Soundly

Organized
Humanity
f | N T H E F I R S T C H A P T E R I stated that, i f w e w a n t t o
H I know h o w musical man is, w e must b e able t o describe
exactly w h a t happens to any piece of music. In the second and
third chapters I have tried to show w h y we shall never be
able to do this until we understand what happens to the
human beings w h o make the music. M u s i c is a synthesis of
cognitive processes which are present in culture and in the
human b o d y : the forms it takes, and the effects it has on
people, are generated by the social experiences of human
bodies in different cultural environments. Because music is
humanly organized sound, it expresses aspects of the experi-
ence of individuals in society.
It follows that any assessment of human musicality must
account for processes that are extramusical, and that these
should be included in analyses of music. T h e answers to many
important questions about musical structure m a y not be
strictly musical. W h y are certain scales, modes, and intervals
preferred? T h e explanation m a y be historical, political, philo-
sophical, or rational in terms of acoustical laws. W h a t comes
next when a certain musical pattern has been played? Is the
next tone determined by the logic of the melodic pattern,

89
90 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

or by a m o r e g e n e r a l rule relating m e l o d y to p a t t e r n s of
speech tone, a s i n V e n d a m u s i c ? W h y s h o u l d a p a t t e r n b e
r e p e a t e d at a certain p o i n t ? W h y s h o u l d it be r e p e a t e d at all?
M u s i c o l o g y m u s t be a b l e to a n s w e r these q u e s t i o n s if it is to
e x p l a i n w h a t is g o i n g on in m u s i c ; b u t I b e l i e v e that it w i l l
not succeed in a n s w e r i n g g e n e r a l questions a b o u t m u s i c until
it r e c o g n i z e s the peculiarities of different m u s i c a l s y s t e m s .
E v e n the d i s c o v e r i e s o f s y s t e m a t i c m u s i c o l o g y m a y a p p l y o n l y
to the m u s i c a l traditions of s y s t e m a t i c m u s i c o l o g i s t s a n d to
the p e r c e p t u a l faculties t h a i h a v e b e e n d e v e l o p e d i n their
o w n cultures.
I w i l l reinforce this point w i t h reference to f o u r of the
children's songs included in my book, Venda Children's
Songs ( J o h a n n e s b u r g : W i t w a t e r s r a n d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 7 ) .
T h i s w i l l s h o w h o w a n a n a l y s i s o f their s o u n d a l o n e i s
inadequate and misleading. We will consider the songs
( E x a m p l e s 2 2 - 2 5 ) first a s " p u r e " m u s i c , then a s s o u n d o r g a -
nized in a p a r t i c u l a r cultural a n d social context.
Example 22

Fottlo s e e m s to be b a s e d on ten h a i r - n o t e beats d i v i d e d b}

the m e l o d y into 4 4 - 4 + 2 , a n d i n c o r p o r a t i n g thirty w o r d
s y l l a b l e s w h i c h are g r o u p e d into threes a s l + l - ) - 2 e i g h t !
notes. O n e can i m a g i n e s e v e r a l i n g e n i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n s of th(
metrical structure of the s o n g , w h i c h m a y or m a y not b<
correct; b u t the V e n d a w h o p e r f o r m it are c o n s c i o u s of a
single e x p l a n a t i o n , w h i c h i s a s s i g n e d b y its cultural context.
Potilo is a c h i l d r e n ' s s o n g (luimbo Iwa vhana) in the s u b c a t e -
g o r y of c o u n t i n g s o n g s (nyimbo dza u vhala): on e a c h half-
note beat, a finger is g r a s p e d a n d c o u n t e d , from the left little
finger to the t h u m b , and then t h r o u g h from the right t h u m b
to the fourth finger, w i t h a clap of the h a n d s on the tenth
half beat.

Example 23

T h e s e c o n d s o n g , Nde' ndi ngei thavhani, u s e s five tones

a n d is b a s e d on repetitions of f o u r dotted q u a r t e r n o t e s . In
this c a s e , w e w i l l consider n o t the m e t e r but the c h a n g e s i n
the m e l o d y . A g a i n , a " p u r e l y " m u s i c a l a n a l y s i s w i l l n o t d o ,
b e c a u s e o f the V e n d a s y s t e m o f relationships b e t w e e n speech
tone a n d m e l o d y . T h e tonal s e q u e n c e at the b e g i n n i n g of
each p h r a s e v a r i e s f r o m G E D t o C E D and C D , a n d there
are different p a t t e r n s in later repetitions of the b a s i c m e l o d y .
T h i s m a y b e h e a r d a s m e l o d i c v a r i e t y that i s b a l a n c e d and
p l e a s i n g to the ear, b u t it is n o t c o n c e i v e d m u s i c a l l y . It is a
c o n s e q u e n c e of c h a n g e s in the speech tone of the different
w o r d s , w h i c h i n turn are g e n e r a t e d b y the " s t o r y " o f the
s o n g (see a l s o F i g u r e 6 ) . T h e f o r m o f the s o n g i s d e r i v e d
from a social m o d e l , so that the v a r y i n g call and the u n c h a n g -
92 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

ing r e s p o n s e reflect a situation in w h i c h a soloist w o r k s

w i t h a c h o r u s . T h u s , s p e e c h - t o n e c h a n g e s are reflected in the
first, but not the s e c o n d , section of e a c h p h r a s e , so that in the
p e r f o r m a n c e of a single p e r s o n there is a c o n d e n s a t i o n of a
social situation w h i c h children w i l l encounter w h e n t h e y g r o w
up and p a r t i c i p a t e in l a r g e r social g r o u p s .
Example 24

T h e third s o n g also u s e s five t o n e s , but a different a r r a n g e -

ment o f five t o n e s . N o t i c e the p a t t e r n E G C E , s i m i l a r t o that
in Potilo, C E A C . T h i s m i g h t be called a f a n f a r e p a t t e r n ; b u t
b u g l e s a n d f a n f a r e s are i r r e l e v a n t in the context of tradi-
tional V e n d a culture. A g a i n , the first part of the m e l o d y is
like the call of c a l l - r e s p o n s e f o r m , a n d there are m i n o r v a r i a -
tions of m e l o d y d e p e n d e n t on c h a n g e s in s p e e c h tone. T h e
s a m e principles a p p l y in the fourth song> w h i c h uses s i x tones
and also h a s the " f a n f a r e " pattern C E A C .

Example 25
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 93

SOLO CHORUS

3. Se - se a tshi bva -'flu? Vhu - t w a - na - mba.

4. Fha - la ha Mu - kwa - I vho kwa - ya vha vhti - ya.

It could be argued that t h e s e four songs represent stages

of musical evolution from a four-tone nucleus E D C A . It is
possible to a n a l y z e t h e m j u s t as musical p a t t e r n s , in terms of
the iteration of tones and their c o n v e r g e n c e on tone centers,
the rhythmic reinforcement of tones, tonic-dominant to-
nality, p a t t e r n s of melodic relaxation and tension, and so on.
If you treat these melodies as things in themselves, as " s o n i c
o b j e c t s , " w h i c h is t h e kind of approach I am o b j e c t i n g to, you
can w o r k out several different a n a l y s e s . T h i s procedure is
very c o m m o n i n a n a l y s e s o f E u r o p e a n music and m a y b e o n e
o f the reasons w h y musical j o u r n a l s are s o full o f c o n t r a d i c -
tory e x p l a n a t i o n s o f the s a m e m u s i c . E v e r y o n e disagrees h o t l y
and s t a k e s his academic reputation on what M o z a r t really
m e a n t i n this o r that b a r o f o n e o f his s y m p h o n i e s , c o n c e r t o s ,
or quartets. If we k n e w e x a c t l y w h a t went on inside M o z a r t ' s
m i n d w h e n h e w r o t e t h e m , there could b e o n l y o n e e x p l a n a -
tion.

If we a n a l y z e the four s o n g s as music in culture, it seems

that we can explain t h e m w i t h o u t resort to a r g u m e n t s about
musical evolution or the merits of alternative a n a l y s e s . Fur-
94 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

thermore, it is n o t n e c e s s a r y to c o n c o c t a theory that the

songs are part of a musical Cradus by which children prepare
for adult m u s i c , like Carl Orff's Music for Children. T w o of
the first s o n g s that small children were singing in 1 9 5 6 - 5 8
were t h e f o u r - t o n e Potilo and the six-tone Ndo bva na tshi-
dongo ( E x a m p l e s 2 2 and 2 5 ) . T h e y were the m o s t popular
children's s o n g s , they b e l o n g e d to classes of s o n g s that are
sung by b o y s and girls together, and they were generally
learned b e f o r e certain t w o - or three-tone songs that a c c o m -
panied g a m e s children rarely played at an early age. S o c i a l
factors tend to regulate the age at which V e n d a children
learn the s o n g s , and the fact that o n e has four t o n e s , and
others h a v e five, six, or seven t o n e s , h a s little to do with the
learning process. It is the total pattern of the music and its
associated situations which are m o r e significant than the
n u m b e r of tones used in songs. Children learn these s o n g s as
they learn l a n g u a g e , as c o m p l e t e ideas, and n o t gradually by
musical progression.

T h e children's songs are t h e first music V e n d a children

learn, in the s e n s e of actively performing music. T h e y are
not the first music they h e a r , w h i c h is m o r e likely to be the
music of t h e national dance (tshikona), the premarital initia-
tion dance (domba), or the m a n y b e e r songs that will assail
their ears as t h e y are strapped to their m o t h e r s ' b a c k s . O t h e r
music t h a t V e n d a b o y s h e a r and play is the music of the
b o y s ' d a n c e (tshikanganga) and a series of associated reed-
pipe dances for t h e pentatonic pipes (nanga dza lutanga).
Tshikona, the national dance, is played on different sets of
heptatonic pipes. As I pointed out in t h e second and third
chapters, it is the m o s t i m p o r t a n t V e n d a m u s i c ; and there
is a close relationship b e t w e e n its musical form and its e x -
pressive purposes. T h e music of tshikona is such that if y o u
ask a V e n d a to sing it, he m a y give o n e of several p o s s i b l e
versions (see Figure 1 0 ) . He m a y e v e n attempt to give a m o r e
graphic representation in which snatches of vocal p h r a s e s
 SOUNDLY/ORGANIZED HUMANITY 95

FIGURE 10. Different ways in which the Venda may sing tshikona,
their national dance for reed pipes and drums. The figures indicate
the number of semitones in each interval. D and are the nearest
equivalents to a scale that the Venda sing: singers do not complete
the octave, but pause on the seventh tone or repeat the pattern.
The names of one octave of reed pipes are given. Tshikona is here
transposed down a minor third.

a c c o m p a n y an imitation of the pipes. All these variations, and

m a n y o t h e r s , can be drawn from the tshikona pattern (see
Figure 1 1 a ) . All are t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s that are accepted b y the
V e n d a as tshikona. Figure 11 also s h o w s h o w three of the
children's s o n g s ( E x a m p l e s 2 2 , 2 4 , and 2 5 ) m a y b e derived
from the tshikona p a t t e r n : the recurrence of the " f a n f a r e "
patterns suggests s t r o n g l y that the relationship is n o t an
imaginary creation o f the music analyst. Besides, o n o n e o c c a -
sion a group of V e n d a b o y s actually c o n v e r t e d Thathatha
(Example 2 4 ) into tshikona, a b a n d o n i n g the words for sounds
that are said to represent t h e sound of reed pipes, fhe, fhe,
fhe.
96 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

Pattern of Ndo boa na tshidongo (Example 25)

FIGURE 1 1 . Relationship between the melodies of three Venda

children's songs and the music of tshikona, only part of which is
given, transposed down a minor third.

Similarly, the song Nde' ndi ngei thavhani (Example 2 3 ) is

related to t h e pattern of Mutshaini (see Figure 1 2 a ) , w h i c h is
o n e o f t h e p e n t a t o n i c reed-pipe melodies. T h e relationship o f
a four-tone song Nandi Munzhedzi (see Figure 1 2 c ) to an-
other reed-pipe m e l o d y , Mangovho (see Figure 1 2 b ) , s h o w s
h o w that s o n g is not related to tshikona, as is Potilo (see
Figure l i b ) , although b o t h use the same t o n e s . W h a t reveals
their relationship is the pattern of their melodies. T h u s o n e
four-tone s o n g is derived from a pentatonic model and an-
other is derived from a h e p t a t o n i c model. T h e principles of
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n are the s a m e , and t h e musical results are
similar at the surface level, b u t their basic conceptual models
are different. T h i s is w h y I maintained above that t h e total
pattern of a m e l o d y m a y be m o r e significant than t h e n u m b e r
o f tones used. A n apparently e l e m e n t a r y product m a y conceal
a complex process, and vice versa.
T h e r e are m a n y o t h e r s o n g s that are related to tshikona and
 SOUNDLY/ ORGANIZED HUMANITY 97

FIGURE 12. Relationship between two Venda children's songs and

two pentatonic reed-pipe melodies played by youths and boys (No.
4 in Figures 5 and 7).

to the b o y s ' reed-pipe d a n c e s , as I h a v e d e m o n s t r a t e d in my

b o o k . M y point i s that formal musicological analysis m a y
b e c o m e inadequate and even irrelevant as soon as the s o n g s
are analyzed in relation to o t h e r items of V e n d a music and
in terms of the V e n d a music s y s t e m , and also in relation to
the social " o r i g i n s " o f that s y s t e m . T h e children's s o n g s are
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of music that children m u s t h a v e heard and
will a l m o s t certainly p e r f o r m later in their lives. T h e y h a v e
b e e n condensed by a process of ellipsis n o t unlike t h a t w h i c h
occurs in the early speech of children. Instead of imitating a
d o w n w a r d - m o v i n g , often heptatonic pattern o f m e l o d y , t h e y
exhibit a n e w type of pattern, which happens to suit the m o r e
limited r a n g e o f children's voices.
T h e processes o f creation w e r e p r o b a b l y u n c o n s c i o u s ; and
it is even possible that the s o n g s w e r e originally c o m p o s e d by
children. B u t i f they were n o t , and t h e y are n o w learned b y
conscious imitation rather than by o s m o s i s , there w a s a time
w h e n they w e r e c o m p o s e d , and the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n process
used was similar in principle to that which relates the pat-
tern of tshikona to the khulo of domba, as discussed in c h a p -
ter 3 (see Figure 8 ) . T h e i m p o r t a n t point h e r e is t h a t the
principles of the creative process cannot a l w a y s be found in
the surface structures o f the music, and m a n y o f the g e n e r a -
98 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

tive factors are n o t musical. For i n s t a n c e , I also s h o w e d h o w a

b a s i c m e l o d y m a y be restructured to suit c h a n g e s in t h e
speech-tone patterns o f words (see Figure 6 ) . E v e n V e n d a
children are able to set entirely n e w strings of words to an
existing m e l o d y in a w a y that is recognized as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c -
ally V e n d a (see page 6 9 ) , a l t h o u g h they receive n o f o r m a l
instruction and t h e rules of the s y s t e m can be derived o n l y
from a c o m p a r a t i v e analysis of m a n y different s o n g s . C r e -
ativity in V e n d a music depends on the use and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n
of the b a s i c conceptual models that generate its surface
s t r u c t u r e s ; and b e c a u s e these models are acquired u n c o n -
sciously as part of the maturation p r o c e s s , I do not t h i n k that
they can be used really creatively by s o m e o n e w h o is n o t
deeply involved in V e n d a society.
In o t h e r words, the rules of V e n d a music are not a r b i t r a r y ,
like the rules of a game. In order to create n e w V e n d a m u s i c ,
you must be a V e n d a , sharing V e n d a social and cultural life
from early childhood. T h e technical resources o f V e n d a music
m a y n o t s e e m very great to o n e a c c u s t o m e d to E u r o p e a n c l a s -
sical music, and the b a s i c rules of c o m p o s i t i o n could p r o b a b l y
be learned from a study of recordings and of my own
analyses. B u t I am convinced t h a t a trained musician could
n o t c o m p o s e m u s i c that was a b s o l u t e l y n e w and specifically
V e n d a , and a c c e p t a b l e as s u c h to V e n d a audiences, unless he
had b e e n b r o u g h t up in V e n d a society. B e c a u s e t h e c o m p o s i -
tion of V e n d a m u s i c depends so m u c h on b e i n g a V e n d a , and
its structure is correspondingly related to that condition of
being, it follows that an analysis of the sound c a n n o t be
conceived apart from its social and cultural c o n t e x t . T h e
music o f the four songs could h a v e b e e n analyzed i n t e r m s o f
their n o t e s o n l y , but such a n a l y s e s would not h a v e revealed
the deep structures o f the m u s i c , t h e processes b y w h i c h t h e y
were created in the c o n t e x t of V e n d a society. A c o n t e x t -
sensitive analysis turns out to be m o r e general, b e c a u s e it
explains the music of the children's songs according to a
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 99

s y s t e m that applies to o t h e r items of V e n d a music, a n d in

terms of their respective social functions. T h a t is, the social
and expressive relationships between the function o f the
children's s o n g s and the different reed-pipe dances in V e n d a
society is reflected in their f o r m a l , musical relationships.
A n a l y s e s o f music are essentially descriptions o f s e q u e n c e s
of different kinds of creative a c t : t h e y should explain the
social, cultural, p s y c h o l o g i c a l , a n d musical e v e n t s in the lives
of individuals and groups t h a t lead to the production of
organized sound. At the surface level, creativity in m u s i c is
expressed chiefly in musical c o m p o s i t i o n and in p e r f o r m a n c e ,
in the organization of n e w relationships b e t w e e n sounds or
n e w w a y s of producing t h e m . C o n c e r n for the sound as an
end in itself, or for the social m e a n s to the a t t a i n m e n t of that
end, are t w o aspects o f m u s i c a l creativity that c a n n o t b e
separated, and b o t h seem to be present in m a n y societies.
W h e t h e r the e m p h a s i s is on h u m a n l y organized sound or on
soundly organized h u m a n i t y , on a tonal e x p e r i e n c e related to
people or a shared experience related to tones, the function of
music is to reinforce, or relate people m o r e closely to, certain
experiences which h a v e c o m e to h a v e m e a n i n g in their social
life.
M u s i c a l creativity c a n b e described i n t e r m s o f social,
musical, and cognitive processes. In two o t h e r published
analyses of over o n e hundred V e n d a s o n g s , I h a v e drawn up
six sets of rules that explain their patterns of sound. T h e first
set, " s o c i a l and cultural f a c t o r s , " b e g i n s with t h e rule 1.0.0.
" M u s i c is performed as part of a social s i t u a t i o n . " T h i s m a y
seem absurdly o b v i o u s , but it is a n e c e s s a r y prelude to m o r e
c o m p l e x rules that explain musical patterns as products of
their social a n t e c e d e n t s . T h e n e x t four sets are b a s i c a l l y
m u s i c a l : " T e m p o , m e t e r , a n d r h y t h m , " " S p e e c h t o n e and
m e l o d y , " " H a r m o n y and t o n a l i t y , " and " M u s i c a l develop-
m e n t " ; and t h e last i s c o g n i t i v e : " T r a n s f o r m a t i o n p r o c e s s e s . "
T h e s e rules are c l u m s y and provisional, and t h e y are i n a d e -
100 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

quate b e c a u s e they a s s u m e a w o r k i n g k n o w l e d g e of V e n d a
culture and society. I shall n o t discuss t h e m further, b u t I
w a n t to suggest h o w and w h y such rules could be generalized
and refined in terms of a unified t h e o r y of cognition, s o c i e t y ,
culture, and creativity.
First, let me outline certain theoretical a s s u m p t i o n s . Emile
Durkheim, in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life
( [ L o n d o n : A l l e n and U n w i n , 1 9 6 8 ( 1 9 1 5 ) ] , p . 4 4 7 ) argues that
society is " n o t a nominal being created by reason, b u t a
s y s t e m of active f o r c e s . " I believe that b e h a v i o r is an integral
part of an a n i m a l ' s c o n s t i t u t i o n ; t h a t h u m a n b e i n g s are not
infinitely p l a s t i c ; and that we shall learn m o r e about music
and h u m a n musicality if we l o o k for basic rules of musical
b e h a v i o r which are biologically, as well as culturally, condi-
tioned and species-specific. It seems to me t h a t w h a t is
ultimately of m o s t i m p o r t a n c e in music c a n n o t be learned like
other cultural s k i l l s : it is there in the b o d y , waiting to be
brought out and developed, like the basic principles of
language formation. Y o u c a n n o t really learn to improvise, but
this does n o t m e a n that improvisation i s random. T h e m a n
w h o does it is n o t i m p r o v i s e d : all aspects of his b e h a v i o r are
subject to a series of interrelated, structured s y s t e m s , and,
when he i m p r o v i s e s , he is expressing these s y s t e m s in relation
to the reactions he picks up from his audience. S i m i l a r l y ,
married V e n d a w o m e n do n o t relearn the music of domba
every four or five y e a r s , w h e n a n e w school is set u p : they
relive a social situation, and t h e right music emerges w h e n
that experience is shared under certain conditions of indi-
viduality in c o m m u n i t y .
T h e rules of musical b e h a v i o r are not arbitrary cultural
c o n v e n t i o n s , and techniques of music are not like develop-
ments in t e c h n o l o g y . M u s i c a l b e h a v i o r m a y reflect varying
degrees of consciousness of social forces, and the structure
and function of music m a y be related to basic h u m a n drives
and to the biological need to m a i n t a i n a b a l a n c e a m o n g them.
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 101

If the V e n d a perform c o m m u n a l music chiefly w h e n their

s t o m a c h s are full, it is not simply to kill time. If drives of
cooperation, reproduction, and exploration are o v e r l o o k e d in
the pursuit of self-preservation, the h a r m o n y of nature is
disturbed. M a n c a n n o t b e satisfied with h a v i n g : h e must
also b e , and b e c o m e . But neither can he b e , w i t h o u t having.
W h e n the V e n d a are h u n g r y , o r b u s y w o r k i n g t o avoid
hunger, they do n o t h a v e the time or energy to m a k e m u c h
music. N o r do they imagine that music might in s o m e magical
w a y alleviate their hunger, a n y m o r e than their rain m a k e r s
expect rain to fall before they h a v e seen the insects w h o s e
m o v e m e n t s precede it. T h e music is in them, b u t it requires
special conditions to emerge. I suggest that the V e n d a m a k e
music w h e n their s t o m a c h s are full because, c o n s c i o u s l y or
u n c o n s c i o u s l y , they sense the forces of separation inherent
in the satisfaction of self-preservation, and t h e y are driven
to restore the b a l a n c e with exceptionally cooperative and e x -
ploratory b e h a v i o r . T h u s forces in culture and society would
be expressed in h u m a n l y organized sound, b e c a u s e the chief
function of music in society and culture is to p r o m o t e soundly
organized h u m a n i t y b y e n h a n c i n g h u m a n c o n s c i o u s n e s s .
In the third chapter I suggested that m a n y formal c h a n g e s
in European music c a m e a b o u t as a result of a t t e m p t s by
c o m p o s e r s t o m a k e people m o r e aware o f social d i s h a r m o n y
and inequality. M u s i c a l creativity was thus a function of c o m -
p o s e r s ' attitudes to the separation of people in societies which
should h a v e b e e n fully cooperative. In much t h e s a m e w a y ,
we m a y say that the thematic relationships of tshikona and
the V e n d a children's songs express corresponding social rela-
tionships. Tshikona s y m b o l i z e d the largest society k n o w n to
the V e n d a in the p a s t ; and b e c a u s e the oppression of apart-
heid restricts t h e m in the larger society of w h i c h they are
painfully a w a r e , this traditional society still r e m a i n s the larg-
est in w h i c h they can m o v e a b o u t w i t h c o m p a r a t i v e freedom.
Tshikona is universal b o t h in c o n t e n t and in f o r m : e v e r y o n e
102 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

attends it; it epitomizes the principle of individuality in c o m -

m u n i t y (like a B a c h chorale, it is interesting for all p e r f o r m -
ers, in c o n t r a s t to the average h y m n a c c o m p a n i m e n t w h i c h
reduces altos and tenors to slaves of sopranos and b a s s e s ) ;
and its musical structure incorporates the m o s t i m p o r t a n t
features of V e n d a music. It is a shared experience, b o t h s o -
cially and musically.
V e n d a children's songs are also universal, rather than
parochial, in that every V e n d a child is expected to sing s o m e
of t h e m and their performance is n o t limited to a cult group
or social clique. T h u s it is n o t surprising to find musical rela-
tionships between tshikona and the children's songs that
parallel their social relationships. In the c o n t e x t of V e n d a
social and musical life, t h e children's songs can be seen as
" c o n t r a s t i n g on the surface but identical in s u b s t a n c e , " as
Rudolph R e t i h a s described s o m e great w o r k s of music in
his book, The Thematic Process in Music ([London: Faber
and Faber, 1 9 6 1 ] , p . 5 ) .
It is tempting to see the basic musical form of t h e m e and
variation as an expression of social situations and social forces
transformed according to patterns of culture and the state of
the division of l a b o r in society. T h u s the essential differences
b e t w e e n music in one society and a n o t h e r m a y be social and
n o t musical. If English music m a y seem to be m o r e c o m p l e x
than V e n d a music and practiced by a smaller n u m b e r of
people, it is b e c a u s e of the c o n s e q u e n c e s of the division of
labor in so ci e t y , and n o t b e c a u s e the English are less musical
or their music is cognitively m o r e c o m p l e x . T h e r e are n o t
m o r e or less things for an individual to learn in different
societies, and in the c o n t e x t of each culture they are n o t
basically m o r e or less difficult. T h e r e are m o r e or fewer differ-
ent fields in which to learn. It is neither easier n o r m o r e diffi-
cult to be a B u s h m a n than an A m e r i c a n . It is different.
As a result of the division of l a b o r in society, s o m e people
must do things for others. If I were a B u s h m a n I would h a v e
 SOUNDLY/ORGANIZED HUMANITY 103

m a d e my o w n clothes and I w o u l d hunt for my o w n f o o d : I

would really be an individual in a w a y no A m e r i c a n c a n b e .
( A m e r i c a n s w h o opt out and live a folksy or Utopian life are
not really escaping the division of l a b o r in their society.
B e c a u s e o f the protection o f the larger society they enjoy a n
easy life that has almost n o t h i n g in c o m m o n with the lives of
peasants and t r i b e s m e n w h o c a n n o t afford the luxuries they
take for g r a n t e d , and they t r y to avoid the p r o b l e m s of
collective responsibility with which the more extensive
division of l a b o r presents them.)
In any s o c i e t y , cultural b e h a v i o r is learned; although the
introduction of new skills m a y represent an intellectual b r e a k -
through, t h e learning of accumulated skills does n o t present
essentially different or m o r e difficult tasks to the m e m b e r s of
different cultures. If there is a pattern to the difference, it is
that A m e r i c a n s h a v e t o learn m o r e a b o u t less. T h i s m e a n s
that they m u s t learn less t h a n the B u s h m e n a b o u t s o m e
things. P r o b l e m s in h u m a n societies begin w h e n people learn
less about love, b e c a u s e love is t h e basis of our e x i s t e n c e as
h u m a n b e i n g s . K i e r k e g a a r d h a s expressed this in the follow-
ing w o r d s :

One generation can learn much from another, but that which is
purely human no generation can learn from the preceding genera-
tion. In this respect every generation begins again from the begin-
ning, possessing no other tasks but those of preceding generations
and going no further, unless the preceding generation has betrayed
itself and deceived itself. . . . No generation has learned how to
love from another, no generation begins at any other point than
the beginning, and no subsequent generation has a shorter task
than the generation which preceded it [Fear and Trembling (Lon-
don and New York: Oxford University Press, 1 9 3 9 ) , pp. 1 8 3 - 8 4 ] .

T h e hard task is to love, and m u s i c is a skill that prepares

m a n for this m o s t difficult t a s k . B e c a u s e in this respect every
generation has t o b e g i n again from t h e b e g i n n i n g , m a n y c o m -
posers feel that their task is to w r i t e new music n o t as if they
104 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

were designing a n e w model of a u t o m o b i l e , b u t as if they

were assessing t h e h u m a n situation in w h i c h n e w a u t o m o b i l e s
are m a d e and used. T h e t a s k o f designing n e w a u t o m o b i l e s i s
basically a technical and c o m m e r c i a l p r o b l e m that m a y be
c o m p a r e d to writing incidental music in t h e style of T c h a i -
k o v s k y , M a h l e r , or D e b u s s y . Provided a p e r s o n is b r o u g h t
up in a certain social class, w i t h adequate e m o t i o n a l oppor-
tunities, writing music i n t h e style o f T c h a i k o v s k y could b e
learned w i t h o u t great effort and carried on from o n e genera-
tion to a n o t h e r , like m a n y o t h e r cultural skills. A l t h o u g h a
c o m p o s e r m i g h t h a v e the greatest respect for T c h a i k o v s k y ' s
music, i f h e w e r e aware o f and c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e c o n t e m -
p o r a r y t a s k o f being h u m a n and w a n t e d t o say s o m e t h i n g
about it in his music, he could n o t reproduce that sort of
music in a society w h o s e t a s k s are different from T c h a i -
k o v s k y ' s . ( S t r a v i n s k y ' s Le Baiser de la Fie m a y h a v e b e g u n
as a r e h a s h of T c h a i k o v s k y , b u t it turns out as pure S t r a v i n -
s k y , and essentially a n e w w o r k . ) T h u s if a c o m p o s e r w a n t s
to produce music that is relevant to his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , his
chief p r o b l e m is n o t really m u s i c a l , t h o u g h it m a y s e e m to h i m
to be s o : it is a p r o b l e m of attitude to c o n t e m p o r a r y society
and culture i n relation t o t h e b a s i c h u m a n p r o b l e m o f learning
to be h u m a n . M u s i c is n o t a l a n g u a g e that describes t h e w a y
society s e e m s to b e , but a m e t a p h o r i c a l expression of feelings
associated with t h e w a y society really is. It is a reflection of
and r e s p o n s e to social forces, and particularly to t h e c o n s e -
quences of the division of l a b o r in society.
S o m e music expresses t h e actual solidarity o f groups w h e n
people c o m e together and produce patterns of sound that are
signs of their group a l l e g i a n c e s ; and other music e x p r e s s e s
theoretical solidarity w h e n a c o m p o s e r brings t o g e t h e r pat-
terns o f sound that express a s p e c t s o f social experience. J u s t
as diverse social groups in, s a y , V e n d a society m a y be
b r o u g h t together by a p e r f o r m a n c e of their national d a n c e , so
i n a n industrial society c o n t r a s t i n g patterns o f sound m a y b e
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 105

b r o u g h t together by a c o m p o s e r t h r o u g h the single idea, and

corresponding t h e m a t i c unity, of a s y m p h o n y . J u s t as a V e n d a
chief said to m e , " Y o u shall h e a r the finest p e r f o r m a n c e
i m a g i n a b l e of our national d a n c e : I will call to my capital
every available player i n the district," s o M a h l e r said, " T o
write a s y m p h o n y m e a n s , to m e , to construct a world with
all the tools of t h e available t e c h n i q u e . "
R e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n formal and expressive analyses of
music c a n be established even in m a t t e r s such as the quality
of creativity, an issue that c o n s t a n t l y occupies musicologists
and critics. In recent y e a r s , creative ability has b e e n assessed
in terms of a c o m p o s e r ' s ability to produce t h e m a t i c unity
with expressive contrast, and the impressive studies of H e i n -
rich S c h e n k e r , R u d o l p h R e t i , H a n s Keller, A l a n W a l k e r , and
others h a v e tended to stress that this m a y often be an u n c o n -
scious process. For example, A l a n W a l k e r has s h o w n h o w the
themes o f T c h a i k o v s k y ' s Fourth S y m p h o n y spring from the
opening " f a t e t h e m e , " w h i c h t h e c o m p o s e r recognized intui-
tively as t h e g e r m of the entire s y m p h o n y (A Study in Mus-
ical Analysis [London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1 9 6 2 ] , pp. 116-
2 6 ) . M a n y critics h a v e dismissed this s y m p h o n y a s poorly
constructed on the grounds that its thematic material is n o t
treated as it ought to be according to the c o n v e n t i o n a l rules
o f s y m p h o n i c construction. T h e w o r k could b e described a s
an intellectual leap forward, in that T c h a i k o v s k y was led to a
new way of w o r k i n g out s y m p h o n i c f o r m ; and it is interest-
ing that t h e musical c o n s e q u e n c e s o f this basically h u m a n
achievement are appreciated intuitively by lay audiences,
though poorly understood by the closed minds of some
musical e x p e r t s .
T h e theories o f Rudolph R e t i and his followers m a t c h well
with recent research that h a s s h o w n that the ability to think
creatively and to construct n e w forms is a function of per-
sonality. C r e a t i v i t y requires b r e a d t h o f view, o r w h a t M i l t o n
R o k e a c h calls an " o p e n m i n d , " and the ability to synthesize
106 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

is a critically i m p o r t a n t factor. People with open m i n d s , w h o

are low in e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m , reveal a c o m p r e h e n s i v e cognitive
organization, w h i c h is potentially m o r e creative than the n a r -
rower cognitive organization e x h i b i t e d b y people with closed
minds. (I should add that surface e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m should n o t
always be t a k e n as evidence of real e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m . For
e x a m p l e , i n S o u t h A f r i c a the surface e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m o f
b l a c k s w h o see a form of B l a c k P o w e r as the o n l y m e a n s of
regaining their land and freedom is very different from the
e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m o f the whites w h o oppose them.)
T h e r e is evidence w h i c h suggests that, although h u m a n
creativity m a y appear to be the result of individual effort, it
is in fact a collective effort t h a t is expressed in t h e b e h a v i o r of
individuals. Originality may be an expression of innate
exploratory b e h a v i o r with the a c c u m u l a t e d materials of a
cultural tradition; and the ability to synthesize, w h i c h is often
said to distinguish genius from talent, m a y express t h e c o m -
prehensive cognitive organization that is generated by e x p e -
rience of the relationships that exist b e t w e e n the social groups
w h o use and develop the techniques of the tradition. If this
is s o a n d I am convinced that it is truedifferences in
cultures and d e v e l o p m e n t s in t e c h n o l o g y are the result of
differences n o t o f intellect, but o f h u m a n organization. I f the
whites o f S o u t h Africa seem t o perform better than the
b l a c k s , or the rich and elite of a c o u n t r y seem to perform
better than the poor or the m a s s e s , it is not b e c a u s e they or
their p a r e n t s are cleverer or h a v e a richer cultural h e r i t a g e : it
is b e c a u s e their society is organized in such a w a y t h a t they
have better opportunities to develop their h u m a n potential,
and c o n s e q u e n t l y their cognitive organization. If intelligence
tests devised by m e m b e r s of a certain class s h o w p o o r per-
f o r m a n c e by the m e m b e r s of a n o t h e r class in a theoretically
" o p e n " s o c i e t y , we should first a s k j u s t h o w open the society
is and consider to what degree its class divisions m a y inhibit
the cognitive development of its less fortunate m e m b e r s .
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 107

C h a n g e s and d e v e l o p m e n t s in culture and s o c i e t y are a

function o f population g r o w t h and o f people's r e l a t i o n s h i p s
and attitudes w i t h i n given p o p u l a t i o n s . G r e a t e r productivity
h a s b e e n achieved b y larger groups o f people involved i n
joint enterprises. In such c a s e s , an i n c r e a s e in t h e division of
labor is d y n a m i c a l l y productive, b u t o n l y w h e n it is n o t also
a division of people. T h e i n t e r a c t i o n of minds developed
under different conditions is a stimulus to invention in a
n e w , shared situation, provided that t h e situation really is
shared. If a shared situation b e c o m e s static or formalized, or
disintegrates a l t o g e t h e r , it follows that creativity will tend to
dry up, and it will b e c o m e i n c r e a s i n g l y hard for m e m b e r s of
a society to adapt to the c h a n g e s that must result i n e v i t a b l y
from the birth, life, and death of its individuals. It s o m e -
times h a p p e n s that r e m a r k a b l e cultural d e v e l o p m e n t s can
t a k e place in societies in w h i c h m a n ' s h u m a n i t y is p r o g r e s -
sively abused, restricted, and disregarded. T h i s is b e c a u s e
cultural d e v e l o p m e n t can r e a c h a stage w h e r e it is a l m o s t
m e c h a n i c a l l y s e l f - g e n e r a t i v e b u t o n l y in certain fields and
for a limited time. T h e h i s t o r y of m a n y civilizations h a s
s h o w n that a society and its culture m a y ultimately collapse
b e c a u s e o f h u m a n alienation. T h e m a c h i n e runs d o w n w i t h o u t
the only p o w e r that can c h a n g e it, the creative force that
springs from h u m a n s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s . This is why the
V e n d a stress that " m a n i s m a n b e c a u s e o f his asociations with
other m e n , " and reinforce their b e l i e f with music. W h e n
t h e y s h a r e the e x p e r i e n c e of an invisible conductor in their
drumming and singing and pipe playing, they b e c o m e m o r e
a w a r e o f s o c i e t y ' s s y s t e m o f active f o r c e s , and their o w n c o n -
sciousness is e n h a n c e d .
M u s i c c a n n o t c h a n g e societies, a s can c h a n g e s i n t e c h -
n o l o g y a n d political organization. It c a n n o t m a k e people act
unless t h e y are already socially and culturally disposed to
act. It c a n n o t instill b r o t h e r h o o d , as T o l s t o y h o p e d , or a n y
other state or social value. If it can do a n y t h i n g to people,
108 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

the b e s t that it can do is to confirm situations that already

exist. It c a n n o t in itself generate t h o u g h t s that m a y benefit or
h a r m m a n k i n d , as some writers h a v e s u g g e s t e d ; b u t it can
m a k e people m o r e a w a r e o f feelings that t h e y h a v e experi-
enced, or partly experienced, by reinforcing, n a r r o w i n g or
expanding their consciousness in a variety of w a y s . S i n c e
music is learned in these k i n d s of c o n t e x t , it is c o m p o s e d in
the s a m e spirit. A person m a y c r e a t e music for financial gain,
for private pleasure, for e n t e r t a i n m e n t , or to a c c o m p a n y a
variety of social events, and he need n o t e x p r e s s overt
concern for the h u m a n condition. B u t his music c a n n o t escape
the s t a m p of the society t h a t m a d e its creator h u m a n , and
the k i n d of music he c o m p o s e s will be related to h i s con-
sciousness of, and c o n c e r n for, his fellow h u m a n b e i n g s . H i s
cognitive organization will be a function of his personality.

N o w t h o s e w h o are c o n c e r n e d w i t h m u s i c o l o g y and e t h n o -
musicology m a y be disappointed, b e c a u s e I seem to suggest
that there are no grounds for comparing different musical
s y s t e m s ; t h e r e i s n o possibility o f a n y universal t h e o r y o f
musical b e h a v i o r , and n o h o p e o f cross-cultural c o m m u n i c a -
tion. B u t if we consider our o w n experiences, we m u s t realize
that this is n o t in fact so. M u s i c can transcend t i m e and
culture. M u s i c that was e x c i t i n g to the c o n t e m p o r a r i e s of
M o z a r t and B e e t h o v e n is still exciting, although we do not
share their culture and society. T h e early B e a t l e s ' s o n g s are
still exciting although the B e a t l e s h a v e u n f o r t u n a t e l y b r o k e n
up. S i m i l a r l y , s o m e V e n d a s o n g s that must h a v e b e e n c o m -
posed hundreds of years ago still excite the V e n d a , and they
also excite m e . M a n y of us are thrilled by koto m u s i c from
J a p a n , sifar m u s i c from India, C h o p i x y l o p h o n e m u s i c , and
so on. I do n o t say that we receive the music in e x a c t l y the
same w a y as the players (and I h a v e already suggested that
even the m e m b e r s of a single culture do not receive their o w n
music in the s a m e w a y s ) , b u t our o w n experiences suggest
that there are s o m e possibilities of cross-cultural c o m m u n i c a -
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 109

tion. I am c o n v i n c e d that t h e e x p l a n a t i o n for this is to be

found in the fact that at the level of deep structures in music
there are e l e m e n t s that are c o m m o n to the h u m a n p s y c h e ,
although t h e y m a y n o t appear in the surface structures.
C o n s i d e r the m a t t e r of " f e e l i n g in m u s i c , " w h i c h is often
i n v o k e d to distinguish t w o technically correct p e r f o r m a n c e s
of the s a m e piece. T h i s doctrine of feeling is in fact b a s e d on
the r e c o g n i t i o n o f the e x i s t e n c e and i m p o r t a n c e o f deep struc-
tures in music. It asserts that m u s i c stands or falls by virtue
of w h a t is h e a r d a n d h o w people respond to w h a t t h e y hear
" i n the n o t e s , " b u t it a s s u m e s that the surface relationships
b e t w e e n t o n e s w h i c h m a y b e perceived a s " s o n i c o b j e c t s " are
o n l y part o f o t h e r s y s t e m s o f relationships. B e c a u s e the
a s s u m p t i o n s are n o t clearly stated and are o n l y dimly under-
stood, t h e a s s e r t i o n s b e c o m e all the m o r e d o g m a t i c and are
often clothed in t h e language of an elitist sect. T h e effect of
this confusion on musically c o m m i t t e d people can be trau-
matic, and t h e musically inclined m a y be discouraged a l t o -
gether.
W h e n , as a b o y , I m a s t e r e d a technically difficult piece of
piano m u s i c , I w a s s o m e t i m e s told that I played w i t h o u t
feeling. As a result of this I tended to play m o r e loudly or
aggressively, or to fold up altogether. It seemed as if an
assault w a s b e i n g m a d e on my integrity as a person, rather
than o n m y t e c h n i c a l ability. I n fact, m y " u n f e e l i n g " p e r f o r m -
ance w a s the result o f inadequate, hit-or-miss techniques o f
teaching in a society w h o s e educational theory w a s founded
on a confused doctrine relating success to a c o m b i n a t i o n of
superior i n h e r i t a n c e , hard w o r k , and m o r a l integrity. A s n o b -
b i s h distaste for technical e x p e r t i s e , t e c h n o l o g y , and " m e r e "
craftsmanship discouraged attention to basic mechanical
p r o b l e m s unless t h e y were w r a p p e d up in an aura of m o r a l i t y
a s w a s t h e diligent practice o f scales and a r p e g g i o s . T h e
V e n d a attitude t o w a r d playing well is essentially technical
and not ego-deflating. W h e n the r h y t h m o f a n alto drum i n
110 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

domba is n o t quite right, the player m a y be told to m o v e in

such a w a y t h a t h e r b e a t is part of a total b o d y m o v e m e n t :
she plays with feeling precisely b e c a u s e she is s h o w n h o w to
experience the physical feeling of m o v i n g with h e r instru-
m e n t and in h a r m o n y with the o t h e r d r u m m e r s and dancers.
T h e r e is no suggestion that she is an insensitive or inadequate
person. W h a t is a c o m m o n p l a c e of V e n d a musical instruction
seems to be a rarity in " m y " society.
So often, the expressive purpose of a piece of music is to
be found t h r o u g h identification w i t h the b o d y m o v e m e n t s
that generated it, and these in turn m a y have their origins, in
culture as m u c h as in the peculiarities of an individual. T h e r e
are so m a n y different tempi in the world of n a t u r e and the
b o d y o f m a n t h a t music h a s endless possibilities o f physical
coordination with any one o f t h e m , o r several o f t h e m t o -
gether. W i t h o u t this kind of coordination, which c a n be
learned only b y endless e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n , o r m o r e quickly b y
direct aural transmission, there is little possibility t h a t music
will be felt. W h e n we k n o w the associated dance step, we
should be t h o u g h t of as
1 - 2 - 3 - 1 2 3 , 1 2 3 1 - 2 - 3 - , o r 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 , o r whatever. I t m a y b e
n e c e s s a r y to slow d o w n o n e ' s b r e a t h i n g in order to " f e e l " a
piece of K o r e a n music, w h o s e unique elegance and refinement
are hard for a European to appreciate. A similar control of
the b o d y m a k e s it easier to catch the innigster empfindung
o f B e e t h o v e n ' s P i a n o S o n a t a , O p . 1 0 9 , last m o v e m e n t . J u s t
b r e a t h e s l o w l y , relax the b o d y completely and p l a y a n d the
empfindung comes through the body. It is no longer an
elusive, m y s t e r i o u s T e u t o n i c quality!
O b v i o u s l y the most deeply felt p e r f o r m a n c e of a n y piece
of music will be that which approaches m o s t closely t h e feel-
ings of its creator w h e n he b e g a n to capture the force of his
individual experience with musical form. S i n c e this experience
m a y often begin as a r h y t h m i c a l stirring of the b o d y , it may
be possible for a performer to recapture the right feeling by
 SOUNDLY/ORGANIZED HUMANITY 111

finding the right m o v e m e n t . Is it surprising, then, that m a n y

people a b a n d o n m u s i c b e c a u s e t h e y c a n n o t play w h a t they
feel, or c a n n o t feel w h a t they p l a y ? By creating a false dichot-
o m y b e t w e e n the deep and surface structures o f m u s i c , m a n y
industrial societies h a v e taken a w a y from people m u c h of the
practice and pleasure o f m u s i c m a k i n g . W h a t i s t h e use o f
teaching a pianist to play scales and arpeggios according to
s o m e didactic s y s t e m , and then e x p e c t i n g him to feel the
piano music o f M o z a r t , B e e t h o v e n , C h o p i n , D e b u s s y , and
R a v e l by a separate effort of the will, or the e m p l o y m e n t of
s o m e m y s t e r i o u s spiritual a t t r i b u t e ? Exercise of the finger
muscles is o n e thing, but the scales and arpeggios of a c o m -
poser's m u s i c will perhaps be felt m o s t deeply w h e n they are
played according to his s y s t e m . T h a t is, if you find out by
feeling for it h o w D e b u s s y m i g h t h a v e held his h a n d s and
b o d y w h e n he played the piano, y o u m i g h t get a better feel-
ing for his music. Y o u m i g h t find that you could play the
music with feeling without h a v i n g to be i m m e n s e l y " d e e p . "
In fact y o u w o u l d be profoundly deep, b e c a u s e y o u would
b e sharing the m o s t i m p o r t a n t thing a b o u t music, that w h i c h
is in the h u m a n b o d y and w h i c h is universal to all men. It
would be m y s t e r i o u s o n l y in so far that we do n o t under-
stand w h a t h a p p e n s in the r e m a r k a b l e bodies all h u m a n
b e i n g s possess. It would not be m y s t e r i o u s in the sense of
b e i n g s o m e t h i n g for o n l y a c h o s e n few.
Perhaps there is a h o p e of cross-cultural understanding
after all. I do n o t s a y that we can e x p e r i e n c e e x a c t l y the s a m e
thoughts associated with bodily e x p e r i e n c e ; but to feel with
the b o d y is p r o b a b l y as close as a n y o n e can ever get to
resonating with a n o t h e r person. I shall not attempt to discuss
the issue of musical c o m m u n i c a t i o n as a physiological p h e -
n o m e n o n ; b u t if m u s i c b e g i n s , as I h a v e suggested, as a
stirring of the b o d y , we can recall the state in which it was
conceived b y getting into the b o d y m o v e m e n t o f the music
and so feeling it very nearly as the c o m p o s e r felt it. S o m e
112 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

m a y be f o r t u n a t e enough to be able to do this intuitively;

but for m o s t people it will be easier if t h e n o t e s of music are
regarded as the product of cognitive, physical, and social
processes.
I w o u l d like to consider again t h e e x a m p l e s of tshikona
and t h e children's songs. I am no longer satisfied w i t h t h e
analysis I gave in Venda Children's Songs. I tried to explain
musical p h e n o m e n a as expressions of social s i t u a t i o n s ; b u t I
no longer consider this to be sufficiently general. For e x a m p l e ,
the use of t h e terms call and response implies a socially de-
rived musical form, rather t h a n seeking a basic structure
from which b o t h responsorial form and s o l o - c h o r u s / l e a d e r -
follower social situations m a y be derived. S u p p o s e we look
at the social, musical, e c o n o m i c , legal, and other s u b s y s t e m s
of a culture as t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of basic structures that are
in the b o d y , i n n a t e in m a n , part of his biological e q u i p m e n t ;
then we m a y h a v e different explanations for a lot of things
that we h a v e t a k e n for granted, and we m a y be able to see
correspondences b e t w e e n apparently disparate elements in
social life. For e x a m p l e , t h e following relationships m a y be
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of a single structure: c a l l / r e s p o n s e , t o n e /
c o m p a n i o n tone, t o n i c / c o u n t e r t o n i c , i n d i v i d u a l / c o m m u n i t y ,
c h i e f / s u b j e c t s , t h e m e / v a r i a t i o n , m a l e / f e m a l e , and s o forth.
E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y is in s o m e respects a b r a n c h of cognitive
a n t h r o p o l o g y . T h e r e seem to be universal structural principles
in music, such as t h e use of mirror forms (see E x a m p l e 1 6 , for
i n s t a n c e ) , t h e m e and variation, repetition, and b i n a r y form.
It is always possible that these m a y arise from e x p e r i e n c e of
social relations or of the natural w o r l d : an u n c o n s c i o u s c o n -
cern for m i r r o r forms m a y spring from the regular experience
of mirror forms in nature, such as observation of t h e two
" h a l v e s " o f the b o d y . I f different aspects and fields o f h u m a n
b e h a v i o r are analyzed in this w a y , we m a y h a v e a n e w view
of h u m a n societies and h u m a n " p r o g r e s s , " and a n e w concept
of the future of m a n , which is m o s t important.
 S O U N D L Y / O R G AN I ZED HUMANITY 113

T h e evolution o f t e c h n o l o g y and a n i n c r e a s e i n the size

o f societies c a n n o t t h e n b e t a k e n a s signs o f the evolution o f
culture i n general, o r o f m a n ' s intellectual p o t e n t i a l . An
A f r i c a n " f o l k " s o n g i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y less intellectual t h a n
a s y m p h o n y : the apparent simplicity of sound produced m a y
conceal c o m p l e x p r o c e s s e s o f g e n e r a t i o n ; i t m a y h a v e b e e n
stimulated by an intellectual leap forward in w h i c h its c o m -
poser saw b e y o n d t h e b o u n d a r i e s of his culture and w a s able
to invent a powerful n e w form to express in sound his vision
of the unlimited possibilities of h u m a n development. As a
h u m a n a c h i e v e m e n t , this would b e m o r e significant t h a n t h e
surface c o m p l e x i t y of a c l a s s r o o m s y m p h o n y produced in the
c o n t e x t of a t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y advanced society, and so c o m -
parable to an original m a s t e r p i e c e . A n d , like a s y m p h o n i c
m a s t e r p i e c e , it m i g h t survive b e c a u s e of its musical quality
and w h a t it m e a n s to critical listeners.
T h r o u g h the o p e r a t i o n s o f the b r a i n , three orders o f c o n -
sciousness are w o r k i n g at the s a m e time in o n e p e r s o n ' s
body: the universal, a u t o m a t i c c o m p l e x i t y o f the n a t u r a l
w o r l d ; group c o n s c i o u s n e s s , w h i c h has b e e n learned t h r o u g h
t h e shared e x p e r i e n c e o f cultural l i f e ; and individual c o n -
s c i o u s n e s s , w h i c h m a y transcend the boundaries o f group
c o n s c i o u s n e s s w h e n an individual uses or develops areas of
b a s i c a u t o m a t i c c o m p l e x i t y w h i c h h a v e n o t b e e n explored b y
his society. I use the term " g r o u p c o n s c i o u s n e s s " deliberately,
b e c a u s e I regard the m o r e generalized " s o c i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s "
as an a s p e c t of individual c o n s c i o u s n e s s . T h e r e is an i m p o r -
tant difference b e t w e e n a n individual's " n a t u r a l " a w a r e n e s s o f
a n y m a n n e x t to h i m as a h u m a n n e i g h b o r , and his " c u l t u r a l "
a w a r e n e s s o f n e i g h b o r s a s people w h o speak certain l a n g u a g e s
or b e l o n g to certain races, c l a s s e s , or creeds. B e c a u s e h u m a n
beings are physiologically parts of the natural world, I
doubt if t h e y c a n create a n y t h i n g w h o s e principles are not
already inherent in the system of automatic complexity
t o w h i c h t h e y b e l o n g . C o m p u t e r s , radios, X - r a y p h o t o g r a p h y ,
114 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

and television are in a sense no m o r e t h a n e x t e n s i o n s and

props t o m a n ' s i n b o r n p o w e r s o f calculation, t e l e p a t h y , sen-
sory diagnosis, and clairvoyance. Inventions may be de-
scribed as purposeful discoveries of situations that are already
possible by m e a n s that already exist. I would m o d i f y t h e
hypothesis t h a t " m a n m a k e s h i m s e l f " b y s u g g e s t i n g that
through the centuries of cultural achievement man has
extended h i m s e l f in the world, and h a s developed the e x p r e s -
sion o f his c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f the world. H e h a s devised e x p e r i -
m e n t s i n living that m a y help h i m b e t t e r t o b e w h a t h e
already is. I am n o t claiming that cultures in t h e m s e l v e s are
genetically inherited, but that t h e y are generated by p r o -
cesses that are acquired biologically and developed through
social i n t e r a c t i o n .
A n analysis o f the deeper p r o c e s s e s o f V e n d a musical
b e h a v i o r suggests that s o m e i n n a t e capacities are as n e c e s -
sary as are experiences of learning for realizing even e l e m e n -
tary musical a b i l i t y , let alone e x c e p t i o n a l musical ability. T h e
most c o n v i n c i n g evidence of i n n a t e creative capacities is to
be found in the w a y s the V e n d a apply themselves to n e w
experiences of sonic order, and in the processes t h a t h a v e
generated different features of their musical tradition and
c o n s t a n t l y g e n e r a t e the variations within that tradition. T h e
V e n d a adoption and adaptation of European music is testi-
m o n y t o the u n c o n s c i o u s , creative application o f musical
processes. T h e so-called " m i s t a k e s " i n their singing o f E u r o -
pean m u s i c m a y s o m e t i m e s be due to inadequate learning
facilities, b u t t h e y m a y also b e intentional. T h e V e n d a are
able to i m i t a t e c h r o m a t i c intervals or sharpened leading notes
or European c h o r d s e q u e n c e s ; but t h e y generally prefer to
create rather than imitate, and t h e y c h o o s e to i g n o r e t h e s e
European features or even i m p r o v e on t h e m n o t b e c a u s e
they are b o u n d t o learned patterns o f b e h a v i o r , b u t b e c a u s e
there are deeper processes at w o r k in their m u s i c m a k i n g ,
which inspire a creative adaptation of the n e w sounds t h e y
 SOUNDLY/ORGANIZED HUMANITY 115

hear. I am n o t arguing that particular musical s y s t e m s are

i n n a t e , b u t t h a t s o m e o f the p r o c e s s e s that g e n e r a t e t h e m m a y
be i n n a t e in all m e n and so species-specific. S i m i l a r evidence
o f creativity m a y b e found i n V e n d a children's s o n g s , m a n y
o f w h i c h m a y h a v e b e e n c o m p o s e d b y children. T h e i r struc-
tures suggest a creative use of features of the musical s y s t e m
which extends beyond techniques that might have been
learned in s o c i e t y . I do not see h o w the deeper, a p p a r e n t l y
u n c o n s c i o u s p r o c e s s e s o f g e n e r a t i o n could h a v e b e e n taught
or learned in s o c i e t y except t h r o u g h a w h o l e complicated
process o f relationships b e t w e e n i n n a t e potentialities and t h e
realization of t h e s e in culture t h r o u g h social i n t e r a c t i o n .

If we study m u s i c in the w a y s I h a v e suggested, we o u g h t

t o b e able t o learn s o m e t h i n g a b o u t structures o f h u m a n
interaction in general by w a y of the structures involved in
the creation o f m u s i c , and s o learn m o r e a b o u t the inner
n a t u r e o f m a n ' s m i n d . O n e o f the a d v a n t a g e s o f studying
music is that it is a relatively s p o n t a n e o u s and u n c o n s c i o u s
p r o c e s s . I t m a y represent the h u m a n m i n d w o r k i n g w i t h o u t
i n t e r f e r e n c e , and therefore o b s e r v a t i o n o f musical structures
m a y reveal s o m e o f the structural principles o n w h i c h all
h u m a n life i s b a s e d . I f w e can s h o w exactly h o w musical
b e h a v i o r (and, p e r h a p s , all aspects o f h u m a n b e h a v i o r i n
culture) is g e n e r a t e d by finite sets of rules applied to an
infinite n u m b e r o f variables, w e shall learn n o t o n l y w h a t
aspects o f musical b e h a v i o r are specifically m u s i c a l , b u t also
h o w and w h e n these rules and v a r i a b l e s m a y be applied in
o t h e r kinds o f h u m a n b e h a v i o r .

B y learning m o r e a b o u t the a u t o m a t i c c o m p l e x i t y o f the

h u m a n b o d y , w e m a y b e able t o prove conclusively that all
m e n are b o r n w i t h potentially brilliant intellects, or at least a
very high degree of cognitive c o m p e t e n c e , and that the source
of cultural creativity is the c o n s c i o u s n e s s that springs from
social c o o p e r a t i o n and loving i n t e r a c t i o n . By discovering
precisely h o w m u s i c is created and appreciated in different
116 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

social a n d cultural c o n t e x t s , a n d p e r h a p s e s t a b l i s h i n g that

m u s i c a l i t y is a u n i v e r s a l , species-specific characteristic, we
can s h o w that h u m a n b e i n g s are e v e n m o r e r e m a r k a b l e than
w e p r e s e n t l y b e l i e v e them t o b e a n d not j u s t a f e w h u m a n
b e i n g s , b u t all h u m a n b e i n g s a n d that the m a j o r i t y o f u s
l i v e f a r b e l o w o u r potential, b e c a u s e o f the o p p r e s s i v e n a t u r e
o f m o s t societies. A r m e d w i t h this vital i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t
the m i n d s o f m e n , w e can b e g i n t o discredit f o r e v e r the m y t h s
a b o u t the " s t u p i d i t y " of the m a j o r i t y a n d the s u p p o s e d l y
" i n n a t e " selfishness and a g g r e s s i v e n e s s o f m a n , w h i c h are
p e d d l e d all the time b y p e o p l e w h o u s e t h e m t o j u s t i f y the
coercion of their f e l l o w m e n into u n d e m o c r a t i c social s y s t e m s .
In a w o r l d in w h i c h a u t h o r i t a r i a n p o w e r is m a i n t a i n e d by
m e a n s of s u p e r i o r t e c h n o l o g y , a n d the s u p e r i o r t e c h n o l o g y is
s u p p o s e d to indicate a m o n o p o l y of intellect, it is n e c e s s a r y
to s h o w that the real s o u r c e s of t e c h n o l o g y , of all culture, are
to be f o u n d in the h u m a n b o d y a n d in c o o p e r a t i v e interaction
b e t w e e n h u m a n b o d i e s . E v e n falling i n l o v e m a y b e m o r e
significant as a c o g n i t i v e a c t i v i t y in w h i c h learned c a t e g o r i e s
are r e a l i g n e d , than as an e x e r t i o n of the s e x o r g a n s or a
h o r m o n a l reaction. In a w o r l d s u c h as o u r s , in this w o r l d of
cruelty a n d exploitation i n w h i c h the t a w d r y a n d the m e d i o c r e
are p r o l i f e r a t e d e n d l e s s l y for the s a k e of financial profit, it is
n e c e s s a r y to u n d e r s t a n d w h y a m a d r i g a l by G e s u a l d o or a
B a c h P a s s i o n , a sitar m e l o d y f r o m India or a s o n g f r o m
Africa, Berg's Wozzeck or Britten's War Requiem, a Balinese
gamelan or a C a n t o n e s e o p e r a , or a s y m p h o n y by M o z a r t ,
Beethoven, or Mahler, may be profoundly necessary for
h u m a n s u r v i v a l , quite apart f r o m a n y merit t h e y m a y h a v e a s
e x a m p l e s of c r e a t i v i t y and technical p r o g r e s s . It is also n e c e s -
s a r y to e x p l a i n w h y , u n d e r certain c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a " s i m p l e "
" f o l k " s o n g m a y h a v e m o r e h u m a n v a l u e than a " c o m p l e x "
symphony.
THE LATE JOHN BLACKING w a s professor o f social a n t h r o p o l o g y
at the Q u e e n ' s University of Belfast, Northern Ireland. In 1 9 7 0
he w a s a p p o i n t e d professor of a n t h r o p o l o g y at Western M i c h i -
gan University, w h e r e he first taught courses in a n t h r o p o l o g y
and ethnomusicology in 1 9 7 1 .
Born in England on October 22, 1928, he was educated at
S a l i s b u r y C a t h e d r a l a n d S h e r b o r n e s c h o o l s , w h e r e h e re-
ceived his early musical training. D u r i n g a period of c o m p u l -
sory military service, h e w a s c o m m i s s i o n e d i n H.M. C o l d -
s t r e a m G u a r d s a n d spent the y e a r 1948-49 i n M a l a y a . H e
learned the M a l a y l a n g u a g e and, w h i l e on military operations
i n the j u n g l e , v i s i t e d s e t t l e m e n t s o f the S a k a i a n d S e n o i
tribesmen w h o lived there. T h e s e experiences, together with
m a n y e n c o u n t e r s with Malay, C h i n e s e , a n d Indian p e o p l e a n d
their cultures, c h a n g e d the direction of his career a n d forced
a g r a d u a l reassessment of his o w n culture and its values.
I n 1 9 5 3 , Dr. B l a c k i n g graduated from K i n g ' s C o l l e g e , C a m -
bridge, with a b a c h e l o r ' s d e g r e e in social anthropology. Dur-
ing the s u m m e r o f 1 9 5 2 , h e h a d studied e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y a t
the M u s e e de l ' H o m m e , Paris, under Andre Schaeffner.
An appointment as Government Adviser on Aborigines in
M a l a y a lasted six d a y s , until he w a s dismissed after a dis-
agreement with General Sir Gerald Templer in N o v e m b e r
1 9 5 3 . Thereafter, he did some anthropological research, taught
at a secondary school in Singapore, broadcast on Radio M a -
laya, accompanied Maurice Clare on a concert tour, returned
to Paris for piano lessons in June 1 9 5 4 , and went to South
A f r i c a as musicologist of the International Library of A f r i c a n
Music.
He worked with D r . H u g h T r a c e y on recording tours in
Zululand and Mozambique, and transcribed and analyzed
music in the library's collection. During 1 9 5 6 - 5 8 he under-
took fieldwork among the V e n d a of the Northern T r a n s v a a l ,
and in 1 9 5 9 he w a s appointed lecturer in social anthropology
and African government at the University of the W i t w a t e r s -
rand, Johannesburg. He w a s awarded his doctorate by the
university in 1 9 6 5 , and at the end of the year appointed pro-
fessor and head of the department. In 1 9 6 5 , he w a s also visit-
ing professor of African M u s i c at Makerere University,
Kampala. In 1 9 6 6 , he was appointed chairman of the A f r i c a n
Studies Programme at the University of the Witwatersrand,
and at the end of 1 9 6 9 he left South Africa.
Dr. Blacking has carried out ethnomusicological fieldwork
among the G w e m b e T o n g a and N s e n g a of Z a m b i a , and in
parts of U g a n d a and South A f r i c a , as well as anthropological
research in and around Johannesburg. He is the author of
many publications on V e n d a initiation rites and music and on
the relationship between the patterns of music and culture.
A m o n g his publications are two long-playing records of
Nsenga music, Black Background: The Childhood of a South
African Girl, Venda Children's Songs: A Study in Ethno-
musicological Analysis, and Process and Product in Human
Society.
HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
John Blacking
How Musical Is Man? explores the role of music in society and
culture, and of society and culture in music. T h e author, an
anthropologist and ethnomusicologist, draws examples from
Western music and from the music of the Transvaal Venda people.

" N o matter h o w respected the author is for his ethnomusicological

research, he is first and last a h u m a n i s t . . . T h e philosophy blos-
s o m s forth as facilely here as melodies c a m e from Mozart's
imagination. A l w a y s lucid and frequently informal, Blacking
m o v e s through techniques of music analysis to aesthetic concepts,
and from there through the social sciences . . . This slender v o l u m e
should certainly be required reading for every academically
oriented musicologist and performer. T h e music e x a m p l e s will be
no barrier to those w h o are not music readers, but they are as
provocative as the t e x t . " C h o i c e

" T o u c h e s upon s o m e important issues and involves a variety of

disciplinesmusicology, ethnomusicology, musical analysis,
aesthetics, anthropology, music education and the sociology of
m u s i c . . . . Stimulating from a variety of points of view."African
Studies

" T h i s b o o k invites us profoundly to revise the notions we gener-

ally hold about the role of music in society. It contains observations
of great interest about the place of musical praxis in the general
education of m a n k i n d . . . . A passionate,
Times Literary Supplement

JESSIE AND JOHN DANZ LECTURE SERIES

T h e late J o h n Blacking w a s professor of

Q u e e n ' s University of Belfast.

A c c o m p a n y i n g audio cassette Venda Music is available

University of Washington Press

Seattle and London