world,
implying that pious gentiles do deserve it.17 Balaams own words are
then quoted: If I die a pious death, my end will be like his (Num
23:10). This is taken to mean if I, Balaam, am pious at the time
of my death, I will merit the same fate as a pious Israelite (that is,
have a portion in the next world). From all the villains mentioned
in the Mishnahstates the btit is only Balaam who will not have
a portion in the world to come. The others will.
3. Why did the Midianites go with the elders of the Moabites? (Num 22:7)
Next, the bt quotes a Tannaitic statement18 concerning a surprising
biblical account. In the story of Balaam, although it is Balak, the
13
See Rubenstein, Stories, 2428.
14
Sanhedrin 105:1, line 39; Sanhedrin 105:2, line 36.
15
Judg 3:810.
16
The Aramaic identification probably follows the biblical text in Num 23:7 (from
Aram Balak led me). I thank Tal Ilan for this observation.
17
The summary is of the text as it appears in the Tosefta. Some of the bts
manuscriptsHerzog and Muenchen and the Barco editionsupport this reading,
while others corrupt or alter it. This section will be discussed later.
18
This statement is found in Sifre Bamidbar 157.

218 ronit nikolsky
Moabite king, who worries about the Israelites who are surrounding
his country, the elders of the Midianites are also participating in the
delegation set out to summon Balaam. These two nations, explains
the Tannaitic sage, were originally in a state of war but they united
in order to fight the Israelites who were approaching Balaks land.
4. Balaams impertinence (Num 22:8)
Going into detail about Balaams character, the bt indicates his
impertinence. This is evident from his waiting for Gods answer
concerning Balaks request. Who would dare to come between a
father [God] and his son [ Israel]?, asks the bt. Impertinence is a
kingship without a crown, continues the bt, and it is impertinence
that has earned Balaam permission to go to Balak in order to curse
the Israelites, which at this stage is a success on his part, but which
will later prove futile.
5. Physical characteristics of Balaam
The bt indicates some of Balaams less appealing physical features
such as his being lame and blind in one eye.
6. Sexual qualities of Balaam
Balaam is characterized as being a sexual magician (wtmab swq)
and some textual proofs are invoked to prove that he was sexually
involved with his she-ass.
7. The nature of Balaams magic
What was the nature of Balaams powers? His great talent was in
knowing the split second in which God was angry at the Israelites;
this split second was the only moment when a curse cast upon Israel
could have any effect. His sexuality comes up again in this section:
in a long narrative (based on Num 24:16) we learn about the nature
of Balaams power, as well as his relationship with his she-ass.
Analysis
From the outset Balaam is presented in a negative manner. Despite his
respected lineage (a prophet, son of a prophet), he is ugly, impertinent
and is identified with other doers of evil to the Jews, all of whom were
of Aramean descent. The term Aramean in the rabbinic literature is
a reference to most of the nations in the region of Palestine, Syria and
Babylonia, other than the Jews themselves; it is a term that designates
the Other.
The description of Balaams unusual sexuality seems surprising at
this point, but it will make more sense later on, when other sexual
models are presented.

The fact that Balaam chose to do evil reveals him as someone who
is not inherently evil, but who made a mistake which proved fatal for
him. That mistake was in crossing the border into a state of intimacy
which was not his own: the one between God and His people.
Balaams prophetic abilities are being played down: Knowing the
moment in which God is angry and being a sexual magician can
hardly be equated with real prophecy bestowed on a person by God.
Sections 810: Balaam as the sole evildoer of the biblical story19

8. Balaam is compared with Abraham (Num 22:21)
The bt utilizes a textual unit known from Genesis Rabbah, where
Balaam is contrasted with Abraham.20 The incentive for making
this comparison lies in the identical words, which are used in the
Bible to describe the actions of both these people: both woke
up in the morning and saddled their donkey. In both cases, they
are men of high rank who did something that was not befitting
their rank.
9. Balaks sacrifices (Num 22:40)
The next paragraph discusses Balak. Here it is related that the
forty-two sacrifices, which in accordance with Balaams orders Balak
offered to God, merited him the honor of having a daughter Ruth,
who would be the foremother of King David.
10. Is it customary to say it this way?
Section 10 seems not to belong to the Balaam sequence. It is asking,
Is it proper to say about Yael the Kenite that she is more blessed
than the women in the tent [that is, Sarah, Rebecca, Rachel and
Leah]?21 The answer is that the text is not really saying this; it is
only pretending to do so.
Analysis
This block introduces Balak. He was forced by Balaam to build forty-
two altars and make sacrifices to God (section 9). This unintentionally
pious act is contrasted with another act, an intentional one (section
8): two people of high stature, Abraham and Balaam, are engaged in
work which is below their status, namely saddling a donkey. In the case
19
Sanhedrin 105:2, lines 3646.
20
Midrash Genesis Rabbah 55:3.
21
This is referring to Judg 5:24 Yael shall be more blessed than the women, more
blessed than the women of the tent.

220 ronit nikolsky
of Abraham this was a good act, showing his love of God; but in the
case of Balaam there is no piousness in the act, since it was driven by
hatred toward Israel.
In contrast, the act of sacrificing to God, performed by Balak, is pious
in its very essence, regardless of the intention involved. Therefore this
act merited Balak the honor of being the forefather of King David.
As a result of this contrast Balaam comes out of this narrative as
the sole evil protagonist of this biblical story.
The Talmud does have reservations about its own statement: it should
not be taken completely seriously. My interpretation of section 10 is
as saying: it is not proper to present Balak as completely non-evil. We
only seem to be saying this.
Sections 1113: Balaams conduct in this episode22

11. How did Balaam speak? (Num 23:5)
How was Balaam forced to pronounce oracles, which meant the
opposite of what he intended to say? Some say God gave an angel
permission to change his speech; others say He guided him as an
animal with a halter.
12. Analysis of the third oracle (Num 24:5)
Whatever the manner of his prophecy was, God turned around
each sentence Balaam intended to utter so that it had exactly the
opposite meaning. The bt lists Balaams various prophecies and by
turning the meaning of these around, Balaams original intentions
were exposed. For example: Balaam wanted to curse the Israelites
so that they would have no synagogues or houses of learning (batei
midrash), but he ended up saying: How good are thy tents, O Jacob
(bq[y ylha wbwf hm). Tents is equated with Torah studying, since
it invokes the rabbinic expression a tent of Torah, which means
learning the Torah in the houses of learning. Balaam wanted to
curse the Israelites so that they would have no Shekhinah (Gods
presence) among them, but he ended up saying: Thy dwellings
Israel (lary ytwnkm), and this connects the word presence
(shekhinah) and dwellings (mishkenot). Balaam wanted to curse the
Israelites so that their kingdom would not continue, but he ended
up saying: like a river they shall continue. The bt goes on to
unearth all the original evil intentions of Balaam which by Gods
22
Sanhedrin 105:2, line 46; Sanhedrin 103:1, line 12.

will were turned into blessings. Alas, say the rabbis, in the end all
of what Balaam originally intended as curses turned out to come
true, except for the first one: The Jews do have synagogues and
houses of learning!
13. The cedar and the papyrus (Num 24:6)
In the next section we read that the curses of a friend are better
than the blessings of an enemy, so although Balaam ended up
giving blessings, it would have been better not to have had these
blessings (since in the end they turned back into curses).
Analysis
The important message these sections covey has to do with Talmudic
culture. The rabbis sadly note that of all the blessings bestowed (unin-
tentionally) by Balaam, only one is left for the Israelites: they have
Houses of Learning. The emphasis on the learning in houses is typical
of Talmudic culture.23
Since Balaam did not succeed as a prophet of God, he resorted to
being an advice-giver; this is the topic of the next block.
Sections 1417: Balaams advice 24

14. The oracle about the Kenite (Num 24:21)
Now the text introduces Balaam as a giver of advice. There were
three gentile sages who were counsel givers to Pharaoh: Balaam,
Jethro and Job.25 Balaam chose to curse Israel and was in the end
killed by the Israelites;26 Job did not take part in the evil counsel and
therefore only suffered torture during his lifetime; Jethro, who ran
away from the place of evil counsel to join Moses, was rewarded
by having his offspring sit in the chamber of Hew stone in the
Temple.27
15. The last prophecy of Balaam (Num 24:2324)
The next section is a commentary on the last prophecy of Balaam.
We learn that it is not wise to come between God and His people
while God is in the process of saving them; it is like throwing a
cloak between a lion and lioness at the time of their mating.
23
About this see, for example, Rubenstein, Culture, 338.
24
Sanhedrin 106:1, lines 1243.
25
The subject of Baskins book.
26
Josh 13:22.
27
Mekhilta de Rabbi Ishmael, Jethro, tractate Amalek, 2.

222 ronit nikolsky
16. Balaams advice (Num 24:14)

At this point the biblical story of Balaam comes to an end. The next
chapter (Numbers 25) is about the sin of the Israelites in Shittim.
However, the bt pericope does include the story of Shittim as part
of the narrative about Balaam. We learn that Balaam gave advice
to the Moabite king to use the Moabites young women to tempt
the Israelites. The Israelites would be lured into buying goods from
these Moabite women, encouraged to feel at home in their houses,
and after drinking their wine would consent to worship the idol
Peor in order to receive sexual services.
17. The outcome of the advice: the sin in Shittim
The bt discusses briefly the sin in Shittim. The places name is
explained (a place of nonsense, twf); and Balaams advice is said
to have cast an influence over all the Israelites, since the Moabite
women were seducing them while naked and so caused sexual
impurity in the Israelite men. A rabbi is quoted as saying that
whenever the words and Israel sat . . . are found in the biblical
text, a disaster follows. Many examples of such a nexus are quoted
from the biblical text.
Analysis
Balaam is ignorant regarding the futility of his trying to come between
God and His people. Considering what we know about his sexuality, the
lawlessness of his suggestion to Balak, and his inability to recognize a
truly intimate relationship is hardly surprising. Balaam is characterized
here as mistakenly thinking that he has a relationship with God.
In describing Balaams advice the bt is loyal to its Halakhic nature.
It asserts that the major problem of the sin is not the few Israelites
who actually sinned with the daughters of Moab, but about the sexual
impurity which infected all the Israelite men.
What seems to be an unrelated matterthe nexus of the biblical
verses speaking about Israel as sitting (Num 24:1a) and the disaster that
follows (Num 25:1b9)is in fact a clear statement of a Babylonian
point of view. The verses quoted all show that the words Israels sitting
always indicated a disaster to come. The verses are describing Israelite
people as sitting Canaan, Egypt or in the land of Israel, under King
Solomons rule. In all these cases they sinned and a disaster followed.
One realizes, then, that living in the promised land does not protect
the Israelites against sinning and the disasters that follow. This is a
typical diasporic claim.

Sections 1820: Balaams death and additional issues28

18. Balaams death and his status
Balaam was killed by the Israelites along with the kings of Midian.
Balaam was present at that place because he had come to collect
the fee for his advice. At this point he was no longer a prophet,
but a magician.
19. Balaams age
A gentile asked Rabbi Hanina whether he knew how old Balaam
was at the time of his death. The Rabbi answered that according to
the verse (Ps 55:24), People of blood and deceit will not have half
of their days, Balaam must have been thirty-three or thirty-four
when he died. This is right, said the gentile, I have a book where it
says that he was thirty-three when the villain Pinchas killed him.
20. What should we do with this story?
In the final section we find the following sentence: Mar, son
of Rabina said to his son: Midrash does not apply to the other
[persons mentioned in the Mishnah] except in the case of the
wicked Balaam. In his case: make a Midrash about him as much
as possible.29
Analysis
The last sections of the pericope coincide with the end of the biblical
chapter and the end of Balaams life. Balaam was killed by the Israelites
because of the advice he gave to the Moabites. Such a severe punish-
ment is appropriate when we remember the bts view that this advice
caused impurity to all Israelite men.
In this last two sections we find the wider context of the story accord-
ing to rabbinic view. The issue of Balaams age is the topic of section
19. A scholarly debate has focused on the question of whether Balaam
is here equated with Jesus, who also died at thirty-three. There is no
clear statement, nor any clear hint that this is so. Urbach and Baskin
conclude that Balaam has general anti-Christian traits in his represen-
tation in rabbinic literature.30 Before reaching a conclusion about this
issue, let us look at the last section.
28
Sanhedrin 106:1, lines 43106:2, 13.
29
hmkd ,[rh [lbm rbl ,rdml ypt al whlwkb .hyrbl anybrd hyrb rm hyl rma
hyb wrd - hyb tjkmd. This sentence appears in all the major manuscripts.
30
See Urbach, Rabbinic Sermons, 2814 and the literature quoted there; Baskin,
Pharaohs Counselors, 913.

224 ronit nikolsky
In section 20 we learn that one may have a free hand to interpret

(make a midrash about) the figure of Balaam. We should consider the
very last section along with the previous one, and conclude that it is
possible to see Balaam as a mock-Jesus figure, or as conveying an
anti-Christian message to the Jewish people (as stated by Urbach and
Baskin), but the figure of Balaam should not be understood as a hard
symbol, but a flexible one, allowing different interpretation according
to need. Therefore, an interpretation of him as Jesus, while possible, is
not exclusive. Balaam could be any Other of the rabbinic culture.31
The BT Point of View As It Appears in the Representation of the

Biblical Balaam Story
The pericope is a mosaic of small textual units combined together by

the editor to create a full picture. Some of the smaller units are copy-
ing, reworking or retelling narratives and ideas, which are known from
earlier rabbinic writings of Palestinian or Babylonian origin. Some of
the statements are unknown from other sources and could have been
composed for this particular pericope.
There is an overall message which results from the sequential reading
of the pericope and deciphering the various hints planted in it. This
message is what the originator(s) of the Talmud wanted to present to
the reader(s).
The bt is presenting Balaam in an unquestionably negative tone. He
is ugly, impertinent, and he is choosing to be evil, even when he can
avoid it. His prophetic abilities were originally quite high: he comes
from a line of prophets. But he plays a losing game when trying to
come between God and his people. His prophetic abilities vanish, and
he is reduced to being an advice-giver. It is this advice which in the
end costs him his life.
Some points of this pericope present a particular Babylonian interest
or world-view. We can point to the following as the typical Babylonian
representation of Balaam:
(1) Balaam is the only and absolutely negative protagonist in the story.
This should be seen against the background of Tannaitic statements
31
This agrees with the way Heinemann presented the image of Balaam. Joseph
Heinemann, Aggadah and Its Development, Jerusalem 1971, 11921.

about Balaam, which presented him as a powerful receptor of the

words of God, and which have a much less negative overtone in
the narratives about him.32 This should also be seen in comparison
with the later Palestinian midrashic corpus of Tanchuma, where
Balak is emphatically described as being just as much a villain
as Balaam was. These two corpora, the Babylonian Talmud and
Tanchuma, seem to be representing two major cultural worlds of
late rabbinic Judaism; in some cases the two corpora deliberately
put themselves in opposition to each other. Our pericope could be
one such case.
(2) There is merit in ritualistic acts where the intention of the doer plays
only a small part if any. An approach which seems to consider a
relatively rigid Halakhic focus of Jewish life, as opposed to a system
which promotes and develops narratives as a cultural identifier such
as elaborated narratives (such as midrash) or liturgical poetry.
(3) Balaams advice has severe Halakhic implication regarding impurity.
This is an attitude similar to what we have seen in the previous
point.
(4) Being in the Land of Israel does not necessarily entail a happy
state of affairs. A point of view which seems natural to a diaspora
culture such as the Babylonian.
(5) Houses of learning are the only blessing of the Israelites. Again a
typical Babylonian point of view, as already described by Ruben-
stein and others.
2. Old Wine in New Jars: Narrative Continuum

In the bt pericope there are more than a dozen cases of reworking
earlier known material from other rabbinic writings. Parallels are
found in the Mishna, the Tosefta, Tannaitic midrashim (Sifre Bamidbar
and Mekhiltas), Palestinian amoraic material (Palestinian Talmud and
Genesis Rabba) and other parts of the bt.
In all cases the earlier material is not quoted verbatim. Changes may
vary from minute lexical alterations, through omission, additions and
changes made in the order of the narrative, all the way to presenting a
complete opposite meaning than the text known to us from writings of
the earlier rabbinic strata. The question of which texts existed before
32
Sifre Bamidbar, paragraph 156; Mekhilta deRashbi 18:1, 19:16; Sifre Zuta, paragraph
7; Sifre Devarim, paragraphs 243, 256.

226 ronit nikolsky
the author(s) of bt, is complicated and not fully answered in the world
of scholarly studies of midrash tends to relate to the various products
of rabbinic culture as drawing on a mutual cultural repertoire, both
oral and written, in order to express a particular relevant narrative mes-
sage. Each narrative product that we possess, such as the midrashim or
Talmudim uses this cultural repertoire for its own purpose/message. By
this double actionon the one hand using known material, and on
the other hand producing a new narrative of itthe culture can both
keep the continuity of its identity and update itself according to the
needs of the reality. I term this phenomenon narrative continuum.
Since it is too much for the scope of the present article to cover all the
early narratives which are reworked into the bt pericope, I will analyze
here two such examples: the parable of the two dogs who were enemies
of each other, and the Tosefta discussion of the question whether all
gentiles go to hell, or only the wicked among them.
The dogs who were enemies of each other: retelling a midrashic story, and a memra
A Tannaitic parable, also found in Sifre Bamidbar, is reworked in sec-
tion 3. It is related to the verse Num 31:2: Avenge the avengers of the
Israelites from the Midianites and then die. Thus says God to Moses
before the latters death. Here is the text from Sifre Bamidbar, and the
parallel in our Talmudic pericope:
Sifre Bamidbar 157 bt Sanhedrin 105:1

But the Moabites originated
[the idea of attacking the
Israelites] as it is written:
and the elders of Moab went and the and the elders of Moab went and
elders of Midian (Num 22:7). the elders of Midian (Num 22:7).
They never had peace with There is a Tannaitic tradition
each other, and they still fought that Midian and Moab never
against Israel [together]?! had peace.
It is similar to two dogs who It is similar to two dogs who
were in a herd, and they were |were in a herd, and were
enemies of each other. enemies of each other.
A wolf came to take a lamb A wolf came on one of
from the herd, and one of them them.
was barking at him.

Table (cont.)
Sifre Bamidbar 157 bt Sanhedrin 105:1

The other one said: if I dont The other said: if I dont
go and help him now, [the wolf ] help him today, he will kill him,
will kill him and will pass to me and tomorrow he comes for me.
and will kill me.
[So] they made peace with each Both went and killed the
other and fought the wolf. wolf.
Thus [it was] with Moab and
Midian. They never made peace
with each other, as it is written
(Genesis 36:35) who defeated Midian
in the country of Moab, and when
they prepared to fight the Israelites
they made peace with each other
and fought against Israel.
Rav Papa said: as people are
saying: the weasel and a cat
celebrated on the flesh of the
unfortunate.
The exegetical question put forward in the midrash is: since it is the
Moabites who caused the Israelites to sin, not the Midianites, why does
Moses seek vengeance upon the Midianites? The answer comes in the
form of a parable about the two dogs that made a pact in order to fight
the wolf. The Israelites are the wolf, a strong and vicious animal, while
the Moabites and Midianites are two dogs, essentially much weaker
than the wolf. The parable in Sifre never says whether the nations/dogs
overcame the wolf/Israel or not. The intended audience knows how the
biblical story ends: the Israelites crossed the desert successfully. In fact
the culture which produced the Sifre text is still living in this country. The
wolf survived the combined forces of the dogs. The meta-message
of the Sifre parable is that the Israelites are (always?) saved.
The bt incorporates this parable in order to convey a message differ-
ent from the one found in the Tannaitic text. The end of the story is
different: the dogs kill the wolf. A new gap is now created in the story: if
the wolf is Israel, are the rabbis pronouncing Israel dead? The solution
to this gap comes in an editorial addition to the parable, in the form

228 ronit nikolsky
of a memra, a saying: the weasel and the cat celebrated on the flesh of
the unfortunate.33 Is the wolf the unfortunate, or is it the cattle which
was devoured by the wolf in the end? This is not made clear to us by
the authors. In any case the unfortunate character is the us group
of the Talmudic voice, who are at the same time the Israelites in the
desert from the biblical story and the Jews of Babylonian of the time
of the text. The parable and the memra are alluding to the poor state
of the Jews as a minority in Babylonia, when the nations (Romans
and Arameans?) are celebrating [that is, being in power].34
Do the Wicked among the Gentiles Go to Hell?

In section 2 we learn that Balaam is the only one of the four people
mentioned in the Mishnah who will in fact not enter the world to come,
whereas the other three will enter it. This idea contradicts the clear
statement of the Mishnah. It is hinted at, however, in the Palestinian
Talmud,35 where we find excuses for allowing all the other persons
mentioned in the Mishnah to enter the world to come, but there is no
such excuse for Balaam. The bt makes this idea explicit in a simple
indicative sentence.
By way of a support for this opinion, the bt then quotes a discus-
sion, which is found also in the Tosefta.36 The biblical context of the
discussion is the verse Ps 9:18 (The wicked shall depart to Sheol, all
the nations that forget God). The question which is raised is whether
gentiles go to heaven after their death or not. The answer is that the
wicked among the gentiles do not go to heaven.
Here is the Toseftas version and the bt:
Tosefta Babylonian Talmud

Rabbi Eliezer says: Rabbi Eliezer says:
All nations have no portion in the
world to come, as it is written:
The wicked shall depart to Sheol, all the The wicked shall depart to Sheol, all
nations that forget God (Ps 9:18). the nations that forget God (Ps 9:18)
33
hdg ybd abrtm alwlh wdb[ arnww atwkrk.
34
R. Papa, in whose name this memra is quoted, died in 375.
35
Palestinian Talmud Sanhedrin 10:2; 29b.
36
Tosefta Sanhedrin 13:2.

Table (cont.)
Tosefta Babylonian Talmud

The wicked will depart to Sheolthese The wicked will depart to Sheol
are the wicked ones of Israel. these are the wicked ones of Israel.
All the nations that forget Godthese are
the nations of the world. Words of
R. Eliezer.
Rabbi Joshua said to him: If it was Rabbi Joshua said to him: Is it
written the wicked shall depart to Sheol, written all the nations? No, it is written
all the nations and no more, I would all the nations that forget God.
have agreed with you, but since it is
written that forget God
the meaning is that there are pious So [the meaning is] the wicked
ones among the nations who have a shall depart to Sheol, and who
portion in the world to come. they? All the nations that forget God.
And that evil-doer [Balaam]
made it apparent about himself
saying: (Num 23:10) My soul shall
die a righteous death. If my soul
dies a righteous death, then my
end will be like his [I will be like
the Israelites, i.e. going to heaven]
and if notI go to my people
[i.e.to hell].
The discussion in the compilation which we call nowadays Tosefta is

found almost verbatim in the bt. The conclusion of the discussion is
assigned in the bt particularly to Balaam. The anonymous and imper-
sonal voice of the implied author of the bt pericope invokes for this
purpose Balaams own words and then interprets them.
We find in the bt a latent idea from the pt being made explicit; the
argument is supported by a baraita (a non-Mishnaic Tannatic statement),
which however does not mention Balaam directly; the Baraita is then
assigning it to Balaam using an interpretation of Balaams own words
from the biblical text.
The final view which is expressed here is contrary to what is clearly
pronounced in the Mishnah, namely that four people do not enter
the world to come. The Talmud concludes that three do enter, only
Balaam does not. This new conclusion is presented as based on all the
Tannaitic legal sources, namely both the Mishna and the Tosefta. The

230 ronit nikolsky
new view is conveyed, as well as the accountability to the old culture,

and by this the continuity of the cultural identity.
We see the multi-functionality of the narrative continuum. While
advancing the unique bt narrative about Balaam, it is also conserv-
ing the cultural repertoire (and by this keeping the continuity of the
cultural identity) and making the repertoire relevant for audience, by
relating to current events.
Concluding Summary
In this article, I hope to have demonstrated two points. One is the

unique view about Balaam present in the Babylonian Talmud, the
other is a process which I termed narrative continuum, as a process
enabling a culture both to introduce new points of view as well as to
keep its integrity.
The uniqueness of the Babylonian view about Balaam unfolds
through analyzing the particular sequence of narratives which are
present in the pericope about this biblical figure. This unique view may
be made more apparent if seen in light of other rabbinic views about
him, particularly Tannaitic views and later saboraic views expressed,
among others, in Tanchuma. There is no room to do this within the
framework of this article.
Both Urbach37 and Baskin,38 who studied the figure of Balaam in
rabbinic literature, concluded that there was a generally anti-Christian
attitude expressed by the rabbis in connection with the figure of Balaam.
Neither of these scholars, as well as Heinemann (see note 31 above),
made a sharp distinction between the various cultures within rabbinic
literature, therefore their conclusion is more general and does not point
to the uniqueness of the bt view.
As far as the narrative continuum is concerned, I have discussed
two examples of reworking older material into the bt pericope. The
changes made in them, as well as the immediate context in the bt,
serve the multi-function of presenting an up-to-date message to the
audience, as well as keeping cultural integrity intact.
37
Urbach, Rabbinci Sermons, 1315.
38
Baskin, Pharaos Counselors, 923.

PART THREE
BALAAM IN THE NEW TESTAMENT

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY

BALAAM AND THE STAR OF THE MAGI
Tobias Nicklas
In Ulrich Luzs important commentary on the Gospel of Matthew the

following sentence can be found: ber den Stern ist sehr viel Tinte vergossen
worden.1 Luz is absolutely right: The interpretations of the mysterious
star, which according to Matt 2:112 leads the magi2 to the new-
born king of the Jews, are manifold andas far as I seeno consensus
about its meaning and background has been found yet.
Perhaps the different interpretations of the star can be best arranged
in correspondence to the questions which those interpretations actually
seek to answer.3
(1) How can the astronomical phenomenon told by Matthew be

explained on a historical or a scientific level?
It was the famous astronomer Johannes Kepler (15711630), who
first calculated that a conjunction of the planets Jupiter, Saturn and
Mars had taken place around the years 7 or 6 bce. For centuries this
constellationand several other phenomenahas been seen as proof
that the Gospel tells the truth.4 Many of explanations like this are in
1
U. Luz, Das Evangelium nach Matthus (EKK I/1), Zrich/Neukirchen-Vluyn 1985,
118.
2
The Greek term is likewise a problematic one. See, e.g., R.E. Brown, The
Birth of the Messiah: A Commentary on the Infancy Narratives in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke
(ABRL), New York 1993, 1678; W.D. Davies & D.C. Allison, Jr., The Gospel According to
Matthew I: I-VII (ICC), Edinburgh 1988, 22731, and J. Gnilka, Das Matthusevangelium
I: Kommentar zu Kap. 1,113,58 (HThKNT 1.1), Freiburg i.Br./Basel/Vienna 1986,
356.
3
I am sceptical of the attempts to reconstruct earlier sources of the scene, as for
example performed by J. Nolland, The Sources for Matthew 2:112, Catholic Biblical
Quarterly 60 (1998) 283300 (discussion of older literature!). Therefore I do not refer
to questions regarding such attempts.
4
See particularly E. Stauffer, Jesus: Gestalt und Geschichte, Zrich 1957, 346. In
our days cf., e.g., K. Ferrari-DOcchieppo, The Star of the Magi and Babylonian
Astronomy, in: E.M. Yamauchi & J. Vardaman (eds), Chronos, Kairos, Christos: Nativity
and Chronological Studies Presented to Jack Finegan, Winona Lake 1989, 4153; further
publications: 42n3. Another author, who votes for the historicity of the scene, is E.M.
Yamauchi, The Episode of the Magi, in: Idem & J. Vardaman (eds), Chronos, Kairos,
Christos, 1539. Among the recent commentaries at least that of H. Baarlink, Mattus I.
Een praktische bijbelverklaring, Kampen 1997, 3940, seems to be interested in this theory.

234 tobias nicklas
the line of Werner Kellers famous Und die Bibel hat doch recht!5holding
the objective that the truth of the Gospels must be defended on the
level of their historical reliability.6 These interpretations usually even
do not take into account that Matthew himself clearly speaks about a
miraculous star, which according to Matt 2:9 migrates from the North
to the South,7 what, of course, makes any astronomical explanation of
the phenomenon impossible in the first place. The roots of this debate
are old. Basically the main points of criticism have already been seen
by pagan critics of early Christianity, like Porphyry, who pointed to
the historical incompatibility of Matt 2:3 and Luke 2:39 (see frag. 12
at Epiphanius, Panarion 51.8).8 But, as I think, all kinds of more or
less desperate attempts to defend the historical accuracy of the events
told do not hit the gist of the issue. Matthews infancy stories want to
illustrate the significance of Jesus Christ, and they do this by the help
of characters, images and ideas taken from what we call the Old Tes-
tament. The claim of the text to tell the truth lies beyond the level of
historical correctnessthe Gospel wants to announce Jesus the Christ,
the son of David and son of Abraham (Matt 1:1).9
For a discussion of these interpretations see also Brown, Birth of the Messiah, 1713;
Luz, Matthus 1, 11516.
5
W. Keller, Und die Bibel hat doch recht! Forscher beweisen die historische Wahrheit des Alten
Testaments, Dsseldorf 1955. As far as I know, the last German edition of this book
was published in the year 2000.
6
Another point of critique should at least be mentioned. M. Hengel & H. Merkel,
Die Magier aus dem Osten und die Flucht nach gypten (Mt 2) im Rahmen der
antiken Religionsgeschichte und der Theologie des Matthus, in: P. Hoffmann et al.
(eds), Orientierung an Jesus: Zur Theologie der Synoptiker; Fr Josef Schmid, Freiburg i.Br. 1973,
13969, esp. 147, write: Zudem mte man, wenn man eine solche Erklrung vertritt,
der Astrologie, nmlich der Beziehung zwischen den Gestirnen und dem menschlichen
Einzelschicksal wie der Weltgeschichte, eine positive Bedeutung einrumen.
7
It was already John Chrysostom, Homiliae in Matthaeum 7:3 (PG 57.76) who pointed
out that Matthews star must have been a miraculous one. Among more recent titles see,
e.g., D. Hill, The Gospel of Matthew (NCeB), London 1972, 83; J. Schmid, Das Evangelium
nach Matthus (RNT), Regensburg 19655, 46. H. Frankemlle, Matthuskommentar, vol. 1,
Dsseldorf 1994, 166, clearly states: Alle gelehrigen Spekulationen astronomischer Art
ber eine mgliche Sternkonjunktion scheitern am matthischen Text.
8
The textits attribution to Porphyry is open to disputeis printed in A. v.
Harnack, Porphyrius, Gegen die Christen, 15 Bcher: Zeugnisse, Fragmente und Referate (APAW.
PH 1), Berlin 1916, 4950. Cf. also T.D. Barnes, Porphyry Against the Christians: Date
and Attribution of the Fragments, Journal of Theological Studies 24 (1973) 42442;
A. Meredith, Porphyry and Julian Against the Christians, Aufstieg und Niedergang der
rmischen Welt II.23.2 (1980) 111949, esp. 1130; H. Merkel, Die Widersprche zwischen
den Evangelien: Ihre polemische und apologetische Behandlung in der Alten Kirche bis zu Augustin
(WUNT 13), Tbingen 1971, 17, and J.G. Cook, The Interpretation of the New Testament
in Greco-Roman Paganism (STAC 3), Tbingen 2000, 1378.
9
Of course, this is no contradiction to the claim of the text to tell the truth. For an

balaam and the star of the magi 235
Therefore attempts which try to explain the motive of the star on a

level of Traditionsgeschichte or Religionsgeschichte seem to be much more
promising. Then the question can be formulated as follows.
(2) Which ideas did the author of Matt 2:111 connect with the motive
of the star? Does he allude to Num 24:17?
Again, several answers of this question have been givenlet me
address at least some of them.10
(a) Ancient literature sometimes relates the birth and/or the death
of an important person to astral phenomena.11 Several interpreters of
Matthew 2 refer to a scene in (ps-)Kallisthenes Romance of Alexander the
Great 1.12, which can be dated to the 2nd or 3rd century ce.12 While
Alexanders mother Olympias is in labour pains, the Egyptian Nek-
tanebo13 watches the constellation of the stars and influences it through
his magical power. The child must not be born before the stars indicate
the birth of the new ruler of the world. The theoretical background
of this account can be found in ancient astronomical and astrological
books, for example in Claudios Ptolemaios Tetrabiblos (ca. 100178 ce;
Alexandria); or in the Anthologies of his Antiochian contemporary Vettius
Valens. Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis 6.1 (4th century; Syracuse), writes
about constellations of stars, which point to the birth of kings,14 while
Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia 2.28ff., gives examples of particular
astral phenomena which accompanied important historical incidents.
But Matthew seems to point into a very different direction than the
interpretation see T. Hieke, Biblos GeneseosMt 1,1 vom Buch Genesis her gelesen,
in: J.-M. Auwers & H.J. De Jonge (eds), The Biblical Canons (BEThL 163), Leuven 2003,
63550; Idem, Die Genealogien der Genesis (HBS 39), Freiburg i.Br. 2003, 28892.
10
For a detailed overview see T. Holtmann, Die Magier vom Osten und der Stern: Mt
2,112 im Kontext frhchristlicher Traditionen (MThSt 87), Marburg 2005.
11
Cf. for example D. Senior, Matthew (Abingdon New Testament Commentaries),
Nashville 1998, 45; W. Wiefel, Das Evangelium nach Matthus (ThHNT 1), Leipzig 1998,
37, or M.E. Boring & F.B. Craddock, The Peoples New Testament Commentary, Louisville/
London 2004, 16. J. Schmid, Matthus, 46, sees connections to the Babylonian belief
in stars.
12
For the older sources of such a motive see, for example, H. Van Thiel, Leben und
Taten Alexanders von Makedonien, Darmstadt 1974, xiiixxi. For the date see the stylistic and
grammatical observations made by K. Wyss, Untersuchungen zur Sprache des Alexanderromans
von Pseudo-Kallisthenes (Laut- und Formenlehre des Codex A), Freiburg/CH 1942.
13
According to Alexander Romance 1.1.3 Nektanebo, a former king, is Alexanders
real father.
14
More material is presented by G. Mussies, Some Astrological Presuppositions of
Matthew 2: Oriental, Classical and Rabbinical Parallels, in: P. van der Horst (ed.),
Aspects of Religious Contact and Conflict in the Ancient World (Utrechtse Theologische Reeks
31), Utrecht 1995, 2544, esp. 35n63.

236 tobias nicklas
texts mentioned above.15 He is not interested in a constellation of stars;

he even does not describe the star in any detail; he just speaks about
his star (2:2).16 Additionally, Matthews text does not give any evidence
of the idea that the messiahs birth in Bethlehem could be dependent on
a special combination of stars.
(b) The expression his star perhaps relates better to the ancient idea
that everybody has his star, which begins to shine at his birth and fades
at his death.17 In this context often the stories about Mithridates IV
Eupator in Pompejus Trogus Philippical History are mentionedthey are
preserved in excerpts in Justinus Junianus, Historiarum Philippicarum libri
XLIV 37.2.13.18 According to this text, the kings birth and his taking
of power are accompanied by great celestial phenomena. However,
the text never clearly speaks about his star. Moreover, it describes
a comet greater than the sun, which fills the sky for seventy days.19
Perhaps a note in the Scriptores historiae Augustae concerning the birth of
Alexander Severus (reigned from 222 to 235 ce) is a better parallel.
According to this text at the emperors birth a new star of great mag-
nitude shone above his fathers house in Arca Caesarea (13.5).20 But,
again, the autonomy of Matthews text can be seen easily. Matthew
speaks about the rising of the star and he describes it as his star, but
does not mention its size or its brightness. And besides, nothing in the
aforementioned texts reminds us of the idea that a star leads people
to a new-born king.
(c) Thus, often the attempt has been made to find a background
of the motive in biblical texts. Mainly the story of Balaam, Numbers
2224, and here, of course, especially Num 24:17 are mentioned regu-
15
But it is indeed possible that the astrological texts have older roots or go back
to older ideas.
16
See already Hengel & Merkel, Magier aus dem Osten, 147.
17
See for example Hengel & Merkel, Magier aus dem Osten, 148; Luz, Matthus 1,
11819; P. Bonnard, Lvangile selon Saint Matthieu (Commentaire du Nouveau Testament),
Genve 1992, 25.
18
The Philippical History (midst of the 1st century bce) only partly has survived.
19
Another very vague parallel could possibly be seen in Philostratus account of
Apollonios of Tyanas birth (Vita Apollonii 1.5), where a flash of lightning lights up. This
story is mentioned by W. Carter, Matthew and the Margins: A Socio-Political and Religious
Reading ( JSNT.S 204), Sheffield 2000, 76.
20
Historia Augusta: Rmische Herrschergestalten I: Von Hadrianus bis Alexander Severus,
translated by E. Hohl; edited by E. Merten & A. Rsger (Bibliothek der Alten Welt
Rmische Reihe), Zrich/Munich 1976, 319. A late midrash about Abrahams star is
mentioned by H. Strack & P. Billerbeck, Das Evangelium nach Matthus erlutert aus Talmud
und Midrasch, Munich 1922, 778.

larly: A star shall come out of Jacob, and a sceptre shall rise out of
Israel.21 It is surely not necessary to discuss the different witnesses
of messianic interpretations of Num 24:17 in ancient Judaism here.22
Of course, these messianic interpretations make an intertextual rela-
tionship between Matthew 2 and Num 24:17 particularly plausible. But
the connections between Num 24:17 and Matthew 2 are so unclear
that the question, whether Matthew alludes to Numbers or not, is still
discussed controversially. The following arguments can be found:
Num 24:17 and Matt 2:112 are too different to allow a connection
between both texts.23 If Matthew wanted to allude to Num 24:17,
why did he not mark this allusion more clearly,24 as he does in other
cases?25 Another argument is that the Matthean star signalizes the
coming of Jesus, while Balaams star is an image for the Messiah
himself.26 Finally, on the whole Matthew does not seem to have been
interested in the book of Numbers too much.
Of course, Matthew does not clearly allude to Num 24:17, but,
nevertheless, parallels to the Balaam-scene can be found. The clear-
est points are the words for star and its rise in the LXX version
21
Many authors assume an intertextual relationship to Num 24:17 without further
argumentation. See, e.g., W.F. Albright & C.S. Mann, Matthew (AncB), Garden City 1971,
1415; Bonnard, Matthieu, 25; D.J. Harrington, The Gospel of Matthew (Sacra Pagina 1),
Collegeville 1991, 42; Hill, Matthew, 82; R. Schnackenburg, Matthusevangelium 1,116,20
(NEB.NT 1), Wrzburg 1985, 23; B.T. Viviano, The Movement of the Star: Matt 2:9
and Num 9:17, Revue biblique 103 (1996) 5864, esp. 58 and 60 (here the whole scene
is interpreted as a midrashic comment on Num 24:17).
22
See, e.g., the articles by F. Garca Martnez, S. Beyerle, and R. Nikolsky in this
volume.
23
Senior, Matthew, 45, mainly emphasizes the contrasts between the two scenes,
while Luz, Matthus 1, 115, writes: Wrtliche Reminiszenzen an die Bileamgeschichte
von Num 24,17 fehlen in 2,112 so gut wie vllig.
24
Cf., e.g., Mussies, Some Astrological Presuppositions, 267; Yamauchi, Episode
of the Magi, 23.
25
But see also Davies & Allison, Matthew I, 235, who write: Why does Matthew
not cite Num 24.17? This question, often raised especially by those wishing to find
the source of Mt 2.112 in history, not haggadic imagination, has a simple answer.
The formula quotations in Mt 2 serve the chapters geographical orientation and
what cannot be said of Num 24.17each contains a place nameBethlehem, Egypt,
Ramah, Nazareth.
26
See, e.g., Mussies, Some Astrological Presuppositions, 27; C.S. Keener,
A Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew, Grand Rapids/Cambridge 1999, 1012n83.
But see also Gnilka, Matthusevangelium I, 37, who states: Man wendet gegen diese
Deutung ein, da fr Bileam der Stern fr die Person des Messias stehe, whrend er
in der Magier-Perikope als dessen Zeichen aufgefat sei. Jedoch ist auch fr Bileam
der Stern ein Bild.

238 tobias nicklas
of Numbers (Num 24:17a LXX: ; Matt

2:2b: ). The Matthean
magi come from the East as Balaam does ( Num 23:7
LXX; see also Num 22:5),27 although they do not want to curse
Israel, but worship the new king of the Jews. At the end of the
story it is told that Balaam went off to his home (Num 24:25) and
the magi went away to their own country.28 Moreover, Philo, De
vita Mosis 1:276277, is a witness to the idea that Balaam was seen
as a magician.29 And, finally, some scholars see a parallel between
Herod and the Moabite king Balak.30
The situation can thus be described in the following way: of course,

it is possible that Matthew alluded to Num 24:17. But, as far as I see,
there is no argument at hand, which is able to prove this thesis with
certainty.31 In my eyes, Matthews text is simply too open here.32 Now I
could try to give new weight to old arguments and decide for one case
or the other. I do not think that such a procedure would lead much
further. One should remember that a great deal of the arguments
mentioned above can already be found in David Friedrich Strausss
famous Leben Jesu (first edition 1835).33 Therefore I think that it could
be much more interesting to formulate new questions and start a new
search from new perspectives.
(3) Is it meaningful to connect the image of the star in Matt 2:112 with
the one in Num 24:17 and to read Matt 2:112 against the background
27
This connection is mentioned by Frankemlle, Matthuskommentar I, 166; Gnilka,
Matthusevangelium I, 37; Hengel & Merkel, Magier aus dem Osten, 144; Schweizer,
Das Evangelium nach Matthus (NTD 2), Gttingen 1973, 17, and Wiefel, Matthus, 37.
28
See also Brown, Birth of the Messiah, 196. Brown mainly works with a reconstructed
pre-Matthean account.
29
See also Brown, Birth of the Messiah, 193; Gnilka, Matthusevangelium I, 37.
30
Cf. Brown, Birth of the Messiah, 194; G.W. Buchanan, The Gospel of Matthew (The
Mellen Biblical Commentary), Lewiston/Queenston/Lampeter 1992, 87.
31
Although he emphasizes the parallels between Matthew 2 and the Balaam/
Balak-scene D.A. Hagner, Matthew 113 (WBC), Dallas 1993, 25, finally also comes
to the same result.
32
See also M. Mayordomo-Marn, Den Anfang hren: Leserorientierte Evangelienexegese
am Beispiel von Matthus 12 (FRLANT 180), Gttingen 1998, 286, who writes: [ D]ie
Bezugnahme [wird] nur ungengend markiert, der Umfang des bernommenen
Materials auf sprachlicher Ebene ist sehr gering.
33
See D.F. Strauss, Das Leben Jesu fr das deutsche Volk bearbeitet, Leipzig 1874,
36875.

of Balaams oracle? Which potential meanings can be won by such a

reading of Matt 2:112?
Question 3 is a reformulation of question 2, with a few important
changes and shifts.
(a) The term allusion is replaced by the wider idea of image.34
(b) The ancient perspective of a historical author as a human being
of flesh and blood, who created a text, is replaced by a readers per-
spective. I am not interested in empirical readers or the first readers
of the Gospel of Matthew here.35 I am moreover concerned with
the possibility to construct a reading process of the text in the frame
of a Christian Bible. Thus, I assume a model reader in the sense of
Umberto Ecos definition of the term.36
(c) Simultaneously, I do not ask which particular meaning a histori-
cal author at a special point of time wanted to communicate by the
means of his text. Moreover, I am interested in potential meanings
(Sinnpotentiale), which result from an intertextual connection between
Matt 2:112 and Num 24:17. In this context I assume a dynamic idea
of the meaning of texts, while I do not want to deny the existence of
certain limits of interpretation.37
But now back to the text and its interpretation. Matt 2:112 is charac-
terized by two oppositions. On the one hand, there is king Herod, the
Idumean, the illegitimate king of Israel. On the other hand, there is
the announced ruler, the shepherd of my people Israel (Matt 2:6; cf.
2 Sam 5:2), who is also the Davidic ruler. Since the very first lines of
34
For a discussion of the term allusion see for example G. Reim, Jochanan: Erweiterte
Studien zum alttestamentlichen Hintergrund des Johannesevangeliums, Erlangen 1995, 978, who
distinguishes between offensichtlichen, wahrscheinlichen und mglichen Anspielungen.
For a detailed discussion of the relationship between the terms allusion, metaphor
and image see R. Zimmermann, Jesus im Bild Gottes: Anspielungen auf das Alte
Testament im Johannesevangelium am Beispiel der Hirtenbildfelder in Joh 10, in:
J. Frey & U. Schnelle (eds), Kontexte des Johannesevangeliums: Das vierte Evangelium in religions-
und traditionsgeschichtlicher Perspektive (WUNT 175), Tbingen 2004, 82116, esp. 94100.
35
Regarding this question see, e.g., Mayordomo-Marn, Den Anfang hren.
36
See U. Eco, Im Wald der Fiktionen: Sechs Streifzge durch die Literatur; Munich 1999,
19: eine Art Ideal-Leser, den der Text nicht nur als Mitarbeiter vorsieht, sondern
such auch zu erschaffen versucht. More detailed Idem, Lector in Fabula: Die Mitarbeit der
Interpretation in erzhlenden Texten, Munich 1998, 6181. Of course, I am also fully aware
of the problems of speaking about a Christian Bible. See the detailed discussion of
the problem in T. Hieke & T. Nicklas, Die Worte der Prophetie dieses Buches: Offenbarung
22,621 als Schlussstein der christlichen Bibel Alten und Neuen Testaments gelesen (BThSt 62),
Neukirchen-Vluyn 2003, 91108 and 11324.
37
Cf. U. Eco, Grenzen der Interpretation, Munich/Vienna 1992.

240 tobias nicklas
the Gospel it is clear that Jesus is seen as the son of David and that he
cannot be understood without his roots in Israels history. The second
opposition is deeply connected with the first one. Herod represents Jeru-
salem, the place where the magi come first,38 but where they do not find
the new-born king. Jesus, however, represents the destination of their
search, Davids city, Bethlehem. The magi first are standing outside of
this opposition. Their quest for the King of the Jews (Matt 2:2) reveals
their non-Jewish perspective39 and shows that they connect the rise of
the star with the birth of a king of the Jews. Matt 2:2 moreover makes
clear that they come with good intention:40 they want to worship the
new-born king. How can the meaning of the text be described when
it is read against the background of Balaams oracle?
First, Num 24:17 seems to be a more plausible background when both
parts of the parallelism a star shall come out of Jacob, and a sceptre
shall rise out of Israel are connected with two different events, which,
however, belong together. When the star comes out of Jacob, then a
special scepter will rise in Israel. Jesus thus needs not to be identified
with the starhe moreover is the new-born king, whose scepter rises
out of Israel when the star rises. This meaning is even more plausible
when Num 24:17 is also connected with the story about Davids victories
told in 2 Sam 8:114. This would correspond well to Matthews idea
that Jesus is Davids son. Herods reaction, who according to Matt 2:4
asks, where the messiah (and not just any king of Israel) will be born,
also is much more plausible, when the connection between star and
king has a messianic background.
But I do not think that it is really helpful to identify the positive
figures of the Matthean magi with Balaam.41 I also do not think that
Herods role really corresponds to that of the Moabite king Balak.42
38
Perhaps it is interesting to note that Isa 7:14 cited in Matt 1:23 is connected to
Jerusalem, too. Now the text corrects assumptions that the Immanuel could be born
in Jerusalem. I am grateful to Ulrich Berges for this helpful advice.
39
See also Matt 8:11, which speaks about many who will come from the East and
the West who will eat with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. This text also seems to point
to pagans (see also Frankemlle, Matthuskommentar I, 166). My argumentation is con-
trary to Albright & Mann, Matthew, 16, who do not think that the magi have to be
interpreted as pagans.
40
In other biblical texts the term magi bears negative associations. See Dan [ Th]
4:7; 5:15; Acts 13:6,8; cf. also Acts 19:19 etc.
41
Contrary, e.g., to Brown, Birth of the Messiah, 1945. This is mainly due to the
point that early Judaism interpreted Balaam mainly in negative terms.
42
Contrary, e.g., to Brown, Birth of the Messiah, 194.

Herod moreover can be interpreted as a rival of the newborn king, an

illegitimate king. Perhaps it is possible to identify himthe Idumean
with Edom in Num 24:18, one of Israels enemies. Then the text can
be understood in a way that his power will find an end when the
prophesied scepter rises in Israel.
Simultaneously Israel does valiantly (Num 24:18b), what already can
be seen in Matthews account: when they observe the star again, the
magi are filled with great (eschatological) joy (Matt 2:10).43 Led by the
star they find the house and worship the child with gifts, which are due
to the Savior-King at the time of the eschatological pilgrimage of the
nations (Isa 60).44 Perhaps this understanding of the scene could also
add a little piece to Matthews picture of Israel.45 The magi represent
the nations which begin to worship the newborn king of the Jews, the
messiah of Israel whose roots can be found in Davids royal house.
But if the text is really read as an echo to the Balaam-Balak scene, that
possibly also means that Israel is blessed by God and these blessings
cannot be taken away from Israel (Num 23:8; 24:1a, 9b).
Thus, I am convinced that it really makes sense to connect Matt
2:112 with Balaams oracle. I am sure that my short interpretation has
not exhausted all potential meanings of the text. I also do not want to
state that this interpretation really was intended by the historical author
of the text, but I think that it is an adequate one. A fourth question
could be added.
(4) How do ancient interpretations of Matt 2:112 understand the

motive of the star?
Of course, such a question never can be answered in an exhaus-
tive manner.46 But perhaps it is interesting to follow some lines of the
43
See, e.g., Davies & Allison, Matthew I, 247; A. Sand, Das Evangelium nach Matthus
(RNT), Regensburg 1986, 51.
44
For a more detailed interpretation of the presents cf. H. Kruse, Gold und
Weihrauch und Myrrhe (Mt 2,11), Mnchener Theologische Zeitschrift 46 (1995) 20313,
esp. 2039, and J. Kgler, Gold, Weihrauch und Myrrhe. Eine Notiz zu Mt 2,11,
Biblische Notizen 87 (1997) 2433.
45
Regarding the relationship between Israel and the Church in the Gospel of
Matthew see now P. Fiedler, Israel bleibt Israel: berlegungen zum Kirchenverstndnis
des Matthus, in: R. Kampling (ed.), Dies ist das Buch . . . : Das Matthusevangelium.
InterpretationRezeptionRezeptionsgeschichte; Fr Hubert Frankemlle, Paderborn 2004,
4973.
46
See, e.g., Holtmann, Magier vom Osten; G. Dorival, Un astre se lvera de Jacob :
Linterprtation ancienne de Nombres 24,17, Annali di storia dellesegesi 13 (1996)

242 tobias nicklas
interpretation of the star in ancient Christian texts. Perhaps it is most

interesting to concentrate on texts which make the connection with
Num 24:17 explicit:
It is already Justin, Dialogus cum Tryphone 106.4, who shows that it is
perfectly possible to identify Christ with the star and simultaneously
to interpret the star as a sign for Jesus birth. Justin clearly cites Num
24:17 (plus Zech 6:12)47 and explains that the magi knew Jesus because
of the star, which rose at his birth. Perhaps Justins interpretation here
relies on older traditions;48 he at least seems to presuppose the magis
origin in Arabia quite naturally.49 An explicit citation of Num 24:17
also can be found at Irenaeus of Lyon (Adversus haereses 3.9.2),50 while
Hippolyt in his Commentary on Daniel speaks about the rise of the star
.51
Origens interpretation of the scene (Contra Celsum 1.60) is a witness
to the idea that Jesus birth brings an end to all demonic and magical
powers. When the magicians had noticed that their magic powers
were fading and looked for the reason of this, they had seen a heavenly
sign which they interpreted with the help of Balaams oracle. Here the
reason for the magis prostration is obviously the newborn kings power
over the demons (cf. similarly, e.g., Hieronymus, In Iesaiam 7.9.24). But
there is another question which had to be resolved: How did the magi
get to know about the significance of the star? Balaam and the magi
had to be connected somewhat: the first witness to this idea is already
Origen, Homiliae in Numeros 13.7 who interpreted the magi as descen-
dants of Balaam (see also Homiliae in Numeros 15.4).52
295352, and J. Leemans article in this volume. Cf. also W.A. Schulze, Zur Geschichte
der Auslegung von Matth. 2,112, Theologische Zeitschrift 31 (1975) 15060, and B.M.
Metzger, Names for the Nameless in the New Testament: A Study in the Growth of
Christian Tradition, in: P. Granfield & J.A. Jungmann (eds), Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes
Quasten I, Mnster 1970, 7999, esp. 7986.
47
The textual form of the citation is interesting. Justin reads:
. For a discussion see Dorival, Astre, 310.
48
It is, however, not absolutely clear whether Justin here refers to the canonical
Gospel of Matthew or to an early Gospel harmony. Cf., e.g., M.-. Boismard, Le
Diatessaron: De Tatien Justin (tB N.S. 15), Paris 1992; D. Barthlemy, Justin et le texte
de la Bible, in: Justin Martyr. Ouvres Completes, Paris 1994, 36977.
49
For an overview of the different speculations about the magis origin, cf. Brown,
Birth of the Messiah, 16870.
50
More detailed: Dorival, Astre, 31112.
51
The attribution to Hippolyt of Rome is uncertain. Another proposal is to attribute
it to a second Hippolyt, an Oriental bishop. More detailed cf. B.R. Suchla, Hippolyt,
Lexikon der antiken christlichen Literatur, 3rd edn. (2002) 3369, esp. 337.
52
Other witnesses to this idea are Eusebius of Caesarea, Gregor of Nyssa, Diodor

New aspects can be found when we leave Graeco-Latin literature.53

The Cave of Treasures (or Spelunca Thesaurorum) is a Syriac text, which
probably was written in Mesopotamia during the 6th century and later
translated into many languages.54 A part of the wider circle of apocry-
phal Literature on Adam and Eve, it tells the history of the world from the
creation to the crucifixion of the Lord. The Syriac text is transmitted in
two recensions, an oriental (MS Or.) and an occidental one (MS Oc.).55
A long passage (chapters 4546) retells the scene of the magi and also
contains a lengthy reflection of the role of the star. At first sight the text
does not seem to connect the scene with Balaams oracle.56 According
to MS Or. 45:2, the star appears two years before Christs birth.57 At
once its outstanding beauty attracts attention, and, besides, within the
star a crowned young maiden carrying a child can be seen (45:23).58
The magi and the whole land of Persia (45:5; MS Or. here is longer
than MS Oc.) are disturbed by the appearance of such a star. The
magi, as they are used to do, consult the signs of the Zodiac (45:4, 9).
Reading the Revelation of Nimrud59 (45:11) they discover that this
of Tarsos, Johannes of Damascus et al. More detailed cf. Dorival, Astre, 31415, and
J. Leemans in this volume.
53
I had no access to a whole text (or a translation) of the Armenian Infancy Gospel.
A summary of the long magi-scene of this text can be found at Schulze, Geschichte
der Auslegung, 151.
54
For a short introduction see, e.g., P. Bruns, Spelunca Thesaurorum/Schatzhhle,
Lexikon der antiken christlichen Literatur, 3rd edn. (2002) 64950.
55
A detailed description of the transmission of the text can be found at A. Su-Min
Ri, La Caverne des Trsors: Les deux recensions syriaques (CSCO 486; Scriptores Syri 207),
Leuven 1987, vixxii.
56
That does not mean that there are no connections to the Old Testament. The
third magos, called Perzdh, the king of Sheba in the East, tells that he had studied
at a Jewish school and read the book of Isaiah. Christs birth should be seen as fulfill-
ment of Isa 9:6 and 7:14.
57
This is surely due to the idea that the magi have to find enough time to inves-
tigate the meaning of the star and to go to Jerusalem, where according to the text
they arrive eight days after Jesus birth. Because of Matt 2:16 other authors argued
that the magi did not arrive before Jesus was in his second year. See, e.g., Ephraem,
De nativitate 26.2.12.
58
For parallels see U. Monneret de Villard, Le leggende orientali sui magi evangelici
(Studi e Testi 163), Citt del Vaticano 1952, 74n2. For a possible parallel in Ephraems
Commentary to the Diatessaron see more detailed A. De Halleux, Ladoration des mages
dans le commentaire syriaque du Diatessaron, Muson 104 (1991) 25164. E.A. Wallis
Budge, The Book of the Cave of Treasures, London 1927, 205, also refers to the 38th
chapter of the Book of the Bee (Armenia, 13th century), where the star because of its
size and its peculiar way is interpreted as a mysterious power. Cf. also Metzger, Names
for the Nameless, 84.
59
Regarding the signs of the Zodiac and the Revelation of Nimrud A. Su-Min
Ri, Commentaire de la Caverne des Trsors: tude sur lhistoire du texte et de ses sources (CSCO

244 tobias nicklas
star refers to a king of Juda. Here Balaam perhaps enters the story
again. Chapter 35, a part of the account about Salomos deeds, tells
that Salomo at the foot of the mountain Ser finds an altar (35:15ff.),
which had been built by envoys of the giant Nimrud60 (35:18). These
envoys had been sent to Balaam, the priest of the mountain,61 when he
wanted to consult the signs of the Zodiac (35:19). So Balaam here is
seen as an expert in magical sciences who later also had to be consulted
by the magi when they wanted to understand the sign of the star. Is
Balaam here already paralleled to Zoroaster, the inventor of magic
(see, e.g., Pseudo-Clement, Recognitions 4.27.3.62 For Zoroaster as
cf. already Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 1.15.69)?63
These lines are developed further in the Arabian Life of Jesus, which
usually is titled Arabian Infancy Gospel.64 This work probably was written
in Syriac.65 Perhaps a first version of it goes back to the 5th century.
The text often is dated quite vaguely into the 6th century.66 The title
581; Subsidia 103), Leuven 2000, 447, writes: La Caverne a condamn la magie, les
incantations, les prsages, le chaldasme, les sorts, les vnements accidentels et les
destins en tant quenseignements de Satan (26.9) et une liste analogue avec les signes
du zodiaque concerne lintervetion du prtre Idashir, un lve de Nemrod (27.17).
Mais la rvlation de Nemrod est carte de cette condamnation, car elle provient de
lenseignement du quatrime fils de No (27.19).
60
For an overview of ancient perspectives on Nimrud, see C. Uehlinger, Nimrod,
in: K. van der Toorn et al. (eds), Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, Leiden
1999, 62730, and K. van der Toorn & P.W. van der Horst, Nimrod Before and
After the Bible, Harvard Theological Review 83 (1990) 129. The figure probably has
its roots in a Mesopotamian God of fertility, Ninurta. In the Bible it is mentioned in
Gen 10:812.
61
The connection between Balaam and the mountain Ser could be concluded from
the Peshitta version of Num 22:5 and 23:7. Cf. Su-Min Ri, Commentaire, 3912.
62
For a detailed introduction see, e.g., M. Vielberg, Klemens in den pseudoklementinischen
Rekognitionen: Studien zur literarischen Form des sptantiken Romans (TU 145), Berlin 2000,
1069.
63
In this context the names of the envoys who built the altar are possbily interesting,
too. Su-Min Ri, Commentaire, 395, writes: Le premier et le deuxime nom commencent
par Pir , du grec feu:les mages, en effet, sont connus come prtres du feu et
pour cette raison ils sont appels .
64
For an analogous use of the title C. Genequand, Vie de Jsus en Arabe, in:
F. Bovon & P. Geoltrain (eds), crits apocryphes chrtiens I, Paris 1997, 20538.
65
A Coptic version was edited by E.A. Wallis Budge, The History of the Blessed Virgin
Mary and the History of the Likeness of Christ, 2 vols, London 1899.
66
Cf. G. Schneider, Evangeliae Infantiae Apocrypha: Apocryphe Kindheitsgeschichten (FC 18),
Freiburg i.Br. 1995, 55, who refers to J. Michl, Evangelien II: Apokryphe Evangelien,
Lexikon fr Theologie und Kirche, 2nd edn., 3 (1959) 121733, esp. 1223. O. Cullmann,
Kindheitsevangelien, in: W. Schneemelcher (ed.), Neutestamentliche Apokryphen I: Evangelien,
Tbingen 19906, 33072, esp. 3656, and A. De Santos Otero, Los Evangelios Apcrifos.
Edicin crtica y bilinge, Madrid 199910, 3013, as far as I see, give no date.

infancy gospel is due to the fact that the more well-known of two
Arabian manuscripts of the text,67 MS Or. 350 of the Bibliotheca
Bodmeriana, indeed just refers to events from the time before Jesus
public activity. However, the second manuscript, Codex Orientalis 32
from the Bibliotheca Laurenziana/Florenz (according to the colophon
copied during the year 1299 in Mardin), which was not published
before 1973, from chapter 42 on has further material reaching until
ascension and Pentecost.68 I want to concentrate on a short passage
in the text of the Florence manuscript. This text starts with an oracle
of Zaradusht (Zarathustra), who is seen as the founder of magic (1:1).
Zaradusht foresees Jesus birth, his crucifixion, resurrection and ascen-
sion. He also refers to the star as a sign for Jesus birth. The focus of
the text is put on the brilliance of the star which is identified with an
angel of the Lord. Perhaps this idea could be developed out of Luke
2:9, where the angel of the Lord appears to the shepherds and the
glory of the Lord shines around them. In this case, the text possibly
harmonizes the Matthean and the Lucan account. Lukes angel, who
leads the shepherds to Betlehem, is identified with the star leading
the magi. After the end of Zaradushts prophecy, however, a strange
sentence can be found:69
The speech [of Zaradusht] was in the form of a prophecy. Joshua, the
son of Nun, the Metropolit, said that this Zaradusht was Balaam, the
astrologer, and that his prophecy would be fulfilled at the end of times.
Several lines of interpretation are connected here. The text wants to
explain how the pagan magi had the chance to get their knowledge
about the birth of the newborn king of the Jews. Therefore it connects
the magi with the magician Zaradusht, it links the star with Balaams
oracle, and, finally, identifies Balaam with Zaradushta really amazing
exegesis of Matthew 2!70
67
Editio princeps: H. Sike, Evangelium Infantiae vel liber apocryphus de Infantia Salvatoris, Utrecht
1697. Most of the later editions and translations of the text rely on this edition.
68
M.E. Provera, Il vangelo arabe dellinfanzia secondo il ms. Laurenziano Orientale (n. 387),
Jerusalem 1973.
69
According to the transcription of Provera, Il vangelo arabe, 67.
70
For other witnesses of this peculiar connection of ideas cf. Monneret de Villard,
Le leggende orientali, 1257. See, e.g., Theodor bar Konais Liber scholium (end of 8th century
CE), and the commentaries of Ishodad of Merw (9th century) and BarHebraeus
(d. 1286). Monneret de Villard, Le leggende orientali, 1268, moreover points to the
lexicographer Isobar Ali ed Abul-Hasan bar Bahlul, but quotes only Payne-Smith,
col. 539f.

246 tobias nicklas
Conclusion
(1) I cannot give a safe answer to the question whether Matthew really
used the Balaam oracle when he produced the magi-scene and I think
that such an answer is simply not possible. If there is a reference,
Matthew did not mark it obviously enough. But I also think that a
reading which connects Matt 2:112 with Balaams oracle makes very
good sense. There is perhaps one more point in favour of such a read-
ing. From its very first sentences Matthews Gospel is interwoven with
intertextual references to what we call the Old Testament, references
on very different levels such as (marked) citations, allusions, the use of
names, and images, to mention only a few. I think that the Matthean
text creates readers who first look for the impact of the marked inter-
textual references, but then are led by their discoveries to search for
more and more other kinds of intertextual references. The text thus
wants to be read several timesby readers who gradually find deeper
sense every time when they read it.
(2) The question, whether Matt 2:112 should be interpreted against

the background of Balaams oracle was asked from at least the second
century on. And from these early times both lines of interpretation can
be found: several authors interpreted Matt 2:112 without showing
an explicit interest in Num 24:17;71 other authors bound both texts
in very different ways together. Sometimes they were interested in
filling in the gaps in the story like the unanswered questions where
the magi exactly came from and how they received their mysterious
knowledge about the significance of the star. At least in some cases
these examples of exegesis helped to adapt the story to new contexts.
This seems especially the case with the identification of Balaam with
Zoroaster. Very often they formed the starting point for asking new
questions and recognizing new riddles, and gave the impulse for new
creative forms of interpretation.72
71
I have not mentioned the manifold interpretations of the magi scene which do
not refer explicitly to Balaam traditions. The first author who possibly alluded to
Matthews star without mentioning Num 24:17 was Ignatius of Antioch, Letter to the
Ephesians 19.2, but the allusion is far from clear.
72
I am grateful that the members of the bijbelse atelier at Nijmegen University
discussed an earlier version this article in detail and helped me to develop my ideas.
I also wish to thank my friend Thomas J. Kraus who not just helped to improve my
thoughts but also my English.

BALAAM IN REVELATION 2:14
Jan Willem van Henten
1. Introduction
Jesus Christs edict to his community in Pergamum (Rev 2:1217)

includes a brief passage about Balaam:
But I have a few things against you: you have some there who hold to
the teaching of Balaam, who taught Balak to put a stumbling block before
the people of Israel, so that they would eat food sacrificed to idols and
practice fornication. (Rev 2:14)1
The fixed form of the Pergamum edict helps us to determine the func-
tion of the Balaam passage in its immediate context. Repetitions of the
relevant vocabulary as well as the syntactic connection between Rev
2:14 and 2:15 suggest that the Balaam figure is connected with the
Jezebel referred to in the edict to Thyatira (Rev 2:2021) as well as with
the Nicolaitans mentioned in Rev 2:6, 15. All three names, Balaam,
Jezebel and the Nicolaitans, are associated with a specific instruction,
whereas only the Balaam and Jezebel figures are accused of eating food
sacrificed to idols as well as fornication (Rev 2:14, 20). Revelations
text offers no explanation whom the symbolic name of Balaam may
refer to. This implies that its possible meaning can only be inferred
from the nature of the accusation in 2:14, the parallel passages about
Jezebel and the Nicolaitans as well as the context. I intend to discuss,
in this brief contribution, the form of the letter to the Jesus believers
in Pergamum and its literary context, the specific reproach that refers
to Balaam, as well as the connections with Num 24:14; 25:16 and
31:16, which may have been taken up in Rev 2:14. Finally, I will briefly
discuss three possible avenues for contextualising the Balaam passage
in the multi-ethnic milieu of Asia during the early empire.2
1
Unless stated otherwise the translations from the Bible have been taken from the
New Revised Standard Version (NRSV). I warmly thank Emma England for correcting
my English and making helpful suggestions.
2
As is well-known, there is no communis opinio on the date of Revelation, although
the majority view is that the work was composed during the final years of the first

248 jan willem van henten
2. Literary Context
Revelation has, as most scholars acknowledge, a mixed literary form.3

The work shares generic characteristics with prophecies as well as
apocalypses, but it presents itself to its readers as a letter in its opening
and concluding sections (Rev 1:18; 22:621). The seven letters to the
seven communities of Asia (Rev 2:13:22) are introduced in Rev 1:45.
This passage partly resembles the beginning of a letter from somebody
belonging to the Jesus movement: John to the seven communities that
are in Asia. Grace to you and peace from him . . . (Rev 1:4a). Rev
1:45 indicates, as the seven individual letters in 2:13:22 do, that the
letters to the seven communities in Asia are special because of their
origin: they are based on a revelation from Jesus Christ and reflect his
indisputable authority.4 The seven letters can, therefore, be considered
edicts from Jesus Christ, who is indicated with a symbolic formula at
the beginning of the letters (2:1, 8, 12, 18; 3:1, 7, 14). The opening
of the edict to Pergamum reads: And to the angel of the community
in Pergamum write: These are the words of him who has the sharp
two-edged sword (Rev 2:12). The symbolic formula in this verse links
up with the description of the angelomorphic figure whom John sees in
Rev 1:1316. The figure most probably refers to Jesus Christ and has
a sharp two-edged sword coming from his mouth (1:16).5
Jesus Christs seven edicts in Revelation 23 are part of the first
section of the visionary body of Revelation. This section is introduced
with Johns note that he was entranced with the Lords spirit (1:10).6
century CE. See for a detailed survey of various dates D.E. Aune, Revelation (World
Biblical Commentary 52AC), Dallas, Texas/Nashville: Word Books/Thomas Nelson,
199798, vol. 1, lvilxx.
3
K. Berger, Formgeschichte des Neuen Testaments, Heidelberg: Quelle & Meyer, 1984,
289, 304 and 367. Survey of various hypotheses concerning Revelations genre: Aune,
Revelation, vol. 1, lxxlxxxii.
4
See Rev 1:1 and the and
in 1:45, which show that Jesus and Gods authority are closely related. Also 2:1, 8,
12, 18; 3:1, 7, 14. Berger, Formgeschichte, 3023.
5
P.R. Carrell, Jesus and the Angels: Angelology and the Christology of the Apocalypse of John,
(SNTSMS 95), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997, 12974.
6
Correspondences between the content of 1:103:22 and that of 4:122:5, as well
as many repetitions of the vocabulary, support the view that 1:103:22 belongs to
Revelations long visionary section. Yet, some scholars argue that this section starts in
Rev 4:1; see, for example, W.G. Kmmel, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, Heidelberg:
Quelle & Meyer, 1978, 4023.

balaam in revelation 2:14 249
The formula I was in the spirit on the Lords day (Rev 1:10) associates
Johns visionary experience with those of the great prophets of Israel.7
The seven edicts, which form the main part of 1:104:1, all show the
same basic formal pattern, with some minor variations:8
(1) adscriptio and command to write (Rev 2:12a)9
The first element indicates the destination of the edict and gives Jesus
command to write to the community concerned in the second person
singular.
(2) formula, followed by Christological predications (Rev
2:12b)
This formula introduces and authorizes the edicts content, and the
predications associate the speaker with Jesus Christ.
(3) narratio of the communitys situation (Rev 2:1315)
The edicts main body starts with a description of the community situa-
tion; statements about this situation are introduced with the stereotypical
formulae I know your works (2:19; 3:1, 8, 15; cf. 2:2) and but I hold
against you that (2:4, 14, 20).
(4) dispositio (Rev 2:16)
The second section of the edicts body concerns the arrangement
between the speaker and the community, which includes in most cases
an incitement to repent (2:5, 16, 22; 3:3).
(5) proclamatio (Rev 2:17)
The concluding section has a formulaic command in the third person
(let anyone who has an ear listen to what the spirit is saying . . .) and
focuses on another divine authority, namely Gods spirit, located at the
edicts very end or in penultima position.10
7
The formula is repeated in 4:2; 17:3 and 21:10. The Book of Ezekiel especially
links prophetic revelation to the spirit of God (e.g. Ezek 40:12); F.D. Mazzaferri,
The Genre of the Book of Revelation from a Source-critical Perspective (BZNW 54), Berlin: De
Gruyter, 1989, 1036.
8
The brief description here closely follows the discussion of the literary form of the
seven letters in Aune, Revelation, vol. 1, 11924, who convincingly argues that the form
and style of the letters corresponds in significant ways to imperial edicts (pp. 1269).
9
In the main text I only give the relevant references to the edict to Pergamum,
see for other references footnotes 1011.
10
See Rev 2:7, 11, 17, 29; 3:6, 13, 22.

(6) vindicatio (Rev 2:17)

The edicts last element offers the speakers promise of a reward for
the victors, i.e. those who obey his commands.11
With the exception of the edict to the community of Laodicea the
content of the seven letters is a mixture of praise and accusations, as
well as threats and consolation: In good epistolary form they begin
with praise and then return to blaming or threatening.12
The particular information embedded in the literary form of the
edict about the community of Pergamum concerns a double reference
to Satans place of residence (Rev 2:13). It also includes the acknowl-
edgment that the communitys members did not deny Jesus faith (Rev
2:13), a flashback to the days of Jesus witness Antipas (2:13), as well
as the accusation that some were holding to the teaching of Balaam
(2:14), and others to the teaching of the Nicolaitans (2:15). This brief
contribution can only focus on one of the particularities of the Perga-
mum edict, the accusation connected with Balaams teaching.13
3. The accusations concerning Balaams teaching
(a) The stumbling block caused by Balaam

The accusation in Rev 2:14 that several members of the community
of Jesus followers, at Pergamum, were clinging to Balaams teaching
clearly presupposes a negative image of Balaam. This matches the main
features of the Balaam traditions in early Judaism that constructs the
seer as a wicked person who causes the Israelites to sin.14 However,
the Greek vocabulary of Rev 2:14 that characterizes Balaams instruc-
tion for Balak, putting a stumbling block before the Israelites (
11
Rev 2:7, 11, 17, 2627; 3:5, 12, 21. See also Rev 13:10; 14:12. Rev 21:7 identi-
fies the inhabitants of the heavenly Jerusalem as victors and 21:27 as the ones whose
names are written in the Book of Life (see also Rev 3:5). Their reward is also indicated
by allusions to the Paradise stories of Gen 23 (Rev 22:14).
12
S. Stowers, Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Library of Early Christianity 5),
Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1989, 81.
13
C.J. Hemer, The Letters to the Seven Churches of Asia in their Local Setting ( JSNTSup 11),
Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1989, 8794, discusses possible connections between Balaams
group and the Nicolaitans.
14
G. Vermes, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Studies (Studia Postbiblica 4),
Leiden: Brill, 1961, 12777. See also the contributions of Van Ruiten, Garca Martnez,
Tigchelaar and Houtman & Sysling in this volume.

), is without parallels in the New

Testament, the Septuagint as well as in other early Jewish literature.15 It
is even missing in Josephus, who devotes a large section to Balaam; his
word count is 2.21 times greater than the source-text in Numbers.16 In
the Septuagint mostly renders Hebrew mokesh trap ( Judg
2:3; 8:27; 1 Sam 18:21; Ps 69:22; 106:36; 140:5; 141:9) or mikhshol
stumbling block (Lev 19:14; 1 Sam 25:31; Ps 119:165). Revelations
formula might go back to a Hebrew phrase with
mikhshol, which is sometimes preceded by the verb natan. Mokesh usually
goes with a construction haya l in the Hebrew Bible.17
However, the content of Rev 2:14 strongly suggests that the stumbling
block caused by Balaam derives from a well-known episode in Jewish
Scripture, as is the case with the rather similar accusation concerning
Jezebel in the edict for the community in Thyatira (Rev 2:20).18 Balaam
and Balak are biblical names for non-Israelites and both characters can
be found together with the Israelites in the Hebrew Bible in Numbers
2224.19 It is likely that Revelation alludes to the Balaam episodes in
this section of Numbers, in particular to the advice that Balaam offers
to Balak just before his departure (Num 24:14).
John, the author of Revelation, seems to have considerably re-
interpreted the content of his source-text in Numbers. Firstly, he
appears to have combined Balaams advice to Balak as mentioned in
Num 24:14, let me advise you what this people will do to your people
in days to come, with Num 31:16, These women here, on Balaams
advice, made the Israelites act treacherously against the Lord in the
affair of Peor, so that the plague came among the congregation of
the Israelites. Rev 2:14 clearly connects the accusation concerning
15
On the other hand, there are significant repetitions of the vocabulary in the accu-
sations concerning Balaam (2:14), the Nicolaitans (2:6, 15) and Jezebel (2:20) within
Revelation: . . . (2:14; 2:20); / . . . . . . (2:6,
1415); / (2:14, 15, 20); /
(2:14, 20).
16
L.H. Feldman, Josephus Portrait of Balaam, Studia Philonica Annual 5 (1993)
4883, esp. 49.
17
HAL vol. 2, 530 and 551. Although the most common use of moqesh goes with
haya l, occasional combinations of moqesh or mikhshol as object with natan do occur: e.g.
Prov 29:25; Lev 19:14; Ezek 3:20; 14:3.
18
Jezebel, king Ahabs spouse, was famous for her veneration of Baal and persecution
of Israels prophets (1 Kgs 18:4; 19:13). 2 Kgs 9:3037 describes her gruesome death
she was thrown out of the window by Jehu and her body was devoured by dogs.
19
Other brief references are Deut 23:56; Josh 13:22; 24:910; Judg 11:25; Mic
6:5; Neh 13:2. See the contribution of Noort in this volume.

Balaams teaching with fornication. Secondly, in line with other early

Jewish passages that build on Num 24:14, John has changed the verses
original meaning into its opposite. Revelations rendering of it implies
an attack on the Israelites by the Moabites/Midianites. Revelation,
therefore, re-interprets Num 24:14 along the following lines: let me
[Balaam] advise you [Balak] what your people [Moab] will do to this
people [Israel] in days to come.20 Thirdly, when Balaams advice to
Balak is interpreted through the lens of Num 31:16 (which again men-
tions Balaams advice), it appears to assume a connection between the
texts. It presupposes that the brief episode of the Israelites fornication
and idolatry at Baal-Peor, described in Num 25:16, is incorporated
in the Balaam-Balak episode briefly paraphrased in Revelation.21 This
conclusion is supported by the continuation of the accusation against
Balaam in Rev 2:14, which hints at Num 25:12 with its references to
food sacrificed to idols and fornication.22 Num 25:12 mentions both:
While Israel was staying at Shittim, the people began to have sexual
relations with the women of Moab. These invited the people to sacrifices of their
gods, and the people ate and bowed down to their gods (my italics).
It is, of course, impossible to reconstruct the exegetical process that
resulted in this re-reading of Numbers in Rev 2:14. However, Johns
combination of Numbers 2224 with Numbers 25, which seems to be
presupposed in Rev 2:14, may have partly been triggered by several
pieces of information in the Hebrew text of Numbers:
20
Likewise: Num 24:14 in the Vulgate (dabo consilium quid populus tuus huic populo faciat
extremo tempore) and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan. This reading is presupposed in Josephus,
Antiquitates Judaicae 4.126130, Philo, De vita Mosis 1.295299, and Pseudo-Philo, Liber
Antiquitatum Biblicarum 18:13. These passages offer the content of Balaams advice: seduc-
tion of the young Israelites by the most beautiful girls from Moab/Midian in order
to make them commit idolatry. See the contribution of Van Ruiten in this volume.
Vermes, Scripture and Tradition, 162: Jewish tradition presents him as advising the king
how to outwit the Israelites by inducing them to sin against God, and the verb xi{atsekha
is interpreted in that sense. This interpretation implies that the verbal form xi{atsekha
is not derived from the root yud-ayin-tsade advise, counsel (HAL vol. 2, 403; DCH
vol. 4, 2456), or give an oracle (L. Ruppert, Theologisches Wrterbuch zum Alten Testament,
vol. 3, 7201), but from the root ayin-waw-tsade, give (wicked) advice, M. Yastrow,
A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature,
2 vols, New York: Pardes, 1950, 1056.
21
Vermes, Scripture and Tradition, 175, argues that the negative portrait of Balaam
derives from the P supplement to the Balaam materials in Numbers 31 that refers
both to Balaams death by the Israelites (31:8) as well as to his advice to the Moabite/
Midianite women (31:16).
22
Aune, Revelation, vol. 1, 193.

(1) The similarity of the names Beor, Pethor and Peor may have caused
their association with each other, for example by al tiqre-exegesis:
Num 22:5 introduces Balaam as son of Beor at Pethor, while Num
23:28 and 25:3, 5, 18 (twice) refer to Peor.23 This would imply that
Numbers 25 belonged to the episode about Balaam and Balak.
(2) Numbers 2224 and 25 are basically set in the same geographical
location: the geographical setting of Numbers 25 is Shittim (full
name, Abel-shittim, Num 25:1), which was located in the Moabite
plains (Num 33:49). Israel stayed in these plains from Num 22:1
onward.
(3) The flashback in Num 31:16 explicitly combines Balaams advice
with the acts of the women at Baal-Peor.24
Flavius Josephus shows that the re-interpretation of Numbers 2225

in Revelation was not exceptional in post-biblical Jewish literature.
Josephus elaborate passage about Balaam offers a significant parallel
to the brief reference in Rev 2:14. Josephus takes the coherence of
Numbers 2224 and 25 for granted. He blames Balaam for suggesting,
just before his departure, that the Moabite/Midianite princes should
instruct their women to seduce the Israelite youths and make them
worship the Midianite/Moabite deities (Antiquitates Judaicae 4.126130).25
Josephus extensively elaborates the seduction of the Israelite males by
the Moabite/Midianite women (Antiquitates Judaicae 4.131164).26
23
For Balaams introduction in Num 22:5 MT see Noort s contribution in this
volume.
24
J.T. Greene, Balaam and His Interpreters: A Hermeneutical History of the Balaam Traditions
(BJS 244), Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1992, 734, argues that the death of Balaam
according to Num 31:8 implies that he was one of the enemys priestly kings, which
puts the preceding sections in a negative light. The reason for this would be Balaams
function as a code for outside sacerdotal types that combined the characteristics of
priests, prophets, magicians and diviners and were perceived as the opponents of the
circle responsible for the Priestly Codex.
25
Feldman, Josephus Portrait of Balaam, 80. Cf. b.Sanh. 106a. S. Rappaport,
Agada und Exegese bei Flavius Josephus, Wien: Verlag der Alexander Kohut Memorial
Foundation, 1930, 38 with footnote 180 (p. 126).
26
W.C. van Unnik, Josephus Account of the Story of Israels Sin with Alien Women
in the Country of Midian (Num.25:1ff.), in: M.S.H.G. Heerma van Voss (ed.), Travels in
the World of the Old Testament: Studies Presented to Professor M.A. Beek, Assen: Van Gorcum,
1974, 24161. Feldman, Josephus Portrait of Balaam, 67; 8081.

(b) Two charges against those who cling to Balaams teaching

How should we interpret Rev 2:14s two charges against those amongst
Jesus believers, in Pergamum, who cling to Balaams teaching? Revela-
tions readers in the first centuries ce will probably have interpreted
the charge of the consumption of idol food ( ) liter-
ally (see below).
(i) The charge of fornication

The accusation of fornication (), however, might have made
sense to them in the context of a literal reading as well as in a meta-
phorical interpretation, if they associated the text with its source-text
in Numbers.27 Num 25:12 indicates three condemnable practices: (1)
sexual relationships (liznot; LXX ) with non-Israelite women;
(2) idolatry by participation in the sacrifices of the Moabite gods and
veneration of these gods (wayyishttahawwu lelohehen); and (3) transgression
of the food laws because of the consumption of contaminated food, i.e.
food sacrificed or offered ritually to Baal Peor (wayyokhal ha-am; LXX
).28
Sexual relationships with non-Israelite women were by themselves
not uncommon. There are many cases of such relationships in the
Hebrew Bible. In later periods, readers may have linked these rela-
tionships with objections to, or even a ban on, mixed marriages, as
Josephus discussion of the episode in Numbers 25 shows.29 However,
the immediate context and the choice of the verb zanah in Num 25:1
suggest a negative assessment of these sexual relationships.30
27
R.M. Royalty, The Streets of Heaven: The Ideology of Wealth in the Apocalypse of John,
Macon, Georgia: Mercer University Press, 1998, 323, as well as B. Rossing, The Choice
between Two Cities: Whore, Bride, and Empire in the Apocalypse, Harrisburg, Penns.: Trinity
Press International, 1999, 69, consider a metaphorical meaning more probable.
28
Greene, Balaam, 73.
29
C. Hayes, Intermarriage and Impurity in Ancient Jewish Sources, Harvard
Theological Review 92 (1999), 336. Neh 13:13 calls, with an allusion to the Balaam
episode, for a separation from Ammonites and Moabites. This is also an issue in Josephus
(Antiquitates Judaicae 4.132, 135, 145149); Feldman, Josephus Portrait of Balaam,
778, who notes a similar focus concerning Samsons relationships with non-Israelite
women ( Judg 14:116:3; Antiquitates Judaicae 5.286317).
30
The root zanah (in LXX usually rendered by or ) frequently
has a depreciating connotation in the Hebrew Bible and refers to prostitution or forni-
cation, HAL vol. 1, 2634; DCH vol. 3, 1212; A. Brenner, The Intercourse of Knowledge:
On Gendering Desire and Sexuality in the Hebrew Bible, Leiden: Brill, 1997, 14751. See
further the discussion by Noort in this volume.

The Hebrew text of Numbers 25 deals with two kinds of fornica-

tion. Firstly, literal fornication with Moabite/Midianite women; and
secondly, the symbolical fornication with the Israelites veneration of
Moabite gods. In prophetic passages of the Hebrew Bible, also attested
in Qumran documents, zanah frequently has a metaphorical meaning
pointing at Israel, or Judah, turning away from God and venerating
other deities.31 Later Hebrew Bible passages that express a view based
on deuteronomistic theology also indicate such an attitude with stereo-
typical formulae condemning the peoples prostitution to other gods.32
One of these passages, Exod 34:1516, shares a double, i.e. literal and
metaphorical, meaning of fornication with Num 25:12. It also associ-
ates Israels idolatry with the consumption of idol food:
You shall not make a covenant with the inhabitants of the land, for
when they prostitute themselves to their gods (wezanu ahare elohehem) and
sacrifice to their gods, someone among them will invite you, and you will
eat of the sacrifice. And you will take wives from among their daughters for
your sons, and their daughters who prostitute themselves to their gods
will make your sons also prostitute themselves to their gods (my italics).
In the light of Exod 34:1516 and Num 25:12, the charge of forni-
cation in Rev 2:14 may, in fact, be taken as a triple warning to stay
away stricto sensu from non-Jews. This means not engaging in any sexual
relationships with them, through marriage or otherwise,33 and radically
abstaining from any involvement with other deities, because this could
easily lead to corruption by eating food sacrificed to these deities.
Other passages in Revelation confirm that is a complex
issue in this book. The passages seem to hint at fornication with a
metaphorical meaning (Rev 2:2021; 9:21; 14:8; 17:2, 4; 18:3, 9; 19:2).
is a key phrase in Revelations vision about the judgment of
the whore Babylon. Rev 18:23 reads:
Fallen, fallen is Babylon the great! It has become a dwelling place of
demons, a haunt of every foul spirit, a haunt of every foul bird, a haunt
of every foul and hateful beast. For all the nations have drunk of the wine
of the wrath of her fornication (
31
J. Khlewein, znh huren, Theologisches Handwrterbuch zum Alten Testament, vol. 1,
51920. S. Erlandsson, znh zanah, Theologisches Wrterbuch zum Alten Testament, vol.
2, 6129.
32
Exod 34:156; Deut 31:16; Judg 2:17; 8:27, 33.
33
M. Simon, The Apostolic Decree and its Setting in the Ancient Church, Bulletin
of the John Rylands Library 52 (1970), 43760, esp. 4512.

), and the kings of the earth have committed fornication

with her ( ), and the merchants of the earth have
grown rich from the power of her luxury.
The poly-interpretability of the symbolism of the woman Babylons
fornication has a cogent foundation. The symbolism clearly alludes to
corruption resulting from the engagement in the abominable practices
of a foreign metropolis. This corruption is comparable in its negative
impact to what the Babylonian empire did to the people of God.34
The vision announces the ruin of this woman in evocative terms. Rev
18:2 can be read as a prophecy that the city will become a devastated
ruin, a dwelling place for wild animals, in line with the prophecies in
Isa 13:2122 and Jer 51:37. Yet, it is also possible to translate the triple
in this passage as unclean instead of foul (see NRSV). In
that case the verse offers another motivation for Babylons ruin, namely
that the place functions as a huge depot of animals that are unclean
according to Jewish religion. Even a third reading is imaginable if we
focus on the last part of 18:3, by associating fornication with brutal trade
practices and exploitation. We can then read it against the background
of a prophetic passage like Isa 23:1718, which uses the imagery of
prostitution to criticize the trade practices of the city of Tyre.35
The counterpart of the woman Babylons wine of fornication, the
wine or cup of Gods wrath, indicates her fate (Rev 14:10; 16:19; 18:6).
She is included in the judgment described in Revelation 14 (14:8) for all
those who carry the mark of the first beast on their forehead or their
right hand (14:911; cf. 13:16; 16:2). This refers to all the disobedient
persons who corrupt themselves by siding with this beast. The divine
wrath over Babylon is announced with the imagery of Gods cup of
wrath, building on Hebrew Bible prophecies of doom.36 Jeremiah 51
not only prophesises that Babylon would be a cup in the hand of God
and seduce and make drunk the entire world (51:7), but also that
Babylon itself would fall because of Gods intervention ( Jer 51:810;
cf. Isa 21:9). Revelation 18 describes this fall, along with its economic
consequences, with a repetition of the cup imagery: the womans judg-
34
See for readings of Rev 1718 as a critique of Rome Rossing, Choice between Two
Cities, 69 and 61133.
35
See especially R. Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy: Studies on the Book of Revelation,
Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1993, 33883; Royalty, Streets of Heaven, 5971 and 177210;
Rossing, Choice between Two Cities, 89, 701 and 1303.
36
Isa 51:17; Jer 25:15, 17, 28; 51:78; Hab 2:16; Pss 11:6, 75:8.

ment is, as it were, poured over her as though God is emptying his cup
of wrath (Rev 18:6, anticipated by 14:10 and 16:19).
In short, the accusation of fornication in Rev 2:14 can be interpreted
in a literal as well as a symbolic way. This depends partly on whether
we read the passage from the perspective of its source-text in Numbers
or in line with other passages in Revelation about fornication. The basic
message of the charge of fornication in Rev 2:14 seems to be quite
clear, despite its poly-interpretability. It calls for a radical abstention of
foreign culture, whether this is exemplified by sexual relationships with
foreign women, veneration of foreign deities, corruption through foreign
political power symbolized by a harlot representing a metropolis and,
perhaps, also its foreign economic transactions, or all of these. The other
charge in Rev 2:14 ( partaking of meats offered to
idols could, therefore, just be an illustration of such corruptions.
(ii) The charge of idol food

The phrase (-) is a hapax legomenon in the Septuagint and
probably a Jewish(-Christian) neologism from the first century ce as
an attempt to find an alternative phrase for sacrifices, meats
offered to gods (cf. 1 Cor 10:28).37 The oldest occurrences are from
the New Testament, but the phrase is also found in Justin Martyr, a
Christian interpolation in Pseudo-Phocylides (Sententiae 31),38 4 Macc
5:2 and the Martyrdom of Pionius. There is no evidence that Jews were
forced to eat idol food by the Romans in the first two centuries ce.
The reference in 4 Maccabees to idol food may therefore be interpreted
as an identity marker pointing to the need to observe the Jewish food
laws, as I have argued elsewhere.39 Not until Decius decree from the
Spring of 250 ce were all free inhabitants of the empire compelled
to sacrifice to the gods, pour a libation and eat some sacrificial meat.40
37
Cf. Martyrium Agapae 3.15 ( ); 5.2 ( ).
38
1 Cor 8:1, 4, 7, 10; 10:19; Acts 15:29; 21:25; Rev 2:14, 20; Didache 6:3; Justinus,
Dialogus cum Tryphone 34.8; 35.1, 6. P.W. van der Horst, The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides
with Introduction and Commentary (SVTP 4), Leiden: Brill, 1978, 1356.
39
J.W. van Henten, Martyrdom and Persecution Revisited, in: W. Ameling (ed.),
Mrtyrer und Mrtyrerakten (Altertumswissenschaftliches Kolloquium 6), Wiesbaden/
Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2002, 5975.
40
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica 6.41. W.H.C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the
Early Church: A Study of a Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus, Oxford: Blackwell, 1965.
Repr. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1981, 40610.

The famous libelli, certificates that a person has sacrificed, are the result
of this decree.
Thus, there is no need to presuppose a context of persecution
for the charge of in Revelation, which dates, of
course, from before Decius decree. In fact, it was common practice
for non-Jews during the early empire to sell meat sacrificed to gods at
the marketplace or to eat it afterwards during a banquet, a meeting of
an association of artisans or a gathering connected with a civic cult.
David Aune lists four possible contexts for eating sacrificial meat in
the early Imperial Age:
(1) participation in a sacral meal in a temple;

(2) acceptance of sacrificial meat distributed during a public religious
festival;
(3) eating meat purchased at the market-place, e.g. at home;
(4) sharing a sacral meal with the members of a club or association.41
The third and fourth options seem to be particularly plausible pos-

sibilities in the multi-cultural urban milieu of Roman Asia in which
Jews and Jesus followers lived. The implication of the accusation of
the communities in Pergamum and Thyatira (Rev 2:14, 20) could be
that common practices concerning sacrificial meat were considered
unacceptable for community members. Participation in one of these
practices would, in that case, have implied that the person involved
became an outsider who was committing fornication, i.e. whoring
after other deities by his or her willingness to make compromises for
a smooth interaction with the non-Jewish outside world.42
41
Aune, Revelation, vol. 1, 186. See further F. Bchsel, ., Theological
Dictionary of the New Testament, vol. 2, 3789; H. Hbner, ., Exegetisches
Wrterbuch zum Neuen Testament, vol. 1, 93641; J. Lust, E. Eynikel & K. Hauspie,
A Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint, Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 199296,
vol. 1, 130; H.-J. Klauck, Herrenmahl und hellenistischer Kult: Eine religionsgeschichtliche Unter-
suchung zum ersten Korintherbrief (NTAbh NF 15), 2nd edn., Mnster: Aschendorff, 1986,
2419 and 277, with references.
42
Aune, Revelation, vol. 1, 1867 and 1914; cf. J.W. Marshall, Parables of War:
Reading Johns Jewish Apocalypse (Studies in Christianity and Judaism/tudes sur le
christianisme et le judasme), Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2001.
About Revelation as a Jewish work, see Marshall; also J.W. van Henten, Anti-
Judaism in Revelation? A Response to Peter Tomson, in: R. Bieringer, D. Pollefeyt &
F. Vandecasteele-Vanneuville (eds), Anti-Judaism and the Fourth Gospel ( Jewish and
Christian Heritage Series 1), Assen: Van Gorcum, 2001, 11125.

Apparently, John the prophet advocated a radical abstinence of

those aspects of Gentile culture that conflicted with his view of the
proper Jewish way of life.43 This scenario about group boundaries con-
nected with food sacrificed to idols in a Jewish context is confirmed
by a passage in Tosefta Hullin 2:13. It shows that at least some Jews
participated in Gentile cultic practices concerning sacrificial meat in
Caesarea Maritima in the second century ce and that Jewish sages
did not object to it:
A. He who slaughters a beast [intending] to toss its blood for the purposes
of idolatry and to burn its fat for the purpose of idolatry,
B. lo, this is meat of the sacrifices of corpses [Mishna Hullin 2:7c].
C. If after one slaughtered it, he tossed its blood for the purposes of
idolatry or burned its fat for the purposes of idolatry,
D. lo, this was an actual case in Caesarea.
E. So they came and asked sages, who did not rule either to prohibit or
to permit [the meat].44
Josephus rendering of the episode at Baal Peor perhaps also implies,
when one reads between the lines, that Numbers 25 triggered discussions
about the proper ethnic and cultural boundaries for the people of Israel.
Antiquities 4.137 notes an observation by the Moabite/Midianite women
that the customs of the Israelites are very different () from
those of other humans, their food is peculiar (), and their
drinks again different from those of other humans.45 One can combine
this observation with the transgression of the ancestral laws at Baal Peor
by the Israelite youth highlighted by Josephus. The implication would
be that fornication, whether in the literal or in the metaphorical sense,
43
Pauls discussion of the eating of sacrificial meat in 1 Corinthians 810 focuses
upon insiders. He argues for unity of the Corinthian community and solidarity among
its members. See, e.g., the discussions of P.J. Tomson, Paul and the Jewish Law: Halakha
in the Letters of the Apostle to the Gentiles (CRINT 3.1), Assen: Van Gorcum/Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 1990, 151220; M.M. Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation: An
Exegetical Investigation of the Language and Composition of 1 Corinthians, Tbingen: Mohr
Siebeck/Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1992, 12649; 23758; C. Heil,
Die Ablehnung der Speisegebote durch Paulus: Zur Frage nach der Stellung des Apostels zum Gesetz
(Bonner Biblische Beitrge 96), Bonn: Beltz/Athenum, 1994, 177235.
44
Trans. J. Neusner, The Tosefta Translated from the Hebrew: Fifth Division Qodoshim
(The Order of Holy Things), New York: KTAV Publishing House, 1979, 72. L.I. Levine,
Caesarea under Roman Rule (Studies in Late Antiquity 7), Leiden: Brill, 1975, 45 and 72,
discusses this passage and notes that when this question arose there was apparently
no rabbinic authority in the city to solve it.
45
That Balaam, as a non-Jew, spoke on behalf of God formed a dilemma for
Josephus in the opinion of Feldman, Josephus Portrait of Balaam, 50.

as well as transgressions of the food laws are strictly forbidden for Jews
who did not want to step outside the Jewish community.
4. Three Avenues for Contextualising Rev 2:14
The preceding sections have dealt with the interconnections between

Rev 2:14 and its source-texts in Numbers as well as the interpreta-
tions of the two charges against Balaam as far as can be elucidated
from relevant parallel passages. More concrete interpretations of the
charges require that the rather general phrases of the accusation be
contextualised in a specific situation for the authors community, which
is by necessity a rather subjective enterprise and further complicated
by symbolic language permeating through the book.
Recent studies into Revelation have proposed at least three possible
avenues for contextualising the Balaam passage in Rev 2:14. First, sev-
eral scholars have suggested that the passage should be connected with
the Apostolic decree, and as a consequence with the status of Gentile
Christians within the community.46 David Aune offers the following
comment on our passage:
There appears to be a close connection between the two prohibitions
mentioned in this verse (and Rev 2:20) and the apostolic decree in Acts
15, for only in Acts 15:20 [. . .], 29; 21:25; Rev 2:14, 20 are the notions
of and closely connected . . . The list of prohibitions
promulgated by the Jerusalem council in Acts 15 reflects the tradition of
the Noachide Laws . . .47
The Noachide Laws, the pre-Sinai laws for Jews and Gentiles alike,
include the abstention from meat sacrificed to idols and fornication,48
which are both mentioned in Rev 2:14, 20. The implication of this
reading is that Rev 2:14, 20, analogous to Acts 15:20, 29, would con-
cern the halakhic status of Gentile followers of Jesus, which I prefer to
Aunes term Gentile Christians. David Flusser and Huub van de Sandt
make a similar suggestion in connection to their discussion of Didache
46
E.g. Simon, The Apostolic Decree, 439, 4425; H. van de Sandt & D. Flusser,
The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity (CRINT III.5),
Assen/Minneapolis: Royal Van Gorcum/Fortress Press, 2002, 2389; 245; 2525.
47
Aune, Revelation, vol. 1, 187.
48
M. Bockmuehl, The Noachide Commandments and New Testament Ethics
with Special Reference to Acts 15 and Pauline Halakhah, Revue biblique 102 (1995),
72101, esp. 945.

6:23. This passage warns the reader against food offered to idols. In
their opinion Didache 6:23, in its present form, relativises what was
originally a rather rigorous ritual and ethical Jewish instruction. This
changed the document into a manual for non-Jewish Christians who
did not need to keep the Jewish food laws. The authors distinguish this
tradition from the one represented by the Apostolic Decree (Acts 15:20,
29; 21:25) and Rev 2:14, 20, because it aims at a compromise about
Torah observance for Gentile followers of Jesus. However, the final
clause of Didache 6:23, the warning to stay away from food offered to
idols, would stem from a Jewish tradition.49
Second, there is the recent hypothesis that John W. Marshall defends
in his 1997 dissertation Parables of War: Reading the Apocalypse within
Judaism and during the Judean War.50 Marshall argues for an early date
of Revelation, 6970 ce, and considers it a work written for Jewish
Diaspora readers in order to explain for them the Jews conflict with
Rome and point out the wars consequences for them. In his view
Revelation provided Judaism with guidelines for its relation with Rome
and Greco-Roman culture, assuming that the dividing line between
in- and outsiders would concern Jews on the one hand and the Greco-
Roman outside world on the other.51 The conflicting issue targeted in
Rev 2:14, 20 as well as in 2:9 and 3:9 would be the eating of food,
especially idols-meat, which had previously been used in the context
of the veneration of pagan gods before its consumption.52
Third, one can also contextualise Rev 2:14 as one phase in an ongo-
ing struggle of competing prophetic groups for whom the interaction
with non-Jewish culture was a major issue.53 The reference to the
parallel accusation concerning Jezebel as someone who called herself
49
Van de Sandt & Flusser, The Didache, 23870.
50
See footnote 42.
51
Marshall, Parables, 8897; 263; 266; 288. Basing themselves on reconstructions
of Revelations setting or contextualisations that are rather different from Marshalls
reading, R.M. Royalty, Streets of Heaven, L.L. Thompson, P.B. Duff, H.O. Meier and
others argue that the important issue in Revelation is how Christians should relate to
Roman society and Roman culture. See the summary in Rossing, Choice between Two
Cities, 911.
52
Marshall, Parables, 71; 1812; 196.
53
J.T. Greene, Balaam: Prophet, Diviner and Priest in Selected Ancient Israelite and
Hellenistic Jewish Sources, SBL Annual Meeting Seminar Papers 1989, Atlanta, Georgia:
Scholars Press, 1989, 57106, attempts to show that Balaam was a figure used by
competing groups of priests and prophets against each others ideal self-concept and
type-concept.

a prophetess (2:20), Balaams function as a prophet in Numbers and

the explicit reference to him as a prophet in 2 Pet 2:16 can be taken
as clues for such a reading. The fact that both names were known in
connection with famous non-Israelites may have strengthened their
potential for a negative stereotyping of competing prophets and also
suggest a non-Jewish origin for these prophetic leaders as Johns com-
petitors. Both the introduction and conclusion of Revelation present
John himself as a prophet with the proper authorization. He preaches
the word of God in the tradition of the prophets of Israel (Rev 1:2, 9;
6:9; 19:13; 20:4; cf. Zech 1:1). Revelations conclusion calls his work
literally a prophecy (22:610, 18; cf. 1:3; 10:11). In Rev 22:6 the angel
refers to God, in his explanation to John, as the God of the spirits of
the prophets as well as to what is revealed to John. This invites the
reader to consider John a prophet as well. The associations triggered by
the names of Balaam and Jezebel strongly disqualify those who adhere
to the teachings of the prophetic leaders who are hidden behind these
negative symbolic names. Balaams reputation does not need further
elaboration here, and Jezebel hardly needs an explanation either. She
was known as the queen who venerated Baal and persecuted Israels
prophets (1 Kgs 18:4; 19:13). Her well-known gruesome death (2 Kgs
9:3037) must have been taken as a powerful warning by the early
readers of Revelation.
5. Conclusion
The accusation that some members adhered to Balaams teaching,

introduced with the stereotypical formula but I hold against you that
(cf. Rev 2:4, 20), is part of the description of the community situation
in Jesus edict for his followers at Pergamum. However, actual infor-
mation about this situation is missing. The meaning of the symbolic
reference to Balaam can, therefore, only be based upon the associations
that the name of Balaam and the issues of the accusation may have
evoked among its early readers. Johns use of Num 24:14; 25:16 and
31:16 as source-texts in Rev 2:14, as well as parallel passages, includ-
ing Josephus elaborate passage about Balaam in the Jewish Antiquities,
suggest that the accusation may concern three charges. These charges
are (1) fornication, i.e. sexual relationships with non-Jewish women; (2)
idolatry, i.e. fornication in a metaphorical sense; and (3) transgression
of the Jewish food laws because of a contamination by food that had

possibly functioned in a non-Jewish religious context. Other passages

in Revelation show that fornication in a symbolical meaning
can also denounce excessive political power or exploitation by economic
transactions. The charge of consuming idol food ( )
should probably be taken in a literal sense, and may point to strict
boundaries for interactions with non-Jewish culture. Unfortunately, the
data in Rev 2:14 do not provide enough information for reconstruct-
ing the community situation, for which these charges may have been
relevant. Tentatively, however, three avenues for contextualising Rev
2:14 in Roman Asia between 6670 and 150 could be indicated, by
following various hypotheses. Which avenue appeals most to the reader
probably depends largely on his or her interpretation of other passages
in Revelation. Yet, there cannot be any doubt about the verdict for
followers of the prophet called Balaam in Rev 2:14: if they do not reject
his teaching and repent, Jesus Christ will appear soon and wage war
with them with the sword of his mouth (2:16). With this announce-
ment the edict to the community of Pergamum refers to its beginning
in 2:12 with a clear inclusio.

BALAAM AND 2 PETER 2:15: THEY HAVE FOLLOWED IN
THE STEPS OF BALAAM ( JUDE 11)
Tord Fornberg
1. Balaam in Jude and 2 Peter
The Letter of Jude only briefly refers to Balaam.1 The very short note
in verse 11 mentions him as follows: they . . . abandon themselves to
Balaams error for the sake of gain.2 His name occurs in a combination
of three frightening examples of sinners from times long ago: Cain,
Balaam and Korah (cf. Tosefta Sotah 4:19).3 The false teachers attacked
by the author of Jude are presumed to show the same qualities as these
three sinners in the past history of humanity. Cain (Genesis 4) was often
described as an Epicurean,4 an atheist or at least as one who denied
the existence of divine justice, for we are never told why God did not
accept his sacrifice. Balaam is singled out as someone who did not
preach his message because he honestly believed in it, but because of
greed, saying what people wanted to hear and thus were prepared to
pay him for saying. Korah (Numbers 16), finally, rebelled against Gods
servant Moses and perished suddenly and unexpectedly when the earth
swallowed up him and his two companions Dathan and Abiram.
There is a broad consensus today that the author of 2 Peter5 had
access to the letter of Jude and used that letter extensively when he
1
On Balaam and his reception history see, e.g., L. Schmidt, Bileam I. Altes
Testament, in: Theologische Realenzyklopdie 6 (Berlin/New York 1980), 6359; P. Schfer,
Bileam II. Judentum, in: Theologische Realenzyklopdie 6 (Berlin/New York 1980), 63940;
many authors, Balaam, in: Encyclopaedia Judaica 4 ( Jerusalem 1971), 1204; H. Karpp,
Bileam, in: Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum 2 (Stuttgart 1954), 36274; and
G. Vermes, Scripture and Tradition, Leiden 1961, 12777.
2
Biblical texts are quoted according to The Holy Bible: New Revised Standard Version
with Apocrypha, New York/Oxford 1989.
3
E.g., R. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, Waco 1983, 7884.
4
J.H. Neyrey, The Form and Background of the Polemic in 2 Peter, Journal of
Biblical Literature 99 (1980) 40731.
5
R. Bauckham, 2 Peter: An Account of Research, Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen
Welt II.25.5 (Berlin/New York 1988), 371352 summarizes the history of research of
the letter.

266 tord fornberg
addressed his own readers,6 and I will take for granted in what follows
that this is the case. We see at once that 2 Peter has added the well-
known episode with Balaams speaking donkey in 2:16. In that way he
downplayed even more Balaams prophetic gifts, a donkey being far
superior. Cain and Korah have both disappeared, and we may guess
that Balaam has now been credited also with the sins that Jude ascribed
to these two figures. It is clear that at least vv. 1516 in 2 Peter 2 deal
with Balaam.
The question may now be asked, if we can find Balaam hidden
behind the wordings in the immediate context. Much of 2:1314 lacks
parallels in Jude and is thus added by our author. There we may find
additional material alluding to Balaam, if not the Balaam of the Bible
so the Balaam of later tradition. I propose that already the expres-
sion irrational animals (aloga zia) at the beginning of 2:12 is such
an allusion to Balaam and his donkey. Consequently, I will argue that
2:1216 as a whole centre on the figure of Balaam (see 2) and show
us how this enigmatic figure functions as a typos pointing forward to
the heretics in the church.
We may add the introductory description of the false prophets in
2 Pet 2:13. While this passage has several words in common with
Jude 4, others are special material, certainly phrased by the author
himself. It seems to be worthwhile to examine this passage to find pos-
sible allusions to the Balaam story (see 3).
In addition, the passage 2 Pet 1:1921 about prophecy and its inspi-
ration and interpretation is thematically relevant for our study. The
prophecy about the morning star ( fsforos) was confirmed for Peter
when he experienced how Jesus was transfigured on the holy mountain
(2 Pet 1:1618).7 It has been proposed that the word morning star
points back to Balaams words that a star shall come out of Jacob
(Num 24:17).8 If so, the picture painted of Balaam in our text is not
totally dark (as it was in Jude); he was inspired by God when he spoke
about the star. Then, but that is another matter, he fell victim to his
greed, and was killed like the irrational animals.
6
T. Fornberg, An Early Church in a Pluralistic Society: A Study of 2 Peter, Lund 1977;
J. Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, New York 1993; and R. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter. See also
T. Callan, Use of the Letter of Jude by the Second Letter of Peter, Biblica 85 (2004)
4264.
7
See J.H. Neyrey, The Apologetic Use of the Transfiguration in 2 Peter 1:1621,
Catholic Biblical Quarterly 42 (1980) 50419.
8
E.g., Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 226.

balaam and 2 peter 2:15 267
What has been hinted at thus far will now be exposed in more detail,
and hopefully I can show or at least make it credible that the narrative
of Balaam has influenced the author of 2 Peter heavily.
2. Balaam in 2 Peter 2:1216
(a) Explicit reference to Balaam in 2 Pet 2:1516

I take my point of departure in 2 Pet 2:1516, where things are evident
and Balaam is even mentioned by name.
(15) They have left the straight road and have gone astray,
following the road of Balaam son of Bosor,
who loved the wages of doing wrong,
(16) but was rebuked for his own transgression;
a speechless donkey spoke with a human voice and restrained the prophets
madness.
The author starts by combining what was said about Cain and Balaam
in his source in Jude 11. While Jude mentions the way of Cain,
our author drops Cain and puts Balaam in his place. Maybe he was
influenced by Num 22:32, where God says to Balaam: [ Y ]our way is
perverse before me. The change in meaning is not very great. Cain
and Balaam are two interchangeable examples of grave sinners, and it
may be less important that Cain was often associated with atheism in
addition to his other sins. One may also compare with Acts 13:10, where
we read how Paul addressed an audience in Cyprus and accused the
magician Elymas for making crooked the straight paths of the Lord.
But already the fact that our author starts with a phrase used about Cain
in his source and readdresses that phrase to Balaam shows us that he
was prepared to take expressions used about other figures and use them
secondarily about Balaam. The statement that they have gone astray
( planasthai ) rephrases Judes statement about Balaams error ( plan ) and
exemplifies the freedom with which he rewrote his sources.
The name of Balaams father is said to be Bosor, not Beor as it is in
all other traditions including manuscript Vaticanus of our text.9 This
is probably to be read as an allusion to the sexual licentiousness of
Balaam, not the Balaam who refused to obey Balak (Numbers 2224)
9
Most scholars seem to argue for the reading Bosor, e.g., B.M. Metzger (ed.), A Textual
Commentary on the New Testament, London/New York 19713.

268 tord fornberg
but the Balaam of Baal of Peor, the Balaam who enticed the Israelites
to share sacrificial meals and have sexual intercourse with Midianite/
Moabite women (Numbers 25 and Num 31:120), thus allowing their
flesh (Hebrew basar) to follow its lusts. The author seems to refer to
this event later in 2:18, where he writes about the heretics who follow
Balaam that they entice people who have just escaped from those who
live in error.
(b) Allusions to Balaam in 2 Pet 2:18

When we leave the two verses of 2:1516, we leave the passage that
deals explicitly with Balaam. At least on the surface there is nothing
about him in what follows, neither is there anything about Balaam
in the parallel verses in Jude 1216. But the allusion made in 2:18 to
Balaam as a man of flesh points to the possibility that this passage may
hide more allusions to him. Thus, after having compared the heretics
with waterless springs and mists driven by a storm (inspired by Jude
12), the author once again describes the behaviour of the heretics in
a polemical way partly quoted above: For they speak ( phthenggesthai )
bombastic nonsense (mataiots), and with licentious desires of the flesh
they entice (deleazein) people who . . .. The beginning of this passage
contains three words which may allude to Balaam:
(1) To speak, Greek: phthenggesthai, here and in 2:16 about Balaams
donkey. It occurs also in Acts 4:18 and 15 times in the LXX.
(2) To entice, Greek: deleazein, here and in 2:14, both times possibly
about Balaam. It occurs also in Jas 1:14 but never in the LXX.
(3) Nonsense, Greek: mataiots (also in Rom 8:20 and Eph 4:17). The
word occurs frequently in the Psalms and especially in Qohelet.
It is striking that the two infrequent words phthenggesthai and deleazein,
used in the context, are repeated here. It is difficult to evade a suspi-
cion that the figure of Balaam is still lurking in the thoughts of the
author. The third word, nonsense (mataiots), is less striking, but it may
be worth noting that Philo several times accused Balaam for being
impious (mataios). Especially important is De confusione linguarum 159:
Balaam means impious (mataios hermneuetai Balaam).10 If the author of
10
Vermes, Scripture, 1289.

2 Peter was thoroughly at home in the Greco-Roman world at large,11

Philos interpretation of the name Balaam strengthens the possibility
that our author wrote about Balaam in 2:18 even if he did not men-
tion him by name.
While he certainly mentions other negatively laden figures as well,
such as the angels in Genesis 6, Noahs contemporaries in Genesis
68, the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah in Genesis 19 and, once again,
angels (this time a vague reference to Jewish pseudepigraphical litera-
ture), it was Balaam who served as the real archetype of a sinner.
(c) Allusions to Balaam in 2 Pet 2:1214

We will now turn our attention to the passage that precedes 2:1516,
i.e. vv. 1214, and here we will find a number of possible allusions to
Balaam. If he were not mentioned by name and even with the striking
and unambiguous scene involving his donkey in 2:16, we would not be
able to state with certainty that these verses deal with Balaam. The fact
that the unambiguous mentioning of him comes only after vv. 1214,
however, does not weaken the argument. The epistle was certainly
meant to be read many times in the churches of the addressees, so
the allusions in vv. 1214 were clear at least from the second reading.
They can be summarized as follows.
2 Pet 2:12 is a slightly enlarged version of Jude 10 and expresses
basically the same ideas as its source. However, the emphasis on destruc-
tion ( phthora) is made stronger with words of that stem used no less
than three times, and it probably alludes to the tradition that Balaam
ended his life by being killed by the Israelites (Num 31:8). The note
that the irrational animals (aloga zia), mentioned already in Jude 10,
are intended for destruction already from their moment of origin adds
to this emphasis.12 This is certainly an allusion to Balaams donkey,
described with the more or less synonymous expression a speechless
donkey (hypozygion aphnon) in 2:16. The author may allude to the hag-
gadic tradition that the spectacular animal (see also Czacheszs paper
in this volume) died immediately after having spoken her words of
accusation against her owner.13
11
Fornberg, Early Church, esp. 11146.
12
Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 263 with references.
13
Numbers Rabbah 20:1415, quoted in Vermes, Scripture, 139.

270 tord fornberg
In 2 Pet 2:13a the author states that the heretics are suffering the
penalty for doing wrong (misthos adikias). This is significant, since
the same expression doing wrong is used about Balaam in 2:15. The
description of the heretics is thus influenced by the Balaam-tradition
as this has been expressed by the author. This parallel between v. 13
and v. 15 makes it legitimate to search for other parallels, less visible
but nonetheless present, once the reader has been put on the track by
what is evident.
2 Pet 2:13b is heavily influenced by its source in Jude 12, but its
author has rewritten that text in a way that seems to fit his situation.
The opponents of both authors evidently took part (syneuchousthai ) in
the sacred meals of the readers (hai agapai hymn, Jude 12). Thus they
were evidently members of their churches. In 2 Peter their meals are
instead polemically described as their dissipation (hai apatai autn), an
evident word-play and a reference to the sacrificial feasts with sexual
overtones that the Israelites fell pray to in the desert as a consequence
of Balaams advice to King Balak (Num 25:15 and 31:112 and
especially v. 16). In that way the Israelites qualified for the divine curse
without Balaam having to express it at all.
Finally, 2 Pet 2:14 has no background in Jude, and our author has
been free to allude to the Balaam narrative without needing to rewrite
any source. As we are told in Num 31:16 Balaam had advised the Midi-
anites (cf. Numbers 25 about Moabite women) to tempt the Israelites
with sexual pleasures (Philo, De vita Mosis 1.293299), and there are hag-
gadic texts telling us how unusually beautiful girls were chosen for this
task.14 That may explain why the somewhat awkward word adulteress
(moichalis) was chosen for the expression that literally can be translated
eyes full of an adulteress15 and not the abstract adultery (moichalia),
as could be expected. The allusion is not to fornication generally but
to the irresistibly tempting character of the women who enticed the
Israelite men; they had eyes for nothing but their sexuality.
We may also point out the unusual word entice (deleazein) that we
find in 2:14 and later on in v. 18. There seems to be a clear connection
between the two passages. Both times those who are enticed seem to be
people who have recently been saved, from sin or from slavery in Egypt
and who are not yet firmly established in their new state of salvation.
14
Philo, De vita Mosis 1.277.
15
Cf. Plutarch, De Vitioso Pudore 528E, referred to in Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, 266.

It is easy to find here a reference to Balaam and his encounter with

the Israelites, having recently escaped slavery in Egypt.
While the accusation of greed ( pleonexia, 2:14) frequently occurs in
polemical texts, it may still be relevant that Balaam was often accused
of this very sin in Jewish post-Biblical traditions (Philo, De vita Mosis
1.267268; De cherubim 3334). This goes together with what is written
in vv. 13 and 15 about Balaams willingness to receive the wages of
doing wrong (misthos adikias).
The heretics in the church of our author are finally branded as
Accursed children! (kataras tekna, 2:14).16 This can of course be quite
a normal insult hurled at any sinner. There are several parallels. It
may be influenced by Jude 11, where we read about Cain, he who
was cursed by God after he had killed Abel (Gen 4:11). But it is rather
to be explained from the fact that the verb curse (katarasthai ) is used
as much as ten times in Numbers 2224, the very chapters that deal
with Balaam. The heretics in the church of 2 Peter, Balaams followers,
are the accursed children branded by our author. It may be noted,
however, that Cain is mentioned cryptically in Num 24:2122, in the
last of Balaams four oracles: the Kenite . . . your nest is set in the rock;
yet Cain is destined for burning. But a Greek-reading Jew, at home
in the Septuagint, would have no difficulty to associate the expression
Accursed children with Balaam and his adherents.
It is thus evident that the whole passage 2 Pet 2:1216 can be read
with Balaam as the arch-heretic attacked by the author. The author
has deleted Cain and Korah and chosen to use just one figure as the
dark background that explains the behaviour of his opponents.
We find another example of this use of Balaam in Rev 2:14 (cf. Van
Hentens contribution to this volume), in the letter to Pergamon, a text
that is fairly contemporaneous with 2 Peter. The accusations are the
same: Balaam, who taught Balak to put a stumbling block (skandalon)
before the people of Israel, so that they would eat food sacrificed to
idols ( phagein eidlothyta) and practice fornication ( porneuein). No other
Old Testament model is mentioned in the letter to Pergamon, and it
seems that Balaam and Jezebel, who is mentioned in Rev 2:20 in the
letter to Thyatira, stand out as the two pre-eminent arch-heretics in
late apostolic times.
16
The word katara occurs in Num 23:25.

272 tord fornberg
3. Balaam and the false prophets in 2 Peter 2:13
From the passage that we have now discussed we will go back to 2 Pet
2:13.17 The passage in between, vv. 411, provides other examples of
divine punishment from the Old Testament, and there are hardly any
allusions to Balaam to be found there. Neither do vv. 13, if read alone,
contain anything that unambiguously deals with Balaam. But there
may be a number of hidden allusions to be found. The false prophets
( pseudoprophtai ) who spoke to the people (laos) of Israel (2:1) may very
well include Balaam. We are certainly not told explicitly who these
prophets were, but their appearance prefigures that of the heretics in
the church. The background in Jude 5 is revealing. There Jude wrote
how God saved his people (laos) from Egypt only to see them perish
in the desert, a fitting description of how the Israelite soldiers except
Joshua and Caleb perished (Num 26:6365).
But the way in which the heretics are described is striking. After
1:1921 with an, as we will find, at least partly positive evaluation of
Balaam (see 4 below) they are described in 2:13 in a way that must
lead the thoughts of the reader to the very same Balaam:
(1) The heretics cause a swift destruction (tachin apleia) to hit them,
and their destruction is not asleep (ou nystazei ). This is to be read
together with 2:12 with the repeated word destruction ( phthora).
(2) Many will follow their licentious ways / desires (aselgeiai, 2:2), also
in v. 18. The use of the compound verb exakoloutheisthai in both v. 2
and v. 15 is hardly coincidental. The straight road (eutheia hodos) in
v. 15 and the way of truth (h hodos ts altheias) in v. 2 are one and the
same. In v. 15 this road is explicitly contrasted to the road of Balaam,
in v. 2 to their licentious ways (aselgeiai; also in Jude 4), a word that
returns in v. 18 and also in v. 7, where it describes the sexual liberties
that characterized the inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah, a fitting
description of the horrible licentiousness the Israelites conducted at
Baal Peor because of Balaams advice.
(3) The heretics are also accused of greed ( pleonexia), an accusation
that returns in v. 14, certainly about Balaam.
17
A. Gerdmar, Rethinking the Judaism-Hellenism Dichotomy: A Historiographical Case Study
of Second Peter and Jude, Stockholm 2001, 1439 on the use of the figure of Balaam in
the whole of 2 Peter 12.

From this we can conclude that, read in the light of what follows, the
passage 2:13 brings Balaam in focus.
4. Balaamheretic par prfrence or prophet
The main message that the author of our epistle wants to convey is
that there will be a future apocalyptic intervention in history, with
salvation for some and judgment for others, i.e. the heretics (2 Pet
3:513).18 This great event is summarized in the concept of the parousia
of Jesus. The word as such is no technical term; it means arrival or
even presence, but it can also have the special Christian meaning of
the coming of Christ, either in the Incarnation or in his second coming
on the last day, the so-called parousia in a specific sense. This is certainly
the case in 2 Pet 1:16 as is clear from the combination with the word
power (dynamis), the expression power and coming being a so-called
hendiadys. Reference to this cosmic and eschatological event, when the
heretics who have followed the way of Balaam (2 Pet 2:15) will be
disclosed (2 Pet 3:10) with all their deeds, sums up the use that our
author makes of Balaam: he was the heretic par prfrence, and he was
punished accordingly, as will be the heretics of our epistle.19
But there may also be another side of the coin. Balaam is not only the
typos who prefigures the heretics in the church of 2 Peter. He was also a
prophet, who, without knowing it himself, did mediate Gods message,
a message that is contained in the temporal clause until the day dawns
and the morning star ( fsforos) rises (anatellein) in your hearts (1:19). This
may refer back to the famous fourth song, sung by Balaam, when he
refused to curse the Israelites but was forced to bless them instead. I
quote: The oracle of Balaam son of Beor . . . I see him, but not now;
I behold him, but not near: a star (LXX: astron) shall come out (LXX:
anatellein) of Jacob, and a sceptre (LXX: human being [anthrpos]) shall
rise out of Israel . . . (Num 24:1519). This mysterious text, however it
was intended by the original author, was given a Messianic interpreta-
tion in the Septuagint, in the Dead Sea Scrolls (4Q175, CD 7:1819
and 1QM 11:67) and in Targum Onkelos.20 It was understood in the
18
Fornberg, Early Church, 6093.
19
See Metzger, Textual Commentary, 7056 on the complicated text-critical situation
of 2 Pet 3:10.
20
See also the papers by Beyerle and Houtman & Sysling in this volume.

274 tord fornberg
early church as referring to Jesus birth in Bethlehem, his Incarnation

(cf. Nicklass paper in this volume).
It was probably considered strange that a foreign prophet like
Balaam, who did not even belong to the people of Israel, could foresee
this divine intervention in history. What our author writes in 1:2021
serves the purpose to explain this mystery. No prophecy has its start-
ing point in the prophet himself. A true prophet is always driven by
Gods spirit, thus also Balaam. The prophecies in Numbers 2324 do
not really go back to the pagan soothsayer. They have their origin in
Gods spirit ( Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 4.118), and Balaam was only
the mouthpiece.
The transfiguration scene, spoken of in 1:1618, has now provided
the divine confirmation that Balaams message in v. 19, said to be more
fully confirmed (bebaioteron), really was inspired by God:21 we had been
eyewitnesses of his majesty. For . . . that voice was conveyed to him by
the Majestic Glory.22 God himself, in v. 17 called the Majestic Glory,
stands out as a guarantee that Balaams words about the coming Mes-
siah were true. But Balaam did not realize this truth himself; he was
only the instrument whom God had chosen to use in order to convey
his message to the people. Then, tragically, he fell in sin and instigated
the Moabites how they should make the Israelites leave their God and
as a consequence be defeated.
Our text, 2 Peter, thus is strongly dominated by this negative image
of Balaam, but we can also find traces of the Balaam who, according
to early Christian sources (see Leemanss contribution to this volume),
such as a painting in the Priscilla catacomb in Rome, prophesied about
the Incarnation to take place in Bethlehem.
21
See M. Dijkstra, Is Balaam also among the Prophets?, Journal of Biblical Literature
114 (1995) 4364 on Balaam as a non-Israelite prophet and the text about him found
in Deir Alla in Jordan (see also Puechs contribution to this volume). M. Rsel, Wie
einer vom Propheten zum Verfhrer wurde: Tradition und Rezeption der Bileamgestalt,
Biblica 80 (1999) 50624 discusses the intra-Biblical and early Jewish reception history
of the figure of Balaam.
22
See Neyrey, 2 Peter, Jude, 17980 for Philos use of what is seen to guarantee
stable (bebaios) knowledge.

SPEAKING ASSES IN THE ACTS OF THOMAS:
AN INTERTEXTUAL AND COGNITIVE PERSPECTIVE
Istvn Czachesz
If we undertook to house all speaking animals in world literature in an

imaginary zoo, we would easily run out of space. The shelter of speaking
animals in the Bible, however, would remain almost empty, housing
only a serpent and an ass1surprisingly so, regarding the literatures of
the Near East and Graeco-Roman antiquity, where speaking animals
are routinely employed.2 We will have more success if we extend our
search to the Apocryphal Acts and rabbinical literature, where speaking
animals are more frequent.3
This chapter will examine the function of speaking and otherwise
intelligent or pious animals in a range of Christian texts, with special
attention to asses, and discuss their connection to the Balaam narrative.
(1) First, I will survey the major Apocryphal Acts for speaking animals.
(2) In the second part I will discuss two speaking asses in the Acts of
Thomas. (3) In the third section we will make a detour to Jesus entry
to Jerusalem. (4) In the fourth part, I will deal with the ass in Pseudo-
Lucians and Apuleius narratives. (5) In the fifth part, I will investigate
the motif of asses carrying (images of ) gods. (6) Finally, I will address
some cognitive psychological aspects of speaking animals.
1. Speaking animals in the Apocryphal Acts
Speaking animals are stock-material in the Apocryphal Acts.4 Since

our study concentrates on the occurrence of asses, a few examples
1
Serpent: Gen 3:15; Ass: Num 22:2830; cf. Rev 4:78 and Ezekiel 1. Speaking
plants feature in Judges 9, the only fable in the Bible.
2
For the Eastern origins of the fable, see W. Burkert, The Orientalizing Revolution: Near
Eastern Influence of Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age, Cambridge/London 1992, 1204.
3
Ch.R. Matthews, Articulate Animals: A Multivalent Motif in the Apocryphal
Acts of the Apostles, in: F. Bovon, A.G. Brock, Ch.R. Matthews (eds), The Apocryphal
Acts of the Apostles, Cambridge, MA 1999, 20532. For the rabbinical tradition see
especially E.J. Schochet, Animal Life in Jewish Tradition: Attitudes and Relationships, New
York 1984, 83193.
4
See especially Matthews, Articulate Animals.

276 istvn czachesz
will suffice to illustrate the frequent use of other intelligent animals. In

the Acts of Paul, the apostle baptises a speaking lion, which he meets
again when he is sentenced to the animals in Ephesus.5 In the Acts of
Peter 912 a dog serves as the apostles messenger, summoning Simon
Magus. In the Acts of Thomas, both speaking animals of the Hebrew
Bible are featured: the apostle destroys the serpent of Eden (3133),
and speaking asses, as we will see immediately, appear twice in the
narrative (3941; 6881). Philip in his Acts meets three articulate ani-
mals: the eagle that he takes sight of on a tree turns out to be Jesus
Christ himself (Acts of Philip 3.59);6 later he baptises a leopard and a
kid who will even receive the Eucharist (8 and 12).
2. Speaking asses in the Acts of Thomas
Let us now turn our attention to the speaking asses in the Acts of Thomas.7
Right after the apostle defeats the serpent, an asss colt walks up to
him and invites him, Twin brother of Christ, apostle of the Most
High [. . .] mount, sit on me, and rest, until you come to the city. (39)8
Who are you, inquires the apostle, and to whom you belong? For
surprising and strange is that which was spoken by you. These things
are also hidden from many. (40) And the colt answers, I am of that
family which served Balaam, and to which also belonged the colt on
which sat your Lord and your Master. And now I have been sent to
5
Hamburg Papyrus 13. Paul meets the lion another time in the Coptic fragment
of the Acts of Paul, preserved in Papyrus Bodmer XLI (R. Kasser & P. Luisier, Le
Papyrus Bodmer XLI en dition Princeps lpisode dphse des Acta Pauli en Copte
et en Traduction, Le Muson 117 (2004), 281384). Cf. T. Adamik, The Baptized
Lion in the Acts of Paul, in: J.N. Bremmer (ed.), The Apocryphal Acts of Paul, Kampen
1996, 6074.
6
For this episode see I. Czachesz, The Eagle on the Tree: A Homeric Motif in
Early Christian and Jewish Literature, in: F. Garca Martnez & G.P. Luttikhuizen
(eds), Jerusalem, Alexandria, Rome: Studies in Ancient Cultural Interaction in Honour of A. Hilhorst,
Leiden 2003, 8799.
7
Greek: M. Bonnet, Acta apostolorum apocrypha, vol. 2.2, Leipzig 1903, 21787;
Syriac: P. Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum syriacae, vol. 3, Leipzig 1892, 10715. The
translation has been adapted from J.K. Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament, Oxford
1993. For the connection between the Greek and the Syriac, see A.F.J. Klijn, Acts of
Thomas: IntroductionTextCommentary, Leiden 20032, 89. It is generally assumed that
the Acts of Thomas originated in Edessa in the early third century, cf. J.N. Bremmer,
The Acts of Thomas: Place, Date and Women, in: Idem (ed.), The Apocryphal Acts of
Thomas, Leuven 2001, 7490.
8
In the Syriac text, Thomas foretells that the colt would speak (see below).

speaking asses in the ACTS OF THOMAS 277
give you rest as you sit on me, that these [the multitude] may believe
[. . .]. After some hesitation the apostle sits on the ass back. As they
arrive at the city gates, he dismounts the animal and dismisses it, Go
and be kept safe where you were. (41) When he says this, the colt
immediately falls to the ground and dies.
In another episode of this Acts, wild asses help the apostle when he
exorcises a woman and her daughter (6981). At this time, the asses
do not report themselves voluntarily. When his draft animals stop
moving in the great heat, Thomas turns to the general whose family is
demonised: If you believe in Jesus Christ, go to the herd of wild asses
and say, Judas Thomas, the apostle of Christ, the new God, says: Let
four of you come, because we need you! Following his instruction,
the general summons the animals, and immediately they run to the
apostle and fall upon their knees. When hearing his need, all of them
want to be yoked; finally, the four strongest are employed and the rest
is dismissed.
After they arrive at the generals home, the apostle sends one of the
asses, yoked on the right hand side, into the house with the instruction
to call the demons outside. And, indeed, the wild ass enters the yard
and addresses the demons at length. Hearing his words, the woman
and her daughter come out of the house to the apostle, who drives
the demons out of them. The two women, however, lie on the ground
as if they were dead. At this point the wild ass delivers a long speech,
exhorting first the apostle and then the multitude. Finally, the women
are raised and the asses are dismissed outside the city gates.
Just as the serpent in Acts of Thomas 32 is identified with the serpent
of Eden, the asss colt says he is from the family of the ass of Balaam.
However, the answer is less evident to the question as to how far the
narrative is actually based on the episode of Numbers 22. The first motif
that grabs our attention in Acts of Thomas 39 is the phrase opened his
mouth and said ( ). In Num 22:28 we
read almost exactly the same words, but there God is the subject: Then
YHWH opened the mouth of the donkey, and it said to Balaam (LXX:
, ). This detail
is given even more emphasis in the Syriac version of the Acts of Thomas,
where the apostle foretells that God will open the mouth of the ass as
a sign so that the multitude would believe. And the mouth of the colt
was opened, and it spoke like a man by the power of our Lord, and
said to him [. . .]. In one of the Syriac manuscripts, the whole episode
is summarised as The fifth act, about the asss colt which was given

278 istvn czachesz
speech (or reason) by the grace of our Lord, and which spoke like a
man.9 As in Numbers, the ass has superhuman insights about the divine,
and speaks of mysteries that are hidden from many.
Yet in the fourth act of the Acts of Thomas the ass is never superior to
the apostle. Whereas in Numbers 22 it is Balaam whose life is endan-
gered when he does not recognise the angel of the Lord, in the Acts of
Thomas the ass dies when it has accomplished its mission. In Numbers
the animal is a she-ass, whereas in the Acts of Thomas the animal is a
young ass, similar to the animal on which Jesus enters Jerusalem in
Mark and Luke.10
In the other ass-story of the Acts of Thomas, the wild asses first under-
stand the generals words and obey him and the apostle. This resembles
the behaviour of the bugs in the Acts of John 6061, a motif which may
be labelled as animals that listen to the man of God. Only in the
second part of the episode does one of the wild asses speak, which is,
however, not commented on as a miracle for this time. The asss role
as a messenger resembles the role of the speaking dog in Acts of Peter
912, the latter being a possible source of the episode in the Acts of
Thomas. The wild ass, nevertheless, is outfitted with reason far better
than the dog, and his insight into the matters of salvation surpasses
even the intelligence of the first speaking ass of the Acts of Thomas. He
undergoes, as it were, a rapid evolution, from wild ass to listening
animal, messenger, and a mediator of highest wisdom.
3. Jesus entry to Jerusalem
Various motifs of both episodes involving asses in the Acts of Thomas can
be seen as references to Jesus entry to Jerusalem.11 In Acts of Thomas
39, as we have remarked above, the apostle rides a young ass, just as
Jesus in Mark and Luke. In the second episode, the apostle sends the
general for the wild asses with the message, Let four of you come,
because we need you! (chap. 69). Similarly, Jesus sends two of his
disciples for the ass, who are supposed to say, The Lord needs it and
will send it back immediately (Mark 11:3). It is remarkable that motifs
9
Ms. Sachau 222, see P. Bedjan, Acta martyrum, 42.
10
Numbers 22: /ta; (cf. r/mj}), LXX . Acts of Thomas 3941: ,
Syriac . Mark 11:7 and Luke 19:35: .
11
Mark 11:110 and parallels.

of the Balaam story and of Jesus entry are freely mixed up in both
episodes of the Acts of Thomas.
Did the story of Numbers 22 already influence the narrative of Jesus
entry to Jerusalem? Surprisingly enough, exegetes have given little, if
any, attention to this alternative. Zech 9:9 is routinely identified as the
source of Jesus animal: he rides on an ass (r/mj}) and a foal of she-
asses (t/ntoa}AB, ryI[). The Marcan text, however, as Ulrich Luz rightly
observes,12 reveals no evidence of using Zechariah. The foal ()
on which nobody has sat as yet (Mark 11:2), is not necessarily an ass.
It fulfils, on one hand, the requirements of a sacrificial animal;13 on the
other hand, riding such an animal is a miracle in itself,14 a fact which
certainly did not escape the attention of Mark and his listeners, and
reminds one of the use of the wild asses in the Acts of Thomas. Numbers
22 may have influenced the formation of this narrative, where Jesus
comes in the name of the Lord to restore Davids glorious kingdom,
just as Balaam was sent by YHWH to foretell Israels glory. We may
also wonder if the figures of the two disciples sent for the animal have
been somehow inspired by the two servants accompanying Balaam.15
In Matthews version of Jesus entry the animal is specified as a she-ass
( , Matt 11:7), which is accompanied by her foal (). Since
Matthew cites Zech 9:9, it has been thought that he misunderstood
the repetition ( parallelismus membrorum) and therefore let Jesus make
use of two asses instead of one, making them mother and baby.16 Luz,
however, warns that such basic misunderstanding of the Hebrew style
hardly occurred to a Jewish author, and emphasises instead Matthews
strive to apply the formula quotations literally.17 We can also remark
12
U. Luz, Das Evangelium nach Matthus, vol. 3, Zrich/Neukirchen-Vluyn 1997,
178n11. Cf. W. Grundmann, Das Evangelium nach Markus, Berlin 19777, 303. Pace J.
Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach Markus, vol. 2, Zrich/Neukirchen-Vluyn 197879, 114.
13
Num 19:2; Deuteronomy 21:3.
14
Cf. Grundmann, Markus, 304.
15
Two passages in the Babylonian Talmud (Sanhedrin 106b; Gittin 57a) are traditionally
thought to identify Jesus with Balaam, but neither mentions the asses; cf. I. Singer &
D. Adler (eds), The Jewish Encyclopedia, s.v. Balaam; S. Krauss, Das Leben Jesu nach jdis-
chen Quellen, Berlin 1902, 267f.; P. Schfer, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton 2007. Origen,
Thirteenth Homily on Numbers, connects the asses in Numbers and the gospels, and allegori-
cally identifies them with the Church; cf. Leemanss contribution to this volume.
16
E.g. W. Grundmann, Das Evangelium nach Matthus, Berlin 19754, 448. E. Schweizer,
Das Evangelium nach Matthus, Gttingen 197313, 263, mistakenly assumes that the
conjunctive and between the two members of the parallelism appears first in the
Greek.
17
Luz, Matthus, 178n20.

280 istvn czachesz
that Matthew (or his source) renders Zech 9:9 more faithfully to the
Hebrew than does the Septuagint, making the repetitive structure
unmistakable. Moreover, neither the Hebrew nor the Greek of Zech
9:9 suggests that the first ass is a female. We can safely assume that
Matthew has made his own choices here and it is quite possible that
his choice for a she-ass has been influenced by Numbers 22.
4. The Ass Novel
There is yet another ancient narrative about asses to be mentioned in

this chapter, which survived in two literary adaptations. Its influence
and popularity can be readily compared with that of the Balaam story.
Both Pseudo-Lucians Ass and Apuleius Metamorphoses predate the Acts
of Thomas. Recently S.J. Harrison dated Metamorphoses to the ad 170s
or 180s,18 whereas it is commonly assumed that both Pseudo-Lucians
Greek epitome (the so-called Onos) and Apuleius Latin Metamorphoses
were indebted to the earlier Greek Metamorphoseis by Lucius of Patras,
a work which did not come down to us, but is referred to by Photius
(Bibliotheca 129).19 The Ass Novel (by which I will refer to the common
plot of the group of texts delineated above) reports the adventures of a
young man, Lucius by name, who was experimenting with magic, but
things went wrong, and he remained in the shape of an ass for a long
while.20 Although the ass hides a human hero in an animals shape, it
is not granted the ability of speech: I was in other ways an ass, but
in heart and mind I was a man, still that same Lucius, apart from the
voice.21 This detail is important from the perspective of the narrative
structure, since it delays the heros return into human form.
Stories similar to the Ass Novel circulated in the Eastern Church from
the fourth century. In Historia monachorum 21.17 (late fourth century)
18
S.J. Harrison, Apuleius: A Latin Sophist, Oxford 2000, 910 and 2501, cf. Idem
(ed.), A Companion to Latin Literature, Malden, MA 2005, 21720.
19
Harrison, Apuleius, 2189.
20
In Apollodorus, Epitome 7.15 Circe turns some of Ulysses companions into asses
(in Odyssey 10.237ff. she turns all of them into swine).
21
Pseudo-Lucian, Ass 15.1, trans. J.P. Sullivan in: B.P. Reardon, Collected Ancient
Greek Novels, Berkely/London 1989, 589618. Cf. Apuleius, Metamorphoses III.25 and
E. Finkelpearl, The Language of Animals and the Text of Apuleius Metamorphoses,
in: W.H. Keulen, R.R. Nauta & S. Panayotakis (eds), Lectiones Scrupulosae: Essays on the
Text and Interpretation of Apuleius Metamorphoses in Honour of Maaike Zimmerman, Groningen
2006, 20321.

a virgin is changed into a mare by magic, and then receives back her
human shape with the help of father Macarius. Lausiac History 17.69
(written in 41920) reports a more elaborate version of the story with
a married woman.22 In the Arabic Infancy Gospel 2022, originally writ-
ten in Syriac in the fifth or sixth century,23 jealous women change a
young man into a mule by witchcraft. He is changed back into human
shape when Mary lifts the infant Jesus on the mules back.24 The motif
was also known to the church fathers in the West: Augustine knew
about Italian women who changed visitors into draft animals, and he
remarked that the victims kept their human reason, just as Apuleius
hero.25 In sum, the Ass Novel seems to be known in both the Eastern
and the Western Church from the fourth century. But could it already
influence the Acts of Thomas?
The basic idea behind the Ass Novel, Numbers 22, and the Acts of
Thomas is similar: all three writings feature an ass which has some human
abilities as a result of supernatural intervention. Although there is no
metamorphosis in Numbers 22 and the Acts of Thomas, similarities do
exist among all three texts. For example, the asses in Numbers and in
the Ass Novel are unjustly beaten several times.26 In the Ass Novel and
the Acts of Thomas, the whole city gathers to see the miraculous asses.27
Finally, there is a third motif, which we have to discuss in some detail:
Lucius participation in the mystery of the Syrian goddess.
5.
On one occasion, Lucius, in the shape of an ass, is loaded with the

image of the Syrian goddess and marches through the villages with a
group of begging priests:
22
For dating Historia Monachorum around 394, see E. Schulz-Flgel, Historia mona-
chorum, in: Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (RGG), 4th edn., vol. 3 (2000) 1793. For
Palladius Lausiac History, see M. Heimgartner, Palladius, in: RGG4, vol. 6 (2003) 838.
For related stories on witchcraft and adultery from antiquity, see H. van Thiel, Der
Eselroman, 2 vols, Munich 197172, vol. 1, 18790.
23
O. Cullmann, Infancy gospels, in: W. Schneemelcher (ed.) New Testament Apocrypha,
vol. 1, Louisville, KY 19912, 41469, esp. 456f.; Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament, 100.
24
In chap. 20, children are changed into goats and then back into human shape.
25
Cf. Augustine, De civitate Dei 18.18.
26
Pseudo-Lucian, Ass 38; Apuleius, Metamorphoses IX.11; cf. B.L. Hijmans et al.,
Apuleius Madaurensis, Metamorphoses, Book IX: Text, Introduction and Commentary, Groningen
1995, 1134.
27
Pseudo-Lucian, Ass 49; Apuleius, Metamorphoses X.19; Acts of Thomas 71.

282 istvn czachesz
For he was an old pervert, one of those who carry the Syrian goddess
around the villages and the countryside and force her to play the beggar.
[. . .] The next day they assembled for work, as they themselves termed
it, decked out the goddess, and placed her on my back. [Apuleius: They
put the goddess, wrapped in a silk cloak, on my back to carry.] Then we
drove out of the city and circulated through the countryside. Whenever
we came to some village, I, as the vehicle of the goddess, would stand
there [. . .]. Whenever they cut themselves up like this, they would collect
obols and drachmas from the bystanders watching. Others contributed
dried figs, a jar of wine, and cheeses, as well as a big bushel of wheat
and barley for the ass.28
When reading this sarcastic episode, it is difficult not to be reminded of
Jesus entry to Jerusalem, as well as of Acts of Thomas 3941, where the
man of God rides an ass. At the same time, it is unlikely that the Acts
of Thomas wanted to imitate the respective episode of the Ass Novel.
Was perhaps the author of the Ass Novel familiar with the biblical
stories?
The Ass Novel incorporates a wide range of anecdotal and proverbial
material about asses.29 In Greek religion, different gods and mythologi-
cal figures were riding an ass in myths or cultic processions.30 An ass
carried the child Dionysus, helped him to escape from the Giants, and
took him all the way to India as well as to Dodona. Hephaestus, whose
legs were crippled, was frequently depicted riding an ass, and he was
lead back to the Olympus on an ass (after Dionysus made him drunk).31
Silenus (Dionysus mentor, the god of drunkenness) was also riding an
ass. In the procession of Ptolemy II (king of Egypt 281246 bc), the
Satyrs and Maenads were riding asses. The ass was evidently associated
with the less noble, gay aspects of mythology and religious cults. The
motif was shortly expressed in the saying (The
donkey carrying mysteries), and elaborated on in Aesopian fables and
Aristophanes comedies, among others. An Aesopian fable describes a
scene that is very similar to the Cybele episode of the Ass Novel:
28
Pseudo-Lucian, Ass 3537; cf. Apuleius, Metamorphoses VIII.2427.
29
Thiel, Eselroman, vol. 1, 184; B.L. Hijmans et al., Apuleius Madaurensis, Metamorphoses,
Book VIII: Text, Introduction and Commentary, Groningen 1985, 239, 2946; M. Zimmerman,
Apuleius Madaurensis, Metamorphoses, Book X: Text, Introduction and Commentary, Groningen
2000, 256.
30
W. Richter, Esel, in: K. Ziegler & W. Sontheimer (eds), Der kleine Pauly, vol. 2,
Stuttgart 1967, 3703, esp. 372; G. Raepsaet, Esel, in: H. Cancik & H. Schneider
(eds), Der neue Pauly, vol. 4, Stuttgart 1998, 12935, esp. 1345.
31
W. Fauth, Hephaistos, in: Der kleine Pauly, vol. 2, 10248, esp. 1026; A. Ley,
Hephaistos, in: Der neue Pauly, vol. 5, Stuttgart 1998, 3525.

A man had placed a carved image on his donkey and was leading him
along. Many people bowed down when they met them along the way.
The donkey grew arrogant, thinking that the country folk were bowing
down before him, so he began to leap and prance. As he did so, the
donkey almost threw the image of the god from his back. The donkeys
master beat him with a stick and said, You are a donkey carrying a god
on your back, but that does not mean you deserve to be worshipped as a
god! This fable can be used for vulgar people who attribute to themselves
the honour that is paid to others.32
The donkey also carries the mysteries in Aristophanes Frogs 158
161:
Dionysus: And who are these?
Heracles: These are the Mystic celebrants.
Xanthias: By God, I am the donkey carrying the Mysteries (
)!
But I wont put up with this for one more minute!33
The similarities between the asss involvement in Greek mythology
and mystery cults, on the one hand, and Jesus entry to Jerusalem,
on the other hand, are indeed remarkable. There is no room in this
contribution to examine this relation in detail, which would lead us
away from the Wirkungsgeschichte of Numbers 22. Nevertheless, we can
outline a hypothetical picture. The authors of Numbers 22 and Zech
9:9 may have been acquainted with the religious use of the ass which
is known to us from the Greek sources, and offered demythologised
versions of those images. Subsequently, the Marcan narrative of Jesus
entry to Jerusalem made use of Numbers 22 as well as of information
about mystery religions in the first century ad. Matthew especially relied
on Zechariah and to some extent on Numbers. The Acts of Thomas,
finally, was more liberal in mixing biblical and novelistic elements, as
were later the biographers of the desert fathers and the apocryphal
infancy gospels.34
6. Cognitive considerations about speaking animals
In the final part of this paper I will highlight some psychological aspects
of speaking animals. Experiments have shown that stories with strange
32
Aesop 266 (Chambry); trans. L. Gibbs, Aesops Fables, Oxford 2002, 134.
33
Trans. M. Dillon, adapted.
34
The assumed sexual intercourse of Balaam and the ass in rabbinic tradition (see
Nikolskys paper in this volume) might also reflect the influence of the Ass Novel.

284 istvn czachesz
elements are more readily remembered than stories without them.35 As

we all know, Man bites dog is news. Religion makes use of various
ideas which violate everyday expectations. Such ideas have been widely
maintained in the history of humankind.
Strangeness alone, however, is not enough for ideas to be successfully
transmitted. A dog with six legs is strange enough, yet such figures are
rarely mentioned in fairy tales, myths, or religion. Unusual features are
always limited and functional, rather than just awkward. Among the
asses in our texts we can see various sorts of unusual features. Balaams
ass can see the angel and can speak. Jesus donkey is one on which
no one has ridden (in Mark and Luke). In the Ass Novel, Lucius has
human thoughts and feelings in the body of an ass, without the ability
of speech; he also eats human food. In the Acts of Thomas, the asses
have knowledge about religious matters and they can speak. In all other
respects, however, all of those animals are normal. None of them are
just haphazard mixtures of human and non-human elements.36 Their
normal features evoke expectations in the readers as to how those
animals would behave in different situations; whereas their functional
strangeness allows them to show those situations from a surprising,
new angle.
Recently Pascal Boyer and other cognitive scientists have experimen-
tally demonstrated that especially successful strange concepts, similar to
the ones described above, minimally violate innate ontological catego-
ries.37 A cross-cultural comparison shows that all humans differentiate
between living and non-living things. The former are subdivided into
animate (persons and animals) and non-animate kinds (plants); the latter
include artefacts and other substances. Neurological studies have also
provided evidence about some of those categories, showing that different
brain structures are activated when manipulating different categories.38
When we recognise something in our environment as belonging to one
of the ontological categories we intuitively activate various expectations
35
See below for literary references.
36
If we look at animals in other literature, a similar view emerges: Aesops animals,
for example, have one or two human traits, mostly stereotypes.
37
P. Boyer, The Naturalness of Religious Ideas, Berkeley 1994; P. Boyer & C. Ramble,
Cognitive Templates for Religious Concepts: Cross-cultural Evidence for Recall of
Counterintuitive Representations, Cognitive Science 25 (2001) 53564; J.L. Barrett & M.
Nyhof, Spreading Non-Natural Concepts: The Role of Intuitive Conceptual Structures
in Memory and Transmission of Cultural Materials, Journal of Cognition and Culture 1
(2001) 69100; cf. I. Pyysiinen, M. Lindeman & T. Honkela, Counterintuitiveness
as the Hallmark of Religiosity, Religion 33 (2003) 34155.
38
L.R. Squire & E.R. Kandel, Memory: From Mind to Molecules, New York 1999, 8990.

about them:39 a plant will grow but not move; animals will move but
not speak; etc. Concepts that violate such intuitive expectations about
ontological categories are called counterintuitive concepts. However, con-
cepts that are maintained in the long run will not violate ontological
expectations excessively: they will be minimally counterintuitive. Whereas
they violate our expectations at some points, they still contain enough
normal features that enable our minds to make rich inferences about
them, which explains why the ass-characters are constructed in the way
that I have described above. Religious ideas are typically such minimally
counterintuitive concepts.40 Moreover, most of them, as Boyer and oth-
ers have rightly observed, will involve the category of person.41 This
is also evident in the texts studied in this chapter, where strange asses
have traits borrowed from human beings (speech, thought, devotion),
and never ones borrowed from plants, rocks, or hammers.
In the Ass Novel, in line with the Aesopian stories, animals human-
like features serve mainly irony and entertainment. Philosophers,
however, have discussed since old whether animals have reason. The
Sceptics of the New Academy were arguing for human-like intelligence
in animals, whereas Stoics were opposed to this view.42 Ironically, the
views of the New Academy about animals seem to have received support
from recent findings in animal psychology.43 In rabbinic Jewish thought,
various animals have sharp minds and many of them are represented
as deeply religious.44 Maybe Numbers 22 is a signal that such ideas
existed earlier in Jewish thought, similarly as in Greek philosophy, only
not many of them made their way into the extant writings. But, again,
this issue regards the origins of the Balaam narrative rather than its
history of reception.
39
Actually specific brain areas get activated, such as motoric systems when we see
a tool; cf. Squire & Kandel, Memory, 90.
40
S. Atran, In Gods We Trust: The Evolutionary Landscape of Religion, New York 2002,
95100; P. Boyer, Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought, London
2001, 705.
41
Boyer, Religion Explained, 82103; Pyysiinen et al., Counterintuitiveness; Atran,
In Gods We Trust, 1007.
42
U. Dierauer, Tier und Mensch im Denken der Antike: Studien zur Tierpsychologie,
Anthropologie und Ethik, Amsterdam 1977, 199293.
43
E.g. M.D. Hauser, Wild Minds; What Animals Really Think, New York 2000.
According to M.D. Hauser, N. Chomsky & W.T. Fitch, The Faculty of Language: What
Is It, Who Has It, and How Did It Evolve? Science 298 (2002) 156979, the human
faculty of speech includes only one element that distinguishes it from similar abilities
in intelligent animals: the domain-general use of recursion (the successive application
of a rule on itself ).
44
Schochet, Animal Life, 11943; Matthews, Articulate Animals, 2212.

TO BLESS WITH A MOUTH BENT ON CURSING:
PATRISTIC INTERPRETATIONS OF BALAAM (NUM 24:17)
Johan Leemans
1. Introduction
The contributions in this volume abundantly demonstrate that the

prophet Balaam occurs explicitly or implicitly in a surprisingly large
and diverse body of texts. Besides the core text of Numbers 2224
and several other passages of the Hebrew Bible the prophet is, inter alia,
present in the Dead Sea Scrolls, the New Testament and the Targumim.
Turning to the patristic inheritance, the available amount of sources is
simply overwhelming and defies any form of exhaustive presentation.1 A
quick glance at the patristic interpretations of Numbers 2224 reveals
that Balaam was to the Church Fathers a beloved scriptural character.2
It is also immediately clear that, as far as the number of occurrences
is concerned, Num 24:17cd towers above all others: a star shall come
forth out of Jacob, and a sceptre shall rise out of Israel (RSV). In
this contribution, I will thus focus on the Church Fathers reception
of this text.
The variety of texts in which Num 24:17cd occurs is striking. They
comprise in the first place commentaries and sermons that offer an
exegetical interpretation of the biblical text. Here the harvest is limited
to writings by Origen and Augustine. In his Homilies XIIIXIX on Num-
bers, extant in Rufinus Latin translation, Origen offers the only detailed
1
An exhaustive study of the Church Fathers reception of the Balaam character
and/or of Numbers 2224 does not exist to date. The general survey by Karpp in the
Reallexikon fr Antike und Christentum (RAC ) is already old and the valuable contribution
by Baskin did not aim at completeness either (H. Karpp, Bileam. Kirchenvter, in:
RAC 2 [1954] 36673; J.R Baskin, Pharaohs Counsellors: Job, Jethro, and Balaam in Rabbinic
and Patristic Tradition [ Brown Judaic Studies 47], Chico CA 1983, 75115).
2
Wen wir die altchristliche Literatur durchblttern, knnen wir mit Erstaunen fest-
stellen, dass der Prophet mit der sprechenden Eselin, der verfluchen wollte aber doch
segnen musste, nicht nur gut bekannt, sondern geradezu eine beliebte Persnlichkeit
ist (E. Kirschbaum, Der Prophet Balaam und die Anbetung der Weisen, Rmische
Quartalschrift 49 [1954] 129171 at 130).

288 johan leemans
analysis of Numbers 2224 that has come down to us from the patristic
period.3 In what follows, his work will be prominent. Besides Origens
writings, some chapters of Augustines Quaestiones ad Heptateuchum also
deal with our text but, safe for some scholia, there is not much else.4
Yet, all writings produced by the Early Church were thoroughly
scriptural. The role of the Bible in the Church Fathers culture and
their practice of exegesis itself went far beyond explaining the sacred
text. Indeed, according to the writers of the patristic period, the Bible
was the word of God, meaning that Gods message and truth was
proclaimed in every single verse and sentence. Moreover, the Scriptures
constituted an essential element of their cultural and hermeneutical
framework.5 Recourse was continuously taken to the Scriptures, but
often very fragmentarily. Allusions to or quotations from the Scriptures
flew effortlessly out of the Fathers pen, regardless of whether the con-
tent of their work was historical, apologetical, dogmatic, catechetical,
homiletic, biographical, monastical or strictly exegetical. No wonder
then that these writings often resemble a mosaic of scriptural quotations
and allusions. Consequently, the raw material on which the following
survey of the patristic interpretations of Num 24:17 draws, largely
presents itself as sparsa collecta: isolated and often short passages that
are scattered all over patristic literature.
In what follows I will present the main lines of the reception of
Balaam and of Num 24:17. I start with the most prominent feature:
Num 24:17 as foretelling the incarnation. In a second section I will
discuss the link between this verse and the Matthean story of the
Magi. Thirdly, I will indicate the role of Num 24:17 in the polemic of
the Church Fathers against astrological practices. I will show further
that the Church Fathers also highlighted negative aspects of Balaams
character and how they address the tension with his undeniably positive
contribution to the history of salvation.
3
Origne: Homlies sur les Nombres. II. Homlies XIXIX, texte latin de W. Baehrens
(GCS), nouvelle dition par Louis Doutreleau s.j. (Sources Chrtiennes 442), Paris
1999, 116373.
4
See the survey in J. de Vaulx, Les Nombres (Sources bibliques), Paris 1972, 512.
5
See F. Young, Biblical Exegesis and the Formation of Christian Culture, Cambridge 1997.

to bless with a mouth bent on cursing 289
2. Num 24:17 in the Fathers: foretelling the incarnation6
In his fourth oracle, Balaam prophesies: a star shall come forth out of
Jacob, and a sceptre shall rise out of Israel (RSV). The survey of Kevin
Cathcart shows that messianic interpretations of this Hebrew text are
evidently reflected in its Greek, Syriac, Latin and Aramaic renderings. In
this regard the renderings of the words star and sceptre are particu-
larly significant. Star is rendered as king in the Peshitta and in three
Targum texts. In the Greek versions it is the word sceptre that is the
most important one. In the Septuagint7 it is translated by and
in a version transmitted by Justin Martyr as leader, which
becomes dux in the Latin translation of Irenaeus Adversus Haereses.8 We
also find similar renderings of this text in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in
the Pseudepigrapha.9
It is noteworthy that in the Vulgate the most faithful rendering of the
Hebrew is offered, without messianic overtones at all: orietur stella ex Iacob
et consurget virga de Israhel. By the time Jerome prepared this translation,
a messianic interpretation of this verse had already firmly imposed
itself. One of the earliest testimonies of such an interpretation is to be
found in Justin Martyrs First Apology. In the context of his exploration
of the relationship between Christianity and Judaism, Justin discusses
Old Testament passages that foreshadow the incarnation. Num 24:17
is evidently one of them:
Another prophet, Isaiah, expressing thoughts in a different language, spoke
thus: A star shall rise out of Jacob, and a flower shall spring from the root
of Jesse, and in His arm shall nations trust. Indeed, a brilliant star has
arisen, and a flower has sprung up from the root of Jessethis is Christ.
For, by Gods power, He was conceived by a virgin who was a descendant
of Jacob, who was the father of Judah, the above-mentioned father of the
Jewish race; and Jesse was His forefather according to this prophecy, and
He was the son of Jacob and Judah according to their lineage.10
6
On the patristic interpretation of this verse, see G. Dorival, Un astre se lvera
de Jacob: Linterprtation ancienne des Nombres 24,17, Annali di storia dellesegesi 13/1
(1996) 295352.
7
According to the Gttingen edition of the Septuagint the text of 24:17cd is
.
8
Cf. K.J. Cathcart, Numbers 24:17 in Ancient Translations and Interpretations, in:
J. Krasovec (ed.), Interpretation of the Bible: The International Symposium in Slovenia, Sheffield
1998, 51120, esp. 512.
9
Cathcart, Numbers 24:17 in Ancient Translations and Interpretations, 51316.
10
Justin Martyr, Apologia I.32 (translation taken from T.B. Falls, Writings of Saint Justin
Martyr [ Fathers of the Church 6], Washington 1948, 6970).

290 johan leemans
It is striking that the quotation from Num 24:17 is mixed up with one
from Isaiah and that the whole text is ascribed to the latter prophet. One
should, however, not make too much out of this since in his somewhat
later Dialogue with Trypho Justin mentions that He (Christ) was called
Joseph and Judah and a Star by Moses.11 The star-prophecy ascribed
to Moses here clearly refers to Num 24:17.
After Justin Martyr we turn to Origen. In the context of his exegesis
of Balaams fourth oracle, in which he pays special attention to verse
17, Origen dwells at length on the link between the star-prophecy and
the incarnation. He formulates the identification of the star to Christ
as follows:
But let us see what he [sc. Balaam] says in what follows: I will show
him, though not immediately; I will bless him and he is not nearby. In other cop-
ies, however, one reads I will see him, though not immediately. If the latter
variant is to be accepted, one will find it easier to understand that it is
Christabout whom he says in what follows a star comes forth from Jacob
and a man will rise from Israelthat it is Christ whom must be seen.12
It is also evident to the authors of the fourth century that the star in
Num 24:17 must be identified with Christ. In On the Incarnation, Atha-
nasius of Alexandria refutes the Jews unbelief in the cross and the
incarnation by using their own scriptures against them:
The unbelieving Jews have their refutation from the books which they also
read; from beginning to end all through each inspired book proclaims these
things, just as the words themselves are obvious. For the prophets previ-
ously foretold the miracle of the Virgin and the birth from her, saying:
Behold a virgin will conceive and give birth to a son, and they will call his
name Emmanuel, which is, interpreted, God with us (Isa 7:14). And
Moses, that truly great man who is believed by them to be truthful,
considered the saying concerning the incarnation of the Saviour as most
momentous, and recognising it as true, phrased it thus: A star will rise from
Jacob and a man from Israel, and he will break the princes of Moab.13
11
Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 126.1 (trans. Falls, Writings of Saint Justin Martyr,
343).
12
Origenes, In Numeros homiliae XVIII.4. In a passage from the second book of his
Commentary on the Song of Songs, the same connection is made: But now . . . let us also
adduce from the second prophecy of Balaam the passage that refers to Christ. A star,
he says, shall rise out of Iacob and a man shall come forth from his seed . . . (R.P.
Lawson, Origen: The Song of Songs. Commentary and Homilies [Ancient Christian Writers
26], Westminster MD/London 1957, 156).
13
Athanasius of Alexandria, De Incarnatione 33 (edn. and trans. R.W. Thomson,
Athanasius: Contra Gentes and De Incarnatione [Oxford Early Christian Texts], Oxford
1971, 21415).

I continue with two testimonies from Christmas sermons. Ephrem the

Syrians so-called First Christmas Hymn presents proof texts from the Old
Testament, foretelling in beautifully vigorous poetry Jesus messianic
office. The first stanza, of which the following fragment is taken, stresses
the continuous repetition of the word today, the celebrative atmo-
sphere, and demonstrates that the Christmas-event is none other than
Christs incarnation foreshadowed already in the Hebrew Bible:
The word that Micah spoke was realised today,
for a shepherd went out from Ephrata, and his staff herded souls. (Mic
5:2; 5:1 Pes.)
Behold, a star shone forth from Jacob and a prince arose from Israel.
The prophecy that Balaam spoke found its meaning today. (Num 24:17)
The hidden light descended and its beauty shone forth from a body;
the dawn of which Zechariah spoke lights up Bethlehem today. (Zech 2:5).14
In his Christmas Homily, Amphilochius of Iconium (second half of the
fourth century ad) also sings the praise of the day of Christmas:
O day, worthy of a thousand songs of praise; the day on which a star
from Jacob shone forth to us, on which a heavenly man from Israel was
seen and on which the strong God came to us.15
Similar texts can also be found in less evident places. In the middle of
the sixth century, for instance, we read in the Topographia Christiana of
Cosmas Indicopleustes:
Moreover, he [sc. Moses] wrote down what had been said by Balaam:
A star will rise from Jacob and a man from Israel, and he will break
the princes of Moab and subject all the sons of Seth. With the sons
of Seth the whole world is meant and his words can only be fittingly
applied to Christ.16
On the basis of this sample of texts, to which many more could be
added, it is clear that a messianic interpretation of Num 24:17 is pres-
ent in the writings of the Church Fathers and that it is linked to the
incarnation.
14
Ephrem, In Nativitatem I (trans. K. McVey, Ephrem the Syrian: Hymns [Classics of
Western Spirituality], New York NY 1989, 64).
15
Amphilochius of Iconium, In Christi natalem 3 (edn. C. Datema, Amphilochii Iconiensis
opera [Corpus Christianorum; Series Graeca 3], Turnhout 1978, 7, lines 879; my
own translation).
16
Cosmas Indicopleustes, Topographia Christiana V.112 (edn. and trans. W. Waska-
Conus [Sources Chrtiennes 159], Paris 1970, 171; my own translation).

292 johan leemans
3. The star of Num 24:17 and the star of the Magi
The largest cluster of patristic texts revolving around Num 24:17 are
connecting Balaams star to the Magi of the Matthean Infancy Nar-
rative (cf. Nicklass contribution to this volume). Irenaeus is the first to
make this connection in book III of the Adversus Haereses:
Therefore there is one and the same God, who was proclaimed by the
prophets and announced by the Gospel; and His Son, who was of the
fruit of Davids body, that is, of the virgin of [the house of ] David, and
Emmanuel; whose star also Balaam thus prophesied: There shall come
a star out of Jacob, and a leader shall rise in Israel. But Matthew says
that the Magi, coming from the east, exclaimed For we have seen His
star in the east, and have come to worship Him; and that, having been
led by the star into the house of Jacob to Emmanuel, they showed, by
these gifts which they offered, who it was that was worshipped; myrrh,
because it was He who should die and be buried for the mortal human
race; gold, because He was a King, of whose kingdom is no end; and
frankincense, because He was God, who also was made known in Judea,
and was declared to those who sought Him not.17
Irenaeus is arguing here that the Christian God is the only true god.
Balaams star-prophecy evidently refers to Christ in this context, but
the author also connects this to the star which led the Magi from the
East to Bethlehem. In other words, Balaams prophecy of Num 24:17
brings us into the Matthean narrative of the journey of the Magi,
their presence at the crib and their bringing of presents all of which
are interpreted symbolically. It is clear that still early in the patristic
period, the identification of Balaams star with that of the Magi is
evident already in Irenaeus.
Matthews report of the events thus raised the following question:
how did the Magiwho were pagans!know that the star they had
seen announced the incarnation? The Fathers answer to this question
is that they knew by a gift of divine grace. Besides this supernatural
cause, they also point to a second more mundane reason: the Magi
knew Balaams prophecy and hence were enabled to interpret the star
they saw as an announcement of the birth of the Messiah.18
17
Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses III.9.2 (trans. taken from The Apostolic Fathers with Justin
Martyr and Irenaeus [The Ante-Nicene Fathers 1], Edinburgh 1996 [= 1884], 4223).
18
See e.g. Leo Magnus, Sermo 34 4.2.

This solution of course leads to the following question: how did

the Magi know Balaams prophecy at all? The Fathers answer is in
general twofold: they point to the common geographical background
of Balaam and the Magi: both are from the East and/or they point
to their common profession: both Balaam and the Magi were in the
field of divination and the practice of soothsaying. These two elements
were gradually interwoven and the Magi were relatively early described
as relatives or descendants of Balaam. This is already the case in
Origens Homilies in Numeri, but on the basis of introductory formulations
such as it is considered, it is fair to assume that he did not invent it
himself but rather hands over an already existing tradition.19
This tradition is continued after Origen.20 Eusebius of Caesarea
qualifies the Magi, much as Origen had done, as diadochoi of Balaam.21
Gregory of Nyssa styles Balaam as the , the ancestor, of the
Magi.22 Diodore of Tarsus styles the Magi in his treatise De fato as
of Balaam.23 Ambrosius of Milan refers to some story
(historia quaedam) according to which the Magi were the descendants of
Balaam24 and Jerome, in his Commentary on Matthew, repeats that the
Magi were Balaams descendants.25 Two centuries later, at the very
end of the patristic period, John Damascene, an eager collector of the
theological tradition of the previous centuries, still echoes that the Magi
were , descendants, of the son of Beor.26
Furthermore, the Fathers were not insensitive to the irony of his-
tory: Balaam, a pagan, foretold in his oracle the birth of the Christian
Saviour, who came forth from the Jewish people. This message was
preserved in the Hebrew Bible: the content of it was lost to the Jews,
who rejected Christ but who, as it were involuntarily, transmitted the
announcement of the Messiahs birth to the pagans who did receive
it and became Christians. In other words, the pagan prophet Balaam
transmitted the message of the incarnation to other pagans through
the Hebrew Scriptures. This theme is of course teased out with great
Origenes, In Numeros homiliae XIII.7.4.

19
See Dorival, Un astre se lvera de Jacob, 31516.

20
21
Eusebius of Caesarea, Demonstratio evangelica IX.1.
22
Gregory of Nyssa, In diem natalem Christi (edn. F. Mann, Sermones [Gregorii Nysseni
Opera X.2], Leiden 1996, 245.3246.2, esp. 245 line 16).
23
Diodore of Tarsus, De fato 53.
24
Ambrosius, In Lucam II.48.
25
Hieronymus, Commentarium in Matthaeum (ad Matt 2:2).
26
Joannes Damascenus, In Nativitatem 6.

294 johan leemans
enthusiasm by the Church Fathers, most notably, again, in their Christ-

mas sermons. The earliest source is Origen who ascribes it to a felicitous
intervention of divine Providence in his Fourteenth Homily on Numbers:
We have to do here with a miraculous and great dispensation: since the
prophets words, who were confined to the Israelite sphere, could not
reach the pagans, the mysteries (mystria) about Christ were carried to them
through Balaam, in whom all people had trust, and this great treasure
was brought to them not so much through the heart and the senses but
through the spoken word.27
The final consequence of this argument is, of course, that the Christians
themselves, for whom the Church Fathers were writing, were inherit-
ing the message the Magi had received from Balaam. Ultimately they
themselves were, through the Magi, the heirs of Balaams prophecy.
This final step is only taken relatively late. We find it for the first time
in Augustines Sermon on Epiphany, but also in later writings.28 Perhaps
the most unequivocal formulation is to be found in the anonymous
sixth-century Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum:
O blessed Magi, who from all pagan people merited to become the first-
lings of the faithful! The reason is that these Magi carried already the
form of what was to be the Church ( forma futurae Ecclesiae). For, just as
they were, in belief, seeking and confessing their faith in the King, whom
they had never seen, in the same manner are wewho come forth from
pagan peoplealso daily seeking in belief the Lord, whom we have never
seen, and we confess his power.29
The author continues by making the connection between the star
of the Magi and the star-prophecy of Balaam. He also quotes Num
24:17. The Magi were the firstlings of Christianity. Through their
intervention, which was the result of the fact that they were following
not only their own but also Balaams star, the latter became a sort of
founding father of Christianity. It goes without saying that this does
injustice to the historical roots of Christianity in Judaism but it should,
I think, be understood as a testimony to Christianity understanding
itself exclusively as an ecclesia ex gentibus. In this sense it can be said that
the reception of Balaam contributed to the formation of a Christian
identity vis--vis other religions of Late Antiquity.
27
Origenes, In Numeros homiliae XIV.3.
28
Augustinus, Sermo 200 and Sermo 202; Leo Magnus, Sermo 32 2.4.
29
Ps-Chrysostomus, Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum homilia II.2.

4. Balaams star and the Church Fathers polemic against astrology
One of the religious practices deeply entrenched in paganism was belief

in the fatum and, coupled with that, various sorts of divination, including
the practice of astrology. Throughout the patristic period the leaders
of the late antique Christian communities consistently argued against
these practices.30 Particularly from the fourth century onwards, bishops
had to respond to this pressing matter of undesirable behaviour within
their own congregations as more and more semi-Christians joined the
Church. In his Fourteenth Festal Letter, for instance, written in 426 ad,
Cyril of Alexandria strongly warns his flock against believing that they
could foretell the future from consulting the stars. These are all false
predictions and the people practicing it are false prophets. Sometimes
their predictions are proven right, but this is only pure luck on their
part. Moreover, only a small share of these predictions do indeed
come true. The validity of these practices is also clearly contradicted
by the fact that repeatedly these people have proven to be unable to
predict even their own future, let alone that of others.31 Besides some
scriptural arguments, the bishop of Alexandria also spent the lions
share of his yearly letter to a vehement refutation of these undesirable
practices. By means of this, two things are clear: astrological practices
were widespread and the battle to eradicate them in his time was also
far from won.
In the Church Fathers critical reflections regarding astrological prac-
tices, the star of the Magi plays a predominantly positive role. In some
other passages, however, Balaams star-prophecy is at least implicitly
present as an authoritative argument in favour of astrology. This cre-
ated a problem: how can one be against astrology when a diviner
uttered an oracle which in the end proved to be the prediction of the
birth of Christ? Dorival presents some material in which this tension
is addressed.32 Of this especially a text of Basil of Caesarea merits
consideration.
30
These anti-astrological writings and arguments of the Fathers are described and
analysed in D. Amand, Fatalisme et libert dans lantiquit grecque: recherches sur la survivance de
largumentation morale antifataliste de Carnade chez les philosophes grecs et les thologiens chrtiens
des quatre premiers sicles (UCL; Recueil de travaux dhistoire et de philologie, Srie 3
19), Louvain: Bibliothque universitaire Louvain, 1945.
31
Cf. Cyril of Alexandria, Epistula festalis XIV.128303.
32
Dorival, Un astre se lvera de Jacob, 3459.

296 johan leemans
In a long passage from Basil of Caesareas Homily on the Holy Genera-

tion of Christ,33 Balaam is present a few times and Num 24:17 is quoted
just before the anti-astrological argumentation stricto sensu starts. In
this argument Basil strongly argues that the rising of the star (sc. of
Balaam) had nothing at all to do with predicting the future or with the
belief that the specific configuration of stars at the time of someones
birth would influence the course of this persons life. Moreover, this
idea is not applicable to the situation at the time of the Saviours birth.
We know of two sorts of heavenly bodies: those who are permanently
moving (the planets) and those who are never moving (the stars). The
star of the Magi, however did both: first, it led them from the East,
whence they came, to Bethlehem, and when they had found the place
where the child was, the star stood still above the place. Hence it was a
very special star, announcing an exceptional event, and can in no way
be made into an argument in defence of astrological practices which
are only related to ordinary stars.
5. Balaam: An ambiguous character
What has been said thus far about Balaams portrayal in the Church
Fathers was all very positive. He was a prophet who announced the
incarnation. He was put on par with the Magiyes, even became
their forefatherand was, all in all, a beloved character who was
always mentioned in Christmas sermons or sermons on Epiphany.
Yet, there was also a dark side to the Fathers appraisal of Balaam: he
was a prophet of the central event of Christian doctrine, but at the
same time he remained a pagan prophet. Karp formulates it as follows:
Bileam ist ein Stck heidnisches Altertums innerhalb der Bibel selbst.34
Moreover, he was a pagan prophet about whom the Scriptures recorded
some highly questionable deeds. Origen brought the following things
forward against him:35 he went to the king even while God forbade
him to do so; he built altars and demanded divine counsel through
magic; he was avaricious.
Some patristic authors gave way to their hostility to this false prophet
and simply evaded the problem by denying him the status of a true
33
Basilius of Caesarea, In generationem Christi 6.
34
Karpp, Bileam, 366.
35
Origenes, Homiliae in Numeros 15.1 with reference to 14.3.1.

prophet.36 In most cases however this ambiguity has been part and
parcel of the Church Fathers description of Balaam. At the end of the
patristic period, it has been summed up in a sermon on Mark 6:14
by Peter Chrysologus, bishop of Ravenna in the first half of the sixth
century:
Balaam blesses with a mouth bent on cursing, and although hired for
wickedness he speaks all the mysteries of truth. And just like a rose amidst
thorns, that is, as on a prickly shrub little flowers with wondrous aromas
are grown, so too sometimes the perceptions of the worst people are
triggered against their will by the impulse of divinity for the good, such
that what they say derives not from their merit but from the [ particular]
mystery.37
Origen, roughly three centuries before this quotation, had already
expressed the argument that Balaam was overcome by divine superior-
ity, that the impulse of divinity for the good outweighed the prophets
bad disposition. He was the first to address the problem of this double
face of Balaam at length. One sees him wrestling with this throughout
his Homelies on the Balaam pericope and finally come to a solution
which has influenced the later tradition and the nuanced character of
which has never been superseded. This interpretation of Balaam is
closely connected to Origens understanding of prophecy.38 Contrary
to many authors before him, Origen did not think that the divine
inspiration of the Spirit removed or made useless the prophets normal
human rational faculties. In addition, when the prophet is inspired, he
still retains his individual character. Moreover, in Origens allegorical
exegesis, the diviner Balaam with his talents in the field of magical
practices is considered to be in contact with evil spirits and as fighting
against Israel. In Baskins words, [Origen] portrays the battle between
Balaam and Israel as a microcosm of the larger universal struggle
between good and evil. The challenge then was to reconcile this idea
of prophecy with this portrayal of Balaam. There was an easy way
out: Origen could have argued, like some of his predecessors, that the
prophets individual character was not involved in his prophetic acts, that
the prophet was only the medium through which the Spirit delivered his
36
Baskin, Pharaohs Counsellors, 1023. Examples: Athenagoras, Legatio 9.1; Justin
Martyr, Apologia I.36.1; Clement of Alexandria, Stromata VI.18.
37
Petrus Chrysologus, Sermo 49 (trans. W.B. Palardy, Saint Peter Chrysologus: Selected
Sermons, vol. 2 [ Fathers of the Church], Washington 2004, 1901).
38
Here I follow Baskin, Pharaohs Counsellors, 1049.

298 johan leemans
message. This was, however, contrary to Origens ideas of prophecy and

hence he had to show how this soothsayer, despite his wicked alliance
with evil forces, became one of the prophets of the incarnation. As in
the quotation from Peter Chrysologus, the pivotal point of the argument
is divine intervention. According to Origen, God had understood that
Balaams gifts of divination were not good in themselves, but could be
made useful to the plan of salvation. Indeed, Balaams skills at divina-
tion made him an appropriate vehicle of Gods word, and made his
testimony about Christ the more convincing to the pagans.39
The following question must thus be posed: was this man a true
prophet? Origen answers it in the negative. However important his
oracles may have been, they did not come from his heart. They came
only due to divine intervention. Moreover, Balaams absence in virtues,
in particular, did not match with what can be expected from a prophet.
In sum, Balaam was good enough a medium for the goal he had to
serve but nothing more than that. He definitely did not deserve to be
put on par with great prophets such as Isaiah, Jeremiah or Ezekiel.
Remarkably enough this does not lead to Origens complete dismissal
of Balaam. On the contrary, while he refuses to acknowledge Balaam as
a true prophet, Origen does acknowledge his merit as medium for the
message of salvation in Christ. He was definitely an unworthy person,
but in Origens view Balaam must have reached a certain measure of
salvation because of the following three things: he was the medium of
the announcement of the coming of Christ; what he announced came
true; and he was the forefather of the Magi.
All in all we find in Origen a nuanced, moderate view on the
ambiguous Balaam. A similar but on the whole somewhat more nega-
tive opinion on Balaam is expressed in some passages in the writings
of Augustine of Hippo. Augustine distinguishes between true and false
prophets and is unwilling to compromise in this regard. Somebody
who utters a prophecyeven when it comes trueis not necessarily a
prophet. It is impossible to be a prophet and lack charity, Augustine
says.40 Being a prophet has also to do with ones personal disposition,
with ones character, with ones embodiment of essential virtues. To
Augustine charity is a crucial virtue for everybody and, hence, a fortiori,
for a prophet. Balaam is thus in the eyes of the bishop of Hippo not
39
Baskin, Pharaohs Counsellors, 105.
40
Augustine, De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum II.89.

a real prophet. But if a prophet is not a true prophet and yet clearly
is able to utter prophecies, just as Balaam did, how does he do that?
Augustine provides a similar answer as the one provided by Origen:
Balaam and other false prophets were only able to do what they did
due to divine intervention. This divine intervention uses the person
as a sort of medium for a short time and for a specific purpose. In a
particularly well-crafted passage, he formulates it as follows:
There is as great a distance between the prophecy of prophets such as
Isaiah and Jeremiah and that transitory passing prophecy as appeared
in Saul, as the distance when humans speak and speech as it appeared
in Balaams ass. And that instance only occurred because God found it
necessary to demonstrate his will to Balaam; it was not an indication
that the beast was permanently to be able to speak with men. If God
can make an ass speak, he can certainly make an ungodly man submit
to the spirit of prophecy for a short time.41
The dismissive tone and the argument are clear: people like Balaam
are not real prophets; at best they are, says Baskin, Gods unwilling
mouthpiece.42 Up to this point Augustines opinion differs more in tone
than in content from that of Origen. Origens view on prophecy was
a bit more nuanced but he too made a clear distinction between true
and false prophets. Contrary to Origen, however, Augustine does not
see much hope of salvation for Balaam. He even goes as far as to refuse
to connect him with the Magi. In this regard Augustine is an exception
in patristic literature. We have seen that most Church Fathers in their
Christmas sermons or sermons on Epiphany, referred to Balaam. This
is not so with Augustine. He dwells many times at length on the Magi
and their importance of proclaiming the Gospel in the entire oikoumene,
including the pagans, but unlike other authors there is in Augustines
mind no room for Balaam in this picture.
41
Augustine, De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum II.2. Translation taken from
42

PART FOUR
BALAAM IN THE KORAN AND

EARLY KORANIC COMMENTARIES

BAL AM IN EARLY KORANIC COMMENTARIES
Fred Leemhuis
1. He to whom We gave Our signsBalaam in the Koran?
Bal am or Bal m, as Balaam is known in Arabic, does not occur in the

Koran. However, we do meet him in Koranic commentaries, because,
according to some, there is a reference to him, albeit not by name, in
Srat al-a rf 7:175176, which reads:
And recite to them the tidings of him to whom We gave Our signs, but he
rejected them, and Satan made him to follow after him, and he became
one of the deluded. And had We willed, We would have raised him up
thereby; but he inclined towards the earth and followed his tendency.
Apart from the fact that there is no agreement among the commen-
tators about the identification of the person to whom God gave His
signs and who then rejected them, most of them would agree with the
words of Shawq ayf, the late president of the Academy of the Arabic
Language of Egypt, who wrote in his Koranic commentary:
It is said that he was a man from the Israelites, called Bal am from the
people of al-Balqa (Transjordan). It is also said that he was Umayya
ibn Ab al- al of the Thaqf.1 His personality does not concern us, but
his story does.2
But then he does not really elaborate on the story and neither does
another modern Egyptian commentator, the present Shaykh al-Azhar,
Mu ammad Sayyid an w in his somewhat earlier Koran commen-
tary. He mentions Bal am ibn B r among four persons to whom the
verse is reported to refer, but concludes with his opinion that, because
nobody is named, the verse refers to everyone who knew the truth and
A poet who reputedly knew the scriptures, but who choose not to follow
1
Muhammad and became his opponent.

2
Shawq ayf, Al-wajz f tafsr al-qur n al-karm, Cairo [2000]2, 289.

304 fred leemhuis
then renounced it.3 They both echo the opinion which is expressed in
the Tafsr al-manr nearly a century earlier: God does not make clear
and neither does his messenger in a sound tradition what his name, race
or homeland was.4 However, on the following pages quite a number
of Koranic commentaries are summarized and traditional narrative
details of the Bal am story are given. Moreover, the Biblical reference
is not forgotten.5
Anyway, the story of Bal am has not really been at centre stage. From
the early period onward the commentators of the Koran, apart from
one or two exceptions, treat it rather schematically and do not seem
to be very interested in providing much detail.
2. The earliest period of Koranic commentary (8th/9th cent. CE)
From the earliest period of Koranic commentary it is the tafsr of

Muqtil ibn Sulaymn (d. 150/767) which provides a more or less
detailed coherent whole: Bal m, the son of B r, the son of Mth,
the son of arrz, the son of zar of the people of Ammn had been
given Gods greatest name. This land Ammn was also called al-Balq ,
the region in Greater Syria where the giants were. It was called so,
because of its king, a man called Blaq. Its king at the time was Bns,
the son of Satashrth who told Bal m to curse Ms. Bal m said:
But he is a religious man and it is not fitting that he should be cursed.
Then the king ordered a cross to be made to crucify Bal m. When
he saw it, he went on one of his she-asses to go and curse Ms. And
when he saw Mss camp, the ass stood still and he beat her and the
ass said: Dont beat me, because there is a burning fire in front of me
that stops me, so go back. This he did and went back to the king who
told him: Either you go and curse him or I will crucify you. Then he
went and cursed Ms with Gods greatest name that he should not
enter the city. And God complied with his request. When this was told
to Ms, he asked God to take away this greatest name from Bal m,
which God did. Thus Bal m was led astray by the devil, because he
had followed the desires of the king.6
3
Mu ammad Sayyid an w, Al-tafsr al-wa , vol. Srat al-a rf, Cairo 19852,
2689.
4
Tafsr al-manr, edn. Cairo (General Book Organization) 1973, vol. 9, 340.
5
Tafsr al-manr, edn. Cairo (General Book Organization) 1973, vol. 9, 3438.
6
Tafsr Muqtil ibn Sulaymn, edn. Abdallh Ma md Sha ta, 5 vols, Cairo
197989, vol. 2, 745.

balFam in early koranic commentaries 305
From the other extant earliest commentaries nearly nothing can be

gleaned. In the tafsr of Mujhid (d. between 100/718 and 104/722)
he is called Bal m, the son of B ir, one of the Israelites to whom was
given a book, but he cast it off and followed the passions and desires
of this world and he did not profit from the book which was given to
him.7 In these two earliest tafsrs, the person in Srat al-a rf 7:175 is
only identified as Bal m. In the tafsr of Abd -al-Razzq alan n
(d. 211/822), both Umayya ibn Ab al- al and Bal am, the son of
bir, are mentioned without more detail.8 In later tafsrs, they nearly
always are mentioned together, sometimes accompanied by other pos-
sible identifications of to whom God had given his signs.
3. Later Koranic commentaries
(a) The tafsr of al- abar (10th cent. CE)

As far as Bal m is concerned, this does not add much to what was
written by G. Vajda in the Encyclopaedia of Islam.9 He, mainly on the
basis of the tafsr of al- abar (d. 310/923), mentions a few other
aspects of the story, which are also known from the Haggadah, such
as that it was Bal am who was responsible for the fornication of the
Israelites with the daughters of Moab and Midian.10 Some of the more
abstruse details which al- abar provided are, however, not mentioned,
such as a tradition that Bal am was a scholar of the Israelites who knew
Gods greatest hidden name and who became an infidel. He went to
the giants and told them that he would curse the Israelites, so that the
giants could defeat them. They then gave him everything he wished,
7
Of this tafsr, three major versions are known, which all date from the middle of
the second Islamic century. See F. Leemhuis, Origins and Early Development of the
tafsr Tradition, in: A. Rippin (ed.), Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Quran,
Oxford 1988, 1330 at 1925. Here the version by Warq b. Umar (d. 160/776) is
referred to: Tafsr Mujhid, edn. Abd-al-Ra mn al- hir ibn Mu ammad al-Srat,
2 vols, Islamabad 1976 (reprint Beyrouth n.d.), vol. 1, 250; Tafsr al-imm Mujhid ibn
Jabr, edn. Mu ammad Abd-al-Salm Ab al-Nl, Cairo 1989, 3467.
8
Tafsr al-Qur n lil-imm Abd -al-Razzq ibn Hishm alan n, edn. Mu af Muslim
Mu ammad, Riyadh 1989, vol. 2, 243. Most of this tafsr actually is material of
alan n s teacher Ma mar b. Rshid (d. 153/770).
9
G. Vajda, Bal am, in: Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edn., Leiden 1954, vol. 1, 984.
10
Ab Ja far Mu ammad ibn Jarr al- abar, Tafsr al- abar al-Musamm Jmi
al-Bayn f Tafsr al-Qur n, 12 vols, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al- Ilmiyya, 1412/1992, vol. 6,
11825.

306 fred leemhuis
but he could not copulate with their women, because they were too
tall, so he did it with his she-ass instead.
Al- abar actually gives three possibilities of what is meant by Our
signs (And recite to them the tidings of him to whom We gave Our
signsSrat al-a rf 7:175176): (1) Gods greatest name; (2) one of
Gods books; and (3) prophethood. Although al- abar himself prefers a
meaning like Gods proofs and His evidence for Our signs he adduces
two traditions, which qualify the first and last possibilities. About Gods
greatest name he quotes a tradition on the final authority of Ibn Zayd:
He asked nothing from God that He did not give him. About Bal ms
prophethood, a tradition on the final authority of Mujhid is given:
He was a prophet of the Israelites to whom prophethood was given,
but then his people bribed him to be silent, which he did and he left
them as they were, i.e. he did not pronounce his message.
(b) The tafsr of al-Na s (10th cent. CE)

After al- abar, the theme of Bal ms possession of Gods greatest
name is again taken up in the tafsr of al-Na s (d. 338/949). Like
in alan ns and al-Tabars in this commentary both Umayya and
Bal am are also mentioned. According to one tradition which is supplied,
Bal am was one of the Israelites, according to another he was someone
who possessed Gods greatest name and who was asked to curse Ms
and his people. He did not want to do that because he had been ordered
in his sleep to prophesy favourably about them. But then Ms came
to his people with 80,000 men from behind the Euphrates. Thereupon
he told them of the ruse to send women to them so that they would
be led into temptation and could then be defeated. Consequently his
gift, namely Gods greatest name, was taken from him.11
(c) The tafsr of al-Samarqand (10th cent. CE)

In the tafsr of al-Samarqand (d. c.380/988), some more details are
added to the Bal am story. Bal am, the son of B r , was a servant of
God from among the Israelites whose prayers were heard at the time
that Ms was fighting a Pharaoh. This Pharaoh gathered his priests
and sorcerers, but they could do nothing, but they said that there was
11
Ab Dja far al-Na s, Ma n al-qur n al-karm, edn. Mu ammad Al al-Sbn,
6 vols, Mecca 1988/9, vol. 3, 1035.

balFam in early koranic commentaries 307
one of the Israelites whom he could ask for help. Thus the Pharaoh
sent people to Bal ams wife with presents and she told Bal am that
they should heed the Pharaohs wish, because they lived in his neigh-
bourhood. Bal am then mounted his she-ass and went on his way, but
on the way the ass stopped. He beat her and then she said: Look in
front of you. So he did and look, there was the archangel Jibrl. To
the dismay of the Pharaoh, Bal am finally could not say anything more
about the Israelites than this: Whoever curses them will be cursed and
whoever blesses them will be blessed. But then Bal am told them that
there was a way to defeat Mss people: They should send beautiful,
well dressed and perfumed women to them. And if the Israelites would
lie with them, they could defeat them. This plan they put into effect,
but only the fools of the Israelites did as they had hoped. Then Ms
asked that God should take away Bal ams belief and this is what was
done.12
(d) Al-Mward (11th cent. CE)

Al-Mward (d. 450/1058) does not add much, but mentions the same
three possibilities of the meaning of Our signs as al- abar. But about
the third possibility that was transmitted on the authority of Mujhid
he adds that this could not have been the case, because God only
bestows His prophethood on someone of whom He knows that he will
not violate His obedience and disobey.13
(e) al-Fakhr al-Rz (12th/13th cent. CE)

In al-Fakhr al-Rz (d. 606/1209), we find about Bal m the following:
Ms headed for Bal ms city and its people asked Bal m to curse the
Israelites, which he did, because he possessed Gods greatest name and
so prevented the Israelites to come to the city. Thus they were compelled
to stay in the desert. Then Ms said to God: Because of which sin
must we stay in the desert? God said: Because of Bal ms curse. Then
Ms said: As You have heard his curse on me, hear also my curse on
12
Tafsr al-Samarqand al-musamm Ba r al- Ulm li-Ab al-Layth Na r ibn Mu ammad
ibn A mad ibn Ibrhm al-Samarqand, edn. Al Mu ammad Mu awwa , dil A mad
Abd al-Mawdjd, Zakariyya Abd al-Madjd al-Nt, 3 vols, Beirut 1413/1993, vol. 1,
5823.
13
Ab al- asan Al b. Mu ammad b. abb, Tafsr al-Mward al-musamm al-nukat
wa-l- uyn, edn. Khi r Mu ammad Khi r, 4 vols, Kuwait 1993, vol. 2, 80.

308 fred leemhuis
him. And Ms asked that Gods greatest name and his belief should
be taken from Bal m. And it was taken from Bal m and it went out
of his chest like a white dove. Rz informs us that it is also said that
Bal m was one of Gods prophets and that he, after Mss prayer,
was stripped of his belief to become an infidel. Al-Razi then mentions
that this story is, of course, quite problematic, because if Bal m, or
for that matter Umayya ibn Ab al- al , was a prophet, how could he
then become an unbeliever? The answer to that problem is that such
an idea is far-fetched, because God has said: God knows best where
to place His messages (Srat al-An m 6:124),14 and that is proof that
God only honours someone with His message when He knows the
eminence of such a person above all others in honour, superiority and
virtue. How can unbelief fit someone who is in such a state?15
4. Conclusion
Not much more can be said about the reception of Bal ms story in
the early Koranic commentaries. In these, there is not much reflec-
tion on the different aspects of the story, except for one. It is striking
that the commentators apparently struggled more and more with the
problem of a prophet of God who went astray or who could be per-
suaded to disobey God and so lose his prophethood. They found no
other answer to that than the explanation that Bal m therefore could
not have been a prophet.
Interestingly enough, they apparently did not object to the concept
that the possession of Gods greatest name obliges God, as it were, to
hear and answer anything which the possessor would ask. This would
seem to raise the question whether God would be obliged to obey the
possessor of His greatest name? Commentators like Muqtil, al- abar,
al-Na s, al-Mward and al-Rz apparently saw no problem.
14
Al-Rz follows the majority reading with a plural and not a singular as af an
im and Ibn Kathr.
15
Al-tafsr al-kabr lil-imm al-Fakhr al-Rz, 32 vols, Beirut n.d., vol. 15, 537.

INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS
I. Hebrew Bible
Genesis 7:15 150

3:15 275n1 14:30 150
4 265 15:1415 7
4:10 135 20:18 75
4:11 271 20:19 20
5:3 204n44 24 6
6 269 28 18
68 269 28:30 18n41
7:1 94 34:1516 255
9:2 43
12:2 111 Leviticus
12:3 113 8:8 18n41
13:16 111 11:1319 45n51
14:6 207n52 18 5
15 113 19:14 251
15:1 112
15:5 111, 112 Numbers
16:10 111 5:1231 151n25
16:12 148 12:14 11n33
17:2 111 13:2223 85
17:46 111 15:2526 86
17:16 111 15:2829 86
17:20 111 16 104n17, 265
1819 5n5 17 104n17
18:17 112, 113 18:89 86
19 5n5, 268 19:2 279n13
19:3038 4, 12 20:211 6n12
19:31 5n5 20:12 6n12
21:12 111 20:20 9
22 8, 112, 113 21 5, 16, 153
22:17 111, 112 21:2122:1 104
32 113 21:2122:4 107
32:2332 xii, 47 21:2125:18 104
35:5 43 22 278280, 283, 285
37:3 148 2224 passim
49 185 2225 136, 253
49:1 42, 97n34 22:1 253
49:9 74 22:135 107
49:910 165 22:225:1 121130
49:10 185, 187, 203 22:5 xiii, 13, 21, 40,
51, 109, 110, 190,
Exodus 192n8, 217, 238, 253
3:11 9 22:56 72
4:117 9 22:6 3n3, 13, 110
4:10 9 22:514 107, 108
4:13 9 22:521 72
van kooten_index_309-328.indd 309 1/22/2008 7:46:48 PM

310 index of ancient texts
22:6 3n3, 13, 109 23:11 14

22:7 21, 71, 136, 217 23:12 20n54, 136
22:8 73, 109, 218 23:13 117
22:9 42, 109 23:1315 72
22:1011 111 23:1326 107
22:11 72 23:14 34n23, 117
22:12 111 23:1415 114
22:13 9, 42, 72 23:16 20n54, 42
22:15 13 23:1624 117
22:1535 107 23:17 85
22:1617 114 23:18 89n10
22:17 12, 110, 114 23:2122 72
22:1718 136 23:23 3n4, 17n39, 74
22:18 12, 73, 114 23:24 37
22:19 73, 109 23:25 271n16
22:20 9, 20n54, 42, 109 23:26 20n54, 136
22:21 219 23:2730 72, 114
22:22 196 23:2724:19 107
22:2235 9 23:28 34n23, 253
22:2731 LXX 141 24 xiv, xvi, 96
22:28 LXX 277 24:1 3n4, 74, 222, 241
22:2830 275n1 24:110 72
22:31 42 24:2 xiv, 117
22:3134 72 24:29 117
22:32 267 24:3 76, 89n10, 192n8, 193
22:35 20n54 24:34 3, 87, 89, 190
22:3638 117 24:4 42, 89
22:3640 107 24:5 220
22:3624:24 104n16 24:6 74, 221
22:37 12 24:7 183, 184, 185
22:3738 72, 136 24:7 LXX 185n100
22:38 20n54 24:9 74, 241
22:3940 117 24:10 14n37
22:40 219 24:1113 136
22:41 34n23, 72, 117 24:13 20n54
22:4123:12 107 24:14 11n31, 14, 15,
22:4124:19 107 96, 97n34,
22:4124:24 107 119n51, 222, 247,
2324 42, 138, 274 251252, 262
23:12 114 24:15 3n2, 76, 89n10,
23:14 72 9091, 165n12,
23:2 117 191, 192, 193n13,
23:3 20n54, 34n23, 73 196n18
23:34 42 24:1516 89, 95, 96, 99,
23:4 73 190198
23:410 117 24:1517 75, 87, 88, 89,
23:5 20n54, 74, 220 92, 94, 96, 99
23:57 [8] xiii, 83, 85, 86 24:1519 93, 163, 165, 189212
23:6 13, 72 24:1519 LXX 273
23:7 40, 89n10, 217n16 24:16 3, 42, 89, 138,
23:7 LXX 238 189, 194196, 218
23:8 241 24:17 xiii, xvi, xvii,
23:10 229 7n16, 15, 72,

index of ancient texts 311
74, 76, 78, 79, 80, 31 5, 10, 14, 16

81, 89, 9394, 95, 31:112 270
96, 165, 170, 31:120 268
171172, 174, 31:2 226
178n69, 179, 183, 31:8 10, 16, 55, 103,
185, 188, 190, 119, 120, 136,
199203, 209, 163, 189, 196,
235, 236240, 215, 252n21,
242, 246, 266, 253n24, 269
287292, 294, 296 31:9 14
24:17 LXX 185, 238 31:12 6n10
24:1719 76, 77n29, 95, 31:15 14
96, 99, 190, 31:16 10, 14, 15, 103,
198211 119, 120, 136,
24:18 28, 77n27, 95, 163, 189, 247,
205206, 241 251253, 262, 270
24:1819 76, 185n100 31:17 10, 14, 15
24:19 xv, 77n26, 31:33 6n10
208209 31:44 6n10
24:20 89n10 31:4850 6n10
24:2024 107 32: 45 85
24:21 89n10, 221 33:4753 xiii, 84, 86
24:2122 271 33:49 253
24:23 89n10 33:50 84
24:2324 221 35:1 6n10
24:25 107, 238 36:13 6n10
25 5, 14, 1516,
103, 104, 119, Deuteronomy
164, 215, 222, 2:9 6n11
253, 259, 268 2:18 6n11
25:1 5, 6, 253 2:19 6n11, 22n59
25:12 5, 164, 252, 254, 255 2:24 22n59
25:13 136 2:36 22n59
25:15 14, 15, 270 2:37 22n59
25:16 247, 252, 262 3:4 5n7
25:19 222 3:8 22n59
25:3 14,15, 253 3:12 22n59
25:5 253 4:30 97n34
25:6 5, 14, 15 4:48 22n59
25:68 15 5:2829 75
25:618 14 11:17 46
25:7 14 13 17, 22
25:8 14 13:2 16
25:13 15 13:6 16
25:16 15 14:1220 45n51
25:18 253 18 4, 17, 20, 22
26:3 6n10 18:912 21
26:59 11n33 18:1011 17
26:63 6n10 18:1214 17
26:6365 272 18:15 17
27:1214 6n12 18:16 20n53
27:21 18n41 18:17 20n53
27:22 170 18:18 17, 20n54

18:1819 75 9 275n1
21:3 279n13 11:25 251n19
23 13, 14 14:116:3 254n29
23:34 6
23:46 12, 136, 189 1 Samuel
23:5 10, 12, 13, 1:78 42
14, 21, 40 3:1 63
23:56 103, 163, 251n19 3:1921 6364
23:6 10, 12, 13, 14 7 55
29 6 811 65
3134 104n17 9:7 21n56
31:913 6n13 9:8 21n56
31:16 255n32 9:9 16, 45
31:2429 6n13 9:16 9
31:29 97n34 1011 65
32:4 90n14 10:17 42
32:17 34 14:8 17n41
32:4852 6n12 14:41 18n41
33:1 92, 93, 94, 95 15:16 42
33:12 92, 93, 94 16 65
33:2 92, 93, 95, 96 16:1 38
33:8 18n41 16:13 38
33:811 75, 165 18:21 251
33:11 95 22:35 6
23:9 17n41
Joshua 25:31 251
2:1 6 28:6 18n41
3:1 6 30:7 17n41
6:26 75
12:16 22n59 2 Samuel
13 16 5:2 239
13:21 16 7:1214 81
13:22 10, 16, 17, 103, 189, 8:114 240
215, 221n26, 251n19 8:2 6n9
13:25 22n59 22:29 42
22:17 5n7 24:11 51n8
24 10n27, 13, 14
24:9 10, 13, 14 1 Kings
24:910 12, 189, 251n19 1:39 38
24:10 10, 13, 14 8:35 46
24:11 13 10:1 8
10:2 8
Judges 11 65
2:3 251 12:25 40
2:17 255n32 18:4 251n18, 262
3 6 19 65
3:810 217 19:13 251n18, 262
4:10 66 22 21n55
5:24 219n21 22:19 42
6:15 9
8:14 42 2 Kings
8:27 251, 255n32 3:27 6
8:33 255n32 8 65

9 65 Ezekiel
9:3037 251n18, 262 1 275n1
17:13 51n8 3:20 251n17
9:4 78
Isaiah 11:13 33
1:1 42, 51n9 12:24 51n9
3:1 19 13:16 51n9
3:2 18 14:3 251n17
3:23 38 20:17 33
3:3 18, 43 21:26 21n56
3:17 203n40 21:30 177
6 90 26:17 36
7:14 240n38, 32:38 46
243n56 37:2325 177
7:17 78 32:2326 36
9:1 42 32:2425 43
9:6 243n56 32:32 36
10:23 33 38 205
11:34 171 3839 205
11:4 185n100 38:8 205
13:1 42 39:4 205n50
13:2122 256 39:45 205
14:12 202n35 40:12 249n7
14:13 34 45:78 177
22:5 203n41 48:2122 177
23:1718 256
26:21 93 Hosea
45:21 96 9:10 5n7
50:10 42
51:17 256n36 Amos
60 241 1:1 26
5:1820 46n54
Jeremiah 5:20 42
4:27 33 5:2627 78, 79, 80
5:10 33 9:11 78, 79, 80, 81
5:18 33
10:2425 33 Obadiah
14:14 51n9 1 51n9
17:13 32
18:18 20 Micah
23:16 51n9 1:3 93, 95
25:15 256n36 3:6 19
25:17 256n36 3:7 19
25:28 256n36 6 163
28 20n50, 21 6:15 11
28:8 21n55 6:18 163n2
28:9 21n55 6:45 163
30:11 33, 42 6:5 10, 11, 163, 251n19
46:28 33, 42
48:45 203n40 Nahum
51:78 256n36 1:1 51n9
51:810 256 1:8 33
51:37 256 1:9 33

Habakkuk 1:8 90n14

1:1 42 3:10 38
2:23 51n9 5:17 34
2:16 256n36 15:17 42
3:3 93n22 20:3 37
32:10 42
Zephaniah 36:2 42
1:1417 46
1:18 33 Proverbs
1:8 37
Zechariah 4:1 37
1:1 262 8:33 37
6:12 242 19:20 37
9:9 279280, 283 19:27 37
11:11 78 29:25 251n17
13:7 78
14 175 Daniel
14:45 26 4:7 240n40
5:15 240n40
Psalms 7 185
2:9 185n100 7:13 185, 187
9:18 228
11:6 256n36 Ezra
18:29 42 2:63 18n41
45:78 185n100
46:9 34, 42 Nehemiah
55:24 223 7:76 18n41
60:10 7 9:31 33
66:5 34, 42 13:13 254n29
68:22 96n32 13:2 10, 14, 136,
69:22 251 251n19
75:8 256n36
82:1 35, 42 1 Chronicles
83:79 7n14 1:1 204
104:20 42 5:29 11n33
106:36 251
108:10 7n14 2 Chronicles
119:165 251 9:25 51n8
140:5 251 12:15 51n8
141:9 251 19:12 51n8
35:15 51n8
Job 35:18 51n8
1:1 90n14
II. Apocrypha and Septuagint
4 Maccabees 5:2 257 Sirach

36:10 (MS B) 96
36:12 96n32

III. Pseudepigrapha
2 Baruch 18:10 114, 116, 117, 118

4:4 112 18:1012 118
18:1013 104n16, 107, 116
1 Enoch xiiixiv 18:11 114, 116, 117, 118
1 9195, 99 18:12 114, 116, 118, 119
15 91, 97 18:13 116, 119, 252n20
1:1 92, 93, 94, 95, 97 18:1314 164n5
1:2 88n4, 89, 90n13, 96 18:14 107, 119, 198n26
1:23 87, 8889, 93, 94 18:18 114
1:3 88n4n5, 90n12, 18:21 114
92, 95 19 104n17
1:34 93 20:2 111n31
1:37 92 32:24 112n37
1:39 91n17, 93n27 38:4 111n31
1:9 95 40:2 112n37
1:4 92, 93
1:9 92, 93 Pseudo-Phocylides,
5:4 96 Sententiae
632 91 31 257
636 91, 92
10:1 90n12 Sibylline Oracles xi
12:3 90n12 3 180n80
1415 90, 96 4 180n80
14:1 90n12 5 179, 180, 183188
15:1 90 5:4648 185
1736 90, 91 5:52110 186
81 91 5:7585 186n105
8384 98 5:106110 179
9194 92 5:108110 183
93:1 91 5:111178 186
93:13 88n4 5:143 186
5:155 185n100
Liber Antiquitatum 5:155158 187
Biblicarum xiv 5:155161 179, 183
6:11 111n31 5:159 186
15:5 111n31 5:160161 187
16 104n17 5:166167 187
17 104n17 5:179285 186
18 101130 5:205213 179n77
18:12 107 5:256259 179, 183
18:2 109, 110, 111 5:257 183n94
18:27 107, 108, 111 5:264265 187
18:3 109, 111, 117 5:278280 186n105
18:4 109, 111 5:286433 186
18:5 111, 112, 113, 114 5:345352 179n77
18:56 111 5:353356 186n105
18:6 113 5:403405 186n105
18:7 114 5:413414 185n100
18:79 107, 114 5:414 185n100
18:8 114, 115, 116, 119 5:414428 179, 183
18:811 115 5:419 185n100
18:9 116 5:434 186

5:434439 186 Testament of Judah

5:482483 179n77 24:1 185n100
5:484488 186 24:14 185
5:495496 186n105 24:56 185
5:512531 179n77
5:526 185n100 Testament of Levi
18:3 185
Testament of Abraham
1014 112
IV. Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Texts
1QapGen, XXI, 29 207n52 4Q174 1 I, 1112 81

1QM 77n29, 81, 95 4Q175 75, 81, 91n16,
1QM XI, 67 76, 95, 273 165n12, 273
1QM X, 17XI, 7 95 4Q175 1:9 71
1QM XI, 7 95 4Q175 4 90, 91
1QS 76n22 4Q201 91
1QS IX, 11 76n22 4Q201 1 88
1QSb V, 20 178 4Q202 91
1QSb V, 2029 81 4Q252 81
2QNum 84, 86 4Q266 3 III, 1725 77
2QNumb xiii 4Q269 5 77
4QNum XVII, 16 89n9 4Q285 81, 178
2Q7 xiii, 84, 86 4Q339 71, 82, 164
2Q9 xiii, 86 4Q378379 75
2Q29 83 CD IV, 7 80
2Q29 1 xiii, 83, 84, 85, 86 CD VII, 9VIII, 1 79
2Q29 14 85 CD VII, 9VIII, 2 77
2Q29 3 xiii, 86 CD VII, 1421 77
2Q29 4 86 CD VII,1819 273
4QTestimonia 81 CD VII, 1920 78
4Q23 72 CD VII, 20 178
4Q27 72, 73 CD XIXXX 78
4Q161 81 CD XIX, 514 78
4Q174 76n22, 81
V. Philo of Alexandria
De agricultura 35 150
96 145146 39 135n12, 151
136 154 159 137, 268
143 155
144 156n29 De congressu eruditionis gratia
159 156 5153 143
162 156 64 155
67 143
De cherubim 6768 156n29
910 147
3233 141 De ebrietate
3334 271 7071 158
De confusione linguarum De fuga et inventione

3335 135n14, 150 209 143

De gigantibus De sobrietate
52 157n30 910 147
De Josepho De somniis
104 135n14, 149 1.102 135n12, 142
125 135n14, 149 1.220 148, 149
2.281282 150151
Legum allegoriae
1.74 135n12, 142 De specialibus legibus
3.41 135n12, 142 3.54 151n25
3.54 135n12
3.166167 158159 De vita contemplativa
3.206 142 4 142
3.232233 135n14, 152 31 154
3.233 152
De vita Mosis
De migratione Abrahami 1.92 149
7182 157158 1.263293 139, 140
7685 160 1.267268 271
109119 113n39 1.276277 238
111 137138 1.277 139, 270n14
113114 138 1.278279 139140
171172 135n12, 142 1.289 144n21
1.292301 15
De mutatione nominum 1.293299 270
202203 138 1.294298 163
203 143 1.295299 252n20
208 143 2.211212 151, 156n29
De opificio mundi Quaestiones in Genesin

4546 135n14, 145 3.33 148
157 142
Quis rerum divinarum heres sit
De posteritate Caini 85 142
34 155n28 246 143
35 143, 146 302303 153
53 146147 304306 153154
8588 156
101 154 Quod deterius potiori
131 147 insidiari soleat
150 135n14, 142, 148 35 146, 155
3839 150, 155
De praemiis et poenis 4142 155156
8 135n12, 142 7071 135136
25 155 72 136
58 135n14, 147 7375 137
95 184
Quod deus sit immutabilis 181 141, 144
De providentia, frag. 1.1 135n12,
142143 Quod omnis probus liber sit 15 143144

VI. Flavius Josephus
Against Apion 4.129 164n5

1.162165 140 4.131164 253
4.132 254n29
Jewish Antiquities 4.135 254n29
1.13.24 112n35 4.137 259
3.214218 18n43 4.145149 254n29
4.6.4 113n39 5.286317 254n29
4.100158 164
4.118 274 Jewish War
4.126130 252n20, 253 6.312315 164n8
VII. Rabbinic and later Jewish Texts
1. Mishnah
Hullin Sukkot
2:7 259 3 176n58
4 176n58
Sanhedrin
10:12 214n7
2. Tosefta
Hullin 2:13 259 Shabbat 15:9 168
Sanhedrin 13:2 228n36 Sotah 4:19 265
3. Palestinian Talmud
Taanit 29 228n35
4:8.27 170, 173 105 192n8
68 170, 173
Shabbat 19:2 168
Sanhedrin
10:2 228n35
4. Babylonian Talmud
Berachot 18 115n45 Sanhedrin
90106 xv, 214, 216
Yoma 5 112n37 93 171
103:1 220n22
Yebamoth 72 168 105 193n12
105:1 217n14, 226227
Gittin 57a 279n15 105:2 217n14, 219n19, 220n22
106 198n28, 253n25, 279n15
Sotah 11 198n28 106:1 221n24, 223n28
Niddah 31 193n12

5. Midrashim
Mekhilta de Rabbi Ishmael Genesis Rabbah
Jehtro, tractate Amalek 2 221n27 39:7 115n45
44:12 112
Mekhilta de Rabbi Shimon 55:3 219n20
4 112n37
Exodus Rabbah
Sifre Bamidbar 1:9 198n28
156 225n32
157 217n18, 226227 Numbers Rabbah
20:6 111n30
Sifre Debarim 20:1415 269n13
243 225n32
256 225n32 Lamentations Rabbah
2:2 173
Sifre Zuta
7 225n32 Ekha Rabbati (ed. Buber)
101 173
Pirque de Rabbi Eliezer
22 204n45
6. Targumim
Targum Jonathan 24:25 198n26
Gen 22:1 112n35 31:8 198
31:16 198n26
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan
Genesis Deuteronomy
12:3 198 32:39 205n51
27:29 198 34:3 205n51
Exodus Targum Neofiti

9:21 198 Genesis
40:11 205n51 12:3 198n27, 198n29
Leviticus Numbers
26:44 205n51 24:9 198n29
31:6 164n5
Numbers
22:30 198 Targum Onkelos
23:9 198 Numbers
23:10 198 24:1519 273
23:21 198
24:9 198 Deuteronomy
24:14 198, 252n20 33:20 204n43
24:17 205n51

VIII. Greek and Latin Pagan Texts
1. Authors
Acusilaus of Argos (edn. Jacoby, FGrH) Mirabilia
2 F 28 62 4 65n90
Aelian, Varia Historia Appian, Bella Civilia

12.50 65n87 2.90 187
Aeschines Apuleius
2.78 54n28 Metamorphoses
III.25 280n21
Aeschylus VIII.2427 282n28
Agamemnon 104159 52n18 IX.11 281n26
T 70 and F 451n 49n2 X.19 281n27
Aesop Aristophanes
266 283 Frogs 158161 283
Knights 197210 54n29
Alexis Wasps 1519 54n29
F 117 KA 62n72
Arrianos (edn. Jacoby, FGrH)
Anonymous 157 F 102 61n67
Nostoi 56
Athenaeus
Scriptores historiae Augustae 7.297 57
13.5 236
Bacchylides
Antikleides (edn. Jacoby, FGrH) 11.39110 62n72
140 F 17 61n67 (edn. Maehler)
frag. 4 62n73
Antoninus Liberalis
14 64n85 Callimachus, Fifth Hymn
7576 63n79
Apollodorus, Epitome 121122 63n79
1.9.11 61n68, 61n69
2.2.2 61, 62n72 Cassius Dio, Historia romana
3.3.1 64n80 68.32.12 182
6.2 56n37 68.32.13 181
6.3 57n45 69.12.12 166
6.19 57n41
7.15 280n20 Cicero, De divinatione
I.88 57n41
Apollonius Rhodius
Argonautica Conon (edn. Jacoby, FGrH)
1.6566 53n25 24 F 1 57n45
1.66 56n34 24 F 6 57n45
1.80 53n25 26 F 1 56n37
1.1083 53n25 26 F 6 56n37
2.923 53n25
3.543 53n25 Dares
3.916917 53n25 18 56n36
4.15021503 53n25

Dictys 2.858 57, 64

1.17 56n36 5.148 64n80
6.76 55
Diphilus 8.247 52n18
F 125 66n93 12.196 57
12.200209 52n18, 54
Empedocles 13.566570 64n80
B 112 65 13.576600 54n26
115 DK 65 24.310311 52n18
Euphorion (edn. Powell) Odyssey

frags. 9798 56n36 10.237ff. 280n20
11.291 61
Hermippus of Smyrna, 11.291297 61n66
De Pythagora (Stern no. 25) 140n19 15.225256 50, 61n69
15.22555 61n66
Herodotus 15.238239 61
2.49 61n67
3.1 51 Hyginus, Fabulae
7.228 54n27 128 53n24
9.3336 67n97
9.34 61n69 Iamblichus, Vita Pythagorea
28 65n90
Hesiod
F 37 MW 61 Justinus Junianus,
F 37.19 MW 61n66 Historiarum Philippicarum libri
F 131 MW 61 XLIV 37.2.13 236
F 133 MW 62n72
F 136 MW 50, 64n80 Pseudo-Kallisthenes
F 136.3 MW 64n81 Romance of Alexander the Great
F 203 MW 51 1.1.3 235n13
F 261 MW 61n66 1.12 235
F 270272 MW 61n66
F 278 MW 56 Pseudo-Lucian
F 279 MW 57n42 Ass
Opera 696697 63 15.1 280
3537 282n28
Pseudo-Hesiod 38 281n26
Aspis 49 281n27
181 53
Lycophron, Alexandra
Melampodeia 424425 56n37
F 271272 61 439446 57
Historia Augusta, Hadrianus Lycurgus (edn. Blass)

5.2 180n81 frag. 14.5a 65n90
14.12 167
14.2 168n22 Modestinus, Digesta
48.8.11.1 168
Homer
Iliad Nicolaus of Damascus (edn. Jacoby,
1.6972 55 FGrH )
2.831 64 90 F 16 59n51

Ovid, Metamorphoses Symposium

12.524 53n24 201DE 66n95
Pausanias Pliny the Elder

1.43.4 64n80 Naturalis historia
2.25.9 62n72 2.28ff. 235
5.5.10 62n72 5.96 57n39
5.17.10 53n21 10.137 61n68
9.16.1 56n32
9.26.1 64n85 Plutarch, De vitioso pudore
528E 270n15
Pherecydes (edn. Jacoby,
FGrH) Polybius
3 F 33 61n66, 61n68 34.2.6 64n85
3 F 92a 56n32, 56n37
3 F 114 62n72 Porphyry
3 F 115 64n80 Frag. 12 234
3 F 142 56n36, 56n37
Posidippus
Philostratus 26 AB 67
Lives of the Sophists I.481 138139 31 AB 52n18
The Life of Apollonius of 34 AB 55n31
Tyana I.5 236n19 35 AB 55
Photius, Bibliotheca Pratinas (edn. Schnell)

129 280 4F9 65n87
Pindar Propertius
Pythian Odes 2.4.1 61n66
4 63n75
4.126 60n63 Claudios Ptolemaios
4.189191 53 Tetrabiblos 235
Isthmian Odes Sextus Empiricus

6.50 52n18 Adversus Dogmaticos 2.275 152n26
Adversus Mathematicos 8.275 152n26
Olympian Odes
6.1617 54 Silius Italicus
6.57ff. 63n78 3.521 53n25
13.75 64n81
Sophocles
Paeanes 4.28 60n63 Antigone 9991004 56n32
frag. 51d (edn. Maehler) 64n85
frag. 52g 13 (edn. Maehler) 64n85 The Demand for Helens Return
(edn. Radt)
Plato F 180 56
Republic F 391 (Radt) 64n80
III 391E 140
VII 514ff. 144 Statius, Thebais
3.521 53n25
The Statesman
291C 149
303C 149

Strabo Valerius Flaccus

8.3.19 62n72 1.207 53n25
9.2.34 64n85 1.234 53n25
14.4.3 56n37
14.5.16 57n41 Vettius Valens
Anthologies 235
Tacitus, Historiae
2.3.1 59n58 Vitruvius
8.3.51.5 62n72
Theopompus (edn. Jacoby, FGrH)
115 F 77 65n91 Xanthos (edn. Jacoby, FGrH)
115 F 103 57n39 765 F 17 59n51
Pompeius Trogus Xenophon, Anabasis

Philippical History 236 6.1.23 52n18
Pomponius Mela
1.14.79 57n39
1.88 57n45
2. Papyri
Klner Papyri Papyri Herculanenses 1609 VIII 62n72
VI.245 57n44 P. Yadin [= 5/6 Hevev]
52 175, 176
Oxyrhynchus Papyri 57 175, 176
20.2256.4 49 59 175
53.3698 53
3. Inscriptions
Donner & Rllig, Kanaanische VII.278 60n63
und aramische Inschriften VII.207208 64n83
A I 16 59n55 VII.216 60n63
II. 15 59n55 VII.223 60n63
III.11 59n55 VII.232 60n63
C IV 12 59n55
I. Perge
Hansen, Carmina epigraphica 106 57n39
Graeca saeculi IV a Chr. n
no. 519 54 Linear B
PY Sa 774 58
Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic KN De 1381 58
Luwian Inscriptions I.13
A I.16 58n47 SEG
A II.5 58n47 26.974 60n63
A III.1 58n47 29.361 54n27
32.218.41 64n85
I. Ephesos 32.218.80 64n85
2 59n52 35.626 66
13 59n53 36.1011.24 59n52
36.1011.26 59n52
Inscriptiones Graecae 36.1011.28 59n52
I3 1147.129 54n27 36.1011.51 59n52
II2 6539 60n63 37.884 II 35 59n53
V 1.141 66

IX. Christian Texts
1. New Testament
Matthew 8:4 257n38
1:1 234 8:7 257n38
1:23 240n38 8:10 257n38
2 xvi, 235, 245 10:19 257n38
2:111 235 10:28 257
2:112 7, 233, 237239,
241, 246 James
2:2 8n16, 236, 240 1:14 268
2:3 234
2:4 240 2 Peter
2:6 239 12 272n17
2:9 234 1:16 273
2:10 241 1:1618 266, 274
2:16 243n57 1:17 274
8:11 240n39 1:19 273, 274
11:7 279 1:1921 266, 272
1:2021 274
Mark 2:13 266, 272273
6:14 297 2:2 272
11 175 2:411 272
11:110 278n11 2:7 272
11:2 279 2:1216 266, 267, 271
11:3 278 2:12 266, 269, 272
11:7 278n10 2:1214 269
2:14 268, 270271, 272
Luke 2:13 270271
2:9 245 2:1314 266
2:39 234 2:15 136, 265266,
19:35 278n10 270271, 272, 273
2:1516 266268
Acts 2:16 262, 266, 268, 269
4:18 268 2:18 268269, 270, 272
13:6 240n40 3:513 273
13:8 240n40 3:10 273
13:10 267
15:20 260261 Jude
15:29 257n38, 260261 4 266, 272
17:28 xi 5 272
19:19 240n40 10 269
21:25 257n38, 260261 11 136, 265, 267, 271
12 268, 270
Romans 1216 268
8:20 268
Revelations
Ephesians 1:18 248
4:17 268 1:2 262
1:3 262
1 Corinthians 1:4 248
810 259n43 1:45 248
8:1 257n38 1:9 262

1:10 248, 249 3:8 249

1:103:22 248n6 3:9 261
1:104:1 249 3:12 250n11
1:1316 248 3:13 249n10
1:16 248 3:14 248
2 xvi 3:15 249
2:1 248 3:21 250n11
2:13:22 248 3:22 249n10
2:2 249 4:1 248n6
2:4 249, 262 4:122:5 248n6
2:6 247, 251n15 4:2 249n7
2:7 249n10, 250 4:78 275n1
2:8 248 6:9 262
2:9 261 9:21 255
2:11 249n10, 250 10:11 262
2:12 248, 249, 263 13:10 250n11
2:1217 247 13:16 256
2:13 250 14:8 255, 256
2:1315 249 14:911 256
2:14 164, 247, 249, 14:10 256257
250255, 257258, 14:12 250n11
260263, 271 16:2 256
2:15 247, 250, 251n15 16:19 256257
2:16 249, 263 17:2 255
2:17 249, 250 17:3 249n7
2:18 248 17:4 255
2:19 249 18:23 255256
2:20 249, 251, 257n38, 18:3 255
258, 260262, 271 18:6 256257
2:2021 247, 255, 18:9 255
2:22 249 19:2 255
2:24 xvi 19:13 262
2:2627 250n11 20:4 262
2:29 249n10 21:10 249n7
3:1 248, 249 21:27 250n11
3:3 249 22:610 262
3:5 250n11 22:621 248
3:6 249n10 22:14 250n11
3:7 248 22:18 262
2. Patristic and other Christian Writings

Acts of John Acts of Thomas
6061 278 3133 276
32 277
Acts of Paul 39 276277, 278
Hamburg Papyrus 13 276 3941 276, 278n10, 282
40 276
Acts of Peter 41 277
912 276, 278 6881 276
69 278
Acts of Philip 6981 277
3:59 276 71 281n27
8 276
12 276

Ambrosius of Milan, In Lucam Pseudo-Clement, Recognitions

2.48 293 4.27.3 244
Amphilochius of Iconium, Cosmas Indicopleustes,

In Christi natalem Topographia Christiana
3 291 5.112 291
Arabic Infancy Gospel Cyril of Alexandria,

1.1 245 Epistula festalis
2022 281 14.128303 295
Athanasius of Alexandria, Didache

De Incarnatione 6:23 260261
33 290 6:3 257n38
Athenagoras, Legatio Diodore of Tarsus, De fato

9.1 297n36 53 293
Augustine Ephrem the Syrian,

De civitate Dei 18.18 281n25 In Nativitatem
1 291
De diversis quaestionibus ad 26.2.12 243n57
Simplicianum
2.2 299 Eusebius
2.89 298 Demonstratio evangelica
9.1 293
Sermon on Epiphany
200 294n28 Historia ecclesiastica
202 294n28 4.2.3 181
4.2.4 180n79
Quaestiones ad Heptateuchum 288 4 6.14 167
4.6.2 170n30
Basil of Caesarea 4.6.34 182
In generationem Christi 6.41 257n40
6 296
Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis
Cave of Treasures 6.1 235
35 244
35:15ff. 244 Gregorius of Nyssa,
35:18 244 In diem natalem Christi
35:19 244 245.3246.2 293
4546 243
45:23 243 Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel 242
45:4 243
45:5 243 Hieronymus
45:9 243 Commentarium in Matthaeum/
45:11 243 Commentary on Matthew 2.2 293
In Iesaiam 7.9.24 242
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis Vulgate
1.15.69 244 Num 4:14 252n20
1.21.134.4 57n45 Num 4:17 289
6.18 297n36
Historia monachorum 21.17 280

Ignatius of Antioch, Leo Magnus

Letter to the Ephesians Sermo 32 2.4 294n28
19.2 246n71 Sermo 34 4.2 292n18
Irenaeus of Lyon, Lausiac History 17.69 281

Adversus haereses
3.9.2 242, 292 Martyrium Agapae
3.15 257n37
John Chrysostom, 5.2 257n37
Homiliae in Matthaeum
7:3 234n7 Martyrdom of Pionius 257
Pseudo-Chrysostomus, Opus Orosius

Imperfectum in Matthaeum homilia 7.12.67 182n90
2.2 294
Petrus Chrysologus
John of Damascus Sermo 49 297
In Nativitatem 6 293
Origen
Justin Martyr Contra Celsum
Apologia 1.60 242
1.6 170n30 Homiliae in Numeros
1.31 170n30 13 279n15
1.32 289 1319 287
1.36.1 297n36 13.7 242
13.7.4 293
Dialogus cum Tryphone 14.3 294
34.8 257n38 15.1 296
35.1 257n38 15.4 242
35.6 257n38 18.4 290
106.4 242
126.1 290
3. Gnostic Writings
Apocalypse of Peter 170n30
X. Koran and Koranic Commentaries
Srat al-a rf Muqtil ibn Sulaymn

7:175 305 Tafsr Muqtil ibn Sulaymn
7:175176 xviii, 303 (edn. Abdallh Ma md Sha ta)
II.7475 304
Al-Mward, Tafsr al-Mward
al-musamm al-nukat wa-l- uyn al-Na s, Ma n al-qur n al-karm
(edn. Khi r Mu ammad Khi r) (edn. Mu ammad Al al-Sbn)
II.80 307 III.1035.) 306
Mujhid al-Samarqand, Tafsr al-Samarqand

Tafsr Mujhid (edn. Abd-al-Ra mn al-musamm Ba r al- Ulm li-Ab
al- hir ibn Mu ammad al-Srat) al-Laythna r ibn Mu ammad ibn A mad
I.250 305 ibn Ibrhm al-Samarqand
1.582583 306307

alan n, Tafsr al-Qur n lil-imm al- abar, Tafsr al- abar

Abd -al-Razzq ibn Hishm alan n al-Musamm Jmi al-Bayn f Tafsr
(edn. Mu af Muslim Mu ammad) al-Qur n
II.243 305 VI.118125 305306

TBN-serie.qxp 10-1-2008 14:43 Page I
THEMES IN
BIBLICAL NARRATIVE
JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN TRADITIONS
ISSN 1388-3909
1. GARCA MARTNEZ F. & G.P. LUTTIKHUIZEN (eds). Interpretations of

the Flood. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11253 7
2. LUTTIKHUIZEN, G.P. (ed.). Paradise Interpreted. Representations of
Biblical Paradise in Judaism and Christianity. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11331 2
3. LUTTIKHUIZEN, G.P. (ed.). The Creation of Man and Woman. Interpreta-
tions of the Biblical Narratives in Jewish and Christian traditions. 2000.
ISBN 90 04 11671 0
4. NOORT, E. & E. TIGCHELAAR. (eds). The Sacrifice of Isaac. The
Aqedah (Genesis 22) and its Interpretations. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12434 9
5. LUTTIKHUIZEN, G.P. (ed.). Eves Children. The Biblical Stories Retold
and Interpreted in Jewish and Christian Traditions. 2003.
ISBN 90 04 12615 5
6. AUFFARTH, C. & L.T. STUCKENBRUCK (eds). The Fall of the Angels.
2004. ISBN 90 04 12668 6
7. NOORT, E. & E. TIGCHELAAR (eds). Sodoms Sin. Genesis 18-19 and its
Interpretations. 2004. ISBN 90 04 14048 4
8. VAN KOOTEN, G.H. (ed.). The Creation of Heaven and Earth. Re-interpreta-
tions of Genesis I in the Context of Judaism, Ancient Philosophy, Chris-
tianity, and Modern Physics. 2005. ISBN 90 04 14235 5
9. VAN KOOTEN, G.H. (ed.). The Revelation of the Name YHWH to Moses.
Perspectives from Judaism, the Pagan Graeco-Roman World, and Early
Christianity. 2006. ISBN 978 90 04 15398 1
10. POMYKALA, K.E. (ed.). Israel in the Wilderness. Interpretations of the
Biblical Narratives in Jewish and Christian Traditions. 2008.
ISBN 978 90 04 16424 6
11. VAN KOOTEN, G.H. & J. VAN RUITEN (eds). The Prestige of the Pagan
Prophet Balaam in Judaism, Early Christianity and Islam. 2008.
ISBN 978 90 04 16564 9

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in Judaism, Early Christianity and Islam

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This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data

Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated,

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by

printed in the netherlands

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Editorial Statement ..................................................................... ix

BALAAM IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE

1. Balaam the Villain: The History of Reception of the

BALAAM IN ANCIENT JUDAISM

4. Balaam in the Dead Sea Scrolls ........................................... 71

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd v 1/22/2008 7:40:06 PM

8. Balaam as the Sophist Par Excellence in Philo of Alexandria:

9. A Star Shall Come out of Jacob: A Critical Evaluation of

BALAAM IN THE NEW TESTAMENT

12. Balaam and the Star of the Magi ...................................... 233

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd vi 1/22/2008 7:40:06 PM

BALAAM IN THE KORAN AND EARLY

17. Bal am in Early Koranic Commentaries ............................. 303

Index of Ancient Texts ............................................................... 309

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd vii 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

Themes in Biblical Narrative publishes studies dealing with early inter-

The series is published in co-operation with the University of Groningen

For information on forthcoming conferences, calls for papers, and the

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd ix 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

This volume contains the reworked papers of the 2005 Themes in

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xi 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

prophet in ancient Israelite writings (Stefan Beyerle, this volume) and

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xii 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xiii 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xiv 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

youth at Alexandria, seems to project his heated controversy with the

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xv 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

the particular sequence of narratives present in the pericope of this

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xvi 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

became a factor in an ongoing struggle of competing prophetic groups

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xvii 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

The final part of the volume contains a paper by FRED LEEMHUIS

A vote of thanks is due to the Board of the Faculty of Theology and

Groningen, August 2007

George van Kooten

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xviii 1/22/2008 7:40:07 PM

Stefan Beyerle, Professor of Old Testament Studies, Faculty of Theology,

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xix 1/22/2008 7:40:08 PM

Ed Noort, Professor of Ancient Israelite Literature, Old Testament Inter-

van kooten_f1_i-xviii NEW.indd xx 1/22/2008 7:40:08 PM

BALAAM IN THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE

van kooten_f2_1-24.indd 1 1/22/2008 4:48:14 PM

To the Memory of Timo Veijola, 19472005, a Friend and Colleague1

In the Hebrew Bible, Balaam is a famous foreign seer, a truly remark-

van kooten_f2_1-24.indd 3 1/22/2008 4:48:15 PM

2. The Geographical Scenery and Biblical Background

Balaams activities take place in Moab, a plateau in the mountainous

van kooten_f2_1-24.indd 4 1/22/2008 4:48:15 PM

through an incestuous adventure with their father. Highly remarkably,

van kooten_f2_1-24.indd 5 1/22/2008 4:48:16 PM

changed hands many times and where political aspiration translated