Preliminary considerations
In the seventh century, almost three hundred years after Evagrius Ponti-
cus (345-399) shaped his theory of pure prayer, and far distant from any
direct contact with Greek philosophy and the Evagrian corpus in Greek,
Isaac of Nineveh who was born in the region of modern Qatar and later
settled as a hermit in the mountains of southeastern Iraq, attached to the
monastery of Rabban Shabur questioned the entire issue.1 He was, in
fact, asking an ostensibly simple yet crucial question: What is pure prayer?
For these two authoritative spiritual teachers who certainly merit being
considered among the most original mystical authors of Eastern Christi-
anity the concept of pure prayer (kaqar proseuc; ) is
located at the very center of their ascetic and mystical theory.2 Both authors
1
On Isaac of Nineveh, see E. Khalif-Hachem, Isaac de Niniv, Dictionnaire de spiri-
tualit asctique et mystique 7,2 (Paris, 1971): 2041-2054; Sebastian Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh and Syriac Spirituality, Sobornost: The Journal of the Fellowship of St. Alban
and St. Sergius 7,2 (1975), 79-89; idem, The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the Spiritual
Life (Cistercian Studies Series 101; Kalamazoo, Mich., 1987), 242-245; Hilarion Alfeyev,
The Spiritual World of Isaac the Syrian (Cistercian Studies Series 175; Kalamazoo,
Mich., 2000). The classic study on Evagrius life and works is Antoine Guillaumont, Un
philosophe au dsert: vagre le Pontique (Textes et Traditions 8; Paris, 2004).
2
On Evagrius concept of prayer, see Irne Hausherr, Les leons dun contemplatif: Le
trait de lOraison dEvagre le Pontique (Paris, 1960); Elie Khalif-Hachem, La prire
pure et la prire spirituelle selon Isaac de Niniv, in Mmorial Mgr Gabriel Khouri-
Sarkis: (1898-1968), fondateur et directeur de lOrient syrien, 1956-1967 (Revue dtudes
et de recherches sur les Eglises de langue syriaque; Louvain, 1969), 157-173; David
Alan Ousley, Evagrius Theology of Prayer and the Spiritual Life, (Ph.D. diss., The
University of Chicago, 1979); Gabriel Bunge, The Spiritual Prayer: On the Trinitarian
Mysticism of Evagrius of Pontus, Monastic Studies 17 (1987): 191-208; Gabriel Bunge,
Das Geistgebet: Studien zum Traktat De oratione des Evagrios Pontikos (Cologne,
1987); Gabriel Bunge, La montagne intelligible: De la contemplation indirecte a la con-
naissance immdiate de Dieu dans le trait De Oratione dvagre le Pontique, Studia
Monastica 42 (2000): 7-26; Columba Stewart, Imageless Prayer and the Theological
8
For example Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer (68, 66-67) (PG 79:1181a-b
Migne).
9
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 86 (1185c M.).
10
The work was transmitted under the name of Nilus of Ancyra, De oratione (PG 79:1166-
1199 Migne). Following Irne Hausherrs studies, it has long ago been accepted as an
authentic composition of Evagrius: Irne Hausherr, Le De oratione de Nil et Evagre,
Revue dAsctique et de Mystique 14 (1933): 196-198; Irne Hausherr, Le Trait de
lOraison dEvagre le Pontique (Pseudo-Nil), Revue dAsctique et de Mystique 15
(1934): 34-94, 113-171. This article was revised by Irne Hausherr and published in
Revue dAsctique et de Mystique 35 (1959): 2-26; Irne Hausherr, Par del loraison
pure grce une coquille. A propos dun texte dEvagre, in idem, Hsychasme et prire
(Orientalia Christiana Analecta 176; Rome, 1966), (8-12) 9-12 (first published in Revue
dasctique et de mystique 13 [1932]: 185-188). For a full survey regarding the authentic-
ity of Chapters on Prayer, see Guillaumont, Un philosophe (see note 1), 125-127.
11
The Greek text, Skemmata (hereinafter Reflections) was published by Joseph Muylder-
mans, Note additionnelle A: Evagriana, Le Muson: Revue dtudes orientales 44
(1931): 369-383; Joseph Muyldermans, Evagre le Pontique: Les Capita cognoscitiva
dans les versions syriaque et armnienne, Le Muson: Revue dtudes orientales 47
(1934): 73-106. On the composite nature of this text, see Guillaumont, Un philosophe
(see note 1), 131-133; Robert E. Sinkewicz, ed., Evagrius of Pontus: The Greek Ascetic
Corpus: Translation, Introduction, and Commentary (Oxford, 2003), 210-211; William
Harmless and Raymond R. Fitzgerald, The Sapphire Light of the Mind: The Skemmata
of Evagrius Ponticus, Theological Studies 62/3 (2001): 498-529.
12
For the treatise On Thoughts, I used the French edition, Paul Ghin et al., eds. and
trans., vagre le Pontique: Sur les penses (SC 438; Paris, 1998). Sinkewicz (Evagrius
of Pontus, [see note 11], 136-153) provides a discussion on the nature and doctrines of
this text.
13
Stewart (Imageless Prayer [see note 2], 182) suggests viewing these three works as a
trilogy on Evagrius psychodynamics and theology of prayer. Unless otherwise noted,
English translations of these treatises are from Sinkewicz, Evagrius of Pontus (see note
11).
14
Bunge (Spiritual Prayer [see note 2], 197) speculates that Evagrius addressed his treatise
Chapters on Prayer to his teacher, Macarius the Great. John E. Bamberger, transl., Evagrius
Ponticus: The Praktikos, Chapters on Prayer (Cistercian Studies Series 4 [Kalamazoo, Mich.,
1981]), 51) and Sinkewicz (Evagrius of Pontus [see note 11], 184) suggest also Rufinus,
at his monastery in Jerusalem, as a probable addressee. Yet there is no evidence for these
suggestions, as already noted by Guillaumont, Un philosophe (see note 1), 129.
15
For instance, Irne Hausherr, Le De oratione dEvagre le Pontique en syriaque et en
arabe, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 5 (1939): 7-71; Irne Hausherr, Les leons dun
contemplatif (see note 2).
16
Sebastian Brock, ed. and trans., Isaac of Nineveh (Isaac the Syrian): The Second Part,
Chapters IV-XLI: Versio (CSCO 555, Scriptores syri 225; Leuven, 1995), 2 (note 2).
17
For a phenomenological and psychological approach to prayer, the standard work remains
Friedrich Heiler, Prayer: A Study in History and Psychology of Religion (New York,
1958). Heiler, however, did not discuss the idea and category of pure prayer.
18
Irne Hausherr, Les grands courants de la spiritualit orientale, Orientalia Christiana
Periodica 1 (1935): 114-138; Hans Urs von Balthasar, The Metaphysics and Mystical
Theology of Evagrius, Monastic Studies 3 (1965): 183-195. Balthasar (183) recognized
that Evagrius is the almost absolute ruler of the entire Syriac and Byzantine mystical
theology, which, through John Cassians writings, influenced Western ascetic and mysti-
cal thought as well.
19
McGinn, Foundations of Mysticism (see note 7), 151.
20
The influence of Evagrius on Cassians teaching has been long ago recognized by scholars.
See, for instance, Owen Chadwicks statement (John Cassian [2nd ed.; Cambridge, 1968],
92): Evagrius was Cassians master. The general ideas which Cassian propagated to the
Latin Church were the general ideas found in Evagrius. In the Institutes or Conferences
there are few leading ideas which cannot find parallels in Evagrius. However, it is only
with Columba Stewarts study on the technique and experience of prayer that the nature
and scope of the Evagrian influence on Cassian is fully traced. Columba Stewart, Cassian
the Monk (Oxford Studies in Historical Theology; Oxford, 1998), especially chapters 5
and 7. Stewart also explored Evagrius schema of eight generic logismoi and its presen-
tation in Cassians teachings. See Columba Stewart, Evagrius Ponticus and the Eight
Generic Logismoi, in In the Garden of Evil: The Vices and Culture in the Middle Ages
(ed. R. Newhauser; Papers in Mediaeval Studies 18; Toronto, 2005), 30-34.
21
See, for example, the use of the Evagrian terminology and concept of pure prayer in the
anonymous text from the sixth or seventh century translated by Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 181-184. See also Dadisho, a contemporary of Isaac, On Spiritual Prayer,
in Brock, Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 303-312. See also, Antoine Guillaumont, Les
versions syriaques de loeuvre dEvagre le Pontique et leur role dans la formation du
vocabulaire asctique syriaque, in IIIe Symposium Syriacum 1980 (ed. R. Lavenant;
Orientalia Christiana Analecta 221; Rome, 1983), 35-41.
them was Isaac of Nineveh, whose writings were widely circulated, and
the majority of whose collection of homilies had been translated into
Greek in the monastery of Mar Saba in the Judean Desert by the eighth/
ninth century.22 It is the merit of the works of Irne Hausherr, Antoine
Guillaumont and Sebastian Brock to have shown that Isaac of Nineveh
was profoundly influenced by Evagrius23 whom he mentioned by name,
considered his master, and quoted from in Syriac translation.24
Although Evagrius exercised great spiritual authority over Syriac au-
thors, it would be misguided to think that his model of pure prayer was
readily espoused by the generations that followed. Isaac of Nineveh, who
was among the famous Syriac Christian thinkers to incorporate the termi-
nology and concept of pure prayer into their own contemplative theory,
exposed its philosophical complexity and the intricate way in which it
might be achieved. As a thinker deeply and self-consciously rooted in
the long and multifaceted patristic and Syriac tradition, he was not sim-
ply adopting the Evagrian material.25 Rather, he was rethinking the old
spiritual practice of pure prayer already interwoven into Eastern Christian
thought and practice, seeking to achieve a better understanding of this
mystical category within the whole contemplative process and to remove
any confusion or misunderstanding. Irne Hausherr long ago claimed
that Isaac deviated from Evagrius theory of pure prayer as a result of the
mistranslation of one word.26 While accepting Hausherrs view about the
mistake, Elie Khalif-Hachem has rightly argued that Isaac did not estab-
lish his theory solely on the basis of one word, but was also influenced
by the religious anthropology and teachings of the fifth-century Syriac
22
Sebastian Brock, Syriac into Greek at Mar Saba: The Translation of St. Isaac the Syr-
ian, in The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from the Fifth Century to the
Present (ed. J. Patrich; Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta; Leuven, 2001), 201-208.
23
Irne Hausherr, Noms du Christ et voies doraison (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 157;
Rome, 1960), 74-75; Irne Hausherr, Par del loraison (see note 10), passim; Antoine
Guillaumont, Le mystique Syriaque Isaac de Ninive, in idem, Etudes sur la spiritualit
de lOrient chrtien (Spiritualit orientale 66: Monachisme primitif; Bgrolles-en-Mauges,
1996), 211-225; Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), xviii-
xix, xxxviii-xxxix.
24
There is no evidence that Isaac knew Greek, but Evagrius works were available to him
in Syriac. Some of Evagrius writings had been translated into Syriac already in the sixth-
seventh centuries. For example, the first 35 chapters out of 153 of Evagrius On Prayer
are preserved in Syriac translation in a manuscript from the 6th - 7th century. See Joseph
Muyldermans, Evagriana Syriaca: Textes indits du British Museum et de la Vaticane.
(Bibliothque du Muson 31; Louvain, 1952). For Evagrius works available in Syriac and
used in the annotation of Isaacs Second Part, see Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second
Part: Versio (see note 16), xxiv-xxix. Most recently, a list of quotations from Evagrius
works by Isaac is made by Sabino Chial, Evagrio il Pontico negli scritti di Isacco di
Ninive, Adamantius 15 (2009): 73-84.
25
The sources and trends of monastic tradition from which Isaac drew have become clear
thanks to the parallels given by Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see
note 16). See also Alfeyev, Isaac the Syrian (see note 1), 32-34.
26
See below, note 114.
27
Khalif-Hachem, La prire pure et la prire spirituelle (see note 2), passim. On John
of Apamea, see Ren Lavenant, Jean dApame: Dialogues et Traits, (SC 311; Paris,
1984), 15-44; Leo van Lejsen, De driedeling van het geestelijk leven bij Johannes van
Apamea, Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 51 (1999): 213-240.
28
The Syriac text of the First Part was edited by Paul Bedjan, Mar Isaacus Ninivita: De
perfectione religiosa (Leipzig, 1909). English translation of the First Part by Arent
Jan Wensinck, Mystic Treatises by Isaac of Nineveh (Verhandelingen der Koninklijke
Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeeling Letterkunde N.R., 23,1; Am-
sterdam, 1923).
29
See especially Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 15 (On Pure Prayer) (CSCO 554,
Scriptores syri 224, 73-76 Brock). English translation: Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The
Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 84-87. A first translation of this chapter was published
in 1987 by Brock, Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 293-297.
30
Michael B. Trapp, ed., Maximus Tyrius: Dissertationes (BSGRT; Stuttgart, 1994). English
Translation by Pieter W. van der Horst, Maximus of Tyre on Prayer: An Annotated
Translation of Ei dei eucesqai (Dissertatio 5), in Geschichte Tradition Reflexion:
Festschrift fr Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag 2: Griechische und rmische Religion
(ed. H. Cancik et al.; Tbingen, 1996), 323-338.
31
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis 7,39,6 (SC 428, 140 Le Boulluec); 7,42,1 (146 L.B.).
Alain Le Boulluec, Les Rflexions de Clment sur la prire et le trait dOrigne, in
38
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 3 (1168c-d M.). On Evagrius terminology of
prayer, see Guillaumont, Un philosophe (see note 1), 298-99. For a discussion on Evagrius
definition of prayer, as well as the definitions of Clement of Alexandria, Gregory of
Nyssa, and Gregory Nazianzus, see Dysinger, Psalmody and Prayer (see note 6), 74. See
also Sinkewicz, Evagrius of Pontus (see note 11), 275 (note 7).
39
Origen, De oratione 12,1 (GCS Origenes 2, 324,13-24 Koetschau): fwt oikti natl-
lonti p tj to ecomnou dianoaj; English translation by Rowania Greer, Origen:
An Exhortation to Martyrdom, Prayer, and Selected Works (The Classics of Western
Spirituality; New York, 1979), 104.
40
Origen, De oratione 2,4 (301,25-303,2 K.). On the role of the Spirit, see Lorenzo Perrone,
La prire des chrtiens selon Origne, in Prires Mditerranennes hier et aujourdhui:
Actes du colloque organis par le Centre Paul-Albert Fvrier Aix-en-Provence les 2 et
3 avril 1998 (eds. G. Dorival and D. Pralon; Aix-en-Provence, 2000), 201-221.
41
As has been claimed by Adele Monaci Castagno, Un invito alla vita perfetta: il PERI
EUCHS di Origene, in Il dono e la sua ombra: Ricerche sul PERI EUCHS di Origene
(ed. F. Cocchini; Atti del I convegno del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la
tradizione Alessandrina 1; Rome, 1997), 117-138.
that is proper to it, as the highest and purest activity and function of the
mind (Chapters on Prayer 83-84).42
Nor can we discern any clear tendency in the Neoplatonic milieu of
the third and fourth centuries to develop a full theory of contemplative
prayer and the praying nous.43 Plotinus, for instance in whose philosophy
prayer plays only a minor role acknowledged in a rare passage relating
to prayer in the Enneads merely this:
Let us speak of it [nous] in this way, first invoking God himself, not in spoken
words, but stretching ourselves out by means of our soul in prayer toward him
(ll t yuc ktenasin autoj ej ecn prj kenon), since this is the way in
which we are able to pray to him, alone to the alone.44
Similarly, Origen explains that one should come to prayer by stretching out
his soul instead of his hands, and straining his mind toward God instead
of his eyes.45 However, the method of prayer that Plotinus describes here
is different from that of Maximus and Clement, who stress the notion of
homilia; prayer here is in the sense of epistrophe, the turning back toward
unification of the second hypostasis the nous with the first hypostasis,
the One. As Michael Atkinson has observed, Plotinus prayer is unification,
and not merely a homilia, if we understand homilia in the ancient sense,
as an association of two distinct things.46 Atkinson draws on Plotinus
meaning of the verb ktenein, to stretch out that is, the Soul must ascend
toward the One, and it can do so only by means of the other hypostasis,
through the reversion by which it must become united with the nous and
subsequently with the One.47 Evagrius does not go so far; his doctrine of
prayer does not promote any ecstatic behavior, nor does it lead to union
with God in the classic sense of henosis (nwsij).48 He prefers to express
this experience with the imagery of a vision of light without form, to
which I shall turn later. Thus, for example, he considered an undistracted
prayer (perspatoj proseuc) to be the minds highest act of intellection
42
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 83-84 (1185b M.). On how the mind works ac-
cording to Evagrius concept of pure prayer, see Stewart, Imageless Prayer (see note
2), 186-191.
43
That was the contribution of Proclus, Commentary on Platos Timaeus 2,65-66.
44
Plotinus, Ennead 5,1,6 (The Loeb Classical Library 444, 28,9-12 Armstrong). English
translation by Arthur H. Armstrong, Plotinus 5: Enneads 5,1-9 (The Loeb Classical
Library 444; Cambridge, Mass., 1984), 29. And so Michael Atkinson, Plotinus: Ennead
V.1 on the Three Principal Hypostases: A Commentary with Translation (Oxford, 1983),
128-131.
45
Origen, De oratione 31,2 (395,28-396,20 K.).
46
Geoffrey W. H. Lampe, ed., A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford, 1961-1969): 951a, s.v.
mila.
47
Atkinson, Plotinus: Ennead V.1 (see note 44), 129-131.
48
As McGinn (Foundations [see note 7], 154) has pointed out, Evagrius language is not
that of mystical union, and the standard terms for union, henosis and koinonia, are
largely absent from his vocabulary.
(nhsij),49 assuming that in order to converse with God the mind must
ascend to God.50 He provided a refined description of this anabasis of the
nous from impassibility (apatheia) to the summit of pure prayer, which
is symbolized as the vision of the place of God.51 Evagrius believed that
through true prayer the monk, in his longing to see the face of the Father,
grateful becomes equal to the angels, yet he advised against harboring any
desire to perceive angels, powers, or Christ with the senses, lest the monk
go completely insane.52
49
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 34a (Nikodemos Hagiorites, ed., Philokalia tn
hiern nptikn 1 [5th ed.; Athens, 1982], 180), cf. Bamberger, Evagrius Ponticus (see
note 14), 60 (note 25).
50
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 35 (1173 M.).
51
On the ascent of the mind in Evagrius pure prayer, see Guillaumont, Un philosophe (see
note 1), 300-306.
52
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 113, 115 (1192d). See also Gregory of Nyssa
(De Oratione Dominica 1 [Gregorii Nysseni Opera VII/2, 8-9 Callahan]): Prayer is
intimacy with God and contemplation of the invisible. It satisfies our yearnings and makes
us equal to the angels. (proseuc qeo mila, tn ortwn qewra, tn piqumontwn
plhrofora, tn gglwn motima).
53
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 3, 11, 117 (1168c-d, 1169c, 1193a M.). Gabriel
Bunge (La Montagne intelligible [see note 2], 15) discusses Evagrius notion that prayer
is a communion with God without intermediary and draws an interesting parallel with
Plotinus well-known phrase monos pros monon.
54
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 85 (1185b M.). On this passage with relation to
psalmody, see Dysinger, Psalmody and Prayer (see note 6), 97-98. On the doctrine of
Gods perfect simplicity in early Christian thought, see Christopher Stead, Philosophy
in Christian Antiquity (Cambridge, 1994), 120-135
55
The Aristotelian and Stoic sources for this doctrine are discussed by Ghin et al., vagre
le Pontique: Sur les penses (see note 12), 23-28.
56
Evagrius Ponticus. Reflections 26 (Joseph Muyldermans, Note additionnelle A: Evagri-
ana, Le Muson: Revue dtudes orientales 44 [1931], 377); Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters
ways by which the mind grasps mental representations: through the eyes,
hearing, memory, and temperament (krsewj).57 He persistently stresses
the necessity to withdraw from the flesh, to free the mind of all mental
representations deriving from the senses or from memory or temperament,
in order to be near the frontiers of prayer (roij proseucj).58 Evagrius
does not explain what he means by the term frontiers of prayer; however,
this state of prayer is an impassible habit (xij apaqj) that by supreme eros
transports the spiritual mind (pneumatikn non), at least for a moment,
to its natural state59 that is, to the noetic realm.60 This anabasis of the
praying nous has also a transformative aspect: When the mind has put
off the old self and shall put on the one born of grace [cf. Col 3:9-10],
then it will see its own state in the time of prayer resembling sapphire or
the color of heaven; this state Scripture calls the place of God that was
seen by the elders on Mount Sinai.61 He perceives this state of the mind
(no katstasj) as an intelligible (noetic) height, resembling the color of
heaven, that arises in the moment of prayer under the influence of the
unique light of the Holy Trinity.62 Relying on Psalm 75:3 and on Exodus
24:11 (LXX),63 Evagrius explains that the place of God a term he uses
on Prayer 70 (1184d M.). See also On Thoughts 25 (SC 438, 240 Ghin), where Evagrius
states: One should start from the proposition that the mind receives naturally the mental
representations of sensible objects and their impressions through the instrumentality of
this body of ours (rkton d{ nteqen to lgou pwj noj pntwn tn asqhtn
pragmtwn pfuke dcesqai t nomata ka tuposqai kat' at di to rganiko s-
matoj totou). English translation Sinkewicz, Evagrius of Pontus (see note 11), 170.
57
Evagrius Ponticus, Reflections 17 (375 M.).
58
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 61 (1180c M.).
59
On the return of nous to its natural state, see Evagrius Admonition to the Intellect
preserved in Syriac translation by Muyldermans, Evagriana Syriaca (see note 24), 128.
Here, Evagrius wrote that the Intellect needs faith in order to return to its first state,
before the movement, that is, prior to the degradation of the souls by sin. This movement
is from multiplicity to the unity of the Intellect with the Monad.
60
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 52 (1177c M.). I follow here Guillaumonts read-
ing (Un philosophe [see note 1], 299 [note 1]) that xij designates a state of acquisition,
and the katstasij is the natural state.
61
Evagrius Ponticus, On Thoughts 39 (287 G.). This passage appears also in the Syriac
version of Evagrius Ponticus, Reflections 2. Evagrius states that nous is changed through
constantly gazing at multiform contemplation. See Evagrius Ponticus, Kephalaia Gnostica
2,83 (PO 28, 92-93 Guillaumont).
62
Evagrius Ponticus, Reflections 4 (374 M.), 27 (377 M.), quoted by Isaac of Nineveh, The
First Part 22 (Paul Bedjan, Mar Isaacus Ninivita: De perfectione religiosa [Leipzig, 1909],
174). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 263. On the controversial
issue of the Trinitarian aspect of Evagrius mysticism, see Bunge (Das Geistgebet [see
note 2]), passim; La Montagne intelligible [see note 2]), 14-24), who argues against
Irene Hausherrs claim that the Trinity plays no real role in Evagrius mysticism. See
also above, note 7. On the nature of the light of prayer and the knowledge of God, see
Konstantinovsky, Evagrius Ponticus (see note 3), 94-97.
63
On the biblical metaphor the place of God and the relocation of this biblical topo-
graphy to an inner landscape, see Stewart, Imageless prayer, (see note 3), 195-198.
as a substitute for seeing God is the rational soul (yuc logik),64 and
his dwelling is the luminous mind that has renounced worldly desires.65
As is well known, Evagrius repeatedly emphasizes that the nous should
evade any kind of contemplation that can leave an impression or form
on the mind, acknowledging that even if the mind has transcended the
contemplation of corporeal nature (qewran tj swmatikj fsewj) which
is also termed the second natural contemplation, situated at the lowest
level of Evagrius contemplative scheme and perceptible by the senses66 it
has not yet beheld perfectly the place of God, for it is still able to be
occupied with the knowledge of intelligible objects and so to be involved
with their multiplicity.67 In effect, Evagrius presupposes that the spiri-
tual mind is the seer of the Holy Trinity.68 He therefore wishes the nous
in the moment of prayer to obtain perfect detachment from the senses
(naisqhsan kthsmenoj),69 assuming that the mind is unable to see the
place of God within itself unless it has transcended all the mental rep-
resentations associated with objects.
Nor will it [the nous] transcend them, if it has not put off the passions that bind
it to sensible objects through mental representations. And it will lay aside the
passions through the virtues, and simple thoughts through spiritual contempla-
tion; and this in turn it will lay aside when there appears to it that light which
at the time of prayer leaves an impress (ktupontoj) of the place of God.70
Here again, the emphasis is on the experience of the nous in the moment
of pure prayer when it sees its own state and shines like a star71; precisely
this state indicates the highest level of encounter with the divine in Evagrius
contemplative theory.72
64
Evagrius adhered to the Platonic tradition in recognizing three parts of the soul: the
rational, logistikon; the irascible part, thumos; and the concupiscible part, epithumia.
See, especially, Evagrius Ponticus, Praktikos 89 (SC 171, 680-689 Guillaumont).
65
Evagrius Ponticus, Reflections 25 (377 M.).
66
Evagrius Ponticus, Kephalaia Gnostica 3,61 (122-123 G.). On the distinction and mecha-
nism of first and second natural contemplation, see Guillaumont, Un philosophe (see
note 1), 283-292.
67
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 56-57 (1177c-1180a M.).
68
Evagrius Ponticus, Kephalaia Gnostica 3,30 (110-111 G.).
69
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 120 (1193b M.).
70
Evagrius Ponticus, On Thoughts 40 (288-290 G.). See also the commentary in On
Thoughts 40 (Ghin et al., vagre le Pontique: Sur les penses [see note 12], 289-291);
Reflections 23 (376-377 M.); Sinkewicz, Evagrius of Pontus (see note 11), 273 (note 62).
On the phrase light which at the time of prayer leaves an impress of the place of God,
see Bunge, La montagne intelligible, (see note 2), 12.
71
Evagrius Ponticus, On Thoughts 43 (298 G).
72
Evagrius Ponticus, Reflections 2 (374 M.). On the minds light, see also Evagrius Ponti-
cus, Chapters on Prayer 73-74 (1184a-b M.); Evagrius Ponticus, Gnostikos 45 (SC 356,
178-181 Guillaumont); Antoine Guillaumont, La vision de lintellect par lui-mme dans
la mystique Evagrienne, in Mlanges de lUniversit Saint-Joseph 50 (1984): 255-262
(reprint in idem, Etudes sur la spiritualit de lOrient Chrtien [Spiritualit Orientale 66;
Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1996], 143-150); Guillaumont, Un philosophe (see note 1), 302-
306. On the role of nous in prayer according to Origen and Evagrius, see also Dominique
Bertrand, Limplication du NOUS dans la prire chez Origne et Evagre le Pontique,
in Origenes in den Auseinandersetzungen des 4. Jahrhunderts (ed. W. A. Bienert and U.
Khnweg; Origeniana 7, Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium 137;
Leuven, 1999), 355-363; idem, Force et faiblesse du Nous chez Evagre le Pontique,
Studia Patristica 35 (2001): 10-23.
73
It is difficult to detect a clear concept of pure prayer in John of Lycopolis brief teaching
on the examination of purity of intention and thoughts during prayer (Historia mona-
chorum in Aegypto 1,23 [Andr-Jean Festugire, ed. and trans., Historia monachorum
in Aegypto: dition critique du texte grec et traduction annote (Subsidia Hagiographica
53; Bruxelles, 1971), 17]) as has been claimed by Elizabeth A. Clark, The Origenist
Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate (Princeton, 1992),
68-69. The answer to the question raised by Dominique Bertrand (Limplication du
NOUS [see note 72]), whether Evagrius was inspired by Origens treatise De oratione
remains unclear and needs further investigation.
74
Guillaumont, Les Kephalaia Gnostica (see note 3), 59-61; Guillaumont, Un philosophe
(see note 1), 301-302; Clark, Origenist Controversy (see note 73), 66-75. On whether
it was a dogmatic controversy, see Fred Ledegang, Anthropomorphites and Origenists
in Egypt at the End of the Fourth Century, in: Origenes in den Auseinandersetzungen
des 4. Jahrhunderts (see note 72), 375-379.
75
Guillaumont, La vision, (see note 72), 148-149.
76
On Evagrius relation with Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus, see Guillaumont, Un philo-
sophe (see note 1), 31-39; Dysinger, Psalmody and Prayer (see note 6), 8-11. For Evagrius
classical education, see Wolfgang Lackner and Hans Gerstinger, Zur profanen Bildung
des Euagrios Pontikos, in Hans Gerstinger: Festgabe zum 80 Geburtstag (ed. idem; Graz,
1966), 17-29. For a reading of Evagrius Ad Monachos in light of ancient philosophy,
see Jeremy Driscoll, The Ad Monachos of Evagrius Ponticus: Its Structure and a Select
Commentary (Studia Anselmiana 104; Rome, 1991), 361-384.
Often I have woken up out of the body to myself and have entered into myself,
going out from all other things; I have seen a beauty wonderfully great and
felt assurance that then most of all I belonged to the better part; I have actu-
ally lived the best life and come to identity with the divine . . . setting myself
above all else in the realm of Intellect. Then after that rest in the divine, when
I have come down from Intellect to discursive reasoning, I am puzzled, how I
ever came down.77
77
Plotinus, Ennead 4,8,1 (The Loeb Classical Library 443, 396,1-9 Armstrong): pollkij
geirmenoj ej mautn k to smatoj ka ginmenoj tn m{n llwn xw, mauto d{ esw,
qaumastn lkon rn kallj, ka tj krettonoj moraj pistesaj tte mlista enai,
zwn te rsthn nergsaj ka t qeJ ej tatn gegenhmnoj . . . p{r pn t llo nohtn
mautn drsaj, met tathn tn n t qeJ stsin ej logismn k no katabj por,
pj pote ka nn katabanw. English translation by Arthur H. Armstrong, Plotinus 4
(The Loeb Classical Library 443; Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 397.
78
Konstantinovsky (Evagrius Ponticus [see note 3], 97-102), in line with Guillaumont,
discusses some themes relating to the nature of the mystical experience of Plotinus and
Evagrius. However, unlike Guillaumont, she also points out the contrast between the
two authors mystical systems.
79
On Plotinus view on the faculty of representation and the unity of perception, see Eyjlfur
Kjalar Emilsson, Plotinus on Sense-Perception: A Philosophical Study (London, 1988),
107-140.
80
Plotinus, Ennead 6,7,36 (The Loeb Classical Library 468, 200,15-27 Armstrong).
81
Plotinus, Ennead 6,9,9 (338,54-59 A.): ste xelqen spedein nteqen ka ganakten
p qtera dedemnouj, na t lJ atn periptuxmeqa ka mhd{n mroj comen, m
faptmeqa qeo. rn d stin ntata kkenon ka aqtn j rn qmij: autn m{n
gla#smnon, fwtj plrh nohto, mllon d{ fj at kaqarn, bar, kofon, qen
genmenon, mllon d{ nta. English translation by Arthur H. Armstrong, Plotinus 7: En-
neads 6,6-9 (The Loeb Classical Library 468; Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 339.
to see its own things and the things before it,82 since it has one power for
thinking, by which it looks at the thing in itself, and another by which it
looks at what transcends it by a direct awareness and reception.83 Plotinus
notion of the Intellects self-contemplation is likened to light seeing itself,
grounding his theory on the simple view that the actual seeing is double
and on the perception that in the intelligible world the vision sees not
through some medium, but by and through itself alone, because its object
is not external. Intellect therefore sees one light with another, not through
any intermediate agency; a light then sees another light, that is to say, a
thing sees itself (Ennead 5,3,8).84 He further provides a clear depiction
of the mechanism of the nous dual capacity to see.85 It seems plausible
that Plotinus claim that the nous needs to see itself or rather possess the
seeing of itself . . . and its seeing is its substance,86 was important also
in shaping Evagrius theory of the self-vision of the nous, the summit of
the activity of the praying nous. It should be mentioned, however, that
Evagrius does not provide an explanation for the mechanism of the nous
dual capacity to see, but only makes the following statement: Just as the
mind receives the mental representations of all sensible objects, in this way
it receives also that of its own organism.87
It is widely held that Plotinus nous is experientially based and is not
a mere theoretical construction emerging from Aristotelian and Middle
Platonic tradition.88 In the same vein, Evagrius recognizes the nous as an
experiential entity that is active in the following three spheres:
82
Plotinus, Ennead 6,9,3 (312,34-35 A.): dnatai d{ rn noj t ato t pr
ato. English translation by Armstrong, Plotinus 7 (see note 81), 313.
83
Plotinus, Ennead 6,7,35 (194-198 A.).
84
Plotinus, Ennead 5,3,8 (94-100 A.). See, for example, Plotinus statement in Ennead 5,3,17
(134,34-39 A.): And this is the souls true end, to touch that light and see it by itself,
not by another light, but by the light which is also its means of seeing. It must see that
light by which it is enlightened: for we do not see the sun by another light than his own.
How then can this happen? Take away everything!(ka toto t tloj tlhqinn yuc,
fyasqai fwtj kenou ka ut at qesasqai, ok llou fwt, ll' at, di' o ka
r. di' o gr fwtsqh, tot stin, de qesasqai: od{ gr lion di fwtj llou.
pj n on toto gnoito; fele pnta). English translation by Armstrong, Plotinus 5
(see note 44), 135.
85
Plotinus, Ennead 5,5,7 (174-178 A.), with the commentary to this passage by John
Bussanich, The One and Its Relation to Intellect in Plotinus (Philosophia Antiqua 49;
Leiden, 1988), 132-139 and 221.
86
Plotinus, Ennead 5,3,10 (104,9-13 A.): . . . toton tn non dehqnai to rn autn,
mllon d{ cein t rn autn . . . ka tn osan ato rasin e"nai. English translation
by Armstrong, Plotinus 5 (see note 44), 105. On this passage and the question why the
Intellect needs to see itself, see Eyjlfur Kjalar Emilsson, Plotinus on Intellect (Oxford,
2007), 80-90.
87
Evagrius Ponticus, On Thoughts 25 (240-244 G.).
88
Arthur Hilary Armstrong, Eternity, Life and Movement in Plotinus Accounts of Nous,
in Le Noplatonisme: Actes du colloque international sur le noplatonisme organis dans
le cadre des colloques internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique,
Royaumont du 9 au 13 juin 1969 (ed. P.-M. Schuhl and P. Hadot; Colloques inter-
nationaux du Centre National de la Recherche; Paris, 1971), 67-74; Richard T. Wallis,
Nous, while it is engaged in the practical life, is involved with the concepts of
this world (`O noj n praktit n n toj nomasin stin to ksmou totou);
when it is engaged in knowledge (n gnsei), it spends its time in contempla-
tion, and when it is in prayer, it is in a [light] without form, which is called the
place of God (topoj qeo).89
Sometimes the mind moves from one mental representation to another ( noj
pot{ m{n p nomatoj ej nomata metabanei), sometimes from one contempla-
tive consideration to another (pot{ d{ p qewrmatoj ej qewrmata), and in
turn from a contemplative consideration to a mental representation. And there
are also times when the mind moves from the imageless state to mental repre-
sentations or contemplative considerations (p tj neidou katastsewj p
nomata p qewrmata), and from these it returns again to the imageless state.
This happens [to the mind] during the time of prayer.92
Evagrius assumes that there is only one level of prayer the conversation
of the mind with God in which the mind is without impress (Scholia on
Psalms 140,2), explaining:
I say the mind without impress is the one that does not imagine anything corporeal
in the moment of prayer; only names and words that signify something sensible
give impress and form to our intellect. However, the mind that prays should
be completely free from sensible objects, and the representation (nhma) of God
necessarily keeps the mind without impress, because he [God] has no body.93
Despite the fact that a monk wishing to achieve pure prayer must pu-
rify his soul, expel sadness and anger from the irascible part of the soul
(thumos),95 be in a state of impassibility (apatheia), and be free from all
the predicaments of the world,96 Evagrius is not explicit about how one
can separate himself completely from the mental representations that
leave an impress upon the mind. He does, however, recognize that the
attainment of this highest stage of prayer will at times seem to be beyond
the monks grasp in spite of all his efforts, while at other times it can be
reached without any effort.97 In this, Evagrius was promoting an optimistic
view about the human capacity to exercise such contemplative experience
at this mental level of the self, locating the major hindrance in the zone
where demons are active: All the warfare that is waged between us and
the impure demons concerns nothing other than spiritual prayer.98 As is
well known, this hindrance was at the center of Evagrius ascetic psychol-
ogy and demonology.99 Nor does he express any hesitation or dilemma
93
An edition of Scholia on Psalms is in preparation by Mark Rondeau. This passage is quoted
from Ghin et al., vagre le Pontique: Sur les penses (see note 12), 294 (note 8).
94
Evagrius Ponticus, On Thoughts 41 (290-296 G.). English translation Sinkewicz, Evagrius
of Pontus (see note 11), 181.
95
See, for example, Evagrius Ponticus, On Thoughts 43 (298 G.): You who long for pure
prayer keep watch over your irascibility; idem, Praktikos 63 (646-649 G.).
96
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 52-54 (1177c M.).
97
Evagrius Ponticus [Nilus of Ancyra], Tractatus ad Eulogium 28 (PG 79:1129c-1132a
Migne). English translation Sinkewicz, Evagrius of Pontus (see note 11), 55.
98
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 49 (1177b M.).
99
For a full discussion on Evagrius demonology and his art of antirrhesis that is, the
technique of combating demons by citing biblical verses see Guillaumont, Un philoso-
phe (see note 1), 205-265; Dysinger, Psalmody and Prayer (see note 6), 131-149. See
also Michael OLaughlin, The Bible, the Demons and the Desert: Evaluating the Antir-
rheticus of Evagrius Ponticus, Studia monastica 34 (1992): 201-215; Gabriel Bunge,
about the minds activity in the context of pure prayer. That is not the
case with Christian authors in the later period. The fifth-century author
Diadochus of Photike, for instance, while embracing the Evagrian notion
of prayer and his technical terms, complained that the mind often finds
it hard to endure praying because of the straightness and concentration
this involves.100 Yet Diadochus was himself an author who made a major
contribution to reconfiguring the biblical notion of remembrance of God
(mnmh qeo) and transforming it into a new contemplative technique cen-
tered on the intensive activity of the nous and memory. Another voice of
hesitation was that of the abbot of the monastery at Sinai, Hesychios the
Priest (in the eighth or ninth century), who confessed that it seemed dif-
ficult for human beings to still the mind so that it rests from all thought.101
Against this evidence we can assume that Isaac of Nineveh, in the seventh
century, was not surprised when one of his disciples asked him: What
is spiritual prayer?102
Evagrius Pontikos: Der Prolog des Antirrhetikos, Studia Monastica 29 (1997): 77-105.
On Evagrius system of eight logismoi and the emergence of Christian demonology, see
Columba Stewart, Evagrius Ponticus and the Eight Generic Logismoi (see note 20),
3-34. And on early Egyptian monastic demonology, see David Brakke, Demons and
the Making of the Monk: Spiritual Combat in Early Christianity (Cambridge, Mass.,
2006).
100
Diadochus of Photike, Gnostic Chapters 68 (SC 5/3, 128-129 des Places). On Diadochus
language of experience and prayer, see Marcus Plested, Macarian Legacy: the Place of
Macarius-Symeon in the Eastern Christian Tradition (Oxford Theological Monographs;
Oxford 2004), 140-150, 168-173.
101
Hesychios the Priest, On Watchfulness and Holiness 148 (Hagiorites, Philokalia [see note
49], 163-164); English translation: G. E. H. Palmer et al., eds., Philokalia 1: Compiled
by St. Nikodimos of the Holy Mountain and St. Makarios of Corinth [London, 1979],
188).
102
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 35 (260 B.). English translation: Wensinck, Mystic
Treatises (see note 28), 174.
their spiritual progress.103 Isaac felt the need not only to distinguish those
stages in prayer, and to clarify every issue relating to each stage, but also
to delineate the boundary of human contemplative experience and the limit
of the minds activity, themes to which he devoted his discourse known as
On Various Experiences during Prayer and on the Limits of the Minds
Power ( ).104 As
one who has his audience permanently in mind, wishing to be as unam-
biguous as possible, Isaac explains: I do this because the majority of
diligent and illumined brethren experience these things.105 Thus Isaac
pushes the depiction of the experience of pure prayer much further than
Evagrius, who did not endeavor to clarify the personal experiential aspect of
pure prayer but, instead, cultivated its philosophical dimension. Evagrius
tentative attempt to clarify the question of the origin of the light during
prayer to which purpose he journeyed with Ammonius to consult John of
Lycopolis in the Egyptian desert is somewhat exceptional.106 Yet, this visit
shows that Evagrius was puzzled by the experience of the vision of light,
an experience that certain Egyptian monks might have.107 Furthermore,
Evagrius is known to be a systematic writer who distinguishes between the
metaphysical and the practical aspects of ascetic culture. Such a systematic
approach is hardly detectable in Isaacs writings, which tend to merge the
theoretical and practical aspects of spiritual progress.
My second observation concerns Isaacs skepticism regarding the ad-
equacy of language to describe contemplative practice. He was troubled by
the tendency of certain Christian authors to apply identical terms for dif-
ferent spiritual phenomena; according to him, they used the term prayer
to designate every excellent impulse and spiritual activity. He feared that
such terminology might be misleading: Sometimes they designate as theoria
[contemplation] what they elsewhere call spiritual prayer; or sometimes
they term it knowledge, or revelation of noetic things.108 However, he
was not inclined to formulate an apophatic theory, like Pseudo-Dionysius,
or to adopt an apophatic style as a literary strategy.109 Instead, the in-
103
Isaac of Nineveh, Centuries on Knowledge 4,64-65 (text of Centuries on Knowledge
from Ms. Oxford Bodleian syr.e. 7, fol. 26b-27a [cf. Brock, Syriac Fathers (see note 1),
298]). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers [see note 1], 266).
104
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (163-175 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac
Fathers (see note 1), 252-263.
105
Evagrius Ponticus, Kephalaia Gnostica 4,65 (164-165 G.).
106
Evagrius Ponticus, Antirrheticus 6,16 (Abhandlungen der Kniglichen Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Gttingen, N.S. 13,2, 524 Frankenberg).
107
Stewart (Imageless Prayer, [see note 3], 193-194) draws our attention to Evagrius
reticence about the experience of light during prayer, stressing that this experience is
found throughout Evagrius writings and was precious to him though it is muted in On
Prayer, and suggesting that Evagrius was aware of the dangers of this phenomenon.
108
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (168 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 257.
109
For instance, Isaac quoted Pseudo-Dionysius, On the Divine Names 4,11. Isaac of Ni-
neveh, The First Part 22 (169 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers (see note 1),
258. As Sebastian Brock has pointed out (Syriac Fathers [see note 1], 244-245), although
Dionysius the Areopagite is mentioned by Isaac on a few occasions, he does not appear
to have had a formative influence on Isaacs thought.
110
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (169 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 257-258.
111
On awareness that comes from stillness, see Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 14,9 (58
B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16),
69.
112
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (166-167 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac
Fathers (see note 1), 255.
113
Isaac of Nineveh, Centuries on Knowledge 4,65 (see note 103). English translation: Brock,
Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 266-267.
114
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 6,8 (18 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 22.
115
On Isaacs anthropology, see E. Khalif-Hachem, Isaac de Niniv, Dictionnaire de
spiritualit asctique et mystique: Doctrine et histoire 7 (Paris, 1971): 2048-2050; Khalif-
Hachem, La prire pure et la prire spirituelle, (see note 2), 169-171. On the level
of the soul where Isaac located pure prayer and the level of the spirit where there is no
longer any prayer, see Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 32,4 (131 B.). English transla-
tion: Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 143.
116
Isaac of Nineveh, Centuries on Knowledge 4,65 (see note 103). English translation: Brock,
Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 267.
117
Isaac of Nineveh, Centuries on Knowledge 4,66 (see note 103). English translation: Brock,
Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 268-269. The italics are mine.
118
For an exceptional and vivid image of the nous during contemplative prayer (Remem-
brance of God), see Diadochus of Photike, Gnostic Chapters 59 (119 d.P.).
119
Isaac of Nineveh, Centuries on Knowledge 4,67 (see note 103). English translation: Brock,
Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 269.
120
Pierre Hadot, Plotin ou la simplicit du regard (Paris, 1989). Engl. transl. by Michael
Chase with an introduction by Arnold I. Davidson, Plotinus or the Simplicity of Vision
(Chicago, 1998), 29. See also Pierre Hadot, Les niveaux de conscience dans les tats
mystiques selon Plotin, Journal de psychologie normale et pathologique 2,3 (1980):
243-266.
121
Evagrius Pontcius, Chapters on Prayer 28 (1173a M.).
122
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (165-166 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac
Fathers (see note 1), 254.
This passage seems to indicate that the mind retains the limiting element
in itself, which, in fact, causes the separation of pure prayer from non-
prayer: As long as prayer is stirred, it belongs to the sphere of the souls
existence, but when it has entered that other sphere [that of the spirit],
then prayer stops.123 Furthermore, Isaac claims that the Intellect has the
authority to initiate discernment among different kinds of stirrings, up
to the point where it has purity in prayer. But once it has reached that
place, then it either turns back or ceases from being prayer. Thus prayer
serves as an intermediary stage, between the state of existence and spiri-
tual existence. Isaac accentuates that in the life of the spirit there are no
thoughts, no stirrings not even any sensation or the slightest movement
of the soul concerning anything; instead it remains in a certain ineffable
and inexplicable silence.124 In this non-discursive mode of life, the mind
has been raised above the forms of this world, operating with a different
kind of knowledge.125 He makes it clear that the mind is transformative by
nature, and by gazing at things to come, a gaze that typifies the spiritual
stage, the mind is changed into a state of wonder.126 At this stage, the mind
has lost its dynamic and active nature and enters the realm of wonder and
stillness, which is, in effect, an extension of the purely noetic life.
But once the Spirits activity starts to reign over the intellect the order of senses
and thoughts then the inborn, natural free choice is removed, and the intellect
is then itself guided, and no longer guides.127
In this passive state of the mind, in which the Spirit transcends discursive
reasoning, the self is no longer at the same level of consciousness as in
the second stage, and corporeal consciousness is eclipsed: Then there
is not even the strength to pray, or any thought left remaining there, in
that this person has been made silent in his body, along with his soul.128
The mind forgets itself and everything else when it reaches the state of
123
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (169-170 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac
Fathers (see note 1), 258.
124
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 32,4 (131 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 143.
125
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 30,6 (97 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 108.
126
For example, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 8,14 (23 B.). English translation: Brock,
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 29: Spiritual insights which
arise concerning matters of this world are quite different in their power from the luminous
reflection on things to come, for by gazing at such things the mind is changed into a state
of wonder. See also Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 5,8 (7 B.). English translation:
Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 9-10: Renew my life
with a transformation of mind ( ).
127
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (170 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 259. See also Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 35,2 (140 B.). English
translation: Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 151-152.
128
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 30,9 (124 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 136-137.
129
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (174 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 262.
130
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (174 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 262.
131
Evagrius Ponticus, Reflections 27 (377 M.).
132
Irne Hausherr, Appendice au fasc. 69, Orientalia Christiana 24 (1931): 39; Irne
Hausherr, Par del loraison (see note 10), (8-12) 10: Cest sur la foi de ce seul mot
que le ninivite dclare irrecevable le concept de prire spirituelle quil sait cependant en
usage chez les Pres.
133
Khalif, La prire pure et la prire spirituelle, (see note 2), 168-169.
134
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (171 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 259.
135
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 14,22 (62-63 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac
of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 73.
A gaze of wonder
Isaacs notion of the limit of the minds activity becomes clear through
his sharp distinction between two different kinds of contemplative prayer:
pure prayer ( ) and spiritual prayer ( ). Obvi-
ously this was a clear move away from Evagrius, who had used various
terms for designating the same mental process of prayer, such as true
prayer,140 spiritual prayer,141 pure prayer,142 immaterial prayer, and prayer
without distraction.143 In Evagrius doctrine, all these terms are synonyms
for pure prayer. By contrast, Isaac, though known for his inclination
136
Ephrem, Against the Heresies 22 (CSCO 169, 79 Beck).
137
On the Messalian doctrine, see Columba Stewart, Working the Earth of the Heart: The
Messalian Controversy in History, Texts, and Language to AD 431 (Oxford Theologi-
cal Monographs; Oxford, 1991), 52-69; Klaus Fitschen, Messalianismus und Antimes-
salianismus: Ein Beispiel ostkirchlicher Ketzergeschichte (Forschungen zur Kirchen und
Dogmengeschichte 71; Gttingen, 1998). On the amorphous nature of the Messalian
tendency, see Plested, The Macarian Legacy (see note 99)], 21, who convincingly argues
that We know that Messalianism was; we do not know what it was.
138
Irne Hausherrs view (Par del loraison [see note 10], 9) that for Isaac it was
a question of orthodoxy is not convincing. An analysis of the six passages in which
Isaac mentioned the Messalians by name is provided by Patrick Hagman, St. Isaac of
Nineveh and the Messalians, in Mystik Metapher Bild: Beitrge des VII. Makarios-
Symposiums, Gttingen 2007 (ed. M. Tamcke; Gttingen, 2008), 55-66. He also inclines
to reduce the impact of Messalianism on Isaacs thought.
139
On the Messalian doctrines in the context of Syriac monasticism in the fourth-seventh
centuries, see Philippe Escolan, Monachisme et glise: Le monachisme syrien du IVe au
VIIe sicle: Un monachisme charismatique (Thologie Historique 109; Paris, 1999),
91-123. For a brief, yet very helpful discussion on the various sources relating to the
Messalians, see Plested, Macarian Legacy (see note 99), 16-27.
140
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 10, 55, 60, 64, 75, 80, 113 (1169b-c, 1177c,
1180b, 1180d, 1184b, 1184d, 1191d M.)
141
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer 28, 49, 62, 71, 101 (1173a, 1177b, 1180c, 1181d,
1189b M.).
142
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer, 70, 72, 97 (1181c, 1181d, 1188d-1189a M.).
143
Evagrius Ponticus, Chapters on Prayer, 17, 145 (1172a, 1197c M.); 34a (180 H.).
Evagrius preferred to use the term proseuc for prayer, whereas Clement and Origen
used the term ec. On this terminology, see Guillaumont, Un philosophe (see note 1),
298 (note 10).
144
According to Brock (Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio [see note 16], xvii), the
fact that Isaac drew on the varied terminology of earlier writers and had no desire to
provide his readers with a systematic guide to the inner life resulted in his terminological
fluidity. On Isaacs use of the term prayer to indicate a whole range of activities that
accompany the minds converse with God, see Alfeyev, Isaac the Syrian (see note 1),
143-217.
145
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 35 (260 B.). English translation: Wensinck, Mystic
Treatises (see note 28), 174-175.
146
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 15,7 (75 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 86; Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22
(175 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 263.
147
Isaac of Nineveh, The First Part 22 (175 B.). English translation: Brock, Syriac Fathers
(see note 1), 263. Italics are mine.
148
Evagrius Ponticus, Kephalaia Gnostica 3,88,S1 (134 G.).
149
Although the phrase during prayer is quoted by Isaac, Antoine Guillaumont (Lex six
centuries des Kephalaia Gnostica dvagre le Pontique [PO 28; Paris, 1958], 134 [note
2]) claims that it cannot be considered as Evagrius original text.
150
Evagrius Ponticus, Kephalaia Gnostica 3,88,S2 (135 G.): Heureux celui qui est parvenu
la science indpassable. See also Irne Hausherr, Ignorance infinie ou science infinie?,
Unlike Evagrius, Isaac locates the mental process of pure prayer in the dis-
cursive realm, since he asks, where thoughts do not exist, how can one any
longer speak of prayer?154 Pure and undistracted prayer, according to him,
does not mean that the mind is entirely devoid of any thought or wander-
ing of any kind, but that it does not wander about on empty subjects during
the time of prayer.155 Therefore, he sums up, one should not seek to be
entirely free of mental wandering ( ), which is impos-
sible, but seek to wander following something that is good. For even pure
prayer consists in a wandering which follows something.156 He was deeply
convinced that any profitable recollections ( ) that may
spring up in the mind from the Writings of the Spirit ( ),157
Isaac here uses the Evagrian notion of the imageless mind, yet he shifts it
from the context of pure prayer and relocates it in the framework of
close to spiritual things, a step before the third stage. This is a stage
where self-awareness is reduced yet spiritual silence is amplified, and the
apperception of God ( ) is magnified as well. Isaac
discerns two kinds of apperceptions of God that the perfect recluse might
achieve in his life: one kind born of meditation and belonging to the dis-
158
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 15,5 (74-75 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 85.
159
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 25,7 (75 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 86.
160
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 25,7 (75 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 86.
161
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 15,10-11 (76 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac
of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 87.
cursive realm and another kind that falls upon a person spontaneously,
when all of a sudden the mind will stand motionless as though in some
divine dark cloud that stuns and silences it. This level of the self marks the
beginning of entry into the third high stage namely, the spiritual mode of
being ( ).162 In Isaacs mind, however, it is not dissociated from
the experience of prayer; such apperceptions, according to him, occur at
the time of prayer because of the particular attentiveness accompanying
a person, thus alluding to a probable moment of oscillation between two
levels of the self intrinsic to the mystical experience.163 Moreover, since the
notion of awareness is at the heart of his teaching, Isaac has no hesitation
in inviting his readers to a sort of conversion of attention164 in order to
discern the existence of these two levels of the self:
Sharpen your senses and purify and recollect your understanding from distrac-
tion, then let us pay especial attention to the intellect as we cross over, with its
help, to the wondrous staging post which consists in rest for all ones way of
life, for within it is situated divine rest.165
Conclusion
Isaac of Nineveh was certainly not the first or the only author in Eastern
Christianity to undertake the exploration of Evagrian spirituality. How-
ever, with regard to the spiritual exercise of pure prayer, he is the prin-
cipal representative of this strand in the Syriac tradition. Isaacs concept
of pure prayer and his description of the vitality of the mind during this
contemplative experience demonstrate the extent to which the Evagrian
legacy was firmly established in his thought. By the finesse of his observa-
tions on the movement of the mind, its wonderment, silence and limit,
Isaac reveals his creative adaptation and interpretation of the Evagrian
lore. However, in this paper I have not advocated any harmonizing view
regarding Isaacs synthesized approach a view that has been promoted
by Hausherr, who believes that the two authors belong to the same cou-
rant de spiritualit. Nor have I wanted to suggest that the two authors
represent two distinct spiritual currents, philosophical versus experiential.
Rather, I have argued that although Isaac does not create a new theory of
contemplative prayer, he provides an entirely fresh and original view on
the matter, as a result of merging the Evagrian and Syriac traditions. He
162
For a brief description of this stage, see Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 7 (19-20
B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16),
34-25.
163
Isaac of Nineveh, The Second Part 35,3 (140 B.). English translation: Brock, Isaac of
Nineveh, The Second Part: Versio (see note 16), 152-153.
164
A term used by Hadot, Plotinus or the Simplicity of Vision (see note 120), 30.
165
Isaac of Nineveh, Centuries on Knowledge 4,64 (see note 103). English translation: Brock,
Syriac Fathers (see note 1), 266.
shifts the emphasis from the Neoplatonic idea of nous dual-vision in its
Evagrian theological dress and the non-conceptual aspect of pure prayer
to what he considers imperative that is, the self-awareness of the praying
nous, making it the axis of his discussion around which he organizes the
major questions evoked by such a delicate matter. But there is more than
this. The difference in approach to pure prayer between the two authors
seems to me significant, and indeed more complicated than was previously
appreciated by scholars. The divergence is not limited merely to Isaacs
statement about the non-existence of spiritual prayer; it represents a new
and more coherent approach to the subject, raising new questions about
the nature of the mystical experience. Two points of divergence seem to
me particularly noteworthy: The first consists in providing indications for
identifying the very experience of the praying nous that is, an aware-
ness about pure prayer which marks a clear move away from Evagrius
theoretical and theological approach; the second consists in Isaacs integra-
tion of the peculiar Syriac notion of wonder as a new mystical realm in
the context of pure prayer, leading to his claim regarding the limit of the
minds activity and of the conscious contemplative experience itself. The
prominence of these idiosyncratic elements in Isaacs concept, which are
nowhere hinted in Evagrius theory, distinguishes his approach from that
of his master. This divergence not only reflects a shift in emphasis but also
resonates with a shift in the religious sensibility of Isaacs cultural milieu. It
is certainly not prudent to speak about so equivocal a notion as religious
sensibility. However, it is difficult to ignore Isaacs tendency to stress the
personal dimension, rather than the theoretical aspect, of pure prayer, as
well as his accent on the key role of awareness of the experience and his
emphatic declaration on the limit of the minds activity. All these character-
ize a spiritual propensity that was seeking a more conscious contemplative
experience, a more intimate knowledge of this subtle experience.
Isaacs views on spiritual prayer were not shared by all.166 Yet he was
exceptional in his endeavor to clarify one of the most perplexing mysti-
cal techniques to have challenged Eastern Christian religious thought and
praxis in late antiquity.
166
See, for instance, the eighth-century Syriac author Joseph the Visionary, who had a rather
different view on spiritual prayer. For the text see Brock, Syriac Fathers (see note 1),
316-318 (Joseph the Visionary, On Spiritual Prayer).
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG
Isaak von Ninive ist nicht der erste Autor, der die Spiritualitt des Evagrius zu ergrnden
sucht. In der syrischen Tradition ist er jedoch der erste, der dies gezielt fr das Gebet
unternimmt. Von Evagrius bernimmt er Gedanken wie die Reinheit des Gebets oder
die Lebendigkeit des Geistes im Gebet, zugleich entwickelt er die Aspekte des Staunens
und der Ruhe weiter. Hierbei zeigen sich erhebliche Unterschiede zwischen Evagrius
und Isaak. Isaak betont besonders die Bedeutung der Erfahrung fr den menschlichen
Geist und betont vom Gedanken des Staunens aus die Begrenztheit der Kontemplation.
Isaaks Bemhungen um eine Klrung des geistlichen Gebets stellen einen der wichtigsten
Beitrge fr die ostkirchliche Theologie und Praxis in der Sptantike dar.